my shipmate- columbus by stephen wilder _we've been taught from childhood that the earth is round and that columbus discovered america. but maybe we take too much on faith. this first crossing for instance. were you there? did you see columbus land? here's the story of a man who can give us the straight facts._ the laughter brought spots of color to his cheeks. he stood there for a while, taking it, and then decided he had had enough and would sit down. a whisper of amusement still stirred the room as he returned to his seat and the professor said, "but just a moment, mr. jones. won't you tell the class what makes you think columbus was not the 'bold skipper' the history books say he was. after all, mr. jones, this is a history class. if you know more or better history than the history books do, isn't it your duty to tell us?" [illustration: he clutched at his slashed veins and snarled into the face of death.] "i didn't say he _wasn't_," danny jones said desperately as the laughter started again. some profs were like that, he thought. picking on one student and making the rest of the class laugh and think what a great guy the prof was and what a prize dodo the hapless student was. "i said," danny went on doggedly, "columbus might not have been--maybe wasn't--the bold skipper the history books claim he was. i can't prove it. no one can. i haven't a time machine." again it was the wrong thing to say. the professor wagged a finger in front of his face and gave danny a sly look. "don't you," he said, "don't you indeed? i was beginning to think you had been willed h. g. wells' famous literary invention, young man." that one had the class all but rolling in the aisles. danny said desperately, "no! no, i mean, they don't even know for sure if columbus was born in genoa. they just think he was. so they also could be wrong about--" abruptly the professor's face went serious. "my dear mr. jones," he said slowly, acidly, "don't you think we've had enough of fantasy? don't you think we ought to return to history?" danny sat down and for a moment shut his eyes but remained conscious of everyone looking at him, staring at him, evaluating. it wasn't so easy, he decided, being a sophomore transfer student from a big city college, where almost everything went and there was a certain amount of anonymity in the very size of the classes, to a small town college where every face, after a week or so, was familiar. danny wished he had kept his big yap shut about columbus, but it was too late now. they'd be ribbing him for weeks.... on his way back to the dorm after classes he was hailed by a student who lived down the hall from him, a fellow named groves, who said, "how's the boy, danny. next thing you'll tell us is that cortez was really a sexy spanish broad with a thirty-eight bust who conquered montezuma and his indians with sex appeal. get it, boy. i said--" "aw, lay off," danny grumbled. the other boy laughed, then shrugged, then said, "oh yeah, forgot to tell you. there's a telegram waiting for you in the dorm. house-mother's got it. well, see you, vasco da gama." danny trudged on to the georgian-style dormitory and went inside, through the lobby and behind the stairs to the house-mother's office at the rear of the building. she was a kindly-looking old woman with a halo of white hair and a smile which made her a good copy of everyone's grandmother. but now her face was set in unexpectedly grim lines. "telegram for you, danny," she said slowly. "they read it over the telephone first, then delivered it." she held out a yellow envelope. "i'm afraid it's some bad news, danny." she seemed somehow reluctant to part with the little yellow envelope. "what is it?" danny said. "you'd better read it yourself. here, sit down." danny nodded, took the envelope, sat down and opened it. he read, mr. danny jones, whitney college, whitney, virginia. regret to inform you uncle averill passed away last night peacefully in his sleep leaving unspecified property to you. it was signed with a name danny did not recognize. "i'm terribly sorry," the house-mother said, placing her hand on danny's shoulder. "oh, that's all right, mrs. grange. it's all right. you see, uncle averill wasn't a young man. he must have been in his eighties." "were you very close to him, danny?" "no, not for a long time. when i was a kid--" mrs. grange smiled. "well, when i was eight or nine, i used to see him all the time. we stayed at his place on the coast near st. augustine, florida, for a year. i--i feel sorry about uncle averill, mrs. grange, but i feel better about something that happened in class today. i--i think uncle averill would have approved of how i acted." "want to talk about it?" "well, it's just he always said never to take any so-called fact for granted, especially in history. i can almost remember his voice now, the way he used to say, 'if ever there's an argument in history, sonny, all you ever get is the propaganda report of the side which won.' you know, mrs. grange, i think he was right. of course, a lot of folks thought old uncle averill was a little queer. touched in the head is what they said." "they oughtn't to say such things." "always tinkering around in his basement. funny, nobody ever knew on what. he wouldn't let anybody near the place. he had a time lock and everything. what nobody could figure out is if he was trying so hard to guard something that was in the basement, why did he sometimes disappear for weeks on end without even telling anybody where he went. and i remember," danny went on musing, "every time he came back he went into that harangue about history, as if somehow he had confirmed his suspicions. he was a funny old guy but i liked him." "you remembering him so vividly after all these years will be the best epitaph your uncle could have, danny. but what are you going to do? about what he left you, i mean." "uncle averill always liked promptness. if he left something for me, he'd want me to pick it up immediately. i guess i ought to go down there to st. augustine as fast as i can." "but your classes--" "i'll have to take an emergency leave of absence." "under the circumstances, i'm sure the college will approve. do you think your uncle left you anything--well--important?" "important?" danny repeated the word. "no, i don't think so. not by the world's standards. but it must have been important to uncle averill. he was a--you know, an image-breaker--" "an iconoclast," supplied mrs. grange. "yes'm, an iconoclast. but i liked him." mrs. grange nodded. "you'd better get over and see the dean." an hour later, danny was at the bus depot, waiting for the greyhound that would take him over to richmond, where he would meet a train for the south and florida. * * * * * it was a rambling white stucco house with a red tile roof and a pleasant grove of palm trees in front and flame-red hibiscus climbing the stucco. the lawyer, whose name was tartalion, met him at the door. "i'll get right down to business, mr. jones," tartalion said after they had entered the house. "your uncle wanted it that way." "wait a minute," danny said, "don't tell me they already had the funeral?" "your uncle didn't believe in funerals. his will stipulated cremation." "but, it was so--" "sudden? i know, the will wasn't officially probated. but your uncle had a judge for a friend, and under the circumstances, his wishes were granted. now, then, you know why you're here?" "you mean, what he left me? i thought i'd at least get to see his--" "his body? not your uncle, not old averill jones. you ought to know better. sonny," the lawyer asked abruptly, "how well did you know the old man?" the sonny rankled. after all, danny thought, i'm nineteen. i like beer and girls and i'm no sonny anymore. he sighed and thought of his history class, then thought of uncle averill's opinion of history, and felt better. he explained the relationship to mr. tartalion and waited for the lawyer to speak. "well, it beats me," tartalion admitted. "why he left it to a nephew he hasn't seen in ten or eleven years, i mean. don't just look at me like that. you know that contraption he had in the basement, don't you? how he wouldn't let a soul near it, ever? then tell me something, danny. why did he leave it to you?" "you're joking!" danny cried. "i was your uncle's lawyer. i wouldn't joke about it. he said it was the only thing he had worth willing. he said he willed it to you. want me to read you the clause?" danny nodded. he felt strangely flattered, because the contraption in averill jones' basement--a contraption which no one but averill jones had ever seen--had been the dearest thing in the old bachelor's life. actually, he was not danny's uncle, but his grand-uncle. he had lived alone in st. augustine and had liked living alone. the only relative he had tolerated was danny, when danny was a small boy. then, as danny approached his ninth birthday, the old man had said, "they're teaching you too much at school, son. too many wrong things, too many highfalutin' notions, too much just plain old hogwash. why don't you kind of make yourself scarce for a few years?" it had been blunt and to the point. it had made danny cry. he hadn't thought of what had happened that last day he'd seen his grand-uncle for years, but he thought of it now. * * * * * "but why can't i come back and see you?" he had asked tearfully. "on account of the machine, son." "but _why_, uncle?" "hey, come on now and stop your blubbering all over me. if you can't you can't." "you have to tell me why!" "stubborn little critter. well, i like that. all right, i'll tell you why. because the machine has a funny kind of fuel, that's why. it doesn't run on gasoline, danny, or anything like that." "what does it do, uncle?" but the old man had shaken his head. "maybe someday after i'm gone you'll find out. if anyone finds out, it will be you, and that's a promise." "you still didn't tell me why i have to go away." "because--well, don't go telling this to your folks, son, or they'll think old uncle averill has a screw loose somewheres--because that machine i have downstairs runs on faith. on faith, you understand? oh, not the kind of faith they think is important and do a lot of talking and sermoning about, but a different kind of faith. personal faith, you might say. faith in a dream or a belief, no matter what people think. and--you know what ruins that faith?" "no," danny had said, his eyes very big. "knowledge!" cried his uncle. "too much so-called knowledge which isn't knowledge at all, but hearsay. that's what they're teaching you. in school, other places, every day of your life. i'll tell you when you can come back, danny: when you're ready to throw most of it overboard. all right?" he had had to say all right. it was the last time he had ever seen his uncle, but those weren't the last words averill jones had spoken to him, for the old man had added as he got up to go: "don't forget, son. don't let them pull the wool over your eyes. history is propaganda--from a winner's point of view. if a side lost the war and got stamped on, you never see the war from its point of view. if an idea got out of favor and stamped on, the idea is ridiculed. don't forget it, son. if you believe something, if you _know_ it's right, have faith in it and don't give a mind what people say. promise?" danny, his eyes stinging with tears because somehow he could sense he would never see uncle averill again, had said that he promised. "... to my nephew, danny jones," the lawyer was reading. "so, you see, you'll have to go right down there and look the thing over. naturally, i'll have to leave the house while you do so and i won't be able to return until you tell me i can--" "but why?" "weren't you listening?" "i guess i was thinking about my uncle." "well, the clause says you're to examine the machine alone, with no one else in the house. it's perfectly legal. if that's what your uncle wanted, that's what he'll get. are you all set?" danny nodded and tartalion shook his hand solemnly, then left the room. danny heard the lawyer's footsteps receding, heard the front door open and close, heard a car engine start. then, slowly, he walked through the living room of his dead uncle's house and across the long, narrow kitchen and to the basement stairs. his hands were very dry and he felt his heart thudding. he was nervous, which surprised him. * * * * * but why? he thought, why should it surprise me? all my life, uncle averill's basement has been a mystery. let's face it, danny-boy, you haven't exactly had an adventurous life. maybe uncle averill was the biggest adventure in it, with his secret machine and strange disappearances. and maybe uncle averill did a good selling job when you were small, because that machine means mystery to you. it's probably not much more than a better mousetrap, but you want to believe it is, don't you? and you're nervous because the way uncle averill kept you and anyone else away from his basement when you were a kid makes it a kind of frightening place, even now. he opened the basement door with a key which the lawyer had given him. beyond the door were five steps and another door--this one of metal. it had had a time lock in the old days, danny remembered, but the lock was gone now. the metal door swung ponderously, like the door to a bank vault, and then danny was on the other side. it was dark down there, but faint light seeped in through small high windows and in a few moments danny's eyes grew accustomed to the gloom. the basement was empty except for what looked like a big old steamer trunk in the center of the dusty cement floor. danny was disappointed. he had childhood visions of an intricate maze of machinery cluttering up every available square foot of basement space, but now he knew that whatever it was which had taken up so much of uncle averill's time could fit in the odd-looking steamer trunk in the center of the floor and thus wasn't too much bigger than a good-size tv set. he walked slowly to the trunk and stood for a few moments over the lid. it was an ancient-looking steamer: uncle averill must have owned it since his own youth. still, just a plain trunk. danny was in no hurry to open the lid, which did not seem to be locked. for a few moments, at least, he could shield himself from further disappointment--because now he had a hunch that uncle averill's machine was going to be a first-class dud. maybe, he thought gloomily, uncle averill had simply not liked to be with people and had used the ruse of a bank-vault door and an empty steamer trunk to achieve privacy whenever he felt the need for it. remembering the history class, danny decided that--after all--sometimes that wasn't a bad idea. finally, he called himself a fool for waiting and threw up the trunk-lid. a small case was all he saw inside, although the interior of the trunk was larger than he had expected. a man could probably curl up in there quite comfortably. but the case--the case looked exactly like it ought to house a tape-recorder. danny reached in and hauled out the case. it was heavy, about as heavy as a tape-recorder ought to be. danny placed it down on the floor and opened it. what he saw was a battery-powered tape-recorder. his disappointment increased: uncle averill had left a message for him, that was all. dutifully, however, he set the spools and snapped on the switch. a voice from yesterday--uncle averill's voice--spoke to him. * * * * * "hallo, danny," it said. "the way the years roll by, i forget exactly how old you are, boy. seventeen? eighteen? twenty? well, it doesn't matter--if you still believe. if you have faith. faith in what? maybe now you're old enough to know. i mean faith in--not having faith. that is, faith in not taking faithfully all the silly items of knowledge they try to cram down your throat in school. see what i mean? remember what i always said about history, danny: you get propaganda, is all, from the winning side. if you got faith enough in yourself, danny, faith enough not to believe everything the history books tell you, that's the kind of faith i mean. because such a faith gave me the most interesting life a man ever lived, make no mistake about that. "i'm dead, danny. yep, old uncle averill is dead. because this tape-recorder won't be left you in my will until i am dead. but, no regrets, boy. i had a great life. how great--nobody knows. only you, you're about to find out. do you believe? do you believe the way i have in mind? make no mistake about it now, son. if you don't believe, you might as well burn these spools and go home." danny considered. he remembered what had happened in his history class. wasn't that the sort of faith uncle averill had in mind? faith not to believe in historical fairy tales? faith to doubt when one ought to doubt? faith to be skeptical.... "good," said the voice from the past. "then you're still here. look in front of you, danny-boy. the trunk. the old steamer. know what it is?" "no," danny said, then clamped a hand over his mouth. for a moment he had actually believed he was talking to the dead man. "it's a time machine," said his uncle's voice. there was a silence. the tape went on winding. for a moment, danny thought that was all. then the voice continued: "no, your old grand-uncle isn't nuts, danny. it's a time machine. i know it's a time machine because i used it all my life. you expected some kind of complicated gadget down here, i know. i made everybody think it was a gadget. going down to your basement and tinkering with a gadget is fine in our culture. hell's fire, boy, it's approved behavior. but locking a bank-vault door behind you and curling up in a steamer trunk, that isn't approved. now, is it? "i'll tell you about this here time machine, sonny. it isn't a machine at all, in the strict sense of the word. you can see that. it's just--well, an empty box. but it works, and what else ought a fellow to care about. "funny how i got it. i was eighteen or twenty, maybe. and my grand-uncle daniel gave it to me. daniel, get me. daniel to averill to daniel. so when you have a grand-nephew, see that his name's averill, understand? keep it going, danny. because this trunk is old. a lot older than you think. "and you can travel through time in it. don't look at me like that, i know what you're thinking. there isn't any such thing as time travel. in the strict sense of the word, it's impossible. you can't resurrect the past or peek into the unborn future. well, i don't know about the future, but i do know about the past. but you got to have faith, you got to be a kid at heart, danny. you got to have this dream, see? "because you don't travel anywhere. but your mind does, and it's like you wake up in somebody else's body, drawn to him like a magnet, somebody else--some_when_ else. your body stays right here, you see. in the trunk. in what they called suspended animation. but you--the real you, the you that knows how to dream and to believe--you go back. "don't make the mistake i made at first. it's no dream in the usual sense of the word. it's real, danny. you're somebody else back there, all right, but if he gets hurt, you get hurt. if he dies--taps for danny jones! you get me?" * * * * * the dead man's voice chuckled. "but don't think this means automatically you'll be able to travel through time. because you got to have the proper attitude. you've got to believe in yourself, and not in all the historical fictions they give you. now do you understand? if you're skeptical enough and if at the same time you like to dream enough--that's all it takes. want to try it?" suddenly the voice was gone. that was all there was and at first danny could not believe it. a sense of bitter disappointment enveloped him--not because uncle averill had left him nothing but an old steamer trunk but because uncle averill had been, to say the least, off his rocker. the fabulous machine in the basement was--nothing. just a steamer trunk and an incredible story about time-traveling. danny sighed and began to walk back toward the cellar stairs. he paused. he turned around uncertainly and looked at the trunk. after all, he had promised; at least he'd promised himself that he'd carry out his peculiar uncle's wishes. besides, he'd come all the way down here from whitney college and he ought to at least try the machine. but there wasn't any machine. try the trunk then? there was nothing to try except curling up in it and maybe closing the lid. uncle averill was a practical joker, too. it might be just like uncle averill to have the lid snap shut and lock automatically so danny would have to pound his knuckles black and blue until the lawyer heard and came for him. you see, sonny? would be uncle averill's point. you believed me, and you should have known better. danny cursed himself and returned to the trunk. he gazed down at the yawning interior for a few seconds, then put first one foot, then the other over the side. he sat down and stared at a peeling blue-paper liner. he rolled over and curled up. the bottom of the trunk was a good fit. he reached up and found a rope dangling down toward him. he pulled the lid down, smiling at his own credulity, and was engulfed in total darkness. but it would be wonderful, he found himself thinking. it would be the most wonderful thing in the world, to be able to travel through time and see for yourself what really had happened in all the world's colorful ages and to take part in the wildest, proudest adventures of mankind. he thought, i want to believe. it would be so wonderful to believe. he also thought about his history class. he did not know it, but his history class was very important. it was crucial. everything depended on his history class. because he doubted. he did not want to take columbus' bravery and intelligence for granted. there were no surviving documents, so why should he? maybe columbus was a third-rater! maybe--at least you didn't have to worship him as a hero just because he happened to discover ... now, what did he discover? in absolute darkness and a ringing in the ears and far away a dim glowing light and larger and brighter and the whirling whirling spinning flashing i don't believe but strangely somehow i have faith, faith in myself, buzzing, humming, glowing ... the world exploded. there was a great deal of laughter in the tavern. at first he thought the laughter was directed at him. giddily, he raised his head. he saw raw wood rafters, a leaded glass window, a stained and greasy wall, heavy wood-plank tables with heavy chairs and a barbarous-looking crew drinking from heavy clay mugs. one of the mugs was in front of him and he raised it to his lips without thinking. it was ale, the strongest ale he had ever tasted. he got it down somehow without gagging. the laughter came again, rolling over him like a wave. a serving girl scurried by, skirts flashing, a rough tray of clay mugs balanced expertly on one hand. a man with a sword dangling at his side staggered to his feet drunkenly and clawed at the girl, but she shoved him back into his seat and kept walking. the third wave of laughter rolled and then there was a brief silence. "drink too much, martin pinzon?" danny's companion at the long board-table asked. he was an evil-looking old man with a patch over one eye and a small white spade-shaped beard and unshaven cheeks. "not me," danny said, amazed because the language was unfamiliar to him yet he could both understand and speak it. "what's so funny?" he asked. "why's everyone laughing?" the old man's hand slapped his back and the mouth parted to show ugly blackened teeth and the old man laughed so hard spittle spotted his beard. "as if you didn't know," he managed to say. "as if you didn't know, martin pinzon. it's that weak-minded sailor again, the one who claims to have a charter for three caravels from the queen herself. drunk as bacchus and there's his pretty little daughter trying to get him to come home again. i tell you, martin pinzon, if he isn't ..." * * * * * but now danny wasn't listening. he looked around the tavern until he saw the butt of all the laughter. slowly, drawn irresistibly, martin pinzon--or danny jones--got up and walked over there. the man was drunk as bacchus, all right. he was a man perhaps somewhat taller than average. he had a large head with an arrogant beak of a nose dominating the face, but the mouth was weak and irresolute. he stared drunkenly at a beautiful girl who could not have been more than seventeen. the girl was saying, "please, papa. come back to the hotel with me. papa, don't you realize you're sailing tomorrow?" "gowananlemebe," the man mumbled. "papa. please. the queen's charter--" "i was drunk when i took it and drunk when i examined those three stinking caravels and--" he leaned forward as if to speak in deepest confidence, but his drunken voice was still very loud--"and drunk when i said the world was round. i--" "you hear that?" someone cried. "old chris was drunk when he said the world was round!" "he must a' been!" someone else shouted. everyone laughed. "come on, papa," the girl pleaded. she wore a shawl over her dress and another shawl on her head. her blonde hair barely peeked out, and she was beautiful. she tried to drag her father to his feet by one arm, but he was too heavy for her. she looked around the room defiantly as the laughter surged again. "brave men!" she mocked. "a bunch of stay-at-homes. won't somebody help me? papa sails tomorrow." "papa sails tomorrow," said someone, miming her desperate tones. "didn't you know that papa sails tomorrow?" "not sailing anyplace at all," the father mumbled. "world isn't round. drunk. think i want to fall over the edge? think i--" "oh, papa," moaned the girl. "won't someone help me to--" and she tugged again at the man's arm--"to get him to bed." a big man nearby boomed, "i'll help you t'bed, me lass, but it won't be with your old father. eh, mates?" he cried, and the tavern echoed with laughter. the big man got up and went over to the girl. "now, listen, lass," he said, taking hold of her arm. "why don't you forget this drunken slob of a father and--" crack! her hand blurred at his cheek, struck it like a pistol shot. the big man blinked his eyes and grinned. "so you have spirit, do you? well, it's more than i can say for that father of yours, too yellow and too drunk to carry out the queen of castile's bid--" the hand flashed out again but this time the big man caught it in one of his own and twisted sideways against the girl, forcing her back against the table's edge. "i like my girls to struggle," he said, and the girl's face went white as she suddenly let herself go limp in his arms. the man grinned. "oh i like 'em limp, me lass. when they're pretty as a rose, like you, who's to care?" "papa!" the girl screamed. the big man's face hovered over hers, blotting out the oil-lamp lights, the thick lips all but slavering.... * * * * * "just a minute, man!" danny cried, striding boldly to them. hardly pausing in his efforts to kiss the again struggling girl, the big man swatted back with one enormous arm and sent danny reeling. whoever he was, he was a popular figure. the laughter was still louder now. everyone was having a great time, at danny's expense now. danny crashed into a chair, upending it. a bowl of soup came crashing down, the heavy bowl splintering, the hot contents scalding him. he stood up and heard the girl scream. instinctively, he grasped two legs of the heavy chair and hefted it. then he sprinted back across the room. "behind you, pietro!" a voice cried, and at the last moment the big man whirled and faced danny, then lunged to one side, taking the girl with him. danny couldn't check his arms, which had carried the heavy chair overhead. it came down with a crash against the edge of the big plank table. the chair shattered in danny's arms. one leg flew up and struck the big man in the face, though, bringing blood just below the cheek bone. he bellowed in surprise and pain and came lumbering toward danny. danny was aware of the girl cowering to one side, aware that another of the chair's legs was still grasped in his right hand. he was but a boy, he found himself thinking quickly, desperate. if the giant grabbed him, grabbed him just once, the fight would be over. the man was twice his size, twice his weight. yet he had to do something to help the girl.... the giant came at him. the big arms lifted over the heavy, brutal face.... and danny drove under them with the chair-leg, jabbing the tip of it against the man's enormous middle. pietro--for such was the man's name--sagged a few inches, the breath rushing, heavy with garlic, from his mouth. but still, he got his great hands about danny's throat and began to squeeze. danny saw the wood rafters, the window, a bargirl standing, mouth open, watching them, the drunken man and his daughter, then a blurry, watery confusion as his eyes went dim. he was conscious of swinging the club, of striking something, of extending the club out as far as it would go and then slamming it back toward himself, striking something which he hoped was pietro's head. he felt his mouth going slack and wondered if his tongue were hanging out. exerting all his strength he struck numbly, mechanically, desperately with the chair-leg. and slowly, the constriction left his throat. something struck against his middle, almost knocking him down. something pushed against his legs, backing him against the table. he looked down. his eyes were watery, his throat burning. the giant pietro lay, breathing stertorously, at his feet. a small hand grabbed his. "father will come now," a voice said. "i don't--don't even know who you are, but i want to thank you. i thank you for myself and the queen, and god, senor. you better come quickly, with us. does it hurt much?" danny tried to talk. his voice rasped in his throat. the girl squeezed his hand and together with her and the drunken man who was her father, he left the tavern. the giant pietro was just getting up and shaking his fist at them slowly.... * * * * * it was a small top-floor room in an old waterfront building in the spanish port of palos. or, danny corrected himself, the castillian port of palos. because, in this year of our lord 1492, spain had barely become a unified country. "are you feeling better, martin pinzon?" the beautiful girl asked him. he had given the name he had heard, martin pinzon, as his own. the room was very hot. the august night outside was hot too and sultry and starless. the girl's father was resting now, breathing unevenly. the girl's name was nina. one of the small caravels in her father's three-ship fleet was named after her. her full name was nina columbus. nina brought another wet cloth and covered danny's swollen throat with it. "does it hurt much?" she said, and, for the tenth time, "we have no money to thank you with, senor." "any man would have--" "but you were the only one. the only--never mind. martin, listen. i have no right to trouble you, but ... it's father. tomorrow is the second day of august, you see, and it is all over palos that tomorrow he sails with the queen's charter...." "then if you're worrying about that big man, pietro, you can forget it. if you're sailing, i mean." "that's just it," nina said desperately. "father doesn't want to sail. martin, tell me, do you believe the world is round?" danny nodded very soberly. "yes, nina," he told her softly. "the world is round. i believe it." "my father doesn't! funny, isn't it, martin?" she said in a voice which told him she did not think it was funny at all. "all spain--and genoa too--think that tomorrow morning my father, christopher columbus, will journey to the unexplored west confident that he will arrive, after a long voyage, in the east--when really my father, this same christopher columbus, lies here in a drunken stupor because he lacks the courage to face his convictions and ... oh, martin!" her voice broke, her pretty face crumpled. she sobbed into her hands. gently, danny stroked her back. * * * * * "there now, take it easy," he said. "your father will sail. i know he'll sail. do you believe the world to be round, little nina?" "yes. oh yes, yes, yes!" "he will sail. he will prove it and be famous. i know he will." "oh, martin. you sound so sure of yourself. i wish i could ..." "nina, listen. your father will sail." "you'll help us you mean?" "yes. all right, i'll help you. now, get some sleep if you want to wake up and say goodbye to him in the morning. because i'll be getting him up before the sun to--" "are you a sailing man too? are you going with him?" "well ..." "wait! martin, i remember you now. martin pinzon. at the meeting of the organization to prove the earth's round shape. you! you were there. and once, once when he was not drunk, father said that a don pinzon would command one of our three ships, the nina it was, the caravel which bears my name. are you this don pinzon?" slowly, danny nodded. he remembered his history now. the nina _had_ been commanded by one don pinzon, don martin pinzon! and he was now this martin pinzon, he, danny jones. which meant he was going with columbus to discover a new world! a nineteen-year-old american youth going to witness the single most important event in american history.... "yes," danny said slowly, "i am don pinzon." "but--but you're so young!" danny shrugged. "i have seen more of the world than you would believe, nina." "the western sea? you have been out on the western sea, as far as the canary islands, perhaps?" she asked in an awed voice. "i know the western sea," he said. "trust me." she came very close. she looked long in his eyes. "i trust you, martin. oh yes, i trust you. listen, martin. i'm going. i'm going with you. i have to go with you." "but a girl--" "he is my father. i love him, martin. he needs me. martin, don't try to stop me. i want you to help me aboard, to see that he ... oh, martin, you'll have so much to do. because the rest of our crew--some of them being hired even now by the three caravel pursers--will be a crew of cut-throats and ne'er-do-wells embarking into the unknown because they have utterly nothing to lose. father needs you because the others won't care." "the three caravels will sail west," danny told her. "believe me, they'll sail west. now, get some sleep." her face was still very close. her eyes filled with tears, but they were not tears of sadness. she took his cheeks in her hands and kissed him softly on the lips. she smiled at him, her own lips trembling. "martin," she said. his arms moved. they went around her, drew the softness of her close. she murmured something, but he did not hear it. his lips found hers a second time, fiercely. his hands her shoulder, her throat, her ... "flat," columbus mumbled. "flat. abs'lutely flat. the earth is--flat as a pancake...." "oh, martin!" nina cried. * * * * * it was raining in the morning. a hard, driving rain, pelting down on the seaport of palos. the three caravels floated side by side in the little harbor and a large, derisive crowd had gathered. the crowd erupted into noisy laughter when columbus and his little party appeared on foot. "i need a drink," columbus whispered. "i can't go through with it." "father," nina said. "we're with you. i'm here. martin is here." "i can't go--" "you've got to go through with it! for yourself and for the world. now, stand straight, father. they're looking at you. they're all looking at you." columbus, thought danny. the intrepid voyager who had discovered a new world! he smiled grimly. columbus, the history books should have said, the drunken sot who didn't even have the courage to face his own convictions. they walked ahead through the ridiculing crowd. danny's throat was still sore. he was not frightened, though. he possibly was the only man in the crew who was not frightened. the others didn't care what their destination was, true: but they wanted to reach it alive. danny knew the journey would end in success. the end of the journey meant nothing to him. it was written in history. it was ... unless, he suddenly found himself thinking, i came back here to write it. he grinned at his own bravado. what would they have said in freshman psych--that was practically paranoid thinking. as if danny jones, whitney college, virginia, u.s.a., could have anything to do with the success or failure of columbus' journey. they reached the small skiff that would take them out to the tiny fleet of caravels. the crowd hooted and jeered. "... going to drop off the edge of the world, columbus." "if the monsters don't get you first." "or the storms and whirlpools." columbus gripped nina's hand. martin-danny took his other arm firmly and steered him toward the prow of the skiff. "easy now, skipper," danny said. "i can't--" "there's wine on the santa maria," danny whispered. "much wine--to make you forget. come on!" "and i'm going, father," nina said. "whether you go or not." "you!" columbus gasped. "a girl. you, going--" "with martin pinzon. if--if my own father can't look after me, then martin can." "but you--" danny began. "be quiet, please," she whispered as columbus climbed stiffly into the skiff. "it may be the only way, martin. he--he loves me. i guess i'm the only thing he cares about. if he knows i'm going." "to the santa maria!" columbus told the rowers as danny and nina got into the skiff. "to the new world!" cried danny melodramatically. "what did you say?" nina asked him. his face colored. "i mean, to the indies! to the indies!" the skiff bobbed out across the harbor toward the three waiting caravels. departure time had arrived. two hours later, they were underway. * * * * * the sea was calm as glass, green as emerald. the three caravels, after a journey of several days, had reached the canary islands where additional provisions and fresh water were to be had. "this," said columbus, waving his arms to take in the chain of islands. "this is as far as a mere man has a right to go. there is nothing further, can't you see? can't you?" he was sober. danny had come over in a skiff from the nina to see that he remained sober at least for the loading and the departure. it was as if he, danny, was going to preserve columbus' name for history--single-handed if necessary. "we will not go on," columbus said. "we're going back. the only way to the indies is around the cape of storms, around africa. i tell you--" "that's enough, father," nina said. "we ..." "i'm in command here," columbus told them. it surprised danny. usually, the drunken sailor was not so self-assertive. then it occurred to danny that it wasn't merely self-assertiveness: it was fear. danny called over the mate, a one-legged man named juan, who walked with a jaunty stride despite his peg leg. "you take orders from columbus?" danny said. "would you take orders from me?" juan shook his head, smiling. "you command aboard the nina only, martin pinzon. i heard what the captain said. if he wants to go back and give up this fool scheme, it's all right with me. and you know the rest of the crew will say the same." nina looked at danny hopelessly. she said, "then, then it's no use?" danny whispered fiercely, "your father loves you very much?" "yes, but--" "and doesn't want to see anything happen to you?" "but--" "and believes the world is flat and if you sail far enough west you'll fall off?" "but i--" "then you're coming with me aboard the nina!" columbus gasped, "what did you say?" "she's coming with me, on the nina. if you don't want to find the western route to the indies, we will. right, nina?" he said, taking her hand and moving to where the rope-ladder dangled over the side of the santa maria to the skiff below. "don't take her from this deck," columbus ordered. danny ignored him. "don juan!" cried columbus, and the peg-leg came toward danny. "i'm sorry, don martin," he said, "but--" still holding nina's hand, martin stiff-armed him out of the way and ran for the side. someone jerked the rope-ladder out of reach and someone else leaped on martin. for, he was martin now, martin pinzon. his own identity seemed submerged far below the surface, as if somehow he could look on all this without risking anything. he knew that he was merely a defense mechanism, to ward off fear: for, it wasn't true. if martin pinzon were hurt, _he_ would be hurt. he hurled the man from his back. nina screamed as a cutlass flashed in the sun. martin-danny ducked, felt the blade whizz by overhead. "jump!" martin-danny cried. "but i can't swim!" "i can. i'll save you." it was danny again, completely danny. he felt himself arise to the surface, submerging martin pinzon. because the spaniard probably couldn't swim at all, and if danny made promises, it was danny who must fulfill them. he squeezed nina's hand. he went up on the side--and over. the water seemed a very long way down. they hit it finally with a great splash. down they went and down, into the warm murky green depths. down--and finally up. danny's head broke surface. he was only yards from the skiff. he had never let go of nina's hand, but now he did, getting a lifeguard's hold on her. he struck out for the skiff. * * * * * fifteen minutes later, they were aboard the nina. "i command here," danny told the crew. "is that correct?" "aye, sir," said don hernan, the mate. "even if columbus tells you different?" "columbus?" spat don hernan. "that drunkard is in command of the santa maria, not the nina. we follow martin pinzon here." "even if i give one set of orders and columbus another?" "even then, my commander. yes." "then we're sailing west," danny cried. "up anchor! hurry." "but i--" nina began. "don't you see? he thinks i'm abducting you. or he thinks i'm sailing west with you to certain death. he will follow with the santa maria and the pinta, trying to rescue you. and we'll reach the indies. columbus will sail across the western sea to save his daughter, but what's the difference _why_ he'll sail. the important thing is, queen isabella gave him the charter and the caravels and with them he's making history. you see?" "i ... i think so," nina said doubtfully. a heady wind sprang up. the square-rigged sails billowed. the nina began to surge forward--into the unknown west. tackle creaked aboard the nearby santa maria and pinta. the two other caravels came in pursuit. but they won't catch us, martin knew. they won't catch us until we reach--hispaniola. and then, pursuit will be no more. then, it will no longer matter and we'll all be heroes.... * * * * * which is the way it turned out--almost. the santa maria and pinta pursued all through august and september and into october, but the nina kept its slim lead. the ships were never out of sight of one another and once or twice columbus even hailed them, imploring them to return to spain with him. when they ignored him, his deep voice boomed to his own crew and the crew of the pinta: "then sail on, sail on!" it was these words, danny knew, that history would record. not the others. one morning in october, he awoke with a start. something had disturbed his sleep--something ... "good morning, captain," a voice said. he looked up. it was a giant of a man, with a hard face and brutal-looking eyes. he knew that face. pietro! the giant of the tavern. "but you--" "i was aboard all the time, my captain," pietro said. "an auxiliary rower. you never knew." he said nothing else. he lunged at martin's bunk--for i'm martin again, danny thought--a knife gleaming in his big hand. * * * * * martin-danny sat up, bringing the covers with him, hurling them like a cloak at pietro. the giant's knife-hand caught in the covers and danny swung to his feet, shoving the big man. pietro stumbled into the bunk, then lashed around quickly, unexpectedly, the knife loose again. danny felt it grating across his ribs hotly, searingly. he staggered and almost fell, but somehow made it to the door and on deck. he needed room. facing that knife in the close confines of the cabin, he was a dead man and knew it. he hit the stairs and headed for the deck. he reached the door--tugged. it held fast. he heard pietro's laughter, then threw himself to one side. the knife thudded into the wood alongside danny's shoulder. then the door came open, throwing him back. he stumbled, regained his balance, plunged outside. with a roar, pietro followed him, knife again in hand. danny backed away slowly. only a few crew members were on deck now, and a watch high up in the crow's nest. the watch was crying in an almost-delirious voice: "land, land! land ho-oo!" but martin-danny hardly heard the words. pietro came at him-suddenly don hernan was in front of him. don hernan's hand nipped up and then down and a knife arced toward danny. he caught it by the haft, swung to face the giant. but, he thought, i don't know how to use a knife. i'm danny jones, i ... pietro leaped, the knife down, held loosely at his side, underhanded, ready to slash and rip. danny sidestepped and pietro went by in a rush. danny waited. pietro came back carefully this time, crouching, balanced easily on the balls of his feet. for all his size, he fought with the grace of a dancer. danny felt warm wetness where the blood was seeping from his ribs. feet pounded as more of the crew came on deck in response to the watch's delirious words. instead of crowding at the prow, though, they formed a circle around danny and pietro. danny thought: but i'm the captain. the captain. they ought to help me ... they ... he knew though that they would not. they were a fierce, proud people and the law of single combat would apply even to the captain who had piloted them across an unknown ocean. pietro came by, attempting to slash with his knife from outside. danny moved quickly--not quick enough. the knife point caught his arm this time. he felt his hand go numb. his own knife clattered to the deck as blood oozed from his biceps. once more pietro charged him. weaponless, danny waited. pietro was laughing, sure of himself-careless. danny slipped aside as pietro brought the knife around in a wicked swipe. he spun with it and when he came around danny was waiting for him. he drove his left fist into the great belly and his right to the big, bearded jaw. pietro slumped, disbelief in his eyes. he swung the knife again but only succeeded in wrapping his giant arm around danny. he bent his head, shook it to clear it of the sting of danny's blows. and danny rabbit-punched him. pietro went down heavily and someone shouted. "the face! kick him in the face!" wearily, danny shook his head. he went with nina to the rail and saw the green palm-fringed island of the new world. nina smiled at him, then ripped something from what she was wearing and began to bandage his ribs, his arm. * * * * * they heard a splash. danny looked around, saw don hernan and a member of the crew gazing serenely down. pietro was down there, where they had tossed him. for a while the body floated, then the limbs splashed wildly as pietro regained consciousness. he drifted back away from the ship. he went under, and came up. he went under again, and stayed under.... "the indies," nina said. "the indies," danny said. he did not make the distinction between east and west. they must learn for themselves. the pinta and the santa maria came up alongside. all thoughts of pursuit were gone. columbus waved. he was very close now on the deck of the santa maria. there was something in his face, something changed. columbus was a new man now. he had been shamed. he had followed his daughter and martin pinzon across an unknown ocean and he was changed now. somehow, danny knew he could now make voyages on his own. "martin," nina whispered. "they may say it was father. but it was you. i'll know in my heart, it was you." danny nodded. she put her arm around his shoulder, and kissed him. he liked this slim girl--he liked her immensely, and it wasn't right. she wasn't his, not really. she was martin pinzon's. he let the spaniard come to the surface, willed his own mind back and down and away. she's all yours, pinzon, he told the other mind in his body. she--and this world. i'm a--stranger here. but once more he kissed nina, fiercely, with passion and longing. "goodbye, my darling," he said. "goodbye! what--" he let martin pinzon take it from there. "hello," said martin pinzon. "i mean, hello forever, darling." she laughed. "goodbye to your bachelorhood, you mean." "yes," he said. "yes." but it was martin pinzon talking now. completely martin pinzon. he was back in his grand-uncle's basement. he was in the trunk and he felt stiff. mostly, his right arm and the right ribs felt stiff. he felt his shirt. it was caked with blood. proof, he thought. if i needed proof. what happened to pinzon happened to me. he stood up. he felt weak, but knew he would be all right. he knew about columbus now. at first, a weak drunkard. but after the first voyage, thanks to martin pinzon and nina, an intrepid voyager. for history said columbus would make four voyages to the new world--and four he would make. danny went outside, to where the lawyer was waiting for him. the trunk was danny's now, the time trunk. and he would use it again, often. he knew that now, and it was wrong to deflate a dream. columbus was a hero. he would never say otherwise again. the end transcriber's note: this etext was produced from _amazing stories_ october 1956. extensive research did not uncover any evidence that the u.s. copyright on this publication was renewed. minor spelling and typographical errors have been corrected without note. christopher columbus and the new world of his discovery a narrative by filson young volume 6 chapter v the third voyage columbus was at sea again; firm ground to him, although so treacherous and unstable to most of us; and as he saw the spanish coast sinking down on the horizon he could shake himself free from his troubles, and feel that once more he was in a situation of which he was master. he first touched at porto santo, where, if the story of his residence there be true, there must have been potent memories for him in the sight of the long white beach and the plantations, with the governor's house beyond. he stayed there only a few hours and then crossed over to madeira, anchoring in the bay of funchal, where he took in wood and water. as it was really unnecessary for him to make a port so soon after leaving, there was probably some other reason for his visit to these islands; perhaps a family reason; perhaps nothing more historically important than the desire to look once more on scenes of bygone happiness, for even on the page of history every event is not necessarily big with significance. from madeira he took a southerly course to the canary islands, and on june 16th anchored at gomera, where he found a french warship with two spanish prizes, all of which put to sea as the admiral's fleet approached. on june 21st, when he sailed from gomera, he divided his fleet of six vessels into two squadrons. three ships were despatched direct to espanola, for the supplies which they carried were urgently needed there. these three ships were commanded by trustworthy men: pedro de arana, a brother of beatriz, alonso sanchez de carvajal, and juan antonio colombo--this last no other than a cousin of christopher's from genoa. the sons of domenico's provident younger brother had not prospered, while the sons of improvident domenico were now all in high places; and these three poor cousins, hearing of christopher's greatness, and deciding that use should be made of him, scraped together enough money to send one of their number to spain. the admiral always had a sound family feeling, and finding that cousin antonio had sea experience and knew how to handle a ship he gave him command of one of the caravels on this voyage--a command of which he proved capable and worthy. from these three captains, after giving them full sailing directions for reaching espanola, columbus parted company off the island of ferro. he himself stood on a southerly course towards the cape verde islands. his plan on this voyage was to find the mainland to the southward, of which he had heard rumours in espanola. before leaving spain he had received a letter from an eminent lapidary named ferrer who had travelled much in the east, and who assured him that if he sought gold and precious stones he must go to hot lands, and that the hotter the lands were, and the blacker the inhabitants, the more likely he was to find riches there. this was just the kind of theory to suit columbus, and as he sailed towards the cape verde islands he was already in imagination gathering gold and pearls on the shores of the equatorial continent. he stayed for about a week at the cape verde islands, getting in provisions and cattle, and curiously observing the life of the portuguese lepers who came in numbers to the island of buenavista to be cured there by eating the flesh and bathing in the blood of turtles. it was not an inspiriting week which he spent in that dreary place and enervating climate, with nothing to see but the goats feeding among the scrub, the turtles crawling about the sand, and the lepers following the turtles. it began to tell on the health of the crew, so he weighed anchor on july 5th and stood on a southwesterly course. this third voyage, which was destined to be the most important of all, and the material for which had cost him so much time and labour, was undertaken in a very solemn and determined spirit. his health, which he had hoped to recover in spain, had been if anything damaged by his worryings with officialdom there; and although he was only forty-seven years of age he was in some respects already an old man. he had entered, although happily he did not know it, on the last decade of his life; and was already beginning to suffer from the two diseases, gout and ophthalmia, which were soon to undermine his strength and endurance. religion of a mystical fifteenth-century sort was deepening in him; he had undertaken this voyage in the name of the holy trinity; and to that theological entity he had resolved to dedicate the first new land that he should sight. for ten days light baffling winds impeded his progress; but at the end of that time the winds fell away altogether, and the voyagers found themselves in that flat equatorial calm known to mariners as the doldrums. the vertical rays of the sun shone blisteringly down upon them, making the seams of the ships gape and causing the unhappy crews mental as well as bodily distress, for they began to fear that they had reached that zone of fire which had always been said to exist in the southern ocean. day after day the three ships lay motionless on the glassy water, with wood-work so hot as to burn the hands that touched it, with the meat putrefying in the casks below, and the water running from the loosened casks, and no one with courage and endurance enough to venture into the stifling hold even to save the provisions. and through all this the admiral, racked with gout, had to keep a cheerful face and assure his prostrate crew that they would soon be out of it. there were showers of rain sometimes, but the moisture in that baking atmosphere only added to its stifling and enervating effects. all the while, however, the great slow current of the atlantic was moving westward, and there came a day when a heavenly breeze, stirred in the torrid air and the musical talk of ripples began to rise again from the weedy stems of the ships. they sailed due west, always into a cooler and fresher atmosphere; but still no land was sighted, although pelicans and smaller birds were continually seen passing from south-west to north-east. as provisions were beginning to run low, columbus decided on the 31st july to alter his course to north-by-east, in the hope of reaching the island of dominica. but at mid-day his servant alonso perez, happening to go to the masthead, cried out that there was land in sight; and sure enough to the westward there rose three peaks of land united at the base. here was the kind of coincidence which staggers even the unbeliever. columbus had promised to dedicate the first land he saw to the trinity; and here was the land, miraculously provided when he needed it most, three peaks in one peak, in due conformity with the requirements of the blessed saint athanasius. the admiral was deeply affected; the god of his belief was indeed a good friend to him; and he wrote down his pious conviction that the event was a miracle, and summoned all hands to sing the salve regina, with other hymns in praise of god and the virgin mary. the island was duly christened la trinidad. by the hour of compline (9 o'clock in the evening) they had come up with the south coast of the island, but it was the next day before the admiral found a harbour where he could take in water. no natives were to be seen, although there were footprints on the shore and other signs of human habitation. he continued all day to sail slowly along the shore of the island, the green luxuriance of which astonished him; and sometimes he stood out from the coast to the southward as he made a long board to round this or that point. it must have been while reaching out in this way to the southward that he saw a low shore on his port hand some sixty miles to the south of trinidad, and that his sight, although he did not know it, rested for the first time on the mainland of south america. the land seen was the low coast to the west of the orinoco, and thinking that it was an island he gave it the name of isla sancta. on the 2nd of august they were off the south-west of trinidad, and saw the first inhabitants in the shape of a canoe full of armed natives, who approached the ships with threatening gestures. columbus had brought out some musicians with him, possibly for the purpose of impressing the natives, and perhaps with the idea of making things a little more cheerful in espanola; and the musicians were now duly called upon to give a performance, a tambourine-player standing on the forecastle and beating the rhythm for the ships' boys to dance to. the effect was other than was anticipated, for the natives immediately discharged a thick flight of arrows at the musicians, and the music and dancing abruptly ceased. eventually the indians were prevailed upon to come on board the two smaller ships and to receive gifts, after which they departed and were seen no more. columbus landed and made some observations of the vegetation and climate of trinidad, noticing that the fruits and-trees were similar to those of espanola, and that oysters abounded, as well as "very large, infinite fish, and parrots as large as hens." he saw another peak of the mainland to the northwest, which was the peninsula of paria, and to which columbus, taking it to be another island, gave the name of isla de gracia. between him and this land lay a narrow channel through which a mighty current was flowing--that press of waters which, sweeping across the atlantic from africa, enters the caribbean sea, sprays round the gulf of mexico, and turns north again in the current known as the gulf stream. while his ships were anchored at the entrance to this channel and columbus was wondering how he should cross it, a mighty flood of water suddenly came down with a roar, sending a great surging wave in front of it. the vessels were lifted up as though by magic; two of them dragged their anchors from the bottom, and the other one broke her cable. this flood was probably caused by a sudden flush of fresh water from one of the many mouths of the orinoco; but to columbus, who had no thought of rivers in his mind, it was very alarming. apparently, however, there was nothing for it but to get through the channel, and having sent boats on in front to take soundings and see that there was clear water he eventually piloted his little squadron through, with his heart in his mouth and his eyes fixed on the swinging eddies and surging circles of the channel. once beyond it he was in the smooth water of the gulf of paria. he followed the westerly coast of trinidad to the north until he came to a second channel narrower than the first, through which the current boiled with still greater violence, and to which he gave the name of dragon's mouth. this is the channel between the northwesterly point of trinidad and the eastern promontory of paria. columbus now began to be bewildered, for he discovered that the water over the ship's side was fresh water, and he could not make out where it came from. thinking that the peninsula of paria was an island, and not wishing to attempt the dangerous passage of the dragon's mouth, he decided to coast along the southern shore of the land opposite, hoping to be able to turn north round its western extremity. sweeter blew the breezes, fresher grew the water, milder and more balmy the air, greener and deeper the vegetation of this beautiful region. the admiral was ill with the gout, and suffering such pain from his eyes that he was sometimes blinded by it; but the excitement of the strange phenomena surrounding him kept him up, and his powers of observation, always acute, suffered no diminution. there were no inhabitants to be seen as they sailed along the coast, but monkeys climbed and chattered in the trees by the shore, and oysters were found clinging to the branches that dipped into the water. at last, in a bay where they anchored to take in water, a native canoe containing three, men was seen cautiously approaching; and the men, who were shy, were captured by the device of a sailor jumping on to the gunwale of the canoe and overturning it, the natives being easily caught in the water, and afterwards soothed and captivated by the unfailing attraction of hawks' bells. they were tall men with long hair, and they told columbus that the name of their country was paria; and when they were asked about other inhabitants they pointed to the west and signified that there was a great population in that direction. on the 10th of august 1498 a party landed on this coast and formally took possession of it in the name of the sovereigns of spain. by an unlucky chance columbus himself did not land. his eyes were troubling him so much that he was obliged to lie down in his cabin, and the formal act of possession was performed by a deputy. if he had only known! if he could but have guessed that this was indeed the mainland of a new world that did not exist even in his dreams, what agonies he would have suffered rather than permit any one else to pronounce the words of annexation! but he lay there in pain and suffering, his curious mystical mind occupied with a conception very remote indeed from the truth. for in that fertile hotbed of imagination, the admiral's brain, a new and staggering theory had gradually been taking shape. as his ships had been wafted into this delicious region, as the airs had become sweeter, the vegetation more luxuriant, and the water of the sea fresher,--he had solemnly arrived at the conclusion that he was approaching the region of the true terrestrial paradise: the garden of eden that some of the fathers had declared to be situated in the extreme east of the old world, and in a region so high that the flood had not overwhelmed it. columbus, thinking hard in his cabin, blood and brain a little fevered, comes to the conclusion that the world is not round but pear-shaped. he knows that all this fresh water in the sea must come from a great distance and from no ordinary river; and he decides that its volume and direction have been acquired in its fall from the apex of the pear, from the very top of the world, from the garden of eden itself. it was a most beautiful conception; a theory worthy to be fitted to all the sweet sights and sounds in the world about him; but it led him farther and farther away from the truth, and blinded him to knowledge and understanding of what he had actually accomplished. he had thought the coast of cuba the mainland, and he now began to consider it at least possible that the peninsula of paria was mainland also--another part of the same continent. that was the truth--paria was the mainland--and if he had not been so bemused by his dreams and theories he might have had some inkling of the real wonder and significance of his discovery. but no; in his profoundly unscientific mind there was little of that patience which holds men back from theorising and keeps them ready to receive the truth. he was patient enough in doing, but in thinking he was not patient at all. no sooner had he observed a fact than he must find a theory which would bring it into relation with the whole of his knowledge; and if the facts would not harmonise of themselves he invented a scheme of things by which they were forced into harmony. he was indeed a darwinian before his time, an adept in the art of inventing causes to fit facts, and then proving that the facts sprang from the causes; but his origins were tangible, immovable things of rock and soil that could be seen and visited by other men, and their true relation to the terrestrial phenomena accurately established; so that his very proofs were monumental, and became themselves the advertisements of his profound misjudgment. but meanwhile he is the admiral of the ocean seas, and can "make it so"; and accordingly, in a state of mental instability, he makes the gulf of paria to be a slope of earth immediately below the garden of eden, although fortunately he does not this time provide a sworn affidavit of trembling ships' boys to confirm his discovery. meanwhile also here were pearls; the native women wore ropes of them all over their bodies, and a fair store of them were bartered for pieces of broken crockery. asked as usual about the pearls the natives, also as usual, pointed vaguely to the west and south-west, and explained that there were more pearls in that direction. but the admiral would not tarry. although he believed that he was within reach of eden and pearls, he was more anxious to get back to espanola and send the thrilling news to spain than he was to push on a little farther and really assure himself of the truth. how like christopher that was! ideas to him were of more value than facts, as indeed they are to the world at large; but one is sometimes led to wonder whether he did not sometimes hesitate to turn his ideas into facts for very fear that they should turn out to be only ideas. was he, in his relations with spain and the world, a trader in the names rather than the substance of things? we have seen him going home to spain and announcing the discovery of the golden chersonesus, although he had only discovered what he erroneously supposed to be an indication of it; proclaiming the discovery of the ophir of solomon without taking the trouble to test for himself so tremendous an assumption; and we now see him hurrying away to dazzle spain with the story that he has discovered the garden of eden, without even trying to push on for a few days more to secure so much as a cutting from the tree of life. these are grave considerations; for although happily the tree of life is now of no importance to any human being, the doings of admiral christopher were of great importance to himself and to his fellow-men at that time, and are still to-day, through the infinite channels in which human thought and action run and continue thoughout the world, of grave importance to us. perhaps this is not quite the moment, now that the poor admiral is lying in pain and weakness and not quite master of his own mind, to consider fully how he stands in this matter of honesty; we will leave it for the present until he is well again, or better still, until his tale of life and action is complete, and comes as a whole before the bar of human judgment. on august 11th columbus turned east again after having given up the attempt to find a passage to the north round paria. there were practical considerations that brought him to this action. as the water was growing shoaler and shoaler he had sent a caravel of light draft some way further to the westward, and she reported that there lay ahead of her a great inner bay or gulf consisting of almost entirely fresh water. provisions, moreover, were running short, and were, as usual, turning bad; the admiral's health made vigorous action of any kind impossible for him; he was anxious about the condition of espanola--anxious also, as we have seen, to send this great news home; and he therefore turned back and decided to risk the passage of the dragon's mouth. he anchored in the neighbouring harbour until the wind was in the right quarter, and with some trepidation put his ships into the boiling tideway. when they were in the middle of the passage the wind fell to a dead calm, and the ships, with their sails hanging loose, were borne on the dizzy surface of eddies, overfalls, and whirls of the tide. fortunately there was deep water in the passage, and the strength of the current carried them safely through. once outside they bore away to the northward, sighting the islands of tobago and grenada and, turning westward again, came to the islands of cubagua and margarita, where three pounds of pearls were bartered from the natives. a week after the passage of the dragon's mouth columbus sighted the south coast of espanola, which coast he made at a point a long way to the east of the new settlement that he had instructed bartholomew to found; and as the winds were contrary, and he feared it might take him a long time to beat up against them, he sent a boat ashore with a letter which was to be delivered by a native messenger to the adelantado. the letter was delivered; a few days later a caravel was sighted which contained bartholomew himself; and once more, after a long separation, these two friends and brothers were united. the see-saw motion of all affairs with which columbus had to do was in full swing. we have seen him patching up matters in espanola; hurrying to spain just in time to rescue his damaged reputation and do something to restore it; and now when he had come back it was but a sorry tale that bartholomew had to tell him. a fortress had been built at the hayna gold-mines, but provisions had been so scarce that there had been something like a famine among the workmen there; no digging had been done, no planting, no making of the place fit for human occupation and industry. bartholomew had been kept busy in collecting the native tribute, and in planning out the beginnings of the settlement at the mouth of the river ozema, which was at first called the new isabella, but was afterwards named san domingo in honour of old domenico at savona. the cacique behechio had been giving trouble; had indeed marched out with an army against bartholomew, but had been more or less reconciled by the intervention of his sister anacaona, widow of the late caonabo, who had apparently transferred her affections to governor bartholomew. the battle was turned into a friendly pagan festival--one of the last ever held on that once happy island--in which native girls danced in a green grove, with the beautiful anacaona, dressed only in garlands, carried on a litter in their midst. but in the vega real, where a chapel had been built by the priests of the neighbouring settlement who were beginning to make converts, trouble had arisen in consequence of an outrage on the wife of the cacique guarionex. the chapel was raided, the shrine destroyed, and the sacred vessels carried off. the spaniards seized a number of indians whom they suspected of having had a hand in the desecration, and burned them at the stake in the most approved manner of the inquisition--a hideous punishment that fanned the remaining embers of the native spirit into flame, and produced a hostile combination of guarionex and several other caciques, whose rebellion it took the adelantado some trouble and display of arms to quench. but the worst news of all was the treacherous revolt of francisco roldan, a spaniard who had once been a servant of the admiral's, and who had been raised by him to the office of judge in the island--an able creature, but, like too many recipients of christopher's favour, a treacherous rascal at bottom. as soon as the admiral's back was turned roldan had begun to make mischief, stirring up the discontent that was never far below the surface of life in the colony, and getting together a large band of rebellious ruffians. he had a plan to murder bartholomew columbus and place himself at the head of the colony, but this fell through. then, in bartholomew's absence, he had a passage with james columbus, who had now returned to the island and had resumed his. official duties at isabella. bartholomew, who was at another part of the coast collecting tribute, had sent a caravel laden with cotton to isabella, and well-meaning james had her drawn up on the beach. roldan took the opportunity to represent this innocent action as a sign of the intolerable autocracy of the columbus family, who did not even wish a vessel to be in a condition to sail for spain with news of their misdeeds. insolent roldan formally asks james to send the caravel to spain with supplies; poor james refuses and, perhaps being at bottom afraid of roldan and his insolences, despatches him to the vega real with a force to bring to order some caciques who had been giving trouble. possibly to his surprise, although not to ours, roldan departs with alacrity at the head of seventy armed men. honest, zealous james, no doubt; but also, we begin to fear, stupid james. the vega real was the most attractive part of the colony, and the scene of infinite idleness and debauchery in the early days of the spanish settlement. as margarite and other mutineers had acted, so did roldan and his soldiers now act, making sallies against several of the chain of forts that stretched across the island, and even upon isabella itself; and returning to the vega to the enjoyment of primitive wild pleasures. roldan and bartholomew columbus stalked each other about the island with armed forces for several months, roldan besieging bartholomew in the fortress at the vega, which he had occupied in roldan's absence, and trying to starve him out there. the arrival in february 1498 of the two ships which had been sent out from spain in advance, and which brought also the news of the admiral's undamaged favour at court, and of the royal confirmation of bartholomew's title, produced for the moment a good moral effect; roldan went and sulked in the mountains, refusing to have any parley or communication with the adelantado, declining indeed to treat with any one until the admiral himself should return. in the meantime his influence with the natives was strong enough to produce a native revolt, which bartholomew had only just succeeded in suppressing when christopher arrived on august 30th. the admiral was not a little distressed to find that the three ships from which he had parted company at ferro had not yet arrived. his own voyage ought to have taken far longer than theirs; they had now been nine weeks at sea, and there was nothing to account for their long delay. when at last they did appear, however they brought with them only a new complication. they had lost their way among the islands and had been searching about for espanola, finally making a landfall there on the coast of xaragua, the south-western province of the island, where roldan and his followers were established. roldan had received them and, concealing the fact of his treachery, procured a large store of provisions from them, his followers being meanwhile busy among the crews of the ships inciting them to mutiny and telling them of the oppression of the admiral's rule and the joys of a lawless life. the gaol-birds were nothing loth; after eight weeks at sea a spell ashore in this pleasant land, with all kinds of indulgences which did not come within the ordinary regimen of convicts and sailors, greatly appealing to them. the result was that more than half of the crews mutinied and joined roldan, and the captains were obliged to put to sea with their small loyal remnant. carvajal remained behind in order to try to persuade roldan to give himself up; but roldan had no such idea, and carvajal had to make his way by land to san domingo, where he made his report to the admiral. roldan has in fact delivered a kind of ultimatum. he will surrender to no one but the admiral, and that only on condition that he gets a free pardon. if negotiations are opened, roldan will treat with no one but carvajal. the admiral, whose grip of the situation is getting weaker and weaker, finds himself in a difficulty. his loyal army is only some seventy strong, while roldan has, of disloyal settlers, gaol-birds, and sailors, much more than that. the admiral, since he cannot reduce his enemy's force by capturing them, seeks to do it by bribing them; and the greatest bribe that he can think of to offer to these malcontents is that any who like may have a free passage home in the five caravels which are now waiting to return to spain. to such a pass have things come in the paradise of espanola! but the rabble finds life pleasant enough in xaragua, where they are busy with indescribable pleasures; and for the moment there is no great response to this invitation to be gone. columbus therefore despatches his ships, with such rabble of colonists, gaol-birds, and mariners as have already had their fill both of pain and pleasure, and writes his usual letter to the sovereigns--half full of the glories of the new discoveries he has made, the other half setting forth the evil doings of roldan, and begging that he may be summoned to spain for trial there. incidentally, also, he requests a further licence for two years for the capture and despatch of slaves to spain. so the vessels sail back on october 18, 1498, and the admiral turns wearily to the task of disentangling the web of difficulty that has woven itself about him. carvajal and ballester--another loyal captain--were sent with a letter to roldan urging him to come to terms, and carvajal and ballester added their own honest persuasions. but roldan was firm; he wished to be quit of the admiral and his rule, and to live independently in the island; and of his followers, although some here and there showed signs of submission, the greater number were so much in love with anarchy that they could not be counted upon. for two months negotiations of a sort were continued, roldan even presenting himself under a guarantee of safety at san domingo, where he had a fruitless conference with the admiral; where also he had an opportunity of observing what a sorry state affairs in the capital were in, and what a mess columbus was making of it all. roldan, being a simple man, though a rascal, had only to remain firm in order to get his way against a mind like the admiral's, and get his way he ultimately did. the admiral made terms of a kind most humiliating to him, and utterly subversive of his influence and authority. the mutineers were not only to receive a pardon but a certificate (good heavens!) of good conduct. caravels were to be sent to convey them to spain; and they were to be permitted to carry with them all the slaves that they had collected and all the native young women whom they had ravished from their homes. columbus signs this document on the 21st of november, and promises that the ships shall be ready in fifty days; and then, at his wits' end, and hearing of irregularities in the interior of the island, sets off with bartholomew to inspect the posts and restore them to order. in his absence the see-saw, in due obedience to the laws that govern all see-saws, gives a lurch to the other side, and things go all wrong again in san domingo. the preparations for the despatch of the caravels are neglected as soon as his back is turned; not fifty days, but nearly one hundred days elapse before they are ready to sail from san domingo to xaragua. even then they are delayed by storms and head-winds; and when they do arrive roldan and his company will not embark in them. the agreement has been broken; a new one must be made. columbus, returning to san domingo after long and harassing struggles on the other end of the see-saw, gets news of this deadlock, and at the same time has news from fonseca in spain of a far from agreeable character. his complaints against the people under him have been received by the sovereigns and will be duly considered, but their majesties have not time at the moment to go into them. that is the gist of it, and very cold cheer it is for the admiral, balancing himself on this turbulent see-saw with anxious eyes turned to spain for encouragement and approval. in the depression that followed the receipt of this letter he was no match for roldan. he even himself took a caravel and sailed towards xaragua, where he was met by roldan, who boarded his ship and made his new proposals. their impudence is astounding; and when we consider that the admiral had in theory absolute powers in the island, the fact that such proposals could be made, not to say accepted, shows how far out of relation were his actual with his nominal powers. roldan proposed that he should be allowed to give a number of his friends a free passage to spain; that to all who should remain free grants of land should be given; and (a free pardon and certificate of good conduct contenting him no longer) that a proclamation should be made throughout the island admitting that all the charges of disloyalty and mutiny which had been brought against him and his followers were without foundation; and, finally, that he should be restored to his office of alcalde mayor or chief magistrate. here was a bolus for christopher to swallow; a bolus compounded of his own words, his own acts, his hope, dignity, supremacy. in dismal humiliation he accepted the terms, with the addition of a clause more scandalous still--to the effect that the mutineers reserved the right, in case the admiral should fail in the exact performance of any of his promises, to enforce them by compulsion of arms or any other method they might think fit. this precious document was signed on september 28, 1499 just twelve months after the agreement which it was intended to replace; and the admiral, sailing dismally back to san domingo, ruefully pondered on the fruits of a year's delay. even then he was trying to make excuses for himself, such as he made afterwards to the sovereigns when he tried to explain that this shameful capitulation was invalid. that he signed under compulsion; that he was on board a ship, and so was not on his viceregal territory; that the rebels had already been tried, and that he had not the power to revoke a sentence which bore the authority of the crown; that he had not the power to dispose of the crown property --desperate, agonised shuffling of pride and self-esteem in the coils of trial and difficulty. enough of it. chapter vi an interlude a breath of salt air again will do us no harm as a relief from these perilous balancings of columbus on the see-saw at espanola. his true work in this world had indeed already been accomplished. when he smote the rock of western discovery many springs flowed from it, and some were destined to run in mightier channels than that which he himself followed. among other men stirred by the news of columbus's first voyage there was one walking the streets of bristol in 1496 who was fired to a similar enterprise--a man of venice, in boyhood named zuan caboto, but now known in england, where he has some time been settled, as captain john cabot. a sailor and trader who has travelled much through the known sea-roads of this world, and has a desire to travel upon others not so well known. he has been in the east, has seen the caravans of mecca and the goods they carried, and, like columbus, has conceived in his mind the roundness of the world as a practical fact rather than a mere mathematical theory. hearing of columbus's success cabot sets what machinery in england he has access to in motion to secure for him patents from king henry vii.; which patents he receives on march 5, 1496. after spending a long time in preparation, and being perhaps a little delayed by diplomatic protests from the spanish ambassador in london, he sails from bristol in may 1497. after sailing west two thousand leagues cabot found land in the neighbourhood of cape breton, and was thus in all probability the first discoverer, since the icelanders, of the mainland of the new world. he turned northward, sailed through the strait of belle isle, and came home again, having accomplished his task in three months. cabot, like columbus, believed he had seen the territory of the great khan, of whom he told the interested population of bristol some strange things. he further told them of the probable riches of this new land if it were followed in a southerly direction; told them some lies also, it appears, since he said that the waters there were so dense with fish that his vessels could hardly move in them. he received a gratuity of l10 and a pension, and made a great sensation in bristol by walking about the city dressed in fine silk garments. he took other voyages also with his son sebastian, who followed with him the rapid widening stream of discovery and became pilot major of spain, and president of the congress appointed in 1524 to settle the conflicting pretensions of various discoverers; but so far as our narrative is concerned, having sailed across from bristol and discovered the mainland of the new world some years before columbus discovered it, john cabot sails into oblivion. another great conquest of the salt unknown taken place a few days before columbus sailed on his third voyage. the accidental discovery of the cape by bartholomew diaz in 1486 had not been neglected by portugal; and the achievements of columbus, while they cut off portuguese enterprise from the western ocean, had only stimulated it to greater activity within its own spheres. vasco da gama sailed from lisbon in july 1497; by the end of november he had rounded the cape of good hope; and in may 1498, after a long voyage full of interest, peril, and hardship he had landed at calicut on the shores of the true india. he came back in 1499 with a battered remnant, his crew disabled by sickness and exhaustion, and half his ships lost; but he had in fact discovered a road for trade and adventure to the east that was not paved with promises, dreams, or mad affidavits, but was a real and tangible achievement, bringing its reward in commerce and wealth for portugal. at that very moment columbus was groping round the mainland of south america, thinking it to be the coast of cathay, and the garden of eden, and god knows what other cosmographical--theological abstractions; and portugal, busy with her arrangements for making money, could afford for the moment to look on undismayed at the development of the mine of promises discovered by the spanish admiral. the anxiety of columbus to communicate the names of things before he had made sure of their substance received another rude chastisement in the events that followed the receipt in spain of his letter announcing the discovery of the garden of eden and the land of pearls. people in spain were not greatly interested in his theories of the terrestrial paradise; but more than one adventurer pricked up his ears at the name of pearls, and among the first was our old friend alonso de ojeda, who had returned some time before from espanola and was living in spain. his position as a member of columbus's force on the second voyage and the distinction he had gained there gave him special opportunities of access to the letters and papers sent home by columbus; and he found no difficulty in getting fonseca to show him the maps and charts of the coast of paria sent back by the admiral, the veritable pearls which had been gathered, and the enthusiastic descriptions of the wealth of this new coast. knowing something of espanola, and of the admiral also, and reading in the despatches of the turbulent condition of the colony, he had a shrewd idea that columbus's hands would be kept pretty full in espanola itself, and that he would have no opportunity for some time to make any more voyages of discovery. he therefore represented to fonseca what a pity it would be if all this revenue should remain untapped just because one man had not time to attend to it, and he proposed that he should take out an expedition at his own cost and share the profits with the crown. this proposal was too tempting to be refused; unlike the expeditions of columbus, which were all expenditure and no revenue, it promised a chance of revenue without any expenditure at all. the paria coast, having been discovered subsequent to the agreement made with columbus, was considered by fonseca to be open to private enterprise; and he therefore granted ojeda a licence to go and explore it. among those who went with him were amerigo vespucci and columbus's old pilot, juan de la cosa, as well as some of the sailors who had been with the admiral on the coast of paria and had returned in the caravels which had brought his account of it back to spain. ojeda sailed on may 20, 1499; made a landfall some hundreds of miles to the eastward of the orinoco, coasted thence as far as the island of trinidad, and sailed along the northern coast of the peninsula of paria until he came to a country where the natives built their hots on piles in the water, and to which he gave the name of venezuela. it was by his accidental presence on this voyage that vespucci, the meat-contractor, came to give his name to america--a curious story of international jealousies, intrigues, lawsuits, and lies which we have not the space to deal with here. after collecting a considerable quantity of pearls ojeda, who was beginning to run short of provisions, turned eastward again and sought the coast of espanola, where we shall presently meet with him again. and ojeda was not the only person in spain who was enticed by columbus's glowing descriptions to go and look for the pearls of paria. there was in fact quite a reunion of old friends of his and ours in the western ocean, though they went thither in a spirit far different from that of ancient friendship. pedro alonso nino, who had also been on the paria coast with columbus, who had come home with the returning ships, and whose patience (for he was an exceedingly practical man) had perhaps been tried by the strange doings of the admiral in the gulf of paria, decided that he as well as any one else might go and find some pearls. nino is a poor man, having worked hard in all his voyagings backwards and forwards across the atlantic; but he has a friend with money, one luis guerra, who provides him with the funds necessary for fitting out a small caravel about the size of his old ship the nifta. guerra, who has the money, also has a brother christoval; and his conditions are that christoval shall be given the command of the caravel. practical niflo does not care so long as he reaches the place where the pearls are. he also applies to fonseca for licence to make discoveries; and, duly receiving it, sails from palos in the beginning of june 1499, hot upon the track of ojeda. they did a little quiet discovery, principally in the domain of human nature, caroused with the friendly natives, but attended to business all the time; with the result that in the following april they were back in spain with a treasure of pearls out of which, after nifio had been made independent for life and guerra, christoval, and the rest of them had their shares, there remained a handsome sum for the crown. an extremely practical, businesslike voyage this; full of lessons for our poor christopher, could he but have known and learned them. yet another of our old friends profited by the admiral's discovery. what vincenti yafiez pinzon has been doing all these years we have no record; living at palos, perhaps, doing a little of his ordinary coasting business, administering the estates of his brother martin alonso, and, almost for a certainty, talking pretty big about who it was that really did all the work in the discovery of the new world. out of the obscurity of conjecture he emerges into fact in december 1499, when he is found at palos fitting out four caravels for the purpose of exploring farther along the coast of the southern mainland. that he also was after pearls is pretty certain; but on the other hand he was more of a sailor than an adventurer, was a discoverer at heart, and had no small share of the family taste for sea travel. he took a more southerly course than any of the others and struck the coast of america south of the equator on january 20, 1500. he sailed north past the mouths of the amazon and orinoco through the gulf of paria, and reached espanola in june 1500. he only paused there to take in provisions, and sailed to the west in search of further discoveries; but he lost two of his caravels in a gale and had to put back to espanola. he sailed thence for palos, and reached home in september 1500, having added no inconsiderable share to the mass of new geographical knowledge that was being accumulated. in later years he took a high place in the maritime world of spain. and finally, to complete the account of the chief minor discoveries of these two busy years, we must mention pedro alvarez cabral of portugal, who was despatched in march 1, 1500 from lisbon to verify the discoveries of da gama. he reached calicut six months later, losing on the voyage four of his caravels and most of his company. among the lost was bartholomew diaz, the first discoverer of the cape of good hope, who was on this voyage in a subordinate capacity, and whose bones were left to dissolve in the stormy waters that beat round the cape whose barrier he was the first to pass. the chief event of this voyage, however, was not the reaching of calicut nor the drowning of diaz (which was chiefly of importance to himself, poor soul!) but the discovery of brazil, which cabral made in following the southerly course too far to the west. he landed there, in the bay of porto seguro, on may 1, 1500, and took formal possession of the land for the crown of portugal, naming it vera cruz, or the land of the true cross. in the assumption of columbus and his contemporaries all these doings were held to detract from the glory of his own achievements, and were the subject of endless affidavits, depositions, quarrels, arguments, proofs and claims in the great lawsuit that was in after years carried on between the crown of spain and the heirs of columbus concerning his titles and revenues. we, however, may take a different view. with the exception of the discoveries of the cape of good hope and the coast of brazil all these enterprises were directly traceable to columbus's own achievements and were inspired by his example. the things that a man can do in his own person are limited by the laws of time and space; it is only example and influence that are infinite and illimitable, and in which the spirit of any achievement can find true immortality. chapter vii the third voyage-(continued) it may perhaps be wearisome to the reader to return to the tangled and depressing situation in espanola, but it cannot be half so wearisome as it was for columbus, whom we left enveloped in that dark cloud of error and surrender in which he sacrificed his dignity and good faith to the impudent demands of a mutinous servant. to his other troubles in san domingo the presence of this roldan was now added; and the reinstated alcalde was not long in making use of the victory he had gained. he bore himself with intolerable arrogance and insolence, discharging one of columbus's personal bodyguard on the ground that no one should hold any office on the island except with his consent. he demanded grants of land for himself and his followers, which columbus held himself obliged to concede; and the admiral, further to pacify him, invented a very disastrous system of repartimientos, under which certain chiefs were relieved from paying tribute on condition of furnishing feudal service to the settlers--a system which rapidly developed into the most cruel and oppressive kind of slavery. the admiral at this time also, in despair of keeping things quiet by his old methods of peace and conciliation, created a kind of police force which roamed about the island, exacting tribute and meting out summary punishment to all defaulters. among other concessions weakly made to roldan at this time was the gift of the crown estate of esperanza, situated in the vega real, whither he betook himself and embarked on what was nothing more nor less than a despotic reign, entirely ignoring the regulations and prerogatives of the admiral, and taking prisoners and administering punishment just as he pleased. the admiral was helpless, and thought of going back to spain, but the condition of the island was such that he did not dare to leave it. instead, he wrote a long letter to the sovereigns, full of complaints against other people and justifications of himself, in the course of which he set forth those quibbling excuses for his capitulation to roldan which we have already heard. and there was a pathetic request at the end of the letter that his son diego might be sent out to him. as i have said, columbus was by this time a prematurely old man, and feeling the clouds gathering about him, and the loneliness and friendlessness of his position at espanola, he instinctively looked to the next generation for help, and to the presence of his own son for sympathy and comfort. it was at this moment (september 5, 1499) that a diversion arose in the rumour that four caravels had been seen off the western end of espanola and duly reported to the admiral; and this announcement was soon followed by the news that they were commanded by ojeda, who was collecting dye-wood in the island forests. columbus, although he had so far as we know had no previous difficulties with ojeda, had little cause now to credit any adventurer with kindness towards himself; and ojeda's secrecy in not reporting himself at san domingo, and, in fact, his presence on the island at all without the knowledge of the admiral, were sufficient evidence that he was there to serve his own ends. some gleam of christopher's old cleverness in handling men was--now shown by his instructing roldan to sally forth and bring ojeda to order. it was a case of setting a thief to catch a thief and, as it turned out, was not a bad stroke. roldan, nothing loth, sailed round to that part of the coast where ojeda's ships were anchored, and asked to see his licence; which was duly shown to him and rather took the wind out of his sails. he heard a little gossip from ojeda, moreover, which had its own significance for him. the queen was ill; columbus was in disgrace; there was talk of superseding him. ojeda promised to sail round to san domingo and report himself; but instead, he sailed to the east along the coast of xaragua, where he got into communication with some discontented spanish settlers and concocted a scheme for leading them to san domingo to demand redress for their imagined grievances. roldan, however, who had come to look for ojeda, discovered him at this point; and there ensued some very pretty play between the two rascals, chiefly in trickery and treachery, such as capturing each other's boats and emissaries, laying traps for one another, and taking prisoner one another's crews. the end of it was that ojeda left the island without having reported himself to columbus, but not before he had completed his business--which was that of provisioning his ships and collecting dye-wood and slaves. and so exit ojeda from the columbian drama. of his own drama only one more act remained to be played; which, for the sake of our past interest in him, we will mention here. chiefly on account of his intimacy with fonseca he was some years later given a governorship in the neighbourhood of the gulf of darien; juan de la cosa accompanying him as unofficial partner. ojeda has no sooner landed there than he is fighting the natives; natives too many for him this time; ojeda forced to hide in the forest, where he finds the body of de la cosa, who has come by a shocking death. ojeda afterwards tries to govern his colony, but is no good at that; cannot govern his own temper, poor fellow. quarrels with his crew, is put in irons, carried to espanola, and dies there (1515) in great poverty and eclipse. one of the many, evidently, who need a strong guiding hand, and perish without it. it really began to seem as though roldan, having had his fling and secured the excessive privileges that he coveted, had decided that loyalty to christopher was for the present the most profitable policy; but the mutinous spirit that he had cultivated in his followers for his own ends could not be so readily converted into this cheap loyalty. more trouble was yet to come of this rebellion. there was in the island a young spanish aristocrat, fernando de guevara by name, one of the many who had come out in the hope of enjoying himself and making a fortune quickly, whose more than outrageously dissolute life in san domingo had caused columbus to banish him thence; and he was now living near xaragua with a cousin of his, adrian de moxeca, who had been one of the ringleaders in roldan's conspiracy. within this pleasant province of xaragua lived, as we have seen, anacaona, the sister of caonabo, the lord of the house of gold. she herself was a beautiful woman, called by her subjects bloom of the gold; and she had a still more beautiful daughter, higuamota, who appears in history, like so many other women, on account of her charms and what came of them. of pretty higuamota, who once lived like a dryad among the groves of espanola and has been dead now for so long, we know nothing except that she was beautiful, which, although she doubtless did not think so while she lived, turns out to have been the most important thing about her. young guevara, coming to stay with his cousin adrian, becomes a visitor at the house of anacaona; sees the pretty daughter and falls in love with her. other people also, it appears, have been in a similar state, but higuamota is not very accessible; a fact which of course adds to the interest of the chase, and turns dissolute fernando's idle preference into something like a passion. roldan, who has also had an eye upon her, and apparently no more than an eye, discovers that fernando, in order to gratify his passion, is proposing to go the absurd length of marrying the young woman, and has sent for a priest for that purpose. roldan, instigated thereto by primitive forces, thinks it would be impolitic for a spanish grandee to marry with a heathen; very well, then, fernando will have her baptized--nothing simpler when water and a priest are handy. roldan, seeing that the young man is serious, becomes peremptory, and orders him to leave xaragua. fernando ostentatiously departs, but is discovered a little later actually living in the house of anacaona, who apparently is sympathetic to love's young dream. once more ordered away, this time with anger and threats, guevara changes his tune and implores roldan to let him stay, promising that he will give up the marriage project and also, no doubt, the no-marriage project. but guevara has sympathisers. the mutineers have not forgiven roldan for deserting them and becoming a lawful instead of an unlawful ruler. they are all on the side of guevara, who accordingly moves to the next stage of island procedure, and sets on foot some kind of plot to kill roldan and the admiral. fortunately where there is treachery it generally works both ways; this plot came to the ears of the authorities; the conspirators were arrested and sent to san domingo. this action came near to bringing the whole island about columbus's ears. adrian de moxeca was furious at what he conceived to be the treachery of roldan, for roldan was in such a pass that the barest act of duty was necessarily one of treachery to his friends. moxeca took the place of chief rebel that roldan had vacated; rallied the mutineers round him, and was on the point of starting for concepcion, one of the chain of forts across the island where columbus was at present staying, when the admiral discovered his plan. all that was strongest and bravest in him rose up at this menace. his weakness and cowardice were forgotten; and with the spirit of an old sea-lion he sallied forth against the mutineers. he had only a dozen men on whom he could rely, but he armed them well and marched secretly and swiftly under cloud of night to the place where moxeca and his followers were encamped in fond security, and there suddenly fell upon them, capturing moxeca and the chief ringleaders. the rest scattered in terror and escaped. moxeca was hurried off to the battlements of san domingo and there, in the very midst of a longdrawn trembling confession to the priest in attendance, was swung off the ramparts and hanged. the others, although also condemned to death, were kept in irons in the fortress, while christopher and bartholomew, roused at last to vigorous action, scoured the island hunting down the remainder, killing some who resisted, hanging others on the spot, and imprisoning the remainder at san domingo. after these prompt measures peace reigned for a time in the island, and columbus was perhaps surprised to see what wholesome effects could be produced by a little exemplary severity. the natives, who under the weakness of his former rule had been discontented and troublesome, now settled down submissively to their yoke; the spaniards began to work in earnest on their farms; and there descended upon island affairs a brief st. martin's summer of peace before the final winter of blight and death set in. the admiral, however, was obviously in precarious health; his ophthalmia became worse, and the stability of his mind suffered. he had dreams and visions of divine help and comfort, much needed by him, poor soul, in all his tribulations and adversities. even yet the cup was not full. we must now turn back to spain and try to form some idea of the way in which the doings of columbus were being regarded there if we are to understand the extraordinary calamity that was soon to befall him. it must be remembered first of all that his enterprise had never really been popular from the first. it was carried out entirely by the energy and confidence of queen isabella, who almost alone of those in power believed in it as a thing which was certain to bring ultimate glory, as well as riches and dominion, to spain and the catholic faith. as we have seen, there had been a brief ebullition of popular favour when columbus returned from his first voyage, but it was a popularity excited solely by the promises of great wealth that columbus was continually holding forth. when those promises were not immediately fulfilled popular favour subsided; and when the adventurers who had gone out to the new islands on the strength of those promises had returned with shattered health and empty pockets there was less chance than ever of the matter being regarded in its proper light by the people of spain. columbus had either found a gold mine or he had found nothing--that was the way in which the matter was popularly regarded. those who really understood the significance of his discoveries and appreciated their scientific importance did not merely stay at home in spain and raise a clamour; they went out in the admiral's footsteps and continued the work that he had begun. even king ferdinand, for all his cleverness, had never understood the real lines on which the colony should have been developed. his eyes were fixed upon europe; he saw in the discoveries of columbus a means rather than an end; and looked to them simply as a source of revenue with the help of which he could carry on his ambitious schemes. and when, as other captains made voyages confirming and extending the work of columbus, he did begin to understand the significance of what had been done, he realised too late that the admiral had been given powers far in excess of what was prudent or sensible. during all the time that columbus and his brothers were struggling with the impossible situation at espanola there was but one influence at work in spain, and that was entirely destructive to the admiral. every caravel that came from the new world brought two things. it brought a crowd of discontented colonists, many of whom had grave reasons for their discontent; and it brought letters from the admiral in which more and more promises were held out, but in which also querulous complaints against this and that person, and against the spanish settlers generally, were set forth at wearisome length. it is not remarkable that the people of spain, even those who were well disposed towards columbus, began to wonder if these two things were not cause and effect. the settlers may have been a poor lot, but they were the material with which columbus had to deal; he had powers enough, heaven knew, powers of life and death; and the problem began to resolve itself in the minds of those at the head of affairs in spain in the following terms. given an island, rich and luxuriant beyond the dreams of man; given a native population easily subdued; given settlers of one kind or another; and given a viceroy with unlimited powers--could he or could he not govern the island? it was a by no means unfair way of putting the case, and there is little justice in the wild abuse that has been hurled at ferdinand and isabella on this ground. columbus may have been the greatest genius in the world; very possibly they admitted it; but in the meanwhile spain was resounding with the cries of the impoverished colonists who had returned from his ocean paradise. no doubt the sovereigns ignored them as much as they possibly could; but when it came to ragged emaciated beggars coming in batches of fifty at a time and sitting in the very courts of the alhambra, exhibiting bunches of grapes and saying that that was all they could afford to live upon since they had come back from the new world, some notice had to be taken of it. even young diego and ferdinand, the admiral's sons, came in for the obloquy with which his name was associated; the colonial vagabonds hung round the portals of the palace and cried out upon them as they passed so that they began to dislike going out. columbus, as we know, had plenty of enemies who had access to the king and queen; and never had enemies an easier case to urge. money was continually being spent on ships and supplies; where was the return for it? what about the ophir of solomon? what about the land of spices? what about the pearls? and if you want to add a touch of absurdity, what about the garden of eden and the great khan? to the most impartial eyes it began to appear as though columbus were either an impostor or a fool. there is no evidence that ferdinand and isabella thought that he was an impostor or that he had wilfully deceived them; but there is some evidence that they began to have an inkling as to what kind of a man he really was, and as to his unfitness for governing a colony. once more something had to be done. the sending out of a commissioner had not been a great success before, but in the difficulties of the situation it seemed the only thing. still there was a good deal of hesitation, and it is probable that isabella was not yet fully convinced of the necessity for this grave step. this hesitation was brought to an end by the arrival from espanola of the ships bearing the followers of roldan, who had been sent back under the terms of columbus's feeble capitulation. the same ships brought a great quantity of slaves, which the colonists were able to show had been brought by the permission of the admiral; they carried native girls also, many of them pregnant, many with new-born babies; and these also came with the permission of the admiral. the ships further carried the admiral's letter complaining of the conspiracy of roldan and containing the unfortunate request for a further licence to extend the slave trade. these circumstances were probably enough to turn the scale of isabella's opinion against the admiral's administration. the presence of the slaves particularly angered her kind womanly heart. "what right has he to give away my vassals?" she exclaimed, and ordered that they should all be sent back, and that in addition all the other slaves who had come home should be traced and sent back; although of course it was impossible to carry out this last order. at any rate there was no longer any hesitation about sending out a commissioner, and the sovereigns chose one francisco de bobadilla, an official of the royal household, for the performance of this difficult mission. as far as we can decipher him he was a very ordinary official personage; prejudiced, it is possible, against an administration that had produced such disastrous results and which offended his orderly official susceptibilities; otherwise to be regarded as a man exactly honest in the performance of what he conceived to be his duties, and entirely indisposed to allow sentiment or any other extraneous matter to interfere with such due performance. we shall have need to remember, when we see him at work in espanola, that he was not sent out to judge between columbus and his sovereigns or between columbus and the world, but to investigate the condition of the colony and to take what action he thought necessary. the commission which he bore to the admiral was in the following terms: "the king and the queen: don christopher columbus, our admiral of the ocean-sea. we have directed francisco de bobadilla, the bearer of this, to speak to you for us of certain things which he will mention: we request you to give him faith and credence and to obey him. from madrid, may 26, '99. i the king. i the queen. by their command. miguel perez de almazan." in addition bobadilla bore with him papers and authorities giving him complete control and possession of all the forts, arms, and royal property in the island, in case it should be necessary for him to use them; and he also had a number of blank warrants which were signed, but the substance of which was not filled in. this may seem very dreadful to us, with our friendship for the poor admiral; but considering the grave state of affairs as represented to the king and queen, who had their duties to their colonial subjects as well as to columbus, there was nothing excessive in it. if they were to send out a commissioner at all, and if they were satisfied, as presumably they were, that the man they had chosen was trustworthy, it was only right to make his authority absolute. thus equipped francisco de bobadilla sailed from spain in july 1500. christopher columbus and the new world of his discovery a narrative by filson young volume 5 desperate remedies chapter i the voyage to cuba the sight of the greater part of their fleet disappearing in the direction of home threw back the unstable spanish colony into doubt and despondency. the brief encouragement afforded by ojeda's report soon died away, and the actual discomforts of life in isabella were more important than visionary luxuries that seemed to recede into the distance with the vanishing ships. the food supply was the cause of much discomfort; the jobbery and dishonesty which seem inseparable from the fitting out of a large expedition had stored the ships with bad wine and imperfectly cured provisions; and these combined with the unhealthy climate to produce a good deal of sickness. the feeling against columbus, never far below the spanish surface, began to express itself definitely in treacherous consultations and plots; and these were fomented by bernal diaz, the comptroller of the colony, who had access to columbus's papers and had seen the letter sent by him to spain. columbus was at this time prostrated by an attack of fever, and diaz took the opportunity to work the growing discontent up to the point of action. he told the colonists that columbus had painted their condition in far too favourable terms; that he was deceiving them as well as the sovereigns; and a plot was hatched to seize the ships that remained and sail for home, leaving columbus behind to enjoy the riches that he had falsely boasted about. they were ready to take alarm at anything, and to believe anything one way or the other; and as they had believed ojeda when he came back with his report of riches, now they believed cado, the assayer, who said that even such gold as had been found was of a very poor and worthless quality. the mutiny developed fast; and a table of charges against columbus, which was to be produced in spain as a justification for it, had actually been drawn up when the admiral, recovering from his illness, discovered what was on foot. he dealt promptly and firmly with it in his quarterdeck manner, which was always far more effective than his viceregal manner. diaz was imprisoned and lodged in chains on board one of the ships, to be sent to spain for trial; and the other ringleaders were punished also according to their deserts. the guns and ammunition were all stored together on one ship under a safe guard, and the mutiny was stamped out. but the spaniards did not love columbus any the better for it; did not any the more easily forgive him for being in command of them and for being a foreigner. but it would never do for the colony to stagnate in isabella, and columbus decided to make a serious attempt, not merely to discover the gold of cibao, but to get it. he therefore organised a military expedition of about 400 men, including artificers, miners, and carriers, with the little cavalry force that had been brought out from spain. every one who had armour wore it, flags and banners were carried, drums and trumpets were sounded; the horses were decked out in rich caparisons, and as glittering and formidable a show was made as possible. leaving his brother james in command of the settlement, columbus set out on the 12th of march to the interior of the island. through the forest and up the mountainside a road was cut by pioneers from among the aristocratic adventurers who had come with the party; which road, the first made in the new world, was called el puerto de los hidalgos. the formidable, glittering cavalcade inspired the natives with terror and amazement; they had never seen horses before, and when one of the soldiers dismounted it seemed to them as though some terrifying two-headed, six-limbed beast had come asunder. what with their fright of the horses and their desire to possess the trinkets that were carried they were very friendly and hospitable, and supplied the expedition with plenty of food. at last, after passing mountain ranges that made their hearts faint, and rich valleys that made them hopeful again, the explorers came to the mountains of cibao, and passing over the first range found themselves in a little valley at the foot of the hills where a river wound round a fertile plain and there was ample accommodation for an encampment. there were the usual signs of gold, and columbus saw in the brightly coloured stones of the river-bed evidence of unbounded wealth in precious stones. at last he had come to the place! he who had doubted so much, and whose faith had wavered, had now been led to a place where he could touch and handle the gold and jewels of his desire; and he therefore called the place saint thomas. he built a fort here, leaving a garrison of fifty-six men under the command of pedro margarite to collect gold from the natives, and himself returned to isabella, which he reached at the end of march. enforced absence from the thing he has organised is a great test of efficiency in any man. the world is full of men who can do things themselves; but those who can organise from the industry of their men a machine which will steadily perform the work whether the organiser is absent or present are rare indeed. columbus was one of the first class. his own power and personality generally gave him some kind of mastery over any circumstances in which he was immediately concerned; but let him be absent for a little time, and his organisation went to pieces. no one was better than he at conducting a one-man concern; and his conduct of the first voyage, so long as he had his company under his immediate command, was a model of efficiency. but when the material under his command began to grow and to be divided into groups his life became a succession of ups and downs. while he was settling and disciplining one group mutiny and disorder would attack the other; and when he went to attend to them, the first one immediately fell into confusion again. he dealt with the discontent in isabella, organising the better disposed part of it in productive labour, and himself marching the malcontents into something like discipline and order, leaving them at saint thomas, as we have seen, usefully collecting gold. but while he was away the people at isabella had got themselves into trouble again, and when he arrived there on the morning of march 29th he found the town in a deplorable condition. the lake beside which the city had been built, and which seemed so attractive and healthy a spot, turned out to be nothing better than a fever trap. drained from the malarial marshes, its sickly exhalations soon produced an epidemic that incapacitated more than half the colony and interrupted the building operations. the time of those who were well was entirely occupied with the care of those who were sick, and all productive work was at a standstill. the reeking virgin soil had produced crops in an incredibly short time, and the sowings of january were ready for reaping in the beginning of april. but there was no one to reap them, and the further cultivation of the ground had necessarily been neglected. the faint-hearted spaniards, who never could meet any trouble without grumbling, were now in the depths of despair and angry discontent; and it had not pleased them to be put on a short allowance of even the unwholesome provisions that remained from the original store. a couple of rude hand-mills had been erected for the making of flour, and as food was the first necessity columbus immediately put all the able-bodied men in the colony, whatever their rank, to the elementary manual work of grinding. friar buil and the twelve benedictine brothers who were with him thought this a wise order, assuming of course that as clerics they would not be asked to work. but great was their astonishment, and loud and angry their criticism of the admiral, when they found that they also were obliged to labour with their hands. but columbus was firm; there were absolutely no exceptions made; hidalgo and priest had to work alongside of sailor and labourer; and the curses of the living mingled with those of the dying on the man whose boastful words had brought them to such a place and such a condition. it was only in the nature of things that news should now arrive of trouble at saint thomas. gold and women again; instead of bartering or digging, the spaniards had been stealing; and discipline had been relaxed, with the usual disastrous results with regard to the women of the adjacent native tribes. pedro margarite sent a nervous message to columbus expressing his fear that caonabo, the native king, should be exasperated to the point of attacking them again. columbus therefore despatched ojeda in command of a force of 350 armed men to saint thomas with instructions that he was to take over the command of that post, while margarite was to take out an expedition in search of caonabo whom, with his brothers, margarite was instructed to capture at all costs. having thus set things going in the interior, and once more restored isabella to something like order, he decided to take three ships and attempt to discover the coast of cathay. the old nina, the san juan, and the cordera, three small caravels, were provisioned for six months and manned by a company of fifty-two men. francisco nino went once more with the admiral as pilot, and the faithful juan de la cosa was taken to draw charts; one of the monks also, to act as chaplain. the admiral had a steward, a secretary, ten seamen and six boys to complete the company on the nina. the san juan was commanded by alonso perez roldan and the cordera by christoval nino. diego was again left in command of the colony, with four counsellors, friar buil, fernandez coronel, alonso sanchez carvajal, and juan de luxan, to assist his authority. the admiral sailed on april 24th, steering to the westward and touching at la navidad before he bore away to the island of cuba, the southern shore of which it was now his intention to explore. at one of his first anchorages he discovered a native feast going on, and when the boats from his ships pulled ashore the feasters fled in terror--the hungry spaniards finishing their meal for them. presently, however, the feasters were induced to come back, and columbus with soft speeches made them a compensation for the food that had been taken, and produced a favourable impression, as his habit was; with the result that all along the coast he was kindly received by the natives, who supplied him with food and fresh fruit in return for trinkets. at the harbour now known as santiago de cuba, where he anchored on may 2nd, he had what seemed like authentic information of a great island to the southward which was alleged to be the source of all the gold. the very compasses of columbus's ships seem by this time to have become demagnetised, and to have pointed only to gold; for no sooner had he heard this report than he bore away to the south in pursuit of that faint yellow glitter that had now quite taken the place of the original inner light of faith. the low coast of jamaica, hazy and blue at first, but afterwards warming into a golden belt crowned by the paler and deeper greens of the foliage, was sighted first by columbus on sunday, may 4th; and he anchored the next day in the beautiful harbour of saint anne, to which he gave the name of santa gloria. to the island itself he gave the name of santiago, which however has never displaced its native name of jamaica. the dim blue mountains and clumps of lofty trees about the bay were wonderful even to columbus, whose eyes must by this time have been growing accustomed to the beauty of the west indies, and he lost his heart to jamaica from the first moment that his eyes rested on its green and golden shores. perhaps he was by this time a little out of conceit with hayti; but be that as it may he retracted all the superlatives he had ever used for the other lands of his discovery, and bestowed them in his heart upon jamaica. he was not humanly so well received as he had been on the other islands, for when he cast anchor the natives came out in canoes threatening hostilities and had to be appeased with red caps and hawks' bells. next day, however, columbus wished to careen his ships, and sailed a little to the west until he found a suitable beach at puerto bueno; and as he approached the shore some large canoes filled with painted and feathered warriors came out and attacked his ships, showering arrows and javelins, and whooping and screaming at the spaniards. the guns were discharged, and an armed party sent ashore in a boat, and the natives were soon put to flight. there was no renewal of hostilities; the next day the local cacique came down offering provisions and help; presents were exchanged, and cordial relations established. columbus noticed that the jamaicans seemed to be a much more virile community than either the cubans or the people of espanola. they had enormous canoes hollowed out of single mahogany trees, some of them 96 feet long and 8 feet broad, which they handled with the greatest ease and dexterity; they had a merry way with them too, were quick of apprehension and clever at expressing their meaning, and in their domestic utensils and implements they showed an advance in civilisation on the other islanders of the group. columbus did some trade with the islanders as he sailed along the coast, but he does not seem to have believed much in the gold story, for after sailing to the western point of the island he bore away to the north again and sighted the coast of cuba on the 18th of may. the reason why columbus kept returning to the coast of cuba was that he believed it to be the mainland of asia. the unlettered natives, who had never read marco polo, told him that it was an island, although no man had ever seen the end of it; but columbus did not believe them, and sailed westward in the belief that he would presently come upon the country and city of cathay. soon he found himself in the wonderful labyrinth of islets and sandbanks off the south coast; and because of the wonderful colours of their flowers and climbing plants he called them jardin de la reina or queen's garden. dangerous as the navigation through these islands was, he preferred to risk the shoals and sandbanks rather than round them out at sea to the southward, for he believed them to be the islands which, according to marco polo, lay in masses along the coast of cathay. in this adventure he had a very hard time of it; the lead had to be used all the time, the ships often had to be towed, the wind veered round from every quarter of the compass, and there were squalls and tempests, and currents that threatened to set them ashore. by great good fortune, however, they managed to get through the archipelago without mishap. by june 3rd they were sailing along the coast again, and columbus had some conversation with an old cacique who told him of a province called mangon (or so columbus understood him) that lay to the west. sir john mandeville had described the province of mangi as being the richest in cathay; and of course, thought the admiral, this must be the place. he went westward past the gulf of xagua and got into the shallow sandy waters, now known as the jardinillos bank, where the sea was whitened with particles of sand. when he had got clear of this shoal water he stood across a broad bay towards a native settlement where he was able to take in yams, fruit, fish, and fresh water. but this excitement and hard work were telling on the admiral, and when a native told him that there was a tribe close by with long tails, he believed him; and later, when one of his men, coming back from a shore expedition, reported that he had seen some figures in a forest wearing white robes, columbus believed that they were the people with the tails, who wore a long garment to conceal them. he was moving in a world of enchantment; the weather was like no weather in any known part of the world; there were fogs, black and thick, which blew down suddenly from the low marshy land, and blew away again as suddenly; the sea was sometimes white as milk, sometimes black as pitch, sometimes purple, sometimes green; scarlet cranes stood looking at them as they slid past the low sandbanks; the warm foggy air smelt of roses; shoals of turtles covered the waters, black butterflies circled in the mist; and the fever that was beginning to work in the admiral's blood mounted to his brain, so that in this land of bad dreams his fixed ideas began to dominate all his other faculties, and he decided that he must certainly be on the coast of cathay, in the magic land described by marco polo. there is nothing which illustrates the arbitrary and despotic government of sea life so well as the nautical phrase "make it so." the very hours of the day, slipping westward under the keel of an east-going ship, are "made" by rigid decree; the captain takes his observation of sun or stars, and announces the position of the ship to be at a certain spot on the surface of the globe; any errors of judgment or deficiencies of method are covered by the words "make it so." and in all the elusive phenomena surrounding him the fevered brain of the admiral discerned evidence that he was really upon the coast of asia, although there was no method by which he could place the matter beyond a doubt. the word asia was not printed upon the sands of cuba, as it might be upon a map; the lines of longitude did not lie visibly across the surface of the sea; there was nothing but sea and land, the admiral's charts, and his own conviction. therefore columbus decided to "make it so." if there was no other way of being sure that this was the coast of cathay, he would decree it to be the coast of cathay by a legal document and by oaths and affidavits. he would force upon the members of his expedition a conviction at least equal to his own; and instead of pursuing any further the coast that stretched interminably west and south-west, he decided to say, in effect, and once and for all, "let this be the mainland of asia." he called his secretary to him and made him draw up a form of oath or testament, to which every member of the expedition was required to subscribe, affirming that the land off which they were then lying (12th june 1494), was the mainland of the indies and that it was possible to return to spain by land from that place; and every officer who should ever deny it in the future was laid under a penalty of ten thousand maravedis, and every ship's boy or seaman under a penalty of one hundred lashes; and in addition, any member of the expedition denying it in the future was to have his tongue cut out. no one will pretend that this was the action of a sane man; neither will any one wonder that columbus was something less than sane after all he had gone through, and with the beginnings of a serious illness already in his blood. his achievement was slipping from his grasp; the gold had not been found, the wonders of the east had not been discovered; and it was his instinct to secure something from the general wreck that seemed to be falling about him, and to force his own dreams to come true, that caused him to cut this grim and fantastic legal caper off the coast of cuba. he thought it at the time unlikely, seeing the difficulties of navigation that he had gone through, which he might be pardoned for regarding as insuperable to a less skilful mariner, that any one should ever come that way again; even he himself said that he would never risk his life again in such a place. he wished his journey, therefore, not to have been made in vain; and as he himself believed that he had stood on the mainland of asia he took care to take back with him the only kind of evidence that was possible namely, the sworn affidavits of the ships' crews. perhaps in his madness he would really have gone on and tried to reach the golden chersonesus of ptolemy, which according to marco polo lay just beyond, and so to steer homeward round ceylon and the cape of good hope; in which case he would either have been lost or would have discovered mexico. the crews, however, would not hear of the voyage being continued westward. the ships were leaking and the salt water was spoiling the already doubtful provisions and he was forced to turn back. he stood to the south-east, and reached the isle of pines, to which he gave the name of evangelista, where the water-casks were filled, and from there he tried to sail back to the east. but he found himself surrounded by islands and banks in every direction, which made any straight course impossible. he sailed south and east and west and north, and found himself always back again in the middle of this charmed group of islands. he spent almost a month trying to escape from them, and once his ship went ashore on a sandbank and was only warped off with the greatest difficulty. on july 7th he was back again in the region of the "queen's gardens," from which he stood across to the coast of cuba. he anchored and landed there, and being in great distress and difficulty he had a large cross erected on the mainland, and had mass said. when the spaniards rose from their knees they saw an old native man observing them; and the old man came and sat down beside columbus and talked to him through the interpreter. he told him that he had been in jamaica and espanola as well as in cuba, and that the coming of the spaniards had caused great distress to the people of the islands. he then spoke to columbus about religion, and the gist of what he said was something like this: "the performance of your worship seems good to me. you believe that this life is not everything; so do we; and i know that when this life is over there are two places reserved for me, to one of which i shall certainly go; one happy and beautiful, one dreadful and miserable. joy and kindness reign in the one place, which is good enough for the best of men; and they will go there who while they have lived on the earth have loved peace and goodness, and who have never robbed or killed or been unkind. the other place is evil and full of shadows, and is reserved for those who disturb and hurt the sons of men; how important it is, therefore, that one should do no evil or injury in this world!" columbus replied with a brief statement of his own theological views, and added that he had been sent to find out if there were any persons in those islands who did evil to others, such as the caribs or cannibals, and that if so he had come to punish them. the effect of this ingenuous speech was heightened by a gift of hawks' bells and pieces of broken glass; upon receiving which the good old man fell down on his knees, and said that the spaniards must surely have come from heaven. a few days later the voyage to the, south-east was resumed, and some progress was made along the coast. but contrary winds arose which made it impossible for the ships to round cape cruz, and columbus decided to employ the time of waiting in completing his explorations in jamaica. he therefore sailed due south until he once more sighted the beautiful northern coast of that island, following it to the west and landing, as his custom was, whenever he saw a good harbour or anchorage. the wind was still from the east, and he spent a month beating to the eastward along the south coast of the island, fascinated by its beauty, and willing to stay and explore it, but prevented by the discontent of his crews, who were only anxious to get back to espanola. he had friendly interviews with many of the natives of jamaica, and at almost the last harbour at which he touched a cacique with his wife and family and complete retinue came off in canoes to the ship, begging columbus to take him and his household back to spain. columbus considers this family, and thinks wistfully how well they would look in barcelona. father dressed in a cap of gold and green jewels, necklace and earrings of the same; mother decked out in similar regalia, with the addition of a small cotton apron; two sons and five brothers dressed principally in a feather or two; two daughters mother-naked, except that the elder, a handsome girl of eighteen, wears a jewelled girdle from which depends a tablet as big as an ivy leaf, made of various coloured stones embroidered on cotton. what an exhibit for one of the triumphal processions: "native royal family, complete"! but columbus thinks also of the scarcity of provisions on board his ships, and wonders how all these royalties would like to live on a pint of sour wine and a rotten biscuit each per day. alas! there is not sour wine and rotten biscuit enough for his own people; it is still a long way to espanola; and he is obliged to make polite excuses, and to say that he will come back for his majesty another time. it was on the 20th of august that columbus, having the day before seen the last of the dim blue hills of jamaica, sighted again the long peninsula of hayti, called by him cape san miguel, but known to us as cape tiburon; although it was not until he was hailed by a cacique who called out to him "almirante, almirante," that the seaworn mariners realised with joy that the island must be espanola. but they were a long way from isabella yet. they sailed along the south coast, meeting contrary winds, and at one point landing nine men who were to cross the island, and try to reach isabella by land. week followed week, and they made very poor progress. in the beginning of september they were caught in a severe tempest, which separated the ships for a time, and held the admiral weather-bound for eight days. there was an eclipse of the moon during this period, and he took advantage of it to make an observation for longitude, by which he found himself to be 5 hrs. 23 min., or 80 deg. 40', west of cadiz. in this observation there is an error of eighteen degrees, the true longitude of the island of saona, where the observation was taken, being 62 deg. 20' west of cadiz; and the error is accounted for partly by the inaccuracy of the tables of regiomontanus and partly by the crudity and inexactness of the admiral's methods. on the 24th of september they at last reached the easternmost point of espanola, named by columbus san rafael. they stood to the east a little longer, and discovered the little island of mona, which lies between espanola and puerto rico; and from thence shaped their course west-by-north for isabella. and no sooner had the course been set for home than the admiral suddenly and completely collapsed; was carried unconscious to his cabin; and lay there in such extremity that his companions gave him up for lost. it is no ordinary strain to which poor christopher has succumbed. he has been five months at sea, sharing with the common sailors their bad food and weary vigils, but bearing alone on his own shoulders a weight of anxiety of which they knew nothing. watch has relieved watch on his ships, but there has been no one to relieve him, or to lift the burden from his mind. the eyes of a nation are upon him, watchful and jealous eyes that will not forgive him any failure; and to earn their approval he has taken this voyage of five months, during which he has only been able to forget his troubles in the brief hours of slumber. strange uncharted seas, treacherous winds and currents, drenching surges have all done their part in bringing him to this pass; and his body, now starved on rotten biscuits, now glutted with unfamiliar fruits, has been preyed upon by the tortured mind as the mind itself has been shaken and loosened by the weakness of the body. he lies there in his cabin in a deep stupor; memory, sight, and all sensation completely gone from him; dead but for the heart that beats on faintly, and the breath that comes and goes through the parted lips. nino, de la cosa, and the others come and look at him, shake their heads, and go away again. there is nothing to be done; perhaps they will get him back to isabella in time to bury him there; perhaps not. and meanwhile they are back again in calm and safe waters, and coasting a familiar shore; and the faithful little nina, shaking out her wings in the sunny breezes, trips under the guidance of unfamiliar hands towards her moorings in the bay of isabella. it is a sad company that she carries; for in the cabin, deaf and blind and unconscious, there lies the heart and guiding spirit of the new world. he does not hear the talking of the waters past the nina's timbers, does not hear the stamping on the deck and shortening of sail and unstopping of cables and getting out of gear; does not hear the splash of the anchor, nor the screams of birds that rise circling from the shore. does not hear the greetings and the news; does not see bending over him a kind, helpful, and well-beloved face. he sees and hears and knows nothing; and in that state of rest and absence from the body they carry him, still living and breathing, ashore. chapter ii the conquest of espanola we must now go back to the time when columbus, having made what arrangements he could for the safety of espanola, left it under the charge of his brother james. ojeda had duly marched into the interior and taken over the command of fort st. thomas, thus setting free margarite, according to his instructions, to lead an expedition for purposes of reconnoitre and demonstration through the island. these, at any rate, were margarite's orders, duly communicated to him by ojeda; but margarite will have none of them. well born, well educated, well bred, he ought at least to have the spirit to carry out orders so agreeable to a gentleman of adventure; but unfortunately, although margarite is a gentleman by birth, he is a low and dishonest dog by nature. he cannot take the decent course, cannot even play the man, and take his share in the military work of the colony. instead of cutting paths through the forest, and exhibiting his military strength in an orderly and proper way as the admiral intended he should, he marches forth from st. thomas, on hearing that columbus has sailed away, and encamps no further off than the vega real, that pleasant place of green valleys and groves and murmuring rivers. he encamps there, takes up his quarters there, will not budge from there for any admiral; and as for james columbus and his counsellors, they may go to the devil for all margarite cares. one of them at least, he knows--friar buil--is not such a fool as to sit down under the command of that solemn-faced, uncouth young snip from genoa; and doubtless when he is tired of the vega real he and buil can arrange something between them. in the meantime, here is a very beautiful sunshiny place, abounding in all kinds of provisions; food for more than one kind of appetite, as he has noticed when he has thrust his rude way into the native houses and seen the shapely daughters of the islanders. he has a little army of soldiers to forage for him; they can get him food and gold, and they are useful also in those other marauding expeditions designed to replenish the seraglio that he has established in his camp; and if they like to do a little marauding and woman-stealing on their own account, it is no affair of his, and may keep the devils in a good temper. thus don pedro margarite to himself. the peaceable and gentle natives soon began to resent these gross doings. to robbery succeeded outrage, and to outrage murder--all three committed in the very houses of the natives; and they began to murmur, to withhold that goodwill which the spaniards had so sorely tried, and to develop a threatening attitude that was soon communicated to the natives in the vicinity of isabella, and came under the notice of james columbus and his council. grave, bookish, wool-weaving young james, not used to military affairs, and not at all comfortable in his command, can think of no other expedient than--to write a letter to margarite remonstrating with him for his licentious excesses and reminding him of the admiral's instructions, which were being neglected. margarite receives the letter and reads it with a contemptuous laugh. he is not going to be ordered about by a family of italian wool-weavers, and the only change in his conduct is that he becomes more and more careless and impudent, extending the area of his lawless operations, and making frequent visits to isabella itself, swaggering under the very nose of solemn james, and soon deep in consultation with friar buil. at this moment, that is to say very soon after the departure of christopher on his voyage to cuba and jamaica, three ships dropped anchor in the bay of isabella. they were laden with the much-needed supplies from spain, and had been sent out under the command of bartholomew columbus. it will be remembered that when christopher reached spain after his first voyage one of his first cares had been to write to bartholomew, asking him to join him. the letter, doubtless after many wanderings, had found bartholomew in france at the court of charles viii., by whom he was held in some esteem; in fact it was charles who provided him with the necessary money for his journey to spain, for bartholomew had not greatly prospered, in spite of his voyage with diaz to the cape of good hope and of his having been in england making exploration proposals at the court of henry vii. he had arrived in spain after columbus had sailed again, and had presented himself at court with his two nephews, ferdinand and diego, both of whom were now in the service of prince juan as pages. ferdinand and isabella seem to have received bartholomew kindly. they liked this capable navigator, who had much of christopher's charm of manner, and was more a man of the world than he. much more practical also; ferdinand would be sure to like him better than he liked christopher, whose pompous manner and long-winded speeches bored him. bartholomew was quick, alert, decisive and practical; he was an accomplished navigator--almost as accomplished as columbus, as it appeared. he was offered the command of the three ships which were being prepared to go to espanola with supplies; and he duly arrived there after a prosperous voyage. it will be remembered that christopher had, so far as we know, kept the secret of the road to the new islands; and bartholomew can have had nothing more to guide him than a rough chart showing the islands in a certain latitude, and the distance to be run towards them by dead-reckoning. that he should have made an exact landfall and sailed into the bay of isabella, never having been there before, was a certificate of the highest skill in navigation. unfortunately it was james who was in charge of the colony; bartholomew had no authority, for once his ships had arrived in port his mission was accomplished until christopher should return and find him employment. he was therefore forced to sit still and watch his young brother struggling with the unruly spaniards. his presence, however, was no doubt a further exasperation to the malcontents. there existed in isabella a little faction of some of the aristocrats who had never, forgiven columbus for employing them in degrading manual labour; who had never forgiven him in fact for being there at all, and in command over them. and now here was another woolweaver, or son of a wool-weaver, come to put his finger in the pie that christopher has apparently provided so carefully for himself and his family. margarite and buil and some others, treacherous scoundrels all of them, but clannish to their own race and class, decide that they will put up with it no longer; they are tired of espanola in any case, and margarite, from too free indulgence among the native women, has contracted an unpleasant disease, and thinks that a sea voyage and the attentions of a spanish doctor will be good for him. it is easy for them to put their plot into execution. there are the ships; there is nothing, for them to do but take a couple of them, provision them, and set sail for spain, where they trust to their own influence, and the story they will be able to tell of the falseness of the admiral's promises, to excuse their breach of discipline. and sail they do, snapping their fingers at the wool-weavers. james and bartholomew were perhaps glad to be rid of them, but their relief was tempered with anxiety as to the result on christopher's reputation and favour when the malcontents should have made their false representations at court. the brothers were powerless to do anything in that matter, however, and the state of affairs in espanola demanded their close attention. margarite's little army, finding itself without even the uncertain restraint of its commander, now openly mutinied and abandoned itself to the wildest excesses. it became scattered and disbanded, and little groups of soldiers went wandering about the country, robbing and outraging and carrying cruelty and oppression among the natives. long-suffering as these were, and patiently as they bore with the unspeakable barbarities of the spanish soldiers, there came a point beyond which their forbearance would not go. an aching spirit of unforgiveness and revenge took the place of their former gentleness and compliance; and here and there, when the spaniards were more brutal and less cautious than was their brutal and incautious habit, the natives fell upon them and took swift and bloody revenge. small parties found themselves besieged and put to death whole villages, whose hospitality had been abused, cut off wandering groups of the marauders and burned the houses where they lodged. the disaffection spread; and caonabo, who had never abated his resentment at the spanish intrusion into the island, thought the time had come to make another demonstration of native power. fortunately for the spaniards his object was the fort of st. thomas, commanded by the alert ojeda; and this young man, who was not easily to be caught napping, had timely intelligence of his intention. when caonabo, mustering ten thousand men, suddenly surrounded the fort and prepared to attack it, he found the fifty spaniards of the garrison more than ready for him, and his naked savages dared not advance within the range of the crossbows and arquebuses. caonabo tried to besiege the station, watching every gorge and road through which supplies could reach it, but ojeda made sallies and raids upon the native force, under which it became thinned and discouraged; and caonabo had finally to withdraw to his own territory. but he was not yet beaten. he decided upon another and much larger enterprise, which was to induce the other caciques of the island to co-operate with him in an attack upon isabella, the population of which he knew would have been much thinned and weakened by disease. the island was divided into five native provinces. the northeastern part, named marien, was under the rule of guacanagari, whose headquarters were near the abandoned la navidad. the remaining eastern part of the island, called higuay, was under a chief named cotabanama. the western province was xaragua, governed by one behechio, whose sister, anacaona, was the wife of caonabo. the middle of the island was divided into two provinces-that which extended from the northern coast to the cibao mountains and included the vega real being governed by guarionex, and that which extended from the cibao mountains to the south being governed by caonabo. all these rulers were more or less embittered by the outrages and cruelties of the spaniards, and all agreed to join with caonabo except guacanagari. that loyal soul, so faithful to what he knew of good, shocked and distressed as he was by outrages from which his own people had suffered no less than the others, could not bring himself to commit what he regarded as a breach of the laws of hospitality. it was upon his shores that columbus had first landed; and although it was his own country and his own people whose wrongs were to be avenged, he could not bring himself to turn traitor to the grave admiral with whom, in those happy days of the past, he had enjoyed so much pleasant intercourse. his refusal to co-operate delayed the plan of caonabo, who directed the island coalition against guacanagari himself in order to bring him to reason. he was attacked by the neighbouring chiefs; one of his wives was killed and another captured; but still he would not swerve from his ideal of conduct. the first thing that columbus recognised when he opened his eyes after his long period of lethargy and insensibility was the face of his brother bartholomew bend-over him where he lay in bed in his own house at espanola. nothing could have been more welcome to him, sick, lonely and discouraged as he was, than the presence of that strong, helpful brother; and from the time when bartholomew's friendly face first greeted him he began to get better. his first act, as soon as he was strong enough to sign a paper, was to appoint bartholomew to the office of adelantado, or lieutenant-governor--an indiscreet and rather tactless proceeding which, although it was not outside his power as a bearer of the royal seal, was afterwards resented by king ferdinand as a piece of impudent encroachment upon the royal prerogative. but columbus was unable to transact business himself, and james was manifestly of little use; the action was natural enough. in the early days of his convalescence he had another pleasant experience, in the shape of a visit from guacanagari, who came to express his concern at the admiral's illness, and to tell him the story of what had been going on in his absence. the gentle creature referred again with tears to the massacre at la navidad, and again asserted that innocence of any hand in it which columbus had happily never doubted; and he told him also of the secret league against isabella, of his own refusal to join it, and of the attacks to which he had consequently been subjected. it must have been an affecting meeting for these two, who represented the first friendship formed between the old world and the new, who were both of them destined to suffer in the impact of civilisation and savagery, and whose names and characters were happily destined to survive that impact, and to triumph over the oblivion of centuries. so long as the native population remained hostile and unconquered by kindness or force, it was impossible to work securely at the development of the colony; and columbus, however regretfully, had come to feel that circumstances more or less obliged him to use force. at first he did not quite realise the gravity of the position, and attempted to conquer or reconcile the natives in little groups. guarionex, the cacique of the vega real, was by gifts and smooth words soothed back into a friendship which was consolidated by the marriage of his daughter with columbus's native interpreter. it was useless, how ever, to try and make friends with caonabo, that fierce irreconcilable; and it was felt that only by stratagem could he be secured. no sooner was this suggested than ojeda volunteered for the service. amid the somewhat slow-moving figures of our story this man appears as lively as a flea; and he dances across our pages in a sensation of intrepid feats of arms that make his great popularity among the spaniards easily credible to us. he did not know what fear was; he was always ready for a fight of any kind; a quarrel in the streets of madrid, a duel, a fight with a man or a wild beast, a brawl in a tavern or a military expedition, were all the same to him, if only they gave him an opportunity for fighting. he had a little picture of the virgin hung round his neck, by which he swore, and to which he prayed; he had never been so much as scratched in all his affrays, and he believed that he led a charmed life. who would go out against caonabo, the goliath of the island? he, little david ojeda, he would go out and undertake to fetch the giant back with him; and all he wanted was ten men, a pair of handcuffs, a handful of trinkets, horses for the whole of his company, and his little image or picture of the virgin. columbus may have smiled at this proposal, but he knew his man; and ojeda duly departed with his horses and his ten men. plunging into the forest, he made his way through sixty leagues of dense undergrowth until he arrived in the very heart of caonabo's territory and presented himself at the chiefs house. the chief was at home, and, not unimpressed by the valour of ojeda, who represented himself as coming on a friendly mission, received him under conditions of truce. he had an eye for military prowess, this caonabo, and something of the lion's heart in him; he recognised in ojeda the little man who kept him so long at bay outside fort st. thomas; and, after the manner of lion-hearted people, liked him none the worse for that. ojeda proposes that the king should accompany him to isabella to make peace. no, says caonabo. then ojeda tries another way. there is a poetical side to this big fighting savage, and often in more friendly days, when the bell in the little chapel of isabella has been ringing for vespers, the cacique has been observed sitting alone on some hill listening, enchanted by the strange silver voice that floated to him across the sunset. the bell has indeed become something of a personality in the island: all the neighbouring savages listen to its voice with awe and fascination, pausing with inclined heads whenever it begins to speak from its turret. ojeda talks to caonabo about the bell, and tells him what a wonderful thing it is; tells him also that if he will come with him to isabella he shall have the bell for a present. poetry and public policy struggle together in caonabo's heart, but poetry wins; the great powerful savage, urged thereto by his childish lion-heart, will come to isabella if they will give him the bell. he sets forth, accompanied by a native retinue, and by ojeda and his ten horsemen. presently they come to a river and ojeda produces his bright manacles; tells the king that they are royal ornaments and that he has been instructed to bestow them upon caonabo as a sign of honour. but first he must come alone to the river and bathe, which he does. then he must sit with ojeda upon his horse; which he does. then he must have fitted on to him the shining silver trinkets; which he does, the great grinning giant, pleased with his toys. then, to show him what it is like to be on a horse, ojeda canters gently round in widening and ever widening circles; a turn of his spurred heels, and the canter becomes a gallop, the circle becomes a straight line, and caonabo is on the road to isabella. when they are well beyond reach of the natives they pause and tie caonabo securely into his place; and by this treachery bring him into isabella, where he is imprisoned in the admiral's house. the sulky giant, brought thus into captivity, refuses to bend his proud, stubborn heart into even a form of submission. he takes no notice of columbus, and pays him no honour, although honour is paid to himself as a captive king. he sits there behind his bars gnawing his fingers, listening to the voice of the bell that has lured him into captivity, and thinking of the free open life which he is to know no more. though he will pay no deference to the admiral, will not even rise when he enters his presence, there is one person he holds in honour, and that is ojeda. he will not rise when the admiral comes; but when ojeda comes, small as he is, and without external state, the chief makes his obeisance to him. the admiral he sets at defiance, and boasts of his destruction of la navidad, and of his plan to destroy isabella; ojeda he respects and holds in honour, as being the only man in the island brave enough to come into his house and carry him off a captive. there is a good deal of the sportsman in caonabo. the immediate result of the capture of caonabo was to rouse the islanders to further hostilities, and one of the brothers of the captive king led a force of seven thousand men to the vicinity of st. thomas, to which ojeda, however, had in the meantime returned. his small force was augmented by some men despatched by bartholomew columbus on receipt of an urgent message; and in command of this force ojeda sallied forth against the natives and attacked them furiously on horse and on foot, killing a great part of them, taking others prisoner, and putting the rest to flight. this was the beginning of the end of the island resistance. a month or two later, when columbus was better, he and bartholomew together mustered the whole of their available army and marched out in search of the native force, which he knew had been rallied and greatly augmented. the two forces met near the present town of santiago, in the plain known as the savanna of matanza. the spanish force was divided into three main divisions, under the command of christopher and bartholomew columbus and ojeda respectively. these three divisions attacked the indians simultaneously from different points, ojeda throwing his cavalry upon them, riding them down, and cutting them to pieces. drums were beaten and trumpets blown; the guns were fired from the cover of the trees; and a pack of bloodhounds, which had been sent out from spain with bartholomew, were let loose upon the natives and tore their bodies to pieces. it was an easy and horrible victory. the native force was estimated by columbus at one hundred thousand men, although we shall probably be nearer the mark if we reduce that estimate by one half. the powers of hell were let loose that day into the earthly paradise. the guns mowed red lines of blood through the solid ranks of the natives; the great spanish horses trod upon and crushed their writhing bodies, in which arrows and lances continually stuck and quivered; and the ferocious dogs, barking and growling, seized the naked indians by the throat, dragged them to the ground, and tore out their very entrails . . . . well for us that the horrible noises of that day are silent now; well for the world that that place of bloodshed and horror has grown green again; better for us and for the world if those cries had never been heard, and that quiet place had never received a stain that centuries of green succeeding springtides can never wash away. it was some time before this final battle that the convalescence of the admiral was further assisted by the arrival of four ships commanded by antonio torres, who must have passed, out of sight and somewhere on the high seas, the ships bearing buil and margarite back to spain. he brought with him a large supply of fresh provisions for the colony, and a number of genuine colonists, such as fishermen, carpenters, farmers, mechanics, and millers. and better still he brought a letter from the sovereigns, dated the 16th of august 1494, which did much to cheer the shaken spirits of columbus. the words with which he had freighted his empty ships had not been in vain; and in this reply to them he was warmly commended for his diligence, and reminded that he enjoyed the unshaken confidence of the sovereigns. they proposed that a caravel should sail every month from spain and from isabella, bearing intelligence of the colony and also, it was hoped, some of its products. in a general letter addressed to the colony the settlers were reminded of the obedience they owed to the admiral, and were instructed to obey him in all things under the penalty of heavy fines. they invited columbus to come back if he could in order to be present at the convention which was to establish the line of demarcation between spanish and portuguese possessions; or if he could not come himself to send his brother bartholomew. there were reasons, however, which made this difficult. columbus wished to despatch the ships back again as speedily as possible, in order that news of him might help to counteract the evil rumours that he knew buil and margarite would be spreading. he himself was as yet (february 1494) too ill to travel; and during his illness bartholomew could not easily be spared. it was therefore decided to send home james, who could most easily be spared, and whose testimony as a member of the governing body during the absence of the admiral on his voyage to cuba might be relied upon to counteract the jealous accusations of margarite and buil. unfortunately there was no golden cargo to send back with him. as much gold as possible was scraped together, but it was very little. the usual assortment of samples of various island products was also sent; but still the vessels were practically empty. columbus must have been painfully conscious that the time for sending samples had more than expired, and that the people in spain might reasonably expect some of the actual riches of which there had been so many specimens and promises. in something approaching desperation, he decided to fill the empty holds of the ships with something which, if it was not actual money, could at least be made to realise money. from their sunny dreaming life on the island five hundred natives were taken and lodged in the dark holds of the caravels, to be sent to spain and sold there for what they would fetch. of course they were to be "freed" and converted to christianity in the process; that was always part of the programme, but it did not interfere with business. they were not man-eating caribs or fierce marauding savages from neighbouring islands, but were of the mild and peaceable race that peopled espanola. the wheels of civilisation were beginning to turn in the new world. after the capture of caonabo and the massacre of april 25th columbus marched through the island, receiving the surrender and submission of the terrified natives. at the approach of his force the caciques came out and sued for peace; and if here and there there was a momentary resistance, a charge of cavalry soon put an end to it. one by one the kings surrendered and laid down their arms, until all the island rulers had capitulated with the exception of behechio, into whose territory columbus did not march, and who sullenly retired to the south-western corner of the island. the terms of peace were harsh enough, and were suggested by the dilemma of columbus in his frantic desire to get together some gold at any cost. a tribute of gold-dust was laid upon every adult native in the island. every three months a hawk's bell full of gold was to be brought to the treasury at isabella, and in the case 39 of caciques the measure was a calabash. a receipt in the form of a brass medal was fastened to the neck of every indian when he paid his tribute, and those who could not show the medal with the necessary number of marks were to be further fined and punished. in the districts where there was no gold, 25 lbs. of cotton was accepted instead. this levy was made in ignorance of the real conditions under which the natives possessed themselves of the gold. what they had in many cases represented the store of years, and in all but one or two favoured districts it was quite impossible for them to keep up the amount of the tribute. yet the hawks' bells, which once had been so eagerly coveted and were now becoming hated symbols of oppression, had to be filled somehow; and as the day of payment drew near the wretched natives, who had formerly only sought for gold when a little of it was wanted for a pretty ornament, had now to work with frantic energy in the river sands; or in other cases, to toil through the heat of the day in the cotton fields which they had formerly only cultivated enough to furnish their very scant requirements of use and adornment. one or two caciques, knowing that their people could not possibly furnish the required amount of gold, begged that its value in grain might be accepted instead; but that was not the kind of wealth that columbus was seeking. it must be gold or nothing; and rather than receive any other article from the gold-bearing districts, he consented to take half the amount. thus step by step, and under the banner of the holy catholic religion, did dark and cruel misery march through the groves and glades of the island and banish for ever its ancient peace. this long-vanished race that was native to the island of espanola seems to have had some of the happiest and most lovable qualities known to dwellers on this planet. they had none of the brutalities of the african, the paralysing wisdom of the asian, nor the tragic potentialities of the european peoples. their life was from day to day, and from season to season, like the life of flowers and birds. they lived in such order and peaceable community as the common sense of their own simple needs suggested; they craved no pleasures except those that came free from nature, and sought no wealth but what the sun gave them. in their verdant island, near to the heart and source of light, surrounded by the murmur of the sea, and so enriched by nature that the idea, of any other kind of riches never occurred to them, their existence went to a happy dancing measure like that of the fauns and nymphs in whose charmed existence they believed. the sun and moon were to them creatures of their island who had escaped from a cavern by the shore and now wandered free in the upper air, peopling it with happy stars; and man himself they believed to have sprung from crevices in the rocks, like the plants that grew tall and beautiful wherever there was a handful of soil for their roots. poor happy children! you are all dead a long while ago now, and have long been hushed in the great humming sleep and silence of time; the modern world has no time nor room for people like you, with so much kindness and so little ambition . . . . yet their free pagan souls were given a chance to be penned within the christian fold; the priest accompanied the gunner and the bloodhound, the missionary walked beside the slave-driver; and upon the bewildered sun-bright surface of their minds the shadow of the cross was for a moment thrown. verily to them the professors of christ brought not peace, but a sword. chapter iii ups and downs while columbus was toiling under the tropical sun to make good his promises to the crown, margarite and buil, having safely come home to spain from across the seas, were busy setting forth their view of the value of his discoveries. it was a view entirely different from any that ferdinand and isabella had heard before, and coming as it did from two men of position and importance who had actually been in espanola, and were loyal and religious subjects of the crown, it could not fail to receive, if not immediate and complete credence, at any rate grave attention. hitherto the sovereigns had only heard one side of the matter; an occasional jealous voice may have been raised from the neighbourhood of the pinzons or some one else not entirely satisfied with his own position in the affair; but such small cries of dissent had naturally had little chance against the dignified eloquence of the admiral. now, however, the matter was different. people who were at least the equals of columbus in intelligence, and his superiors by birth and education, had seen with their own eyes the things of which he had spoken, and their account differed widely from his. they represented things in espanola as being in a very bad way indeed, which was true enough; drew a dismal picture of an overcrowded colony ravaged with disease and suffering from lack of provisions; and held forth at length upon the very doubtful quality of the gold with which the new world was supposed to abound. more than this, they brought grave charges against columbus himself, representing him as unfit to govern a colony, given to favouritism, and, worst of all, guilty of having deliberately misrepresented for his own ends the resources of the colony. this as we know was not true. it was not for his own ends, or for any ends at all within the comprehension of men like margarite and buil, that poor christopher had spoken so glowingly out of a heart full of faith in what he had seen and done. purposes, dim perhaps, but far greater and loftier than any of which these two mean souls had understanding, animated him alike in his discoveries and in his account of them; although that does not alter the unpleasant fact that at the stage matters had now reached it seemed as though there might have been serious misrepresentation. ferdinand and isabella, thus confronted with a rather difficult situation, acted with great wisdom and good sense. how much or how little they believed we do not know, but it was obviously their duty, having heard such an account from responsible officers, to investigate matters for themselves without assuming either that the report was true or untrue. they immediately had four caravels furnished with supplies, and decided to appoint an agent to accompany the expedition, investigate the affairs of the colony, and make a report to them. if the admiral was still absent when their agent reached the colony he was to be entrusted with the distribution of the supplies which were being sent out; for columbus's long absence from espanola had given rise to some fears for his safety. the sovereigns had just come to this decision (april 1495) when a letter arrived from the admiral himself, announcing his return to espanola after discovering the veritable mainland of asia, as the notarial document enclosed with the letter attested. torres and james columbus had arrived in spain, bearing the memorandum which some time ago we saw the admiral writing; and they were able to do something towards allaying the fears of the sovereigns as to the condition of the colony. the king and queen, nevertheless, wisely decided to carry out their original intention, and in appointing an agent they very handsomely chose one of the men whom columbus had recommended to them in his letter--juan aguado. this action shows a friendliness to columbus and confidence in him that lead one to suspect that the tales of margarite and buil had been taken with a grain of salt. at the same time the sovereigns made one or two orders which could not but be unwelcome to columbus. a decree was issued making it lawful for all native-born spaniards to make voyages of discovery, and to settle in espanola itself if they liked. this was an infringement of the original privileges granted to the admiral--privileges which were really absurd, and which can only have been granted in complete disbelief that anything much would come of his discovery. it took columbus two years to get this order modified, and in the meantime a great many spanish adventurers, our old friends the pinzons among them, did actually make voyages and added to the area explored by the spaniards in columbus's lifetime. columbus was bitterly jealous that any one should be admitted to the western ocean, which he regarded as his special preserve, except under his supreme authority; and he is reported to have said that once the way to the west had been pointed out "even the very tailors turned explorers." there, surely, spoke the long dormant woolweaver in him. the commission given to aguado was very brief, and so vaguely worded that it might mean much or little, according to the discretion of the commissioner and the necessities of the case as viewed by him. "we send to you juan aguada, our groom of the chambers, who will speak to you on our part. we command you to give him faith and credit." a letter was also sent to columbus in which he was instructed to reduce the number of people dependent on the colony to five hundred instead of a thousand; and the control of the mines was entrusted to one pablo belvis, who was sent out as chief metallurgist. as for the slaves that columbus had sent home, isabella forbade their sale until inquiry could be made into the condition of their capture, and the fine moral point involved was entrusted to the ecclesiastical authorities for examination and solution. poor christopher, knowing as he did that five hundred heretics were being burned every year by the grand inquisitor, had not expected this hair-splitting over the fate of heathens who had rebelled against spanish authority; and it caused him some distress when he heard of it. the theologians, however, proved equal to the occasion, and the slaves were duly sold in seville market. aguado sailed from cadiz at the end of august 1495, and reached espanola in october. james columbus (who does not as yet seem to be in very great demand anywhere, and who doubtless conceals behind his grave visage much honest amazement at the amount of life that he is seeing) returned with him. aguado, on arriving at isabella, found that columbus was absent establishing forts in the interior of the island, bartholomew being left in charge at isabella. aguado, who had apparently been found faithful in small matters, was found wanting in his use of the authority that had been entrusted to him. it seems to have turned his head; for instead of beginning quietly to investigate the affairs of the colony as he had been commanded to do he took over from bartholomew the actual government, and interpreted his commission as giving him the right to supersede the admiral himself. the unhappy colony, which had no doubt been enjoying some brief period of peace under the wise direction of bartholomew, was again thrown into confusion by the doings of aguado. he arrested this person, imprisoned that; ordered that things should be done this way, which had formerly been done that way; and if they had formerly been done that way, then he ordered that they should be done this way--in short he committed every mistake possible for a man in his situation armed with a little brief authority. he did not hesitate to let it be known that he was there to examine the conduct of the admiral himself; and we may be quite sure that every one in the colony who had a grievance or an ill tale to carry, carried it to aguado. his whole attitude was one of enmity and disloyalty to the admiral who had so handsomely recommended him to the notice of the sovereigns; and so undisguised was his attitude that even the indians began to lodge their complaints and to see a chance by which they might escape from the intolerable burden of the gold tribute. it was at this point that columbus returned and found aguado ruling in the place of bartholomew, who had wisely made no protest against his own deposition, but was quietly waiting for the admiral to return. columbus might surely have been forgiven if he had betrayed extreme anger and annoyance at the doings of aguado; and it is entirely to his credit that he concealed such natural wrath as he may have felt, and greeted aguado with extreme courtesy and ceremony as a representative of the sovereigns. he made no protest, but decided to return himself to spain and confront the jealousy and ill-fame that were accumulating against him. just as the ships were all ready to sail, one of the hurricanes which occur periodically in the west indies burst upon the island, lashing the sea into a wall of advancing foam that destroyed everything before it. among other things it destroyed three out of the four ships, dashing them on the beach and reducing them to complete wreckage. the only one that held to her anchor and, although much battered and damaged, rode out the gale, was the nina, that staunch little friend that had remained faithful to the admiral through so many dangers and trials. there was nothing for it but to build a new ship out of the fragments of the wrecks, and to make the journey home with two ships instead of with four. at this moment, while he was waiting for the ship to be completed, columbus heard a piece of news of a kind that never failed to rouse his interest. there was a young spaniard named miguel diaz who had got into disgrace in isabella some time before on account of a duel, and had wandered into the island until he had come out on the south coast at the mouth of the river ozama, near the site of the present town of santo domingo. there he had fallen in love with a female cacique and had made his home with her. she, knowing the spanish taste, and anxious to please her lover and to retain him in her territory, told him of some rich gold-mines that there were in the neighbourhood, and suggested that he should inform the admiral, who would perhaps remove the settlement from isabella to the south coast. she provided him with guides and sent him off to isabella, where, hearing that his antagonist had recovered, and that he himself was therefore in no danger of punishment, he presented himself with his story. columbus immediately despatched bartholomew with a party to examine the mines; and sure enough they found in the river hayna undoubted evidence of a wealth far in excess of that contained in the cibao gold-mines. moreover, they had noticed two ancient excavations about which the natives could tell them nothing, but which made them think that the mines had once been worked. columbus was never backward in fitting a story and a theory to whatever phenomena surrounded him; and in this case he was certain that the excavations were the work of solomon, and that he had discovered the gold of ophir. "sure enough," thinks the admiral, "i have hit it this time; and the ships came eastward from the persian gulf round the golden chersonesus, which i discovered this very last winter." immediately, as his habit was, columbus began to build castles in spain. here was a fine answer to buil and margarite! without waiting a week or two to get any of the gold this extraordinary man decided to hurry off at once to spain with the news, not dreaming that spain might, by this time, have had a surfeit of news, and might be in serious need of some simple, honest facts. but he thought his two caravels sufficiently freighted with this new belief--the belief that he had discovered the ophir of solomon. the admiral sailed on march 10th, 1496, carrying with him in chains the vanquished caonabo and other natives. he touched at marigalante and at guadaloupe, where his people had an engagement with the natives, taking several prisoners, but releasing them all again with the exception of one woman, a handsome creature who had fallen in love with caonabo and refused to go. but for caonabo the joys of life and love were at an end; his heart and spirit were broken. he was not destined to be paraded as a captive through the streets of spain, and it was somewhere in the deep atlantic that he paid the last tribute to the power that had captured and broken him. he died on the voyage, which was longer and much more full of hardships than usual. for some reason or other columbus did not take the northerly route going home, but sailed east from gaudaloupe, encountering the easterly trade winds, which delayed him so much that the voyage occupied three months instead of six weeks. once more he exhibited his easy mastery of the art of navigation and his extraordinary gift for estimating dead-reckoning. after having been out of sight of land for eight weeks, and while some of the sailors thought they might be in the bay of biscay, and others that they were in the english channel, the admiral suddenly announced that they were close to cape saint vincent. no land was in sight, but he ordered that sail should be shortened that evening; and sure enough the next morning they sighted the land close by cape saint vincent. columbus managed his landfalls with a fine dramatic sense as though they were conjuring tricks; and indeed they must have seemed like conjuring tricks, except that they were almost always successful. chapter iv in spain again the loiterers about the harbour of cadiz saw a curious sight on june 11th, 1496, when the two battered ships, bearing back the voyagers from the eldorado of the west, disembarked their passengers. there were some 220 souls on board, including thirty indians: and instead of leaping ashore, flushed with health, and bringing the fortunes which they had gone out to seek, they crawled miserably from the boats or were carried ashore, emaciated by starvation, yellow with disease, ragged and unkempt from poverty, and with practically no possessions other than the clothes they stood up in. even the admiral, now in his forty-sixth year, hardly had the appearance that one would expect in a viceroy of the indies. his white hair and beard were rough and matted, his handsome face furrowed by care and sunken by illness and exhaustion, and instead of the glittering armour and uniform of his office he wore the plain robe and girdle of the franciscan order--this last probably in consequence of some vow or other he had made in an hour of peril on the voyage. one lucky coincidence marked his arrival. in the harbour, preparing to weigh anchor, was a fleet of three little caravels, commanded by pedro nino, about to set out for espanola with supplies and despatches. columbus hurried on board nino's ship, and there read the letters from the sovereigns which it had been designed he should receive in espanola. the letters are not preserved, but one can make a fair guess at their contents. some searching questions would certainly be asked, kind assurances of continued confidence would doubtless be given, with many suggestions for the betterment of affairs in the distant colony. only their result upon the admiral is known to us. he sat down there and then and wrote to bartholomew, urging him to secure peace in the island by every means in his power, to send home any caciques or natives who were likely to give trouble, and most of all to push on with the building of a settlement on the south coast where the new mines were, and to have a cargo of gold ready to send back with the next expedition. having written this letter, the admiral saw the little fleet sail away on june 17th, and himself prepared with mingled feelings to present himself before his sovereigns. while he was waiting for their summons at los palacios, a small town near seville, he was the guest of the curate of that place, andrez bernaldez, who had been chaplain to christopher's old friend dea, the archbishop of seville. this good priest evidently proved a staunch friend to columbus at this anxious period of his life, for the admiral left many important papers in his charge when he again left spain, and no small part of the scant contemporary information about columbus that has come down to us is contained in the 'historia de los reyes catolicos', which bernaldez wrote after the death of columbus. fickle spain had already forgotten its first sentimental enthusiasm over the admiral's discoveries, and now was only interested in their financial results. people cannot be continually excited about a thing which they have not seen, and there were events much nearer home that absorbed the public interest. there was the trouble with france, the contemplated alliance of the crown prince with margaret of austria, and of the spanish princess juana with philip of austria; and there were the designs of ferdinand upon the kingdom of naples, which was in his eyes a much more desirable and valuable prize than any group of unknown islands beyond the ocean. columbus did his very best to work up enthusiasm again. he repeated the performance that had been such a success after his first voyage--the kind of circus procession in which the natives were marched in column surrounded by specimens of the wealth of the indies. but somehow it did not work so well this time. where there had formerly been acclamations and crowds pressing forward to view the savages and their ornaments, there were now apathy and a dearth of spectators. and although columbus did his very best, and was careful to exhibit every scrap of gold that he had brought, and to hang golden collars and ornaments about the necks of the marching indians, his exhibition was received either in ominous silence or, in some quarters, with something like derision. as i have said before, there comes a time when the best-disposed debtors do not regard themselves as being repaid by promises, and when the most enthusiastic optimist desires to see something more than samples. it was only old colon going round with his show again--flamingoes, macaws, seashells, dye-woods, gums and spices; some people laughed, and some were angry; but all were united in thinking that the new world was not a very profitable speculation. things were a little better, however, at court. isabella certainly believed still in columbus; ferdinand, although he had never been enthusiastic, knew the admiral too well to make the vulgar mistake of believing him an impostor; and both were too polite and considerate to add to his obvious mortification and distress by any discouraging comments. moreover, the man himself had lost neither his belief in the value of his discoveries nor his eloquence in talking of them; and when he told his story to the sovereigns they could not help being impressed, not only with his sincerity but with his ability and single-heartedness also. it was almost the same old story, of illimitable wealth that was just about to be acquired, and perhaps no one but columbus could have made it go down once more with success; but talking about his exploits was never any trouble to him, and his astonishing conviction, the lofty and dignified manner in which he described both good and bad fortune, and the impressive way in which he spoke of the wealth of the gold of ophir and of the far-reaching importance of his supposed discovery of the golden chersonesus and the mainland of asia, had their due effect on his hearers. it was always his way, plausible christopher, to pass lightly over the premises and to dwell with elaborate detail on the deductions. it was by no means proved that he had discovered the mines of king solomon; he had never even seen the place which he identified with them; it was in fact nothing more than an idea in his own head; but we may be sure that he took it as an established fact that he had actually discovered the mines of ophir, and confined his discussion to estimates of the wealth which they were likely to yield, and of what was to be done with the wealth when the mere details of conveying it from the mines to the ships had been disposed of. so also with the golden chersonesus. the very name was enough to stop the mouths of doubters; and here was the man himself who had actually been there, and here was a sworn affidavit from every member of his crew to say that they had been there too. this kind of logic is irresistible if you only grant the first little step; and columbus had the art of making it seem an act of imbecility in any of his hearers to doubt the strength of the little link by which his great golden chains of argument were fastened to fact and truth. for columbus everything depended upon his reception by the sovereigns at this time. unless he could re-establish his hold upon them and move to a still more secure position in their confidence he was a ruined man and his career was finished; and one cannot but sympathise with him as he sits there searching his mind for tempting and convincing arguments, and speaking so calmly and gravely and confidently in spite of all the doubts and flutterings in his heart. like a tradesman setting out his wares, he brought forth every inducement he could think of to convince the sovereigns that the only way to make a success of what they had already done was to do more; that the only way to make profitable the money that had already been spent was to spend more; that the only way to prove the wisdom of their trust in him was to trust him more. one of his transcendent merits in a situation of this kind was that he always had something new and interesting to propose. he did not spread out his hands and say, "this is what i have done: it is the best i can do; how are you going to treat me?" he said in effect, "this is what i have done; you will see that it will all come right in time; do not worry about it; but meanwhile i have something else to propose which i think your majesties will consider a good plan." his new demand was for a fleet of six ships, two of which were to convey supplies to espanola, and the other four to be entrusted to him for the purpose of a voyage of discovery towards the mainland to the south of espanola, of which he had heard consistent rumours; which was said to be rich in gold, and (a clever touch) to which the king of portugal was thinking of sending a fleet, as he thought that it might lie within the limits of his domain of heathendom. and so well did he manage, and so deeply did he impress the sovereigns with his assurance that this time the thing amounted to what is vulgarly called "a dead certainty," that they promised him he should have his ships. but promise and performance, as no one knew better than columbus, are different things; and it was a long while before he got his ships. there was the usual scarcity of money, and the extensive military and diplomatic operations in which the crown was then engaged absorbed every maravedi that ferdinand could lay his hands on. there was an army to be maintained under the pyrenees to keep watch over france; fleets had to be kept patrolling both the mediterranean and atlantic seaboards; and there was a whole armada required to convey the princesses of spain and austria to their respective husbands in connection with the double matrimonial alliance arranged between the two countries. and when at last, in october 1496, six million maravedis were provided wherewith columbus might equip his fleet, they were withdrawn again under very mortifying circumstances. the appropriation had just been made when a letter arrived from pedro nino, who had been to espanola and come back again, and now wrote from cadiz to the sovereigns, saying that his ships were full of gold. he did not present himself at court, but went to visit his family at huelva; but the good news of his letter was accepted as an excuse for this oversight. no one was better pleased than the admiral. "what did i tell you?" he says; "you see the mines of hayna are paying already." king ferdinand, equally pleased, and having an urgent need of money in connection with his operations against france, took the opportunity to cancel the appropriation of the six million maravedis, giving columbus instead an order for the amount to be paid out of the treasure brought home by nino. alas, the mariner's boast of gold had been a figure of speech. there was no gold; there was only a cargo of slaves, which nino deemed the equivalent of gold; and when bartholomew's despatches came to be read he described the affairs of espanola as being in very much the same condition as before. this incident produced a most unfortunate impression. even columbus was obliged to keep quiet for a little while; and it is likely that the mention of six million maravedis was not welcomed by him for some time afterwards. after the wedding of prince juan in march 1497, when queen isabella had more time to give to external affairs, the promise to columbus was again remembered, and his position was considered in detail. an order was made (april 23rd, 1497), restoring to the admiral the original privileges bestowed upon him at santa fe. he was offered a large tract of land in espanola, with the title of duke; but much as he hankered after titular honours, he was for once prudent enough to refuse this gift. his reason was that it would only further damage his influence, and give apparent justification to those enemies who said that the whole enterprise had been undertaken merely in his own interests; and it is possible also that his many painful associations with espanola, and the bloodshed and horrors that he had witnessed there, had aroused in his superstitious mind a distaste for possessions and titles in that devastated paradise. instead, he accepted a measure of relief from the obligations incurred by his eighth share in the many unprofitable expeditions that had been sent out during the last three years, agreeing for the next three years to receive an eighth share of the gross income, and a tenth of the net profits, without contributing anything to the cost. his appointment of bartholomew to the office of adelantado, which had annoyed ferdinand, was now confirmed; the universal license which had been granted to spanish subjects to settle in the new lands was revoked in so far as it infringed the admiral's privileges; and he was granted a force of 330 officers, soldiers, and artificers to be at his personal disposal in the prosecution of his next voyage. the death of prince juan in october 1497 once more distracted the attention of the court from all but personal matters; and columbus employed the time of waiting in drafting a testamentary document in which he was permitted to create an entail on his title and estates in favour of his two sons and their heirs for ever. this did not represent his complete or final testament, for he added codicils at various times, the latest being executed the day before his death. the document is worth studying; it reveals something of the laborious, painstaking mind reaching out down the rivers and streams of the future that were to flow from the fountain of his own greatness; it reveals also his triple conception of the obligations of human life in this world--the cultivation and retention of temporal dignity, the performance of pious and charitable acts, and the recognition of duty to one's family. it was in this document that columbus formulated the curious cipher which he always now used in signing his name, and of which various readings are given in the appendix. he also enjoined upon his heir the duty of using the simple title which he himself loved and used most--"the admiral." after the death of prince juan, queen isabella honoured columbus by attaching his two sons to her own person as pages; and her friendship must at this time have gone far to compensate him for the coolness shown towards him by the public at large. he might talk as much as he pleased, but he had nothing to show for all his talk except a few trinkets, a collection of interesting but valueless botanical specimens, and a handful of miserable slaves. lives and fortunes had been wrecked on the enterprise, which had so far brought nothing to spain but the promise of luxurious adventure that was not fulfilled and of a wealth and glory that had not been realised. it must have been a very humiliating circumstance to columbus that in the preparations which he was now (february 1498) making for the equipment of his new expedition a great difficulty was found in procuring ships and men. not even before the first voyage had so much reluctance been shown to risk life and property in the enterprise. merchants and sailors had then been frightened of dangers which they did not know; now, it seemed, the evils of which they did know proved a still greater deterrent. the admiral was at this time the guest of his friend bernaldez, who has told us something of his difficulties; and the humiliating expedient of seizing ships under a royal order had finally to be adopted. but it would never have done to impress the colonists also; that would have been too open a confession of failure for the proud admiral to tolerate. instead he had recourse to the miserable plan of which he had made use in palos; the prisons were opened, and criminals under sentence invited to come forth and enjoy the blessings of colonial life. even then there was not that rush from the prison doors that might have been expected, and some desperate characters apparently preferred the mercies of a spanish prison to what they had heard of the joys of the earthly paradise. still a number of criminals did doubtfully crawl forth and furnish a retinue for the great admiral and viceroy. trembling, suspicious, and with more than half a mind to go back to their bonds, some part of the human vermin of spain was eventually cajoled and chivied on board the ships. the needs of the colony being urgent, and recruiting being slow, two caravels laden with provisions were sent off in advance; but even for this purpose there was a difficulty about money, and good isabella furnished the expense, at much inconvenience, from her private purse. columbus had to supervise everything himself; and no wonder that by the end of may, when he was ready to sail, his patience and temper were exhausted and his much-tried endurance broke down under the petty gnatlike irritations of fonseca and his myrmidons. it was on the deck of his own ship, in the harbour of san lucar, that he knocked down and soundly kicked ximeno de breviesca, fonseca's accountant, whose nagging requisitions had driven the admiral to fury. after all these years of gravity and restraint and endurance, this momentary outbreak of the old adam in our hero is like a breath of wind through an open window. to the portraits of columbus hanging in the gallery of one's imagination this must surely be added; in which christopher, on the deck of his ship, with the royal standard and the admiral's flag flying from his masthead, is observed to be soundly kicking a prostrate accountant. the incident is worthy of a date, which is accordingly here given, as near as may be-may 29, 1498. christopher columbus and the new world of his discovery a narrative by filson young volume 3 the new world chapter i the enchanted islands columbus did not intend to remain long at san salvador. his landfall there, although it signified the realisation of one part of his dream, was only the starting-point of his explorations in the new world. now that he had made good his undertaking to "discover new lands," he had to make good his assurance that they were full of wealth and would swell the revenues of the king and queen of spain. a brief survey of this first island was all he could afford time for; and after the first exquisite impression of the white beach, and the blue curve of the bay sparkling in the sunshine, and the soft prismatic colours of the acanthus beneath the green wall of the woods had been savoured and enjoyed, he was anxious to push on to the rich lands of the orient of which he believed this island to be only an outpost. on the morning after his arrival the natives came crowding down to the beach and got down their canoes, which were dug out of the trunk of a single tree, and some of which were large enough to contain forty or forty-five men: they came paddling out to the ship, sometimes, in the case of the smaller canoes which only held one man, being upset by the surf, and swimming gaily round and righting their canoes again and bailing them out with gourds. they brought balls of spun cotton, and parrots and spears. all their possessions, indeed, were represented in the offerings they made to the strangers. columbus, whose eye was now very steadily fixed on the main chance, tried to find out if they had any gold, for he noticed that some of them wore in their noses a ring that looked as though it were made of that metal; and by making signs he asked them if there was any more of it to be had. he understood them to say that to the south of the island there dwelt a king who had large vessels of gold, and a great many of them; he tried to suggest that some of the natives should come and show him the way, but he "saw that they were not interested in going." the story of the rheingold was to be enacted over again, and the whole of the evils that followed in its glittering train to be exemplified in this voyage of discovery. to the natives of these islands, who guarded the yellow metal and loved it merely for its shining beauty, it was harmless and powerless; they could not buy anything with it, nor did they seek by its aid to secure any other enjoyments but the happiness of looking at it and admiring it. as soon as the gold was ravished from their keeping, however, began the reign of lust and cruelty that always has attended and always will attend the knowledge that things can be bought with it. in all its history, since first it was brought up from the dark bowels of the earth to glitter in the light of day, there is no more significant scene than this that took place on the bright sands of san salvador so long ago--columbus attentively examining the ring in the nose of a happy savage, and trying to persuade him to show him the place that it was brought from; and the savage "not interested in going." from his sign-conversation with the natives columbus understood that there was land to the south or the south-west, and also to the north-west, and that the people from the north-west went to the south-west in search of gold and precious stones. in the meantime he determined to spend the sunday in making a survey of the island, while the rest of saturday was passed in barterings with the natives, who were very happy and curious to see all the strange things belonging to the voyagers; and so innocent were their ideas of value that "they give all they have for whatever thing may be given them." columbus, however, who was busy making calculations, would not allow the members of the crew to take anything more on their own account, ordering that where any article of commerce existed in quantity it was to be acquired for the sovereigns and taken home to spain. early on sunday morning a boat was prepared from each ship, and a little expedition began to row north about the island. as they coasted the white rocky shores people came running to the beach and calling to them; "giving thanks to god," says columbus, although this is probably a flight of fancy. when they saw that the boats were not coming to land they threw themselves into the water and came swimming out to them, bringing food and drink. columbus noticed a tongue of land lying between the north-west arm of the internal lagoon and the sea, and saw that by cutting a canal through it entrance could be secured to a harbour that would float "as many ships as there are in christendom." he did not, apparently, make a complete circuit of the island, but returned in the afternoon to the ships, having first collected seven natives to take with him, and got under way again; and before night had fallen san salvador had disappeared below the north-west horizon. about midday he reached another island to the southeast. he sailed along the coast until evening, when he saw yet another island in the distance to the south-west; and he therefore lay-to for the night. at dawn the next morning he landed on the island and took formal possession of it, naming it santa maria de la concepcion, which is the rum cay of the modern charts. as the wind chopped round and he found himself on a lee-shore he did not stay there, but sailed again before night. two of the unhappy prisoners from guanahani at this point made good their escape by swimming to a large canoe which one of the natives of the new island had rowed out--a circumstance which worried columbus not a little; since he feared it would give him a bad name with the natives. he tried to counteract it by loading with presents another native who came to barter balls of cotton, and sending him away again. the effect of all that he was seeing, of the bridge of islands that seemed to be stretching towards the south-west and leading him to the region of untold wealth, was evidently very stimulating and exciting to columbus. his journal is almost incoherent where he attempts to set down all he has got to say. let us listen to him for a moment: "these islands are very green and fertile, and the breezes are very soft, and there may be many things which i do not know, because i did not wish to stop, in order to discover and search many islands to find gold. and since these people make signs thus, that they wear gold on their arms and legs,--and it is gold, because i showed them some pieces which i have,--i cannot fail, with the aid of our lord, in finding it where it is native. and being in the middle of the gulf between these two islands, that is to say, the island of santa maria and this large one, which i named fernandina, i found a man alone in a canoe who was going from the island of santa maria to fernandina, and was carrying a little of his bread which might have been about as large as the fist, and a gourd of water, and a piece of reddish earth reduced to dust and afterwards kneaded, and some dry leaves--[tobacco]--which must be a thing very much appreciated among them, because they had already brought me some of them as a present at san salvador: and he was carrying a small basket of their kind, in which he had a string of small glass beads and two blancas, by which i knew that he came from the island of san salvador, and had gone from there to santa maria and was going to fernandina. he came to the ship: i caused him to enter it, as he asked to do so, and i had his canoe placed on the ship and had everything which he was carrying guarded and i ordered that bread and honey be given him to eat and something to drink. and i will go to fernandina thus and will give him everything, which belongs to him, that he may give good reports of us. so that, when your highnesses send here, our lord pleasing, those who come may receive honour and the indians will give them of everything which they have." this hurried gabbling about gold and the aid of our lord, interlarded with fragments of natural and geographical observation, sounds strangely across the gulf of time and impresses one with a disagreeable sense of bewildered greed--like that of a dog gulping at the delicacies in his platter and unwilling to do justice to one for fear the others should escape him; and yet it is a natural bewilderment, and one with which we must do our best to sympathise. fernandina was the name which columbus had already given to long island when he sighted it from santa maria; and he reached it in the evening of tuesday, october 16th. the man in the canoe had arrived before him; and the astute admiral had the satisfaction of finding that once more his cleverness had been rewarded, and that the man in the canoe had given such glowing accounts of his generosity that there was no difficulty about his getting water and supplies. while the barrels of water were being filled he landed and strolled about in the pleasant groves, observing the islanders and their customs, and finding them on the whole a little more sophisticated than those of san salvador. the women wore mantillas on their heads and "little pieces of cotton" round their loins-a sufficiently odd costume; and they appeared to columbus to be a little more astute than the other islanders, for though they brought cotton in quantities to the ships they exacted payment of beads for it. in the charm and wonder of his walk in this enchanted land he was able for a moment to forget his hunger for gold and to admire the great branching palm-trees, and the fish that "are here so different from ours that it is wonderful. there are some formed like cocks of the finest colours in the world, blue, yellow, red and of all colours, and others tinted in a thousand manners: and the colours are so fine, that there is not a man who does not wonder at them, and who does not take great pleasure in seeing them. also, there are whales. i saw no beasts on land of any kind except parrots and lizards. a boy told me that he saw a large snake. i did not see sheep nor goats, nor any other beast; although i have been here a very short time, as it is midday, still if there had been any, i could not have missed seeing some." columbus was not a very good descriptive writer, and he has but two methods of comparison; either a thing is like spain, or it is not like spain. the verdure was "in such condition as it is in the month of may in andalusia; and the trees were all as different from ours as day from night, and also the fruits and grasses and the stones and all the things." the essay written by a cockney child after a day at the seaside or in the country, is not greatly different from some of the verbatim passages of this journal; and there is a charm in that fact too, for it gives us a picture of columbus, in spite of his hunt for gold and precious stones, wandering, still a child at heart, in the wonders of the enchanted world to which he had come. there was trouble on this day, because some of the crew had found an indian with a piece of gold in his nose, and they got a scolding from columbus for not detaining him and bartering with him for it. there was bad weather also, with heavy rain and a threatening of tempest; there was a difference of opinion with martin alonso pinzon about which way they should go round the island: but the next day the weather cleared, and the wind settled the direction of their course for them. columbus, whose eye never missed anything of interest to the sailor and navigator, notes thus early a fact which appears in every book of sailing directions for the bahama islands--that the water is so clear and limpid that the bottom can be seen at a great depth; and that navigation is thus possible and even safe among the rockstrewn coasts of the islands, when thus performed by sight and with the sun behind the ship. he was also keenly alive to natural charm and beauty in the new lands that he was visiting, and there are unmistakable fragments of himself in the journal that speak eloquently of his first impressions. "the singing of the little birds is such that it appears a man would wish never to leave here, and the flocks of parrots obscure the sun." but life, even to the discoverer of a new world, does not consist of wandering in the groves, and listening to the singing birds, and smelling the flowers, and remembering the may nights of andalusia. there was gold to be found and the mainland of cathay to be discovered, and a letter, written by the sovereigns at his earnest request, to be delivered to the great khan. the natives had told him of an island called samoete to the southward, which was said to contain a quantity of gold. he sailed thither on the 19th, and called it isabella; its modern name is crooked island. he anchored here and found it to be but another step in the ascending scale of his delight; it was greener and more beautiful than any of the islands he had yet seen. he spent some time looking for the gold, but could not find any; although he heard of the island of cuba, which he took to be the veritable cipango. he weighed anchor on october 24th and sailed south-west, encountering some bad weather on the way; but on sunday the 28th he came up with the north coast of cuba and entered the mouth of a river which is the modern nuevitas. to the island of cuba he gave the name of juana in honour of the young prince to whom his son diego had been appointed a page. if the other islands had seemed beautiful to him, cuba seemed like heaven itself. the mountains grandly rising in the interior, the noble rivers and long sweeping plains, the headlands melting into the clear water, and the gorgeous colours and flowers and birds and insects on land acted like a charm on columbus and his sailors. as they entered the river they lowered a boat in order to go ahead and sound for an anchorage; and two native canoes put off from the shore, but, when they saw the boat approaching, fled again. the admiral landed and found two empty houses containing nets and hooks and fishing-lines, and one of the strange silent dogs, such as they had encountered on the other island--dogs that pricked their ears and wagged their tails, but that never barked. the admiral, in spite of his greed for gold and his anxiety to "free" the people of the island, was now acting much more discreetly, and with the genuine good sense which he always possessed and which was only sometimes obscured. he would not allow anything in the empty houses to be disturbed or taken away, and whenever he saw the natives he tried to show them that he intended to do them no harm, and to win their good will by making them presents of beads and toys for which he would take no return. as he went on up the river the scenery became more and more enchanting, so that he felt quite unhappy at not being able to express all the wonders and beauties that he saw. in the pure air and under the serene blue of the sky those matchless hues of blossom and foliage threw a rainbow-coloured garment on either bank of the river; the flamingoes, the parrots and woodpeckers and humming-birds calling to one another and flying among the tree-tops, made the upper air also seem alive and shot with all the colours of the rainbow. humble christopher, walking amid these gorgeous scenes, awed and solemnised by the strangeness and magnificence of nature around him, tries to identify something that he knows; and thinks, that amid all these strange chorusings of unknown birds, he hears the familiar note of a nightingale. amid all his raptures, however, the main chance is not forgotten; everything that he sees he translates into some terms of practical utility. just as on the voyage out every seaweed or fish or flying bird that he saw was hailed by him as a sign that land was near, so amid the beauty of this virgin world everything that he sees is taken to indicate either that he is close upon the track of the gold, or that he must be in cipango, or that the natives will be easy to convert to christianity. in the fragrance of the woods of cuba, columbus thought that he smelled oriental spices, which marco polo had described as abounding in cipango; when he walked by the shore and saw the shells of pearl oysters, he believed the island to be loaded with pearls and precious stones; when he saw a scrap of tinsel or bright metal adorning a native, he argued that there was a gold mine close at hand. and so he went on in an increasing whirl of bewildering enchantment from anchorage to anchorage and from island to island, always being led on by that yellow will o'-the-wisp, gold, and always believing that the wealth of the orient would be his on the morrow. as he coasted along towards the west he entered the river which he called rio de mares. he found a large village here full of palm-branch houses furnished with chairs and hammocks and adorned with wooden masks and statues; but in spite of his gentleness and offer of gifts the inhabitants all fled to the mountains, while he and his men walked curiously through the deserted houses. on tuesday, october 30th, martin alonso pinzon, whose communications the admiral was by this time beginning to dread, came with some exciting news. it seemed that the indians from san salvador who were on board the pinta had told him that beyond the promontory, named by columbus the cape of palms, there was a river, four days' journey upon which would bring one to the city of cuba, which was very rich and large and abounded with gold; and that the king of that country was at war with a monarch whom they called cami, and whom pinzon identified with the great khan. more than this, these natives assured him that the land they were on at present was the mainland itself, and that they could not be very far from cathay. columbus for once found himself in agreement with martin alonso. the well-thumbed copy of marco polo was doubtless brought out, and abundant evidence found in it; and it was decided to despatch a little embassy to this city in order to gain information about its position and wealth. when they continued their course, however, and rounded the cape, no river appeared; they sailed on, and yet promontory after promontory was opened ahead of them; and as the wind turned against them and the weather was very threatening they decided to turn back and anchor again in the rio de mares. columbus was now, as he thought, hot upon the track of the great khan himself; and on the first of november he sent boats ashore and told the sailors to get information from the houses; but the inhabitants fled shyly into the woods. having once postulated the existence of the great khan in this immediate territory columbus, as his habit was, found that everything fitted with the theory; and he actually took the flight of the natives, although it had occurred on a dozen other occasions, as a proof that they mistook his bands of men for marauding expeditions despatched by the great monarch himself. he therefore recalled them, and sent a boat ashore with an indian interpreter who, standing in the boat at the edge of the water, called upon the natives to draw near, and harangued them. he assured them of the peaceable intentions of the great admiral, and that he had nothing whatever to do with the great khan; which cannot very greatly have thrilled the cubans, who knew no more about the great khan than they did about columbus. the interpreter then swam ashore and was well received; so well, that in the evening some sixteen canoes came off to the ships bringing cotton yarn and spears for traffic. columbus, with great astuteness, forbade any trading in cotton or indeed in anything at all except gold, hoping by this means to make the natives produce their treasures; and he would no doubt have been successful if the natives had possessed any gold, but as the poor wretches had nothing but the naked skins they stood up in, and the few spears and pots and rolls of cotton that they were offering, the admiral's astuteness was for once thrown away. there was one man, however, with a silver ring in his nose, who was understood to say that the king lived four days' journey in the interior, and that messengers had been sent to him to tell him of the arrival of the strange ships; which messengers would doubtless soon return bringing merchants with them to trade with the ships. if this native was lying he showed great ingenuity in inventing the kind of story that his questioners wanted; but it is more likely that his utterances were interpreted by columbus in the light of his own ardent beliefs. at any rate it was decided to send at once a couple of envoys to this great city, and not to wait for the arrival of the merchants. two spaniards, rodrigo de jerez and luis de torres, the interpreter to the expedition --who had so far found little use for his hebrew and chaldean--were chosen; and with them were sent two indians, one from san salvador and the other a local native who went as guide. red caps and beads and hawks' bells were duly provided, and a message for the king was given to them telling him that columbus was waiting with letters and presents from spanish sovereigns, which he was to deliver personally. after the envoys had departed, columbus, whose ships were anchored in a large basin of deep water with a clean and steep beach, decided to take the opportunity of having the vessels careened. their hulls were covered with shell and weed; the caulking, which had been dishonestly done at palos, had also to be attended to; so the ships were beached and hove down one at a time --an unnecessary precaution, as it turned out, for there was no sign of treachery on the part of the natives. while the men were making fires to heat their tar they noticed that the burning wood sent forth a heavy odour which was like mastic; and the admiral, now always busy with optimistic calculations, reckoned that there was enough in that vicinity to furnish a thousand quintals every year. while the work on the ships was going forward he employed himself in his usual way, going ashore, examining the trees and vegetables and fruits, and holding such communication as he was able with the natives. he was up every morning at dawn, at one time directing the work of his men, at another going ashore after some birds that he had seen; and as dawn comes early in those islands his day was probably a long one, and it is likely that he was in bed soon after dark. on the day that he went shooting, martin alonso pinzon was waiting for him on his return; this time not to make any difficulties or independent proposals, but to show him two pieces of cinnamon that one of his men had got from an indian who was carrying a quantity of it. "why did the man not get it all from him?" says greedy columbus. "because of the prohibition of the admiral's that no one should do any trading," says martin alonso, and conceives himself to have scored; for truly these two men do not love one another. the boatswain of the pinta, adds martin alonso, has found whole trees of it. "the admiral then went there and found that it was not cinnamon." the admiral was omnipotent; if he had said that it was manna they would have had to make it so, and as he chose to say that it was not cinnamon, we must take his word for it, as martin alonso certainly had to do; so that it was the admiral who scored this time. columbus, however, now on the track of spices, showed some cinnamon and pepper to the natives; and the obliging creatures "said by signs that there was a great deal of it towards the south-east." columbus then showed them some gold and pearls; and "certain old men" replied that in a place they called bo-no there was any amount of gold; the people wore it in their ears and on their arms and legs, and there were pearls also, and large ships and merchandise--all to the south-east. finding this information, which was probably entirely untrue and merely a polite effort to do what was expected of them, well received, the natives added that "a long distance from there, there were men with one eye, and other men with dogs' snouts who ate men, and that when they caught a man they beheaded him and drank his blood" . . . soon after this the admiral went on board again and began to write up his journal, solemnly entering all these facts in it. it is the most childish nonsense; but after all, how interesting and credible it must have been! to live thus smelling the most heavenly perfumes, breathing the most balmy air, viewing the most lovely scenes, and to be always hot upon the track of gold and pearls and spices and wealth and dog-nosed, blood-drinking monstrosities--what an adventure, what a vivid piece of living! after a few days--on tuesday, november 6th--the two men who had been sent inland to the great and rich city came back again with their report. alas for visions of the great khan! the city turned out to be a village of fifty houses with twenty people in each house. the envoys had been received with great solemnity; and all the men "as well as the women" came to see them, and lodged them in a fine house. the chief people in the village came and kissed their hands and feet, hailing them as visitors from the skies, and seating them in two chairs, while they sat round on the floor. the native interpreter, doubtless according to instructions, then told them "how the christians lived and how they were good people"; and i would give a great deal to have heard that brief address. afterwards the men went out and the women came in, also kissing the hands and feet of the visitors, and "trying them to see if they were of flesh and of bone like themselves." the results were evidently so satisfactory that the strangers were implored to remain at least five days. the real business of the expedition was then broached. had they any gold or pearls? had they any cinnamon or spices? answer, as usual: "no, but they thought there was a great deal of it to the south-east." the interest of the visitors then evaporated, and they set out for the coast again; but they found that at least five hundred men and women wanted to come with them, since they believed that they were returning to heaven. on their journey back the two spaniards noticed many people smoking, as the admiral himself had done a few days before; and this is the first known discovery of tobacco by europeans. they saw a great many geese, and the strange dogs that did not bark, and they saw potatoes also, although they did not know what they were. columbus, having heard this report, and contemplating these gentle amiable creatures, so willing to give all they had in return for a scrap of rubbish, feels his heart lifted in a pious aspiration that they might know the benefits of the christian religion. "i have to say, most serene princes," he writes, "that by means of devout religious persons knowing their language well, all would soon become christians: and thus i hope in our lord that your highnesses will appoint such persons with great diligence in order to turn to the church such great peoples, and that they will convert them, even as they have destroyed those who would not confess the father and the son and the holy spirit: and after their days, as we are all mortal, they will leave their realms--in a very tranquil condition and freed from heresy and wickedness, and will be well received before the eternal creator, whom may it please to give them a long life and a great increase of larger realms and dominions, and the will and disposition to spread the holy christian religion, as they have done up to the present time, amen. to-day i will launch the ship and make haste to start on thursday, in the name of god, to go to the southeast and seek gold and spices, and discover land." thus christopher columbus, in the name of god, november 11, 1492. chapter ii the earthly paradise when columbus weighed anchor on the 12th of november he took with him six captive indians. it was his intention to go in search of the island of babeque, which the indians alleged lay about thirty leagues to the east-south-east, and where, they said, the people gathered gold out of the sand with candles at night, and afterwards made bars of it with a hammer. they told him this by signs; and we have only one more instance of the admiral's facility in interpreting signs in favour of his own beliefs. it is only a few days later that in the same journal he says, "the people of these lands do not understand me, nor do i nor any other person i have with me understand them; and these indians i am taking with me, many times understand things contrary to what they are." it was a fault at any rate not exclusively possessed by the indians, who were doubtless made the subject of many philological experiments on the part of the interpreter; all that they seemed to have learned at this time were certain religious gestures, such as making the sign of the cross, which they did continually, greatly to the edification of the crew. in order to keep these six natives in a good temper columbus kidnapped "seven women, large and small, and three children," in order, he alleged, that the men might conduct themselves better in spain because of having their "wives" with them; although whether these assorted women were indeed the wives of the kidnapped natives must at the best be a doubtful matter. the three children, fortunately, had their father and mother with them; but that was only because the father, having seen his wife and children kidnapped, came and offered to go with them of his own accord. this taking of the women raises a question which must be in the mind of any one who studies this extraordinary voyage--the question of the treatment of native women by the spaniards. columbus is entirely silent on the subject; but taking into account the nature of the spanish rabble that formed his company, and his own views as to the right which he had to possess the persons and goods of the native inhabitants, i am afraid that there can be very little doubt that in this matter there is a good reason, for his silence. so far as columbus himself was concerned, it is probable that he was innocent enough; he was not a sensualist by nature, and he was far too much interested and absorbed in the principal objects of his expedition, and had too great a sense of his own personal dignity, to have indulged in excesses that would, thus sanctioned by him, have produced a very disastrous effect on the somewhat rickety discipline of his crew. he was too wise a master, however, to forbid anything that it was not in his power to prevent; and it is probable that he shut his eyes to much that, if he did not tolerate it, he at any rate regarded as a matter of no very great importance. his crew had by this time learned to know their commander well enough not to commit under his eyes offences for which he would have been sure to punish them. for two days they ran along the coast with a fair wind; but on the 14th a head wind and heavy sea drove them into the shelter of a deep harbour called by columbus puerto del principe, which is the modern tanamo. the number of islands off this part of the coast of cuba confirmed columbus in his profound geographical error; he took them to be "those innumerable islands which in the maps of the world are placed at the end of the east." he erected a great wooden cross on an eminence here, as he always did when he took possession of a new place, and made some boat excursions among the islands in the harbour. on the 17th of november two of the six youths whom he had taken on board the week before swam ashore and escaped. when he started again on his voyage he was greatly inconvenienced by the wind, which veered about between the north and south of east, and was generally a foul wind for him. there is some difference of opinion as to what point of the wind the ships of columbus's time would sail on; but there is no doubt that they were extremely unhandy in anything approaching a head wind, and that they were practically no good at all at beating to windward. the shape of their hulls, the ungainly erections ahead and astern, and their comparatively light hold on the water, would cause them to drift to leeward faster than they could work to windward. in this head wind, therefore, columbus found that he was making very little headway, although he stood out for long distances to the northward. on wednesday, november 21st, occurred a most disagreeable incident, which might easily have resulted in the admiral's never reaching spain alive. some time in the afternoon he noticed the pinta standing away ahead of him in a direction which was not the course which he was steering; and he signalled her to close up with him. no answer, however, was made to his signal, which he repeated, but to which he failed to attract any response. he was standing south at the time, the wind being well in the north-east; and martin alonso pinzon, whose caravel pointed into the wind much better than the unhandy santa maria, was standing to the east. when evening fell he was still in sight, at a distance of sixteen miles. columbus was really concerned, and fired lombards and flew more signals of invitation; but there was no reply. in the evening he shortened sail and burned a torch all night, "because it appeared that martin alonso was returning to me; and the night was very clear, and there was a nice little breeze by which to come to me if he wished." but he did not wish, and he did not come. martin alonso has in fact shown himself at last in his true colours. he has got the fastest ship, he has got a picked company of his own men from palos; he has got an indian on board, moreover, who has guaranteed to take him straight to where the gold is; and he has a very agreeable plan of going and getting it, and returning to spain with the first news and the first wealth. it is open mutiny, and as such cannot but be a matter of serious regret and trouble to the admiral, who sits writing up his journal by the swinging lamp in his little cabin. to that friend and confidant he pours out his troubles and his long list of grievances against martin alonso; adding, "he has done and said many other things to me." up on deck the torch is burning to light the wanderer back again, if only he will come; and there is "a nice little breeze" by which to come if he wishes; but martin alonso has wishes quite other than that. the pinta was out of sight the next morning, and the little nina was all that the admiral had to rely upon for convoy. they were now near the east end of the north coast of cuba, and they stood in to a harbour which the admiral called santa catalina, and which is now called cayo de moa. as the importance of the nina to the expedition had been greatly increased by the defection of the pinta, columbus went on board and examined her. he found that some of her spars were in danger of giving way; and as there was a forest of pine trees rising from the shore he was able to procure a new mizzen mast and latine yard in case it should be necessary to replace those of the nina. the next morning he weighed anchor at sunrise and continued east along the coast. he had now arrived at the extreme end of cuba, and was puzzled as to what course he should take. believing cuba, as he did, to be the mainland of cathay, he would have liked to follow the coast in its trend to the south-west, in the hope of coming upon the rich city of quinsay; but on the other hand there was looming to the south-west some land which the natives with him assured him was bohio, the place where all the gold was. he therefore held on his course; but when the indians found that he was really going to these islands they became very much alarmed, and made signs that the people would eat them if they went there; and, in order further to dissuade the admiral, they added that the people there had only one eye, and the faces, of dogs. as it did not suit columbus to believe them he said that they were lying, and that he "felt" that the island must belong to the domain of the great khan. he therefore continued his course, seeing many beautiful and enchanting bays opening before him, and longing to go into them, but heroically stifling his curiosity, "because he was detained more than he desired by the pleasure and delight he felt in seeing and gazing on the beauty and freshness of those countries wherever he entered, and because he did not wish to be delayed in prosecuting what he was engaged upon; and for these reasons he remained that night beating about and standing off and on until day." he could not trust himself, that is to say, to anchor in these beautiful harbours, for he knew he would be tempted to go ashore and waste valuable time exploring the woods; and so he remained instead, beating about in the open sea. as it was, what with contrary winds and his own indecision as to which course he should pursue, it was december the 6th before he came up with the beautiful island of hayti, and having sent the nina in front to explore for a harbour, entered the mole saint nicholas, which he called puerto maria. towards the east he saw an island shaped like a turtle, and this island he named tortuga; and the harbour, which he entered that evening on the hour of vespers, he called saint nicholas, as it was the feast of that saint. once more his description flounders among superlatives: he thought cuba was perfect; but he finds the new island more perfect still. the climate is like may in cordova; the tracts of arable land and fertile valleys and high mountains are like those in castile; he finds mullet like those of castile; soles and other fish like those in castile; nightingales and other small birds like those in castile; myrtle and other trees and grasses like those in castile! in short, this new land is so like spain, only more wonderful and beautiful, that he christens it espanola. they stayed two days in the harbour of saint nicholas, and then began to coast eastwards along the shores of espaniola. their best progress was made at dawn and sunset, when the land breeze blew off the island; and during the day they encountered a good deal of colder weather and easterly winds, which made their progress slow. every day they put in at one or other of the natural harbours in which that beautiful coast abounds; every day they saw natives on the shores who generally fled at their approach, but were often prevailed upon to return and to converse with the natives on board the admiral's ship, and to receive presents and bring parrots and bits of gold in exchange. on one day a party of men foraging ashore saw a beautiful young girl, who fled at their approach; and they chased her a long way through the woods, finally capturing her and bringing her on board. columbus "caused her to be clothed" --doubtless a diverting occupation for rodrigo, juan, garcia, pedro, william, and the rest of them, although for the poor, shy, trembling captive not diverting at all--and sent her ashore again loaded with beads and brass rings--to act as a decoy. having sown this good seed the admiral waited for a night, and then sent a party of men ashore, "well prepared with arms and adapted for such an affair," to have some conversation with the people. the innocent harvest was duly reaped; the natives met the spaniards with gifts of food and drink, and understanding that the admiral would like to have a parrot, they sent as many parrots as were wanted. the husband of the girl who had been captured and clothed came back with her to the shore with a large body of natives, in order to thank the admiral for his kindness and clemency; and their confidence was not misplaced, as the admiral did not at that moment wish to do any more kidnapping. the spaniards were more and more amazed and impressed with the beauty and fertility of these islands. the lands were more lovely than the finest land in castile; the rivers were large and wide, the trees green and full of fruit, the grasses knee-deep and starred with flowers; the birds sang sweetly all night; there were mastic trees and aloes and plantations of cotton. there was fishing in plenty; and if there were not any gold mines immediately at hand, they here sure to be round the next headland or, at the farthest, in the next island. the people, too, charmed and delighted the admiral, who saw in them a future glorious army of souls converted to the christian religion. they were taller and handsomer than the inhabitants of the other islands, and the women much fairer; indeed, if they had not been so much exposed to the sun, and if they could only be clothed in the decent garments of civilisation, the admiral thought that their skins would be as white as those of the women of spain--which was only another argument for bringing them within the fold of the holy catholic church. the men were powerful and apparently harmless; they showed no truculent or suspicious spirit; they had no knowledge of arms; a thousand of them would not face three christians; and "so they are suitable to be governed and made to work and sow and do everything else that shall be necessary, and to build villages and be taught to wear clothing and observe our customs." at present, you see, they are but poor happy heathens, living in a paradise of their own, where the little birds sing all through the warm nights, and the rivers murmur through flowery meadows, and no one has any knowledge of arms or desire of such knowledge, and every one goes naked and unashamed. high time, indeed, that they should be taught to wear clothing and observe our customs. the local chief came on a visit of state to the ship; and the admiral paid him due honour, telling him that he came as an envoy from the greatest sovereigns in the world. but this charming king, or cacique as they called him, would not believe this; he thought that columbus was, for reasons of modesty, speaking less than the truth--a new charge to bring against our christopher! he believed that the spaniards came from heaven, and that the realms of the sovereigns of castile were in the heavens and not in this world. he took some refreshment, as his councillors did also, little dreaming, poor wretches, what in after years was to come to them through all this palavering and exchanging of presents. the immediate result of the interview, however, was to make intercourse with the natives much freer and pleasanter even than it had been before; and some of the sailors went fishing with the natives. it was then that they were shown some cane arrows with hardened points, which the natives said belonged to the people of 'caniba', who, they alleged, came to the island to capture and eat the natives. the admiral did not believe it; his sublime habit of rejecting everything that did not fit in with his theory of the moment, and accepting everything that did, made him shake his head when this piece of news was brought to him. he could not get the great khan out of his head, and his present theory was that this island, being close to the mainland of cathay, was visited by the armies of the great khan, and that it was his men who had used the arrows and made war upon the natives. it was no good for the natives to show him some of their mutilated bodies, and to tell him that the cannibals ate them piecemeal; he had no use for such information. his mind was like a sieve of which the size of the meshes could be adjusted at will; everything that was not germane to the idea of the moment fell through it, and only confirmative evidence remained; and at the moment he was not believing any stories which did not prove that the great khan was, so to speak, just round the corner. if they talked about gold he would listen to them; and so the cacique brought him a piece of gold the size of his hand and, breaking it into pieces, gave it to him a bit at a time. this the admiral took to be sign of great intelligence. they told him there was gold at tortuga, but he preferred to believe that it came from babeque, which may have been jamaica and may have been nothing at all. but his theory was that it existed on espanola only in small pieces because that country was so rich that the natives had no need for it; an economic theory which one grows dizzy in pondering. at any rate "the admiral believed that he was very near the fountainhead, and that our lord was about to show him where the gold originates." on tuesday, december 18th, the ships were all dressed in honour of a religious anniversary, and the cacique, hearing the firing of the lombards with which the festival was greeted, came down to the shore to see what was the matter. as columbus was sitting at dinner on deck beneath the poop the cacique arrived with all his people; and the account of his visit is preserved in columbus's own words. "as he entered the ship he found that i was eating at the table below the stern forecastle, and he came quickly to seat himself beside me, and would not allow me to go to meet him or get up from the table, but only that i should eat. i thought that he would like to eat some of our viands and i then ordered that things should be brought him to eat. and when he entered under the forecastle, he signed with his hand that all his people should remain without, and they did so with the greatest haste and respect in the world, and all seated themselves on the deck, except two men of mature age whom i took to be his counsellors and governors, and who came and seated themselves at his feet: and of the viands which i placed before him he took of each one as much as may be taken for a salutation, and then he sent the rest to his people and they all ate some of it, and he did the same with the drink, which he only touched to his mouth, and then gave it to the others in the same way, and it was all done in wonderful state and with very few words, and whatever he said, according to what i was able to understand, was very formal and prudent, and those two looked in his face and spoke for him and with him, and with great respect. "after eating, a page brought a belt which is like those of castile in shape, but of a different make, which he took and gave me, and also two wrought pieces of gold, which were very thin, as i believe they obtain very little of it here, although i consider they are very near the place where it has its home, and that there is a great deal of it. i saw that a drapery that i had upon my bed pleased him. i gave it to him, and some very good amber beads which i wore around my neck and some red shoes and a flask of orange-flower water, with which he was so pleased it was wonderful; and he and his governor and counsellors were very sorry that they did not understand me, nor i them. nevertheless i understood that he told me that if anything from here would satisfy me that all the island was at my command. i sent for some beads of mine, where as a sign i have a 'excelente' of gold upon which the images of your highnesses are engraved, and showed it to him, and again told him the same as yesterday, that your highnesses command and rule over all the best part of the world, and that there are no other such great princes: and i showed him the royal banners and the others with the cross, which he held in great estimation: and he said to his counsellors that your highnesses must be great lords, since you had sent me here from so far without fear: and many other things happened which i did not understand, except that i very well saw he considered everything as very wonderful." later in the day columbus got into talk with an old man who told him that there was a great quantity of gold to be found on some island about a hundred leagues away; that there was one island that was all gold; and that in the others there was such a quantity that they natives gathered it and sifted it with sieves and made it into bars. the old man pointed out vaguely the direction in which this wonderful country lay; and if he had not been one of the principal persons belonging to the king columbus would have detained him and taken him with him; but he decided that he had paid the cacique too much respect to make it right that he should kidnap one of his retinue. he determined, however, to go and look for the gold. before he left he had a great cross erected in the middle of the indian village; and as he made sail out of the harbour that evening he could see the indians kneeling round the cross and adoring it. he sailed eastward, anchoring for a day in the bay of acul, which he called cabo de caribata, receiving something like an ovation from the natives, and making them presents and behaving very graciously and kindly to them. it was at this time that columbus made the acquaintance of a man whose character shines like a jewel amid the dismal scenes that afterwards accompanied the first bursting of the wave of civilisation on these happy shores. this was the king of that part of the island, a young man named guacanagari. this king sent out a large canoe full of people to the admiral's ship, with a request that columbus would land in his country, and a promise that the chief would give him whatever he had. there must have been an intelligence department in the island, for the chief seemed to know what would be most likely to attract the admiral; and with his messengers he sent out a belt with a large golden mask attached to it. unfortunately the natives on board the admiral's ship could not understand guacanagari's messengers, and nearly the whole of the day was passed in talking before the sense of their message was finally made out by means of signs. in the evening some spaniards were sent ashore to see if they could not get some gold; but columbus, who had evidently had some recent experience of their avariciousness, and who was anxious to keep on good terms with the chiefs of the island, sent his secretary with them to see that they did nothing unjust or unreasonable. he was scrupulous to see that the natives got their bits of glass and beads in exchange for the gold; and it is due to him to remember that now, as always, he was rigid in regulating his conduct with other men in accordance with his ideas of justice and honour, however elastic those ideas may seem to have been. the ruffianly crew had in their minds only the immediate possession of what they could get from the indians; the admiral had in his mind the whole possession of the islands and the bodies and souls of its inhabitants. if you take a piece of gold without giving a glass bead in exchange for it, it is called stealing; if you take a country and its inhabitants, and steal their peace from them, and give them blood and servitude in exchange for it, it is called colonisation and empire-building. every one understands the distinction; but so few people see the difference that columbus of all men may be excused for his unconsciousness of it. indeed columbus was seeing yellow at this point in his career. the word "gold" is scattered throughout every page of his journal; he can understand nothing that the natives say to him except that there is a great quantity of gold somewhere about. he is surrounded by natives pressing presents upon him, protesting their homage, and assuring him (so he thinks) that there are any amount of gold mines; and no wonder that the yellow light blinds his eyes and confounds his senses, and that sometimes, even when the sun has gone down and the natives have retired to their villages and he sits alone in the seclusion of his cabin, the glittering motes still dance before his eyes and he becomes mad, maudlin, ecstatic . . . . the light flickers in the lamp as the ship swings a little on the quiet tide and a night breeze steals through the cabin door; the sound of voices ashore sounds dimly across the water; the brain of the admiral, overfilled with wonders and promises and hopes, sends its message to the trembling hand that holds the pen, and the incoherent words stream out on the ink. "may our lord in his mercy direct me until i find this gold, i say this mine, because i have many people here who say that they know it." on christmas eve a serious misfortune befell columbus. what with looking for gold, and trying to understand the people who talked about it, and looking after his ships, and writing up his journal, he had had practically no sleep for two days and a night; and at eleven o'clock on the 24th of december, the night being fine and his ship sailing along the coast with a light land breeze, he decided to lie down to get some sleep. there were no difficulties in navigation to be feared, because the ship's boats had been rowed the day before a distance of about ten miles ahead on the course which they were then steering and had seen that there was open water all the way. the wind fell calm; and the man at the helm, having nothing to do, and feeling sleepy, called a ship's boy to him, gave him the helm, and went off himself to lie down. this of course was against all rules; but as the admiral was in his cabin and there was no one to tell them otherwise the watch on deck thought it a very good opportunity to rest. suddenly the boy felt the rudder catch upon something, saw the ship swinging, and immediately afterwards heard the sound of tide ripples. he cried out; and in a moment columbus, who was sleeping the light sleep of an anxious shipmaster, came tumbling up to see what was the matter. the current, which flows in that place at a speed of about two knots, had carried the ship on to a sand bank, but she touched so quietly that it was hardly felt. close on the heels of, columbus came the master of the ship and the delinquent watch; and the admiral immediately ordered them to launch the ship's boat--and lay out an anchor astern so that they could warp her off. the wretches lowered the boat, but instead of getting the anchor on board rowed off in the direction of the nina, which was lying a mile and a half to windward. as soon as columbus saw what they were doing he ran to the side and, seeing that the tide was failing and that the ship had swung round across the bank, ordered the remainder of the crew to cut away the mainmast and throw the deck hamper overboard, in order to lighten the ship. this took some time; the tide was falling, and the ship beginning to heel over on her beam; and by the time it was done the admiral saw that it would be of no use, for the ship's seams had opened and she was filling. at this point the miserable crew in the ship's boat came back, the loyal people on the nina having refused to receive them and sent them back to the assistance of the admiral. but it was now too late to do anything to save the ship; and as he did not know but that she might break up, columbus decided to tranship the people to the nina, who had by this time sent her own boat. the whole company boarded the nina, on which the admiral beat about miserably till morning in the vicinity of his doomed ship. then he sent diego de arana, the brother of beatriz and a trusty friend, ashore in a boat to beg the help of the king; and guacanagari immediately sent his people with large canoes to unload the wrecked ship, which was done with great efficiency and despatch, and the whole of her cargo and fittings stored on shore under a guard. and so farewell to the santa maria, whose bones were thenceforward to bleach upon the shores of hayti, or incongruously adorn the dwellings of the natives. she may have been "a bad sailer and unfit for discovery"; but no seaman looks without emotion upon the wreck of a ship whose stem has cut the waters of home, which has carried him safely over thousands of uncharted miles, and which has for so long been his shelter and sanctuary. at sunrise the kind-hearted cacique came down to the nina, where columbus had taken up his quarters, and with tears in his eyes begged the admiral not to grieve at his losses, for that he, the cacique, would give him everything that he possessed; that he had already given two large houses to the spaniards from the santa maria who had been obliged to encamp on shore, and that he would provide more accommodation and help if necessary. in fact, the day which had been ushered in so disastrously turned into a very happy one; and before it was over columbus had decided that, as he could not take the whole of his company home on the nina, he would establish a settlement on shore so that the men who were left behind could collect gold and store it until more ships could be sent from spain. the natives came buzzing round anxious to barter whatever they had for hawks' bells, which apparently were the most popular of the toys that had been brought for bartering; "they shouted and showed the pieces of gold, saying chuq, chuq, for hawks' bells, as they are in a likely state to become crazy for them." the cacique was delighted to see that the admiral was pleased with the gold that was brought to him, and he cheered him up by telling him that there was any amount in cibao, which columbus of course took for cipango. the cacique entertained columbus to a repast on shore, at which the monarch wore a shirt and a pair of gloves that columbus had given him; "and he rejoiced more over the gloves than anything that had been given him." columbus was pleased with his clean and leisurely method of eating, and with his dainty rubbing of his hands with herbs after he had eaten. after the repast columbus gave a little demonstration of bow-and-arrow shooting and the firing of lombards and muskets, all of which astonished and impressed the natives. the afternoon was spent in deciding on a site for the fortress which was to be constructed; and columbus had no difficulty in finding volunteers among the crews to remain in the settlement. he promised to leave with them provisions of bread and wine for a year, a ship's boat, seeds for sowing crops, and a carpenter, a caulker, a gunner, and a cooper. before the day was out he was already figuring up the profit that would arise out of his misfortune of the day before; and he decided that it was the act of god which had cast his ship away in order that this settlement should be founded. he hoped that the settlers would have a ton of gold ready for him when he came back from castile, so that, as he had said in the glittering camp of santa fe, where perhaps no one paid very much heed to him, there might be such a profit as would provide for the conquest of jerusalem and the recovery of the holy sepulchre. after all, if he was greedy for gold, he had a pious purpose for its employment. the last days of the year were very busy ones for the members of the expedition. assisted by the natives they were building the fort which, in memory of the day on which it was founded, columbus called la villa-de la navidad. the admiral spent much time with king guacanagari, who "loved him so much that it was wonderful," and wished to cover him all over with gold before he went away, and begged him not to go before it was done. on december 27th there was some good news; a caravel had been seen entering a harbour a little further along the coast; and as this could only mean that the pinta had returned, columbus borrowed a canoe from the king, and despatched a sailor in it to carry news of his whereabouts to the pinta. while it was away guacanagari collected all the other kings and chiefs who were subject to him, and held a kind of durbar. they all wore their crowns; and guacanagari took off his crown and placed it on columbus's head; and the admiral, not to be outdone, took from his own neck "a collar of good bloodstones and very beautiful beads of fine colours; which appeared very good in all parts, and placed it upon the king; and he took off a cloak of fine scarlet cloth which he had put on that day, and clothed the king with it; and he sent for some coloured buskins which he made him put on, and placed upon his finger a large silver ring"--all of which gives us a picturesque glimpse into the contents of the admiral's wardrobe, and a very agreeable picture of king guacanagari, whom we must now figure as clothed, in addition to his shirt and gloves, in a pair of coloured buskins, a collar of bloodstones, a scarlet cloak and a silver ring. but the time was running short; the admiral, hampered as he was by the possession of only one small ship, had now but one idea, which was to get back to castile as quickly as possible, report the result of his discoveries, and come back again with a larger and more efficient equipment. before he departed he had an affectionate leave-taking with king guacanagari; he gave him another shirt, and also provided a demonstration of the effect of lombards by having one loaded, and firing at the old santa maria where she lay hove down on the sandbank. the shot went clean through her hull and fell into the sea beyond, and produced what might be called a very strong moral effect, although an unnecessary one, on the natives. he then set about the very delicate business of organising the settlement. in all, forty-two men were to remain behind, with diego de arana in the responsible position of chief lieutenant, assisted by pedro gutierrez and rodrigo de escovedo, the nephew of friar juan perez of la rabida. to these three he delegated all his powers and authority as admiral and viceroy; and then, having collected the colonists, gave them a solemn address. first, he reminded them of the goodness of god to them, and advised them to remain worthy of it by obeying the divine command in all their actions. second, he ordered them, as a representative of the sovereigns of spain, to obey the captain whom he had appointed for them as they would have obeyed himself. third, he urged them to show respect and reverence towards king guacanagari and his chiefs, and to the inferior chiefs, and to avoid annoying them or tormenting them, since they were to remain in a land that was as yet under native dominion; to "strive and watch by their soft and honest speech to gain their good-will and keep their friendship and love, so that he should find them as friendly and favourable and more so when he returned." fourth, he commanded them "and begged them earnestly" to do no injury and use no force against any natives; to take nothing from them against their will; and especially to be on their guard to avoid injury or violence to the women, "by which they would cause scandal and set a bad example to the indians and show the infamy of the christians." fifth, he charged them not to scatter themselves or leave the place where they then were, but to remain together until he returned. sixth, he "animated" them to suffer their solitude and exile cheerfully and bravely, since they had willingly chosen it. the seventh order was, that they should get help from the king to send boat expeditions in search of the gold mines; and lastly, he promised that he would petition the sovereigns to honour them with special favours and rewards. to this very manly, wise and humane address the people listened with some emotion, assuring columbus that they placed their hopes in him, "begging him earnestly to remember them always, and that as quickly as he could he should give them the great joy which they anticipated from his coming again." all of which things being done, the ships [ship--there was only the nina] loaded and provisioned, and the admiral's final directions given, he makes his farewells and weighs anchor at sunrise on friday, january 4., 1493. among the little crowd on the shore who watch the nina growing smaller in the distance are our old friends allard and william, tired of the crazy confinement of a ship and anxious for shore adventures. they are to have their fill of them, as it happens; adventures that are to bring to the settlers a sudden cloud of blood and darkness, and for the islanders a brief return to their ancient peace. but death waits for allard and william in the sunshine and silence of espanola. chapter iii the voyage home columbus did not stand out to sea on his homeward course immediately, but still coasted along the shores of the island as though he were loth to leave it, and as though he might still at some bend of a bay or beyond some verdant headland come upon the mines and jewels that he longed for. the mountain that he passed soon after starting he called monte christi, which name it bears to this day; and he saw many other mountains and capes and bays, to all of which he gave names. and it was a fortunate chance which led him thus to stand along the coast of the island; for on january 6th the sailor who was at the masthead, looking into the clear water for shoals and rocks, reported that he saw the caravel pinta right ahead. when she came up with him, as they were in very shallow water not suitable for anchorage, columbus returned to the bay of monte christi to anchor there. presently martin alonso pinzon came on board to report himself--a somewhat crestfallen martin, we may be sure, for he had failed to find the gold the hope of which had led him to break his honour as a seaman. but the martin alonsos of this world, however sorry their position may be, will always find some kind of justification for it. it must have been a trying moment for martin alonso as his boat from the pinta drew near the nina, and he saw the stalwart commanding figure of the white-haired admiral walking the poop. he knew very well that according to the law and custom of the sea columbus would have been well within his right in shooting him or hanging him on the spot; but martin puts on a bold face as, with a cold dread at his heart and (as likely as not) an ingratiating smile upon his face he comes up over the side. perhaps, being in some ways a cleverer man than christopher, he knew the admiral's weak points; knew that he was kind-hearted, and would remember those days of preparation at palos when martin alonso had been his principal stay and help. martin's story was that he had been separated from the admiral against his will; that the crew insisted upon it, and that in any case they had only meant to go and find some gold and bring it back to the admiral. columbus did not believe him for a moment, but either his wisdom or his weakness prevented him from saying so. he reproached martin alonso for acting with pride and covetousness "that night when he went away and left him"; and columbus could not think "from whence had come the haughty actions and dishonesty martin had shown towards him on that voyage." martin had done a good trade and had got a certain amount of gold; and no doubt he knew well in what direction to turn the conversation when it was becoming unpleasant to himself. he told columbus of an island to the south of juana--[cuba]--called yamaye,--[jamaica]--where pieces of gold were taken from the mines as large as kernels of wheat, and of another island towards the east which was inhabited only by women. the unpleasantness was passed over as soon as possible, although the admiral felt that the sooner he got home the better, since he was practically at the mercy of the pinzon brothers and their following from palos. he therefore had the pinta beached and recaulked and took in wood and water, and continued his voyage on tuesday, january 8th. he says that "this night in the name of our lord he will start on his journey without delaying himself further for any matter, since he had found what he had sought, and he did not wish to have more trouble with that martin alonso until their highnesses learned the news of the voyage and what he has done." after that it will be another matter, and his turn will come; for then, he says, "i will not suffer the bad deeds of persons without virtue, who, with little respect, presume to carry out their own wills in opposition to those who did them honour." indeed, for several days, the name of "that martin alonso" takes the place of gold in columbus's journal. there were all kinds of gossip about the ill deeds of martin alonso, who had taken four indian men and two young girls by force; the admiral releasing them immediately and sending them back to their homes. martin alonso, moreover, had made a rule that half the gold that was found was to be kept by himself; and he tried to get all the people of his ship to swear that he had been trading for only six days, but "his wickedness was so public that he could not hide it." it was a good thing that columbus had his journal to talk to, for he worked off a deal of bitterness in it. on sunday, january 13th, when he had sent a boat ashore to collect some "ajes" or potatoes, a party of natives with their faces painted and with the plumes of parrots in their hair came and attacked the party from the boat; but on getting a slash or two with a cutlass they took to flight and escaped from the anger of the spaniards. columbus thought that they were cannibals or caribs, and would like to have taken some of them, but they did not come back, although afterwards he collected four youths who came out to the caravel with cotton and arrows. columbus was very curious about the island of matinino,--[martinique] --which was the one said to be inhabited only by women, and he wished very much to go there; but the caravels were leaking badly, the crews were complaining, and he was reluctantly compelled to shape his course for spain. he sailed to the north-east, being anxious apparently to get into the region of westerly winds which he correctly guessed would be found to the north of the course he had sailed on his outward voyage. by the 17th of january he was in the vicinity of the sargasso sea again, which this time had no terrors for him. from his journal the word "gold" suddenly disappears; the viceroy and governor-general steps off the stage; and in his place appears the sea captain, watching the frigate birds and pelicans, noting the golden gulf-weed in the sea, and smelling the breezes that are once more as sweet as the breezes of seville in may. he had a good deal of trouble with his dead-reckoning at this time, owing to the changing winds and currents; but he made always from fifty to seventy miles a day in a direction between north-by-east and north-north-east. the pinta was not sailing well, and he often had to wait for her to come up with him; and he reflected in his journal that if martin alonso pinzon had taken as much pains to provide himself with a good mast in the indies as he had to separate himself from the admiral, the pinta would have sailed better. and so he went on for several days, with the wind veering always south and south-west, and pointing pretty steadily to the north-east. on february 4th he changed his course, and went as near due east as he could. they now began to find themselves in considerable doubt as to their position. the admiral said he was seventy-five leagues to the south of flores; vincenti pinzon and the pilots thought that they had passed the azores and were in the neighbourhood of madeira. in other words, there was a difference of 600 miles between their estimates, and the admiral remarks that "the grace of god permitting, as soon as land is seen, it will be known who has calculated the surest." a great quantity of birds that began to fly about the ship made him think that they were near land, but they turned out to be the harbingers of a storm. on tuesday, february 12th, the sea and wind began to rise, and it continued to blow harder throughout that night and the next day. the wind being aft he went under bare poles most of the night, and when day came hoisted a little sail; but the sea was terrible, and if he had not been so sure of the staunch little nina he would have felt himself in danger of being lost. the next day the sea, instead of going down, increased in roughness; there was a heavy cross sea which kept breaking right over the ship, and it became necessary to make a little sail in order to run before the wind, and to prevent the vessel falling back into the trough of the seas. all through thursday he ran thus under the half hoisted staysail, and he could see the pinta running also before the wind, although since she presented more surface, and was able to carry a little more sail than the nina, she was soon lost to sight. the admiral showed lights through the night, and this time there was no lack of response from martin alonso; and for some part of that dark and stormy night these two humanly freighted scraps of wood and cordage staggered through the gale showing lights to each other; until at last the light from the pinta disappeared. when morning came she was no longer to be seen; and the wind and the sea had if anything increased. the nina was now in the greatest danger. any one wave of the heavy cross sea, if it had broken fairly across her, would have sunk her; and she went swinging and staggering down into the great valleys and up into the hills, the steersman's heart in his mouth, and the whole crew in an extremity of fear. columbus, who generally relied upon his seamanship, here invoked external aid, and began to offer bargains to the almighty. he ordered that lots should be cast, and that he upon whom the lot fell should make a vow to go on pilgrimage to santa maria de guadaloupe carrying a white candle of five pounds weight. same dried peas were brought, one for every member of the crew, and on one of them a cross was marked with a knife; the peas were well shaken and were put into a cap. the first to draw was the admiral; he drew the marked pea, and he made the vow. lots were again drawn, this time for a greater pilgrimage to santa maria de loretto in ancona; and the lot fell on a seaman named pedro de villa, --the expenses of whose pilgrimage columbus promised to pay. again lots were drawn for a pilgrimage to the shrine of santa clara of moguer, the pilgrim to watch and pray for one night there; and again the lot fell on columbus. in addition to these, every one, since they took themselves for lost, made some special and private vow or bargain with god; and finally they all made a vow together that at the first land they reached they would go in procession in their shirts to pray at an altar of our lady. the scene thus conjured up is one peculiar to the time and condition of these people, and is eloquent and pathetic enough: the little ship staggering and bounding along before the wind, and the frightened crew, who had gone through so many other dangers, huddled together under the forecastle, drawing peas out of a cap, crossing themselves, making vows upon their knees, and seeking to hire the protection of the virgin by their offers of candles and pilgrimages. poor christopher, standing in his drenched oilskins and clinging to a piece of rigging, had his own searching of heart and examining of conscience. he was aware of the feverish anxiety and impatience that he felt, now that he had been successful in discovering a new world, to bring home the news and fruits of it; his desire to prove true what he had promised was so great that, in his own graphic phrase, "it seemed to him that every gnat could disturb and impede it"; and he attributed this anxiety to his lack of faith in god. he comforted himself, like robinson crusoe in a similar extremity, by considering on the other hand what favours god had shown him, and by remembering that it was to the glory of god that the fruits of his discovery were to be dedicated. but in the meantime here he was in a ship insufficiently ballasted (for she was now practically empty of provisions, and they had found it necessary to fill the wine and water casks with salt water in order to trim her) and flying before a tempest such as he had never experienced in his life. as a last resource, and in order to give his wonderful news a chance of reaching spain in case the ship were lost, he went into his cabin and somehow or other managed to write on a piece of parchment a brief account of his discoveries, begging any one who might find it to carry it to the spanish sovereigns. he tied up the parchment in a waxed cloth, and put it into a large barrel without any one seeing him, and then ordered the barrel to be thrown into the sea, which the crew took to be some pious act of sacrifice or devotion. then he went back on deck and watched the last of the daylight going and the green seas swelling and thundering about his little ship, and thought anxiously of his two little boys at school in cordova, and wondered what would become of them if he were lost. the next morning the wind had changed a little, though it was still very high; but he was able to hoist up the bonnet or topsail, and presently the sea began to go down a little. when the sun rose they saw land to the east-north-east. some of them thought it was madeira, others the rock of cintra in portugal; the pilots said it was the coast of spain, the admiral thought it was the azores; but at any rate it was land of some kind. the sun was shining upon it and upon the tumbling sea; and although the waves were still raging mast-high and the wind still blowing a hard gale, the miserable crew were able to hope that, having lived through the night, they could live through the day also. they had to beat about to make the land, which was now ahead of them, now on the beam, and now astern; and although they had first sighted it at sunrise on friday morning it was early on monday morning, february 18th, before columbus was able to cast anchor off the northern coast of an island which he discovered to be the island of santa maria in the azores. on this day columbus found time to write a letter to luis de santangel, the royal treasurer, giving a full account of his voyage and discoveries; which letter he kept and despatched on the 4th of march, after he had arrived in lisbon. since it contained a postscript written at the last moment we shall read it at that stage of our narrative. the inhabitants of santa maria received the voyagers with astonishment, for they believed that nothing could have lived through the tempest that had been raging for the last fortnight. they were greatly excited by the story of the discoveries; and the admiral, who had now quite recovered command of himself, was able to pride himself on the truth of his dead-reckoning, which had proved to be so much more accurate than that of the pilots. on the tuesday evening three men hailed them from the shore, and when they were brought off to the ship delivered a message from the portuguese governor of the island, juan de castaneda, to the effect that he knew the admiral very well, and that he was delighted to hear of his wonderful voyage. the next morning columbus, remembering the vow that had been made in the storm, sent half the crew ashore in their shirts to a little hermitage, which was on the other side of a point a short distance away, and asked the portuguese messenger to send a priest to say mass for them. while the members of the crew were at their prayers, however, they received a rude surprise. they were suddenly attacked by the islanders, who had come up on horses under the command of the treacherous governor, and taken prisoners. columbus waited unsuspectingly for the boat to come back with them, in order that he and the other half of the crew could go and perform their vow. when the boat did not come back he began to fear that some accident must have happened to it, and getting his anchor up he set sail for the point beyond which the hermitage was situated. no sooner had he rounded the point than he saw a band of horsemen, who dismounted, launched the boat which was drawn up on the beach, and began to row out, evidently with the intention of attacking the admiral. when they came up to the nina the man in command of them rose and asked columbus to assure him of personal safety; which assurance was wonderingly given; and the admiral inquired how it was that none of his own people were in the boat? columbus suspected treachery and tried to meet it with treachery also, endeavouring with smooth words to get the captain to come on board so that he could seize him as a hostage. but as the portuguese would not come on board columbus told them that they were acting very unwisely in affronting his people; that in the land of the sovereigns of castile the portuguese were treated with great honour and security; that he held letters of recommendation from the sovereigns addressed to every ruler in the world, and added that he was their admiral of the ocean seas and viceroy of the indies, and could show the portuguese his commission to that effect; and finally, that if his people were not returned to him, he would immediately make sail for spain with the crew that was left to him and report this insult to the spanish sovereigns. to all of which the portuguese captain replied that he did not know any sovereigns of castile; that neither they nor their letters were of any account in that island; that they were not afraid of columbus; and that they would have him know that he had portugal to deal with--edging away in the boat at the same time to a convenient distance from the caravel. when he thought he was out of gunshot he shouted to columbus, ordering him to take his caravel back to the harbour by command of the governor of the island. columbus answered by calling his crew to witness that he pledged his word not to descend from or leave his caravel until he had taken a hundred portuguese to castile, and had depopulated all their islands. after which explosion of words he returned to the harbour and anchored there, "as the weather and wind were very unfavourable for anything else." he was, however, in a very bad anchorage, with a rocky bottom which presently fouled his anchors; and on the wednesday he had to make sail towards the island of san miguel if order to try and find a better anchorage. but the wind and sea getting up again very badly he was obliged to beat about all night in a very unpleasant situation, with only three sailors who could be relied upon, and a rabble of gaol-birds and longshoremen who were of little use in a tempest but to draw lots and vow pilgrimages. finding himself unable to make the island of san miguel he decided to go back to santa maria and make an attempt to recover his boat and his crew and the anchor and cables he had lost there. in his journal for this day, and amid all his anxieties, he found time to note down one of his curious visionary cosmographical reflections. this return to a region of storms and heavy seas reminded him of the long months he had spent in the balmy weather and calm waters of his discovery; in which facts he found a confirmation of the theological idea that the eden, or paradise, of earth was "at the end of the orient, because it is a most temperate place. so that these lands which he had now discovered are at the end of the orient." reflections such as these, which abound in his writings, ought in themselves to be a sufficient condemnation of those who have endeavoured to prove that columbus was a man of profound cosmographical learning and of a scientific mind. a man who would believe that he had discovered the orient because in the place where he had been he had found calm weather, and because the theologians said that the garden of eden must be in the orient since it is a temperate place, would believe anything. late on thursday night, when he anchored again in the harbour of san lorenzo at santa maria, a man hailed them from the rocks, and asked them not to go away. presently a boat containing five sailors, two priests, and a notary put off from the beach; and they asked for a guarantee of security in order that they might treat with the admiral. they slept on board that night, and in the morning asked him to show them his authority from the spanish sovereigns, which the admiral did, understanding that they had asked for this formality in order to save their dignity. he showed them his general letter from the king and queen of spain, addressed to "princes and lords of high degree"; and being satisfied with this they went ashore and released the admiral's people, from whom he learned that what had been done had been done by command of the king of portugal, and that he had issued an order to the governors of all the portuguese islands that if columbus landed there on his way home he was to be taken prisoner. he sailed again on sunday, february 24th, encountering heavy winds and seas, which troubled him greatly with fears lest some disaster should happen at the eleventh hour to interfere with his, triumph. on sunday, march 3rd, the wind rose to the force of a hurricane, and, on a sudden gust of violent wind splitting all the sails, the unhappy crew gathered together again and drew more lots and made more vows. this time the pilgrimage was to be to the shrine of santa maria at huelva, the pilgrim to go as before in his shirt; and the lot fell to the admiral. the rest of them made a vow to fast on the next saturday on bread and water; but as they all thought it extremely unlikely that by that time they would be in need of any bodily sustenance the sacrifice could hardly have been a great one. they scudded along under bare poles and in a heavy cross sea all that night; but at dawn on monday they saw land ahead of them, which columbus recognised as the rock of cintra at lisbon; and at lisbon sure enough they landed some time during the morning. as soon as they were inside the river the people came flocking down with stories of the gale and of all the wrecks that there had been on the coast. columbus hurried away from the excited crowds to write a letter to the king of portugal, asking him for a safe conduct to spain, and assuring him that he had come from the indies, and not from any of the forbidden regions of guinea. the next day brought a visit from no less a person than bartholomew diaz. columbus had probably met him before in 1486, when diaz had been a distinguished man and columbus a man not distinguished; but now things were changed. diaz ordered columbus to come on board his small vessel in order to go and report himself to the king's officers; but columbus replied that he was the admiral of the sovereigns of castile, "that he did not render such account to such persons," and that he declined to leave his ship. diaz then ordered him to send the captain of the nina; but columbus refused to send either the captain or any other person, and otherwise gave himself airs as the admiral of the ocean seas. diaz then moderated his requests, and merely asked columbus to show him his letter of authority, which columbus did; and then diaz went away and brought back with him the captain of the portuguese royal yacht, who came in great state on board the shabby little nina, with kettle-drums and trumpets and pipes, and placed himself at the disposal of columbus. it is a curious moment, this, in which the two great discoverers of their time, diaz and columbus, meet for an hour on the deck of a forty-ton caravel; a curious thing to consider that they who had performed such great feats of skill and bravery, one to discover the southernmost point of the old world and the other to voyage across an uncharted ocean to the discovery of an entirely new world, could find nothing better to talk about than their respective ranks and glories; and found no more interesting subject of discussion than the exact amount of state and privilege which should be accorded to each. during the day or two in which columbus waited in the port crowds of people came down from lisbon to see the little nina, which was an object of much admiration and astonishment; to see the indians also, at whom they greatly marvelled. it was probably at this time that the letter addressed to luis de santangel, containing the first official account of the voyage, was despatched. * ***** * * "sir: as i am sure you will be pleased at the great victory which the lord has given me in my voyage, i write this to inform you that in twenty' days i arrived in the indies with the squadron which their majesties had placed under my command. there i discovered many islands, inhabited by a numerous population, and took possession of them for their highnesses, with public ceremony and the royal flag displayed, without molestation. "the first that i discovered i named san salvador, in remembrance of that almighty power which had so miraculously bestowed them. the indians call it guanahani. to the second i assigned the name of santa marie de conception; to the third that of fernandina; to the fourth that of isabella; to the fifth juana; and so on, to every one a new name. "when i arrived at juana, i followed the coast to the westward, and found it so extensive that i considered it must be a continent and a province of cathay. and as i found no towns or villages by the seaside, excepting some small settlements, with the people of which i could not communicate because they all ran away, i continued my course to the westward, thinking i should not fail to find some large town and cities. after having coasted many leagues without finding any signs of them, and seeing that the coast took me to the northward, where i did not wish to go, as the winter was already set in, i considered it best to follow the coast to the south and the wind being also scant, i determined to lose no more time, and therefore returned to a certain port, from whence i sent two messengers into the country to ascertain whether there was any king there or any large city. "they travelled for three days, finding an infinite number of small settlements and an innumerable population, but nothing like a city: on which account--they returned. i had tolerably well ascertained from some indians whom i had taken that this land was only an island, so i followed the coast of it to the east 107 leagues, to its termination. and about eighteen leagues from this cape, to the east, there was another island, to which i shortly gave the name of espanola. i went to it, and followed the north coast of it, as i had done that of juana, for 178--[should be 188]--long leagues due east. "this island is very fertile, as well, indeed, as all the rest. it possesses numerous harbours, far superior to any i know in europe, and what is remarkable, plenty of large inlets. the land is high, and contains many lofty ridges and some very high mountains, without comparison of the island of centrefrey;--[tenerife]--all of them very handsome and of different forms; all of them accessible and abounding in trees of a thousand kinds, high, and appearing as if they would reach the skies. and i am assured that the latter never lose their fresh foliage, as far as i can understand, for i saw them as fresh and flourishing as those of spain in the month of may. some were in blossom, some bearing fruit, and others in other states, according to their nature. "the nightingale and a thousand kinds of birds enliven the woods with their song, in the month of november, wherever i went. there are seven or eight kinds of palms, of various elegant forms, besides various other trees, fruits, and herbs. the pines of this island are magnificent. it has also extensive plains, honey, and a great variety of birds and fruits. it has many metal mines, and a population innumerable. "espanola is a wonderful island, with mountains, groves, plains, and the country generally beautiful and rich for planting and sowing, for rearing sheep and cattle of all kinds, and ready for towns and cities. the harbours must be seen to be appreciated; rivers are plentiful and large and of excellent water; the greater part of them contain gold. there is a great difference between the trees, fruits, and herbs of this island and those of juana. in this island there are many spices, and large mines of gold and other metals. "the people of this island and of all the others which i have discovered or heard of, both men and women, go naked as they were born, although some of the women wear leaves of herbs or a cotton covering made on purpose. they have no iron or steel, nor any weapons; not that they are not a well-disposed people and of fine stature, but they are timid to a degree. they have no other arms excepting spears made of cane, to which they fix at the end a sharp piece of wood, and then dare not use even these. frequently i had occasion to send two or three of my men onshore to some settlement for information, where there would be multitudes of them; and as soon as they saw our people they would run away every soul, the father leaving his child; and this was not because any one had done them harm, for rather at every cape where i had landed and been able to communicate with them i have made them presents of cloth and many other things without receiving anything in return; but because they are so timid. certainly, where they have confidence and forget their fears, they are so open-hearted and liberal with all they possess that it is scarcely to be believed without seeing it. if anything that they have is asked of them they never deny it; on the contrary, they will offer it. their generosity is so great that they would give anything, whether it is costly or not, for anything of every kind that is offered them and be contented with it. i was obliged to prevent such worth less things being given them as pieces of broken basins, broken glass, and bits of shoe-latchets, although when they obtained them they esteemed them as if they had been the greatest of treasures. one of the seamen for a latchet received a piece of gold weighing two dollars and a half, and others, for other things of much less value, obtained more. again, for new silver coin they would give everything they possessed, whether it was worth two or three doubloons or one or two balls of cotton. even for pieces of broken pipe-tubes they would take them and give anything for them, until, when i thought it wrong, i prevented it. and i made them presents of thousands of things which i had, that i might win their esteem, and also that they might be made good christians and be disposed to the service of your majesties and the whole spanish nation, and help us to obtain the things which we require and of which there is abundance in their country. "and these people appear to have neither religion nor idolatry, except that they believe that good and evil come from the skies; and they firmly believed that our ships and their crews, with myself, came from the skies, and with this persuasion,--after having lost their fears, they always received us. and yet this does not proceed from ignorance, for they are very ingenious, and some of them navigate their seas in a wonderful manner and give good account of things, but because they never saw people dressed or ships like ours. "and as soon as i arrived in the indies, at the first island at which i touched, i captured some of them, that we might learn from them and obtain intelligence of what there was in those parts. and as soon as we understood each other they were of great service to us; but yet, from frequent conversation which i had with them, they still believe we came from the skies. these were the first to express that idea, and others ran from house to house, and to the neighbouring villages, crying out, "come and see the people from the skies." and thus all of them, men and women, after satisfying themselves of their safety, came to us without reserve, great and small, bringing us something to eat and drink, and which they gave to us most affectionately. "they have many canoes in those islands propelled by oars, some of them large and others small, and many of them with eight or ten paddles of a side, not very wide, but all of one trunk, and a boat cannot keep way with them by oars, for they are incredibly fast; and with these they navigate all the islands, which are innumerable, and obtain their articles of traffic. i have seen some of these canoes with sixty or eighty men in them, and each with a paddle. "among the islands i did not find much diversity of formation in the people, nor in their customs, nor their language. they all understand each other, which is remarkable; and i trust your highnesses will determine on their being converted to our faith, for which they are very well disposed. "i have already said that i went 107 leagues along the coast of juana, from east to west. thus, according to my track, it is larger than england and scotland together, for, besides these 107 leagues, there were further west two provinces to which i did not go, one of which is called cibau, the people of which are born with tails; which provinces must be about fifty or sixty leagues long, according to what i can make out from the indians i have with me, who know all the islands. the other island (espanola) is larger in circuit than the whole of spain, from the straits of gibralter (the columns) to fuentarabia in biscay, as i sailed 138 long leagues in a direct line from west to east. once known it must be desired, and once seen one desires never to leave it; and which, being taken possession of for their highnesses, and the people being at present in a condition lower than i can possibly describe, the sovereigns of castile may dispose of it in any manner they please in the most convenient places. in this espanola, and in the best district, where are gold mines, and, on the other side, from thence to terra firma, as well as from thence to the great khan, where everything is on a splendid scale--i have taken possession of a large town, to which i gave the name of la navidad, and have built a fort in it, in every respect complete. and i have left sufficient people in it to take care of it, with artillery and provisions for more than a year; also a boat and coxswain with the equipments, in complete friendship with the king of the islands, to that degree that he delighted to call me and look on me as his brother. and should they fall out with these people, neither he nor his subjects know anything of weapons, and go naked, as i have said, and they are the most timorous people in the world. the few people left there are sufficient to conquer the country, and the island would thus remain without danger to them, they keeping order among themselves. "in all these islands it appeared to me the men are contented with one wife, but to their governor or king they allow twenty. the women seem to work more than the men. i have not been able to discover whether they respect personal property, for it appeared to me things were common to all, especially in the particular of provisions. hitherto i have not seen in any of these islands any monsters, as there were supposed to be; the people, on the contrary, are generally well formed, nor are they black like those of the guinea, saving their hair, and they do not reside in places exposed to the sun's rays. it is true that the sun is most powerful there, and it is only twenty-six degrees from the equator. in this last winter those islands which were mountainous were cold, but they were accustomed to it, with good food and plenty of spices and hot nutriment. thus i have found no monsters nor heard of any, except at an island which is the second in going to the indies, and which is inhabited by a people who are considered in all the islands as ferocious, and who devour human flesh. these people have many canoes, which scour all the islands of india, and plunder all they can. they are not worse formed than the others, but they wear the hair long like women, and use bows and arrows of the same kind of cane, pointed with a piece of hard wood instead of iron, of which they have none. they are fierce compared with the other people, who are in general but sad cowards; but i do not consider them in any other way superior to them. these are they who trade in women, who inhabit the first island met with in going from spain to the indies, in which there are no men whatever. they have no effeminate exercise, but bows and arrows, as before said, of cane, with which they arm themselves, and use shields of copper, of which they have plenty. "there is another island, i am told, larger than espanola, the natives of which have no hair. in this there is gold without limit, and of this and the others i have indians with me to witness. "in conclusion, referring only to what has been effected by this voyage, which was made with so much haste, your highnesses may see that i shall find as much gold as desired with the very little assistance afforded to me; there is as much spice and cotton as can be wished for, and also gum, which hitherto has only been found in greece, in the island of chios, and they may sell it as they please, and the mastich, as much as may be desired, and slaves, also, who will be idolators. and i believe that i have rhubarb, and cinnamon, and a thousand other things i shall find, which will be discovered by those whom i have left behind, for i did not stop at any cape when the wind enabled me to navigate, except at the town of navidad, where i was very safe and well taken care of. and in truth much more i should have done if the ships had served me as might have been expected. this is certain, that the eternal god our lord gives all things to those who obey him, and the victory when it seems impossible, and this, evidently, is an instance of it, for although people have talked of these lands, all was conjecture unless proved by seeing them, for the greater part listened and judged more by hearsay than by anything else. "since, then, our redeemer has given this victory to our illustrious king and queen and celebrated their reigns by such a great thing, all christendom should rejoice and make great festivals, and give solemn thanks to the blessed trinity, with solemn praises for the exaltation of so much people to our holy faith; and next for the temporal blessings which not only spain but they will enjoy in becoming christians, and which last may shortly be accomplished. "written in the caravel off santa maria; on the eighteenth of february, ninety-three." the following postscript was added to the letter before it was despatched: "after writing the above, being in the castilian sea (off the coast of castile), i experienced so severe a wind from south and south-east that i have been obliged to run to-day into this port of lisbon, and only by a miracle got safely in, from whence i intended to write to your highnesses. in all parts of the indies i have found the weather like that of may, where i went in ninety-three days, and returned in seventy-eight, saving these thirteen days of bad weather that i have been detained beating about in this sea. every seaman here says that never was so severe a winter, nor such loss of ships." on the friday a messenger came from the king in the person of don martin de noronha, a relative of columbus by marriage, and one who had perhaps looked down upon him in the days when he attended the convent chapel at lisbon, but who was now the bearer of a royal invitation and in the position of a mere envoy. columbus repaired to paraiso where the king was, and where he was received with great honour. king john might well have been excused if he had felt some mortification at this glorious and successful termination of a project which had been offered to him and which he had rejected; but he evidently behaved with dignity and a good grace, and did everything that he could to help columbus. it was extremely unlikely that he had anything to do with the insult offered to columbus at the azores, for though he was bitterly disappointed that the glory of this discovery belonged to spain and not to portugal, he was too much of a man to show it in this petty and revengeful manner. he offered to convey columbus by land into spain; but the admiral, with a fine dramatic sense, preferred to arrive by sea on board of all that was left of the fleet with which he had sailed. he sailed for seville on wednesday, march 13th, but during the next day, when he was off cape saint vincent, he evidently changed his mind and decided to make for palos. sunrise on friday saw him off the bar of saltes, with the white walls of la rabida shining on the promontory among the dark fir-trees. during the hours in which he stood off and on waiting for the tide he was able to recognise again all the old landmarks and the scenes which had been so familiar to him in those busy days of preparation nine months before; and at midday he sailed in with the flood tide and dropped his anchor again in the mud of the river by palos. the caravel had been sighted some time before, probably when she was standing off, the bar waiting for the tide; she was flying the admiral's flag and there was no mistaking her identity; and we can imagine the news spreading throughout the town of palos, and reaching huelva, and one by one the bells beginning to ring, and the places of business to be closed, and the people to come pouring out into the streets to be ready to greet their friends. some more impatient than the others would sail out in fishing-boats to get the first news; and i should be surprised to know that a boat did not put off from the little pier beneath la rabida, to row round the point and out to where the nina was lying--to beyond the manto bank. when the flood began to make over the bar and to cover the long sandbank that stretches from the island of saltes, the nina came gliding in, greeted by every joyful sound and signal that the inhabitants of the two seaports could make. every one hurried down to palos as the caravel rounded the convent point. hernando, marchena, and good old juan perez were all there, we may be sure. such excitements, such triumphs as the bronzed, white-bearded admiral steps ashore at last, and is seized by dozens of eager hands! such excitements as all the wives and inamoratas of the rodrigos and juans and franciscos rush to meet the swarthy voyagers and cover them with embraces; such disappointments also, when it is realised that some two score of the company are still on a sunbaked island infinitely far over the western horizon. tears of joy and grief, shouts and feastings, firing of guns and flying of flags, processions and receptions with these the deathless day is filled; and the little nina, her purpose staunchly fulfilled, swings deserted on the turning tide, the ripples of her native tinto making a familiar music under her bowsprit. and in the evening, with the last of the flood, another ship comes gliding round the point and up the estuary. the inhabitants of palos have all left the shore and are absorbed in the business of welcoming the great man; and there is no one left to notice or welcome the pinta. for it is she that, by a strange coincidence, and after many dangers and distresses endured since she had parted company from the nina in the storm, now has made her native port on the very same day as the nina. our old friend martin alonso pinzon is on board, all the fight and treachery gone out of him, and anxious only to get home unobserved. for (according to the story) he had made the port of bayona on the north-west coast of spain, and had written a letter from there to the sovereigns announcing his arrival and the discoveries that he had made; and it is said that he had received an unpleasant letter in return, reproaching him for not waiting for his commander and forbidding him to come to court. this story is possible if his letter reached the sovereigns after the letter from the admiral; for it is probable that columbus may have reported some of martin's doings to them. be that as it may, there are no flags and guns for him as he comes creeping in up the river; his one anxiety is to avoid the admiral and to get home as quickly and quietly as he can. for he is ill, poor martin alonso; whether from a broken heart, as the early historians say, or from pure chagrin and disappointment, or, as is more likely, from some illness contracted on the voyage, it is impossible to say. he has endured his troubles and hardships like all the rest of them; no less skilfully than columbus has he won through that terrible tempest of february; and his foolish and dishonest conduct has deprived him not only of the rewards that he tried to steal, but of those which would otherwise have been his by right. he creeps quietly ashore and to his home, where at any rate we may hope that there is some welcome for him; takes to his bed, turns his face to the wall; and dies in a few days. so farewell to martin alonso, who has borne us company thus far. he did not fail in the great matters of pluck and endurance and nautical judgment, but only in the small matters of honesty and decent manly conduct. we will not weep for martin alonso; we will make our farewells in silence, and leave his deathbed undisturbed by any more accusations or reproaches. christopher columbus and the new world of his discovery a narrative by filson young volume 4 chapter iv the hour of triumph from the moment when columbus set foot on spanish soil in the spring of 1493 he was surrounded by a fame and glory which, although they were transient, were of a splendour such as few other men can have ever experienced. he had not merely discovered a country, he had discovered a world. he had not merely made a profitable expedition; he had brought the promise of untold wealth to the kingdom of spain. he had not merely made himself the master of savage tribes; he had conquered the supernatural, and overcome for ever those powers of darkness that had been thought to brood over the vast atlantic. he had sailed away in obscurity, he had returned in fame; he had departed under a cloud of scepticism and ridicule, he had come again in power and glory. he had sailed from palos as a seeker after hidden wealth, hidden knowledge; he returned as teacher, discoverer, benefactor. the whole of spain rang with his fame, and the echoes of it spread to portugal, france, england, germany, and italy; and it reached the ears of his own family, who had now left the vico dritto di ponticello in genoa and were living at savona. his life ashore in the first weeks following his return was a succession of triumphs and ceremonials. his first care on landing had been to go with the whole of his crew to the church of saint george, where a te deum was sung in honour of his return; and afterwards to perform those vows that he had made at sea in the hour of danger. there was a certain amount of business to transact at palos in connection with the paying of the ships' crews, writing of reports to the sovereigns, and so forth; and it is likely that he stayed with his friends at the monastery of la rabida while this was being done. the court was at barcelona; and it was probably only a sense of his own great dignity and importance that prevented christopher from setting off on the long journey immediately. but he who had made so many pilgrimages to court as a suitor could revel in a position that made it possible for him to hang back, and to be pressed and invited; and so when his business at palos was finished he sent a messenger with his letters and reports to barcelona, and himself, with his crew and his indians and all his trophies, departed for seville, where he arrived on palm sunday. his entrance into that city was only a foretaste of the glory in which he was to move across the whole of spain. he was met at the gates of the city by a squadron of cavalry commanded by an envoy sent by queen isabella; and a procession was formed of members of the crew carrying parrots, alive and stuffed, fruits, vegetables, and various other products of the new world. in a prominent place came the indians, or rather four of them, for one had died on the day they entered palos and three were too ill to leave that town; but the ones that took part in the procession got all the more attention and admiration. the streets of seville were crowded; crowded also were the windows, balconies, and roofs. the admiral was entertained at the house of the count of cifuentes, where his little museum of dead and live curiosities was also accommodated, and where certain favoured visitors were admitted to view it. his two sons, diego and ferdinand, were sent from cordova to join him; and perhaps he found time to visit beatriz, although there is no record of his having been to cordova or of her having come to seville. meanwhile his letters and messengers to the king and queen had produced their due effect. the almost incredible had come to pass, and they saw themselves the monarchs not merely of spain, but of a new empire that might be as vast as europe and africa together. on the 30th of march they despatched a special messenger with a letter to columbus, whose eyes must have sparkled and heart expanded when he read the superscription: "from the king and queen to don christoval colon, their admiral of the ocean seas and viceroy and governor of the islands discovered in the indies." no lack of titles and dignities now! their majesties express a profound sense of his ability and distinction, of the greatness of his services to them, to the church, and to god himself. they hope that he will lose no time, but repair to barcelona immediately, so that they can have the pleasure of hearing from his own lips an account of his wonderful expedition, and of discussing with him the preparations that must immediately be set on foot to fit out a new one. on receiving this letter christopher immediately drew up a list of what he thought necessary for the new expedition and, collecting all his retinue and his museum of specimens, started by road for barcelona. every one in spain had by this time heard more or less exaggerated accounts of the discoveries, and the excitement in the towns and villages through which he passed was extreme. wherever he went he was greeted and feasted like a king returning from victorious wars; the people lined the streets of the towns and villages, and hung out banners, and gazed their fill at the indians and at the strange sun-burned faces of the crew. at barcelona, where they arrived towards the end of april, the climax of these glittering dignities was reached. when the king and queen heard that columbus was approaching the town they had their throne prepared under a magnificent pavilion, and in the hot sunshine of that april day they sat and waited the--coming of the great man. a glittering troop of cavalry had been sent out to meet him, and at the gates of the town a procession was formed similar to that at seville. he had now six natives with him, who occupied an important place in the procession; sailors also, who carried baskets of fruit and vegetables from espanola, with stuffed birds and animals, and a monstrous lizard held aloft on a stick. the indians were duly decked out in all their paint and feathers; but if they were a wonder and marvel to the people of spain, what must spain have been to them with its great buildings and cities, its carriages and horses, its glittering dresses and armours, its splendour and luxury! we have no record of what the indians thought, only of what the crowd thought who gaped upon them and upon the gaudy parrots that screeched and fluttered also in the procession. columbus came riding on horseback, as befitted a great admiral and viceroy, surrounded by his pilots and principal officers; and followed by men bearing golden belts, golden masks, nuggets of gold and dust of gold, and preceded by heralds, pursuivants, and mace-bearers. what a return for the man who three years before had been pointed at and laughed to scorn in this same brilliant society! the crowds pressed so closely that the procession could hardly get through the streets; the whole population was there to witness it; and the windows and balconies and roofs of the houses, as well as the streets themselves, were thronged with a gaily dressed and wildly excited crowd. at length the procession reaches the presence of the king and queen and, crowning and unprecedented honour! as the admiral comes before them ferdinand and isabella rise to greet him. under their own royal canopy a seat is waiting for him; and when he has made his ceremonial greeting he is invited to sit in their presence and give an account of his voyage. he is fully equal to the situation; settles down to do himself and his subject justice; begins, we may be sure, with a preamble about the providence of god and its wisdom and consistency in preserving the narrator and preparing his life for this great deed; putting in a deal of scientific talk which had in truth nothing to do with the event, but was always applied to it in columbus's writings from this date onwards; and going on to describe the voyage, the sea of weeds, the landfall, his intercourse with the natives, their aptitude for labour and christianity, and the hopes he has of their early conversion to the catholic church. and then follows a long description of the wonderful climate, "like may in andalusia," the noble rivers, and gorgeous scenery, the trees and fruits and flowers and singing birds; the spices and the cotton; and chief of all, the vast stores of gold and pearls of which the admiral had brought home specimens. at various stages in his narrative he produces illustrations; now a root of rhubarb or allspice; now a raw nugget of gold; now a piece of gold laboured into a mask or belt; now a native decorated with the barbaric ornaments that were the fashion in espanola. these things, says columbus, are mere first-fruits of the harvest that is to come; the things which he, like the dove that had flown across the sea from the ark and brought back an olive leaf in its mouth, has brought back across the stormy seas to that ark of civilisation from which he had flown forth. it was to columbus an opportunity of stretching his visionary wings and creating with pompous words and images a great halo round himself of dignity and wonder and divine distinction,--an opportunity such as he loved, and such as he never failed to make use of. the sovereigns were delighted and profoundly impressed. columbus wound up his address with an eloquent peroration concerning the glory to christendom of these new discoveries; and there followed an impressive silence, during which the sovereigns sank on their knees and raised hands and tearful eyes to heaven, an example in which they were followed by the whole of the assembly; and an appropriate gesture enough, seeing what was to come of it all. the choir of the chapel royal sang a solemn te deum on the spot; and the sovereigns and nobles, bishops, archbishops, grandees, hidalgos, chamberlains, treasurers, chancellors and other courtiers, being exhausted by these emotions, retired to dinner. during his stay at barcelona columbus was the guest of the cardinal-archbishop of toledo, and moved thus in an atmosphere of combined temporal and spiritual dignity such as his soul loved. very agreeable indeed to him was the honour shown to him at this time. deep down in his heart there was a secret nerve of pride and vanity which throughout his life hitherto had been continually mortified and wounded; but he was able now to indulge his appetite for outward pomp and honour as much as he pleased. when king ferdinand went out to ride columbus would be seen riding on one side of him, the young prince john riding on the other side; and everywhere, when he moved among the respectful and admiring throng, his grave face was seen to be wreathed in complacent smiles. his hair, which had turned white soon after he was thirty, gave him a dignified and almost venerable appearance, although he was only in his forty-third year; and combined with his handsome and commanding presence to excite immense enthusiasm among the spaniards. they forgot for the moment what they had formerly remembered and were to remember again--that he was a foreigner, an italian, a man of no family and of poor origin. they saw in him the figure-head of a new empire and a new glory, an emblem of power and riches, of the dominion which their proud souls loved; and so there beamed upon him the brief fickle sunshine of their smiles and favour, which he in his delusion regarded as an earnest of their permanent honour and esteem. it is almost always thus with a man not born to such dignities, and who comes by them through his own efforts and labours. no one would grudge him the short-lived happiness of these summer weeks; but although he believed himself to be as happy as a man can be, he appears to quietly contemplating eyes less happy and fortunate than when he stood alone on the deck of his ship, surrounded by an untrustworthy crew, prevailing by his own unaided efforts over the difficulties and dangers with which he was surrounded. court functions and processions, and the companionship of kings and cardinals, are indeed no suitable reward for the kind of work that he did. courtly dignities are suited to courtly services; but they are no suitable crown for rough labour and hardship at sea, or for the fulfilment of a man's self by lights within him; no suitable crown for any solitary labour whatsoever, which must always be its own and only reward. it is to this period of splendour that the story of the egg, which is to some people the only familiar incident in columbian biography, is attributed. the story is that at a banquet given by the cardinal-arch bishop the conversation ran, as it always did in those days when he was present, on the subject of the admiral's discoveries; and that one of the guests remarked that it was all very well for columbus to have done what he did, but that in a country like spain, where there were so many men learned in science and cosmography, and many able mariners besides, some one else would certainly have been found who would have done the same thing. whereupon columbus, calling for an egg, laid a wager that none of the company but him self could make it stand on its end without support. the egg was brought and passed round, and every one tried to make it stand on end, but without success. when it came to columbus he cracked the shell at one end, making a flat surface on which the egg stood upright; thus demonstrating that a thing might be wonderful, not because it was difficult or impossible, but merely because no one had ever thought of doing it before. a sufficiently inane story, and by no means certainly true; but there is enough character in this little feat, ponderous, deliberate, pompous, ostentatious, and at bottom a trick and deceitful quibble, to make it accord with the grandiloquent public manner of columbus, and to make it easily believable of one who chose to show himself in his speech and writings so much more meanly and pretentiously than he showed himself in the true acts and business of his life. but pomp and parade were not the only occupation of these barcelona days. there were long consultations with ferdinand and isabella about the colonisation of the new lands; there were intrigues, and parrying of intrigues, between the spanish and portuguese courts on the subject of the discoveries and of the representative rights of the two nations to be the religious saviours of the new world. the pope, to whose hands the heathen were entrusted by god to be handed for an inheritance to the highest and most religious bidder, had at that time innocently divided them into two portions, to wit: heathen to the south of spain and portugal, and heathen to the west of those places. by the bull of 1438, granted by pope martin v., the heathen to the west had been given to the spanish, and the heathen to the south to the portuguese, and the two crowns had in 1479 come to a working agreement. now, however, the existence of more heathen to the west of the azores introduced a new complication, and ferdinand sent a message to pope alexander vi. praying for a confirmation of the spanish title to the new discoveries. this pope, who was a native of aragon and had been a subject of ferdinand, was a stolid, perverse, and stubborn being; so much is advertised in his low forehead, impudent prominent nose, thick sensual lips, and stout bull neck. this pope considers the matter; considers, by such lights as he has, to whom he shall entrust the souls of these new heathen; considers which country, spain or portugal, is most likely to hold and use the same for the increase of the christian faith in general, the furtherance of the holy catholic church in special, and the aggrandisement of popes in particular; and shrewdly decides that the country in which the. inquisition can flourish is the country to whom the heathen souls should be entrusted. he therefore issues a bull, dated may 3, 1493, granting to the spanish the possession of all lands, not occupied by christian powers, that lie west of a meridian drawn one hundred leagues to the westward of the azores, and to the portuguese possession of all similar lands lying to the eastward of that line. he sleeps upon this bull, and has inspiration; and on the morrow, may 4th, issues another bull, drawing a line from the arctic to the antarctic pole, and granting to spain all heathen inheritance to the westward of the same. the pope, having signed this bull, considers it further-assisted, no doubt, by the portuguese ambassador at the vatican, to whom it has been shown; realises that in the wording of the bull an injustice has been done to portugal, since spain is allowed to fix very much at her own convenience the point at which the line drawn from pole to pole shall cut the equator; and also because, although spain is given all the lands in existence within her territory, portugal is only given the lands which she may actually have occupied. even the legal mind of the pope, although much drowsed and blunted by brutish excesses, discerns faultiness in this document; and consequently on the same day issues a third bull, in which the injustice to portugal is redressed. nothing so easy, thinks the pope, as to issue bulls; if you make a mistake in one bull, issue another; and, having issued three bulls in twenty-four hours, he desists for the present, having divided the earthly globe. thus easy it is for a pope to draw lines from pole to pole, and across the deep of the sea. yet the poles sleep still in their icy virginal sanctity, and the blue waves through which that papal line passes shift and shimmer and roll in their free salt loneliness, unaffected by his demarcation; the heathen also, it appears, since that distant day, have had something to say to their disposition. if he had slept upon it another night, poor pope, it might have occurred to him that west and east might meet on a meridian situated elsewhere on the globe than one hundred miles west of the azores; and that the portuguese, who for the moment had nothing heathen except africa left to them, might according to his demarcation strike a still richer vein of heathendom than that granted to spain. but the holy pontiff, bull neck, low forehead, impudent prominent nose, and sensual lips notwithstanding, is exhausted by his cosmographical efforts, and he lets it rest at that. later, when spain discovers that her privileges have been abated, he will have to issue another bull; but not to-day. sufficient unto the day are the bulls thereof. for the moment king proposes and pope disposes; but the matter lies ultimately in the hands of the two eternal protagonists, man and god. in the meantime here are six heathen alive and well, or at any rate well enough to support, willy-nilly, the rite of holy baptism. they must have been sufficiently dazed and bewildered by all that had happened to them since they were taken on board the admiral's ship, and god alone knows what they thought of it all, or whether they thought anything more than the parrots that screamed and fluttered and winked circular eyes in the procession with them. doubtless they were willing enough; and indeed, after all they had come through, a little cold water could not do them any harm. so baptized they were in barcelona; pompously baptized with infinite state and ceremony, the king and queen and prince juan officiating as sponsors. queen isabella, after the manner of queens, took a kindly feminine interest in these heathen, and in their brethren across the sea. she had seen a good deal of conquest, and knew her spaniard pretty intimately; and doubtless her maternal heart had some misgivings about the ultimate happiness of the gentle, handsome creatures who lived in the sunshine in that distant place. she made their souls her especial care, and honestly believed that by providing for their spiritual conversion she was doing them the greatest service in her power. she provided from her own private chapel vestments and altar furniture for the mission church in espanola; she had the six exiles in barcelona instructed under her eye; and she gave columbus special orders to inflict severe punishments on any one who should offer the natives violence or injustice of any kind. it must be remembered to her credit that in after days, when slavery and an intolerable bloody and brutish oppression had turned the paradise of espanola into a shambles, she fought almost singlehanded, and with an ethical sense far in advance of her day, against the system of slavery practised by spain upon the inhabitants of the new world. the dignities that had been provisionally granted to columbus before his departure on the first voyage were now elaborately confirmed; and in addition he was given another title--that of captain-general of the large fleet which was to be fitted out to sail to the new colonies. he was entrusted with the royal seal, which gave him the right to grant letters patent, to issue commissions, and to appoint deputies in the royal name. a coat-of-arms was also granted to him in which, in its original form, the lion and castle of leon and castile were quartered with islands of the sea or on a field azure, and five anchors or on a field azure. this was changed from time to time, chiefly by columbus himself, who afterwards added a continent to the islands, and modified the blazonry of the lion and castle to agree with those on the royal arms--a piece of ignorance and childish arrogance which was quite characteristic of him. [a motto has since been associated with the coat-of-arms, although it is not certain that columbus adopted it in his lifetime. in one form it reads: "por castilla e por leon nueva mundo hallo colon."] (for castile and leon columbus found a new world.) and in the other: "a castilla y a leon nuevo mundo dio colon." (to castile and leon columbus gave a new world.) equally characteristic and less excusable was his acceptance of the pension of ten thousand maravedis which had been offered to the member of the expedition who should first sight land. columbus was granted a very large gratuity on his arrival in barcelona, and even taking the product of the islands at a tenth part of their value as estimated by him, he still had every right to suppose himself one of the richest men in spain. yet he accepted this paltry pension of l8. 6s. 8d. in our modern money (of 1900), which, taking the increase in the purchasing power of money at an extreme estimate, would not be more than the equivalent of $4000 now. now columbus had not been the first person to see land; he saw the light, but it was rodrigo de triana, the look-out man on the pinta, who first saw the actual land. columbus in his narrative to the king and queen would be sure to make much of the seeing of the light, and not so much of the actual sighting of land; and he was on the spot, and the reward was granted to him. even if we assume that in strict equity columbus was entitled to it, it was at least a matter capable of argument, if only rodrigo de triana had been there to argue it; and what are we to think of the admiral of the ocean seas and viceroy of the indies who thus takes what can only be called a mean advantage of a poor seaman in his employ? it would have been a competence and a snug little fortune to rodrigo de triana; it was a mere flea-bite to a man who was thinking in eighth parts of continents. it may be true, as oviedo alleges, that columbus transferred it to beatriz enriquez; but he had no right to provide for her out of money that in all equity and decency ought to have gone to another and a poorer man. his biographers, some of whom have vied with his canonisers in insisting upon seeing virtue in his every action, have gone to all kinds of ridiculous extremes in accounting for this piece of meanness. irving says that it was "a subject in which his whole ambition was involved"; but a plain person will regard it as an instance of greed and love of money. we must not shirk facts like this if we wish to know the man as he really was. that he was capable of kindness and generosity, and that he was in the main kind-hearted, we have fortunately no reason to doubt; and if i dwell on some of his less amiable characteristics it is with no desire to magnify them out of their due proportion. they are part of that side of him that lay in shadow, as some side of each one of us lies; for not all by light nor all by shade, but by light and shade combined, is the image of a man made visible to us. it is quite of a piece with the character of columbus that while he was writing a receipt for the look-out man's money and thinking what a pretty gift it would make for beatriz enriquez he was planning a splendid and spectacular thank-offering for all the dignities to which he had been raised; and, brooding upon the vast wealth that was now to be his, that he should register a vow to furnish within seven years an expedition of four thousand horse and fifty thousand foot for the rescue of the holy sepulchre, and a similar force within five years after the first if it should be necessary. it was probable that the vow was a provisional one, and that its performance was to be contingent on his actual receipt and possession of the expected money; for as we know, there was no money and no expedition. the vow was in effect a kind of religious flourish much beloved by columbus, undertaken seriously and piously enough, but belonging rather to his public than to his private side. a much more simple and truly pious act of his was, not the promising of visionary but the sending of actual money to his old father in savona, which he did immediately after his arrival in spain. the letter which he wrote with that kindly remittance, not being couched in the pompous terms which he thought suitable for princes, and doubtless giving a brief homely account of what he had done, would, if we could come by it, be a document beyond all price; but like every other record of his family life it has utterly perished. he wrote also from barcelona to his two brothers, bartholomew and giacomo, or james, since we may as well give him the english equivalent of his name. bartholomew was in france, whither he had gone some time after his return from his memorable voyage with bartholomew diaz; he was employed as a map-maker at the court of anne de beaujeu, who was reigning in the temporary absence of her brother charles viii. columbus's letter reached him, but much too late for him to be able to join in the second expedition; in fact he did not reach seville until five months after it had sailed. james, however, who was now twenty-five years old, was still at savona; he, like columbus, had been apprenticed to his father, but had apparently remained at home earning his living either as a wool-weaver or merchant. he was a quiet, discreet young fellow, who never pushed himself forward very much, wore very plain clothes, and was apparently much overawed by the grandeur and dignity of his elder brother. he was, however, given a responsible post in the new expedition, and soon had his fill of adventure. the business of preparing for the new expedition was now put in hand, and columbus, having taken leave of ferdinand and isabella, went to seville to superintend the preparations. all the ports in andalusia were ordered to supply such vessels as might be required at a reasonable cost, and the old order empowering the admiral to press mariners into the service was renewed. but this time it was unnecessary; the difficulty now was rather to keep down the number of applicants for berths in the expedition, and to select from among the crowd of adventurers who offered themselves those most suitable for the purposes of the new colony. in this work columbus was assisted by a commissioner whom the sovereigns had appointed to superintend the fitting out of the expedition. this man was a cleric, juan rodriguez de fonseca, archdeacon of seville, a person of excellent family and doubtless of high piety, and of a surpassing shrewdness for this work. he was of a type very commonly produced in spain at this period; a very able organiser, crafty and competent, but not altogether trustworthy on a point of honour. like so many ecclesiastics of this stamp, he lived for as much power and influence as he could achieve; and though he was afterwards bishop of three sees successively, and became patriarch of the indies, he never let go his hold on temporal affairs. he began by being jealous of columbus, and by objecting to the personal retinue demanded by the admiral; and in this, if i know anything of the admiral, he was probably justified. the matter was referred to the sovereigns, who ordered fonseca to carry out the admiral's wishes; and the two were immediately at loggerheads. when the council for the indies was afterwards formed fonseca became head, of it, and had much power to make things pleasant or otherwise for columbus. it became necessary now to raise a considerable sum of money for the new expedition. two-thirds of the ecclesiastical tithes were appropriated, and a large proportion of the confiscated property of the jews who had been banished from spain the year before; but this was not enough; and five million maravedis were borrowed from the duke of medina sidonia in order to complete the financial supplies necessary for this very costly expedition. there was a treasurer, francisco pinelo, and an accountant, juan de soria, who had charge of all the financial arrangements; but the whole of the preparations were conducted on a ruinously expensive scale, owing to the haste which the diplomatic relations with portugal made necessary. the provisioning was done by a florentine merchant named juonato beradi, who had an assistant named amerigo vespucci--who, by a strange accident, was afterwards to give his name to the continent of the new world. while these preparations were going on the game of diplomacy was being played between the courts of spain and portugal. king john of portugal had the misfortune to be badly advised; and he was persuaded that, although he had lost the right to the new world through his rejection of columbus's services when they were first offered to him, he might still discover it for himself, relying for protection on the vague wording of the papal bulls. he immediately began to prepare a fleet, nominally to go to the coast of africa, but really to visit the newly discovered lands in the west. hearing of these preparations, king ferdinand sent an ambassador to the portuguese court; and king john agreed also to appoint an ambassador to discuss the whole matter of the line of demarcation, and in the meantime not to allow any of his ships to sail to the west for a period of sixty days after his ambassador had reached barcelona. there followed a good deal of diplomatic sharp practice; the portuguese bribing the spanish officials to give them information as to what was going on, and the spaniards furnishing their envoys with double sets of letters and documents so that they could be prepared to counter any movement on the part of king john. the idea of the portuguese was that the line of demarcation should be a parallel rather than a meridian; and that everything north of the canaries should belong to spain and everything south to portugal; but this would never do from the spanish point of view. the fact that a proposal had come from portugal, however, gave ferdinand an opportunity of delaying the diplomatic proceedings until his own expedition was actually ready to set sail; and he wrote to columbus repeatedly, urging him to make all possible haste with his preparations. in the meantime he despatched a solemn embassy to portugal, the purport of which, much beclouded and delayed by preliminary and impossible proposals, was to submit the whole question to the pope for arbitration. and all the time he was busy petitioning the pope to restore to spain those concessions granted in the second bull, but taken away again in the third. this, being much egged on to it, the pope ultimately did; waking up on september 26th, the day after columbus's departure, and issuing another bull in which the spanish sovereigns were given all lands and islands, discovered or not discovered, which might be found by sailing west and south. four bulls; and after puzzling over them for a year, the kings of spain and portugal decided to make their own bull, and abide by it, which, having appointed commissioners, they did on june 7, 1494., when by the treaty of tordecillas the line of demarcation was finally fixed to pass from north to south through a point 370 leagues west of the cape verde islands. chapter v great expectations july, august, and september in the year 1493 were busy months for columbus, who had to superintend the buying or building and fitting of ships, the choice and collection of stores, and the selection of his company. there were fourteen caravels, some of them of low tonnage and light draught, and suitable for the navigation of rivers; and three large carracks, or ships of three to four hundred tons. the number of volunteers asked for was a thousand, but at least two thousand applied for permission to go with the expedition, and ultimately some fourteen or fifteen hundred did actually go, one hundred stowaways being included in the number. unfortunately these adventurers were of a class compared with whom even the cut-throats and gaol-birds of the humble little expedition that had sailed the year before from palos were useful and efficient. the universal impression about the new lands in the west was that they were places where fortunes could be picked up like dirt, and where the very shores were strewn with gold and precious stones; and every idle scamp in spain who had a taste for adventure and a desire to get a great deal of money without working for it was anxious to visit the new territory. the result was that instead of artisans, farmers, craftsmen, and colonists, columbus took with him a company at least half of which consisted of exceedingly well-bred young gentlemen who had no intention of doing any work, but who looked forward to a free and lawless holiday and an early return crowned with wealth and fortune. although the expedition was primarily for the establishment of a colony, no spanish women accompanied it; and this was but one of a succession of mistakes and stupidities. the admiral, however, was not to be so lonely a person as he had been on his first voyage; friends of his own choice and of a rank that made intimacy possible even with the captain-general were to accompany him. there was james his brother; there was friar bernardo buil, a benedictine monk chosen by the pope to be his apostolic vicar in the new world; there was alonso de ojeda, a handsome young aristocrat, cousin to the inquisitor of spain, who was distinguished for his dash and strength and pluck; an ideal adventurer, the idol of his fellows, and one of whose daring any number of credible and incredible tales were told. there was pedro margarite, a well-born aragonese, who was destined afterwards to cause much trouble; there was juan ponce de leon, the discoverer of florida; there was juan de la cosa, columbus's faithful pilot on the santa maria on his first voyage; there was pedro de las casas, whose son, at this time a student in seville, was afterwards to become the historian of the new world and the champion of decency and humanity there. there was also doctor chanca, a court physician who accompanied the expedition not only in his professional capacity but also because his knowledge of botany would enable him to make, a valuable report on the vegetables and fruits of the new world; there was antonio de marchena, one of columbus's oldest friends, who went as astronomer to the expedition. and there was one coma, who would have remained unknown to this day but that he wrote an exceedingly elegant letter to his friend nicolo syllacio in italy, describing in flowery language the events of the second voyage; which letter, and one written by doctor chanca, are the only records of the outward voyage that exist. the journal kept by columbus on this voyage has been lost, and no copy of it remains. columbus settled at cadiz during the time in which he was engaged upon the fitting out of the expedition. it was no light matter to superintend the appointment of the crews and passengers, every one of whom was probably interviewed by columbus himself, and at the same time to keep level with archdeacon fonseca. this official, it will be remembered, had a disagreement with columbus as to the number of personal attendants he was to be allowed; and on the matter being referred to the king and queen they granted columbus the ridiculous establishment of ten footmen and twenty other servants. naturally fonseca held up his hands and wondered where it would all end. it was no easy matter, moreover, on receipt of letters from the queen about small matters which occurred to her from time to time, to answer them fully and satisfactorily, and at the same time to make out all the lists of things that would likely be required both for provisioning the voyage and establishing a colony. the provisions carried in those days were not very different from the provisions carried on deep-sea vessels at the present time--except that canned meat, for which, with its horrors and conveniences, the world may hold columbus responsible, had not then been invented. unmilled wheat, salted flour, and hard biscuit formed the bulk of the provisions; salted pork was the staple--of the meat supply, with an alternative of salted fish; while cheese, peas, lentils and beans, oil and vinegar, were also carried, and honey and almonds and raisins for the cabin table. besides water a large provision of rough wine in casks was taken, and the dietary scale would probably compare favourably with that of the british and american mercantile service sixty years ago. in addition a great quantity of seeds of all kinds were taken for planting in espanola; sugar cane, rice, and vines also, and an equipment of agricultural implements, as well as a selection of horses and other domestic animals for breeding purposes. twenty mounted soldiers were also carried, and the thousand and one impedimenta of naval, military, and domestic existence. in the middle of all these preparations news came that a portuguese caravel had set sail from madeira in the direction of the new lands. columbus immediately reported this to the king and queen, and suggested detaching part of his fleet to pursue her; but instead king john was communicated with, and he declared that if the vessel had sailed as alleged it was without his knowledge and permission, and that he would send three ships after her to recall her--an answer which had to be accepted, although it opened up rather alarming possibilities of four portuguese vessels reaching the new islands instead of one. whether these ships ever really sailed or not, or whether the rumour was merely a rumour and an alarm, is not certain; but columbus was ordered to push on his preparations with the greatest possible speed, to avoid portuguese waters, but to capture any vessels which he might find in the part of the ocean allotted to spain, and to inflict summary punishment on the crews. as it turned out he never saw any portuguese vessels, and before he had returned to spain again the two nations had come to an amicable agreement quite independently of the pope and his bulls. spain undertook to make no discoveries to the east of the line of demarcation, and portugal none to the west of it; and so the matter remained until the inhabitants of the discovered lands began to have a voice in their own affairs. with all his occupations columbus found time for some amenities, and he had his two sons, diego and ferdinand, staying with him at cadiz. great days they must have been for these two boys; days filled with excitement and commotion, with the smell of tar and the loading of the innumerable and fascinating materials of life; and many a journey they must have made on the calm waters of cadiz harbour from ship to ship, dreaming of the distant seas that these high, quaintly carven prows would soon be treading, and the wonderful bays and harbours far away across the world into the waters of which their anchors were to plunge. september 24th, the day before the fleet sailed, was observed as a festival; and in full ceremonial the blessing of god upon the enterprise was invoked. the ships were hung with flags and with dyed silks and tapestries; every vessel flew the royal standard; and the waters of the harbour resounded with the music of trumpets and harps and pipes and the thunder of artillery. some venetian galleys happened to enter the harbour as the fleet was preparing to weigh, and they joined in the salutes and demonstrations which signalled the departure. the admiral hoisted his flag on the 'marigalante', one of the largest of the ships; and somewhere among the smaller caravels the little nina, re-caulked and re-fitted, was also preparing to brave again the dangers over which she had so staunchly prevailed. at sunrise on the 25th the fleet weighed anchor, with all the circumstance and bustle and apparent confusion that accompanies the business of sailing-ships getting under weigh. up to the last minute columbus had his two sons on board with him, and it was not until the ripples were beginning to talk under the bow of the marigalante that he said good-bye to them and saw them rowed ashore. in bright weather, with a favourable breeze, in glory and dignity, and with high hopes in his heart, the admiral set out once more on the long sea-road. chapter vi the second voyage the second voyage of columbus, profoundly interesting as it must have been to him and to the numerous company to whom these waters were a strange and new region, has not the romantic interest for us that his first voyage had. to the faith that guided him on his first venture knowledge and certainty had now been added; he was going by a familiar road; for to the mariner a road that he has once followed is a road that he knows. as a matter of fact, however, this second voyage was a far greater test of columbus's skill as a navigator than the first voyage had been. if his navigation had been more haphazard he might never have found again the islands of his first discovery; and the fact that he made a landfall exactly where he wished to make it shows a high degree of exactness in his method of ascertaining latitude, and is another instance of his skill in estimating his dead-reckoning. if he had been equipped with a modern quadrant and greenwich chronometers he could not have made a quicker voyage nor a more exact landfall. it will be remembered that he had been obliged to hurry away from espanola without visiting the islands of the caribs as he had wished to do. he knew that these islands lay to the south-east of espanola, and on his second voyage he therefore took a course rather more southerly in order, to make them instead of guanahani or espanola. from the day they left spain his ships had pleasant light airs from the east and north-east which wafted them steadily but slowly on their course. in a week they had reached the grand canary, where they paused to make some repairs to one of the ships which, was leaking. two days later they anchored at gomera, and loaded up with such supplies as could be procured there better than in spain. pigs, goats, sheep and cows were taken on board; domestic fowls also, and a variety of orchard plants and fruit seeds, as well as a provision of oranges, lemons, and melons. they sailed from gomera on the 7th of october, but the winds were so light that it was a week later before they had passed ferro and were once more in the open atlantic. on setting his course from ferro columbus issued sealed instructions to the captain of each ship which, in the event of the fleet becoming scattered, would guide them to the harbour of la navidad in espanola; but the captains had strict orders not to open these instructions unless their ships became separated from the fleet, as columbus still wished to hold for himself the secret of this mysterious road to the west. there were no disasters, however, and no separations. the trade wind blew soft and steady, wafting them south and west; and because of the more southerly course steered on this voyage they did not even encounter the weed of the sargasso sea, which they left many leagues on their starboard hand. the only incident of the voyage was a sudden severe hurricane, a brief summer tempest which raged throughout one night and terrified a good many of the voyagers, whose superstitious fears were only allayed when they saw the lambent flames of the light of saint elmo playing about the rigging of the admiral's ship. it was just the admiral's luck that this phenomenon should be observed over his ship and over none of the others; it added to his prestige as a person peculiarly favoured by the divine protection, and confirmed his own belief that he held a heavenly as well as a royal commission. the water supply had been calculated a little too closely, and began to run low. the hurried preparation of the ships had resulted as usual in bad work; most of them were leaking, and the crew were constantly at work at the pumps; and there was the usual discontent. columbus, however, knew by the signs as well as by his dead-reckoning that he was somewhere close to land; and with a fine demonstration of confidence he increased the ration of water, instead of lowering it, assuring the crews that they would be ashore in a day or two. on saturday evening, november 2nd, although no land was in sight, columbus was so sure of his position that he ordered the fleet to take in sail and go on slowly until morning. as the sunday dawned and the sky to the west was cleared of the morning bank of clouds the look-out on the marigalante reported land ahead; and sure enough the first sunlight of that day showed them a green and verdant island a few leagues away. as they approached it columbus christened it dominica in honour of the day on which it was discovered. he sailed round it; but as there was no harbour, and as another island was in sight to the north, he sailed on in that direction. this little island he christened marigalante; and going ashore with his retinue he hoisted the royal banner, and formally took possession of the whole group of six islands which were visible from the high ground. there were no inhabitants on the island, but the voyagers spent some hours wandering about its tangled woods and smelling the rich odours of spice, and tasting new and unfamiliar fruits. they next sailed on to an island to the north which columbus christened guadaloupe as a memorial of the shrine in estremadura to which he had made a pious pilgrimage. they landed on this island and remained a week there, in the course of which they made some very remarkable discoveries. the villagers were not altogether unfriendly, although they were shy at first; but red caps and hawks' bells had their usual effect. there were signs of warfare, in the shape of bone-tipped arrows; there were tame parrots much larger than those of the northern islands; they found pottery and rough wood carving, and the unmistakable stern timber of a european vessel. but they discovered stranger things than that. they found human skulls used as household utensils, and gruesome fragments of human bodies, unmistakable remains of a feast; and they realised that at last they were in the presence of a man-eating tribe. later they came to know, something of the habits of the islanders; how they made raiding expeditions to the neighbouring islands, and carried off large numbers of prisoners, retaining the women as concubines and eating the men. the boys were mutilated and fattened like capons, being employed as labourers until they had arrived at years of discretion, at which point they were killed and eaten, as these cannibal epicures did not care for the flesh of women and boys. there were a great number of women on the island, and many of them were taken off to the ships--with their own consent, according to doctor chanca. the men, however, eluded the spaniards and would not come on board, having doubtless very clear views about the ultimate destination of men who were taken prisoners. some women from a neighbouring island, who had been captured by the cannibals, came to columbus and begged to be taken on board his ship for protection; but instead of receiving them he decked them with ornaments and sent them ashore again. the cannibals artfully stripped off their ornaments and sent them back to get some more. the peculiar habits of the islanders added an unusual excitement to shore leave, and there was as a rule no trouble in collecting the crews and bringing them off to the ships at nightfall. but on one evening it was discovered that one of the captains and eight men had not returned. an exploring party was sent of to search for them, but they came back without having found anything, except a village in the middle of the forest from which the inhabitants had fled at their approach, leaving behind them in the cooking pots a half-cooked meal of human remains--an incident which gave the explorers a distaste for further search. young alonso de ojeda, however, had no fear of the cannibals; this was just the kind of occasion in which he revelled; and he offered to take a party of forty men into the interior to search for the missing men. he went right across the island, but was able to discover nothing except birds and fruits and unknown trees; and columbus, in great distress of mind, had to give up his men for lost. he took in wood and water, and was on the point of weighing anchor when the missing men appeared on the shore and signalled for a boat. it appeared that they had got lost in a tangled forest in the interior, that they had tried to climb the trees in order to get their bearings by the stars, but without success; and that they had finally struck the sea-shore and followed it until they had arrived opposite the anchorage. they brought some women and boys with them, and the fleet must now have had a large number of these willing or unwilling captives. this was the first organised transaction of slavery on the part of columbus, whose design was to send slaves regularly back to spain in exchange for the cattle and supplies necessary for the colonies. there was not very much said now about religious conversion, but only about exchanging the natives for cattle. the fine point of christopher's philosophy on this subject had been rubbed off; he had taken the first step a year ago on the beach at guanahani, and after that the road opened out broad before him. slaves for cattle, and cattle for the islands; and wealth from cattle and islands for spain, and payment from spain for columbus, and money from columbus for the redemption of the holy sepulchre--these were the links in the chain of hope that bound him to his pious idea. he had seen the same thing done by the portuguese on the guinea coast, and it never occurred to him that there was anything the matter with it. on the contrary, at this time his idea was only to take slaves from among the caribs and man-eating islanders as a punishment for their misdeeds; but this, like his other fine ideas, soon had to give way before the tide of greed and conquest. the admiral was now anxious to get back to la navidad, and discover the condition of the colony which he had left behind him there. he therefore sailed from guadaloupe on november 20th and steered to the north-west. his captive islanders told him that the mainland lay to the south; and if he had listened to them and sailed south he would have probably landed on the coast of south america in a fortnight. he shaped his course instead to the north-west, passing many islands, but not pausing until the 14th, when he reached the island named by him santa cruz. he found more caribs here, and his men had a brush with them, one of the crew being wounded by a poisoned arrow of which he died in a few days. the carib chiefs were captured and put in irons. they sailed again and passed a group of islets which columbus named after saint ursula and the eleven thousand virgins; discovered porto rico also, in one of the beautiful harbours of which they anchored and stayed for two days. sailing now to the west they made land again on the 22nd of november; and coasting along it they soon sighted the mountain of monte christi, and columbus recognised that he was on the north coast of espanola. chapter vii the earthly paradise revisited on the 25th november 1493, columbus once more dropped his anchor in the harbour of monte christi, and a party was sent ashore to prospect for a site suitable for the new town which he intended to build, for he was not satisfied with the situation of la navidad. there was a large river close by; and while the party was surveying the land they came suddenly upon two dead bodies lying by the river-side, one with a rope round its neck and the other with a rope round its feet. the bodies were too much decomposed to be recognisable; nevertheless to the party rambling about in the sunshine and stillness of that green place the discovery was a very gruesome one. they may have thought much, but they said little. they returned to the ship, and resumed their search on the next day, when they found two more corpses, one of which was seen to have a large quantity of beard. as all the natives were beardless this was a very significant and unpleasant discovery, and the explorers returned at once and reported what they had seen to columbus. he thereupon set sail for la navidad, but the navigation off that part of the coast was necessarily slow because of the number of the shoals and banks, on one of which the admiral's ship had been lost the year before; and the short voyage occupied three days. they arrived at la navidad late on the evening of the 27th--too late to make it advisable to land. some natives came out in a canoe, rowed round the admiral's ship, stopped and looked at it, and then rowed away again. when the fleet had anchored columbus ordered two guns to be fired; but there was no response except from the echoes that went rattling among the islands, and from the frightened birds that rose screaming and circling from the shore. no guns and no signal fires; no sign of human habitation whatever; and no sound out of the weird darkness except the lap of the water and the call of the birds . . . . the night passed in anxiety and depression, and in a certain degree of nervous tension, which was relieved at two or three o'clock in the morning by the sound of paddles and the looming of a canoe through the dusky starlight. native voices were heard from the canoe asking in a loud voice for the admiral; and when the visitors had been directed to the marigalante they refused to go on board until columbus himself had spoken to them, and they had seen by the light of a lantern that it was the admiral himself. the chief of them was a cousin of guacanagari, who said that the king was ill of a wound in his leg, or that he would certainly have come himself to welcome the admiral. the spaniards? yes, they were well, said the young chief; or rather, he added ominously, those that remained were well, but some had died of illness, and some had been killed in quarrels that had arisen among them. he added that the province had been invaded by two neighbouring kings who had burned many of the native houses. this news, although grave, was a relief from the dreadful uncertainty that had prevailed in the early part of the night, and the admiral's company, somewhat consoled, took a little sleep. in the morning a party was sent ashore to la navidad. not a boat was in sight, nor any native canoes; the harbour was silent and deserted. when the party had landed and gone up to the place where the fort had been built they found no fort there; only the blackened and charred remains of a fort. the whole thing had been burned level with the ground, and amid the blackened ruins they found pieces of rag and clothing. the natives, instead of coming to greet them, lurked guiltily behind trees, and when they were seen fled away into the woods. all this was very disquieting indeed, and in significant contrast to their behaviour of the year before. the party from the ship threw buttons and beads and bells to the retiring natives in order to try and induce them to come forward, but only four approached, one of whom was a relation of guacanagari. these four consented to go into the boat and to be rowed out to the ship. columbus then spoke to them through his interpreter; and they admitted what had been only too obvious to the party that went ashore--that the spaniards were all dead, and that not one of the garrison remained. it seemed that two neighbouring kings, caonabo and mayreni, had made an attack upon the fort, burned the buildings, and killed and wounded most of the defenders; and that guacanagari, who had been fighting on their behalf, had also been wounded and been obliged to retire. the natives offered to go and fetch guacanagari himself, and departed with that object. in the greatest anxiety the admiral and his company passed that day and night waiting for the king to come. early the next morning columbus himself went ashore and visited the spot where the settlement had been. there he found destruction whole and complete, with nothing but a few rags of clothing as an evidence that the place had ever been inhabited by human beings. as guacanagari did not appear some of the spaniards began to suspect that he had had a hand in the matter, and proposed immediate reprisal; but columbus, believing still in the man who had "loved him so much that it was wonderful" did not take this view, and his belief in guacanagari's loyalty was confirmed by the discovery that his own dwelling had also been burned down. columbus set some of his party searching in the ditch of the fort in case any treasure should have been buried there, as he had ordered it should be in event of danger, and while this was going on he walked along the coast for a few miles to visit a spot which he thought might be suitable for the new settlement. at a distance of a mile or two he found a village of seven or eight huts from which the inhabitants fled at his approach, carrying such of their goods as were portable, and leaving the rest hidden in the grass. here were found several things that had belonged to the spaniards and which were not likely to have been bartered; new moorish mantles, stockings, bolts of cloth, and one of the admiral's lost anchors; other articles also, among them a dead man's head wrapped up with great care in a small basket. shaking their own living heads, columbus and his party returned. suddenly they came on some suspicious-looking mounds of earth over which new grass was growing. an examination of these showed them to be the graves of eleven of the spaniards, the remains of the clothing being quite sufficient to identify them. doctor chanca, who examined them, thought that they had not been dead two months. speculation came to an end in the face of this eloquent certainty; there were the dead bodies of some of the colonists; and the voyagers knelt round with bare heads while the bodies were replaced in the grave and the ceremony of christian burial performed over them. little by little the dismal story was elicited from the natives, who became less timid when they saw that the spaniards meant them no harm. it seemed that columbus had no sooner gone away than the colonists began to abandon themselves to every kind of excess. while the echo of the admiral's wise counsels was yet in their ears they began to disobey his orders. honest work they had no intention of doing, and although diego arana, their commander, did his best to keep order, and although one or two of the others were faithful to him and to columbus, their authority was utterly insufficient to check the lawless folly of the rest. instead of searching for gold mines, they possessed themselves by force of every ounce of gold they could steal or seize from the natives, treating them with both cruelty and contempt. more brutal excesses followed as a matter of course. guacanagari, in his kindly indulgence and generosity, had allowed them to take three native wives apiece, although he himself and his people were content with one. but of course the spaniards had thrown off all restraint, however mild, and ran amok among the native inhabitants, seizing their wives and seducing their daughters. upon this naturally followed dissensions among themselves, jealousy coming hot upon the heels of unlawful possession; and, in the words of irving, "the natives beheld with astonishment the beings whom they had worshipped as descended from the skies abandoned to the grossest of earthly passions and raging against each other with worse than brutal ferocity." upon their strifes and dissensions followed another breach of the admiral's wise regulations; they no longer cared to remain together in the fort, but split up into groups and went off with their women into the woods, reverting to a savagery beside which the gentle existence of the natives was high civilisation. there were squabbles and fights in which one or two of the spaniards were killed; and pedro gutierrez and rodrigo de escovedo, whom columbus had appointed as lieutenants to arana, headed a faction of revolt against his authority, and took themselves off with nine other spaniards and a great number of women. they had heard a great deal about the mines of cibao, and they decided to go in search of them and secure their treasures for themselves. they went inland into a territory which was under the rule of king caonabo, a very fierce carib who was not a native of espanola, but had come there as an adventurer and remained as a conqueror. although he resented the intrusion of the spaniards into the island he would not have dared to come and attack them there if they had obeyed the admiral's orders and remained in the territory of guacanagari; but when they came into his own country he had them in a trap, and it was easy for him to fall upon those foolish swaggering spaniards and put them to death. he then decided to go and take the fort. he formed an alliance with the neighbouring king, mayreni, whose province was in the west of the island. getting together a force of warriors these two kings marched rapidly and stealthily through the, forest for several days until they arrived at its northern border. they came in the dead of night to the neighbourhood of la navidad, where the inhabitants of the fortress, some ten in number, were fast asleep. fast asleep were the remaining dozen or so of the spaniards who were living in houses or huts in the neighbourhood; fast asleep also the gentle natives, not dreaming of troubles from any quarter but that close at hand. the sweet silence of the tropical night was suddenly broken by frightful yells as caonabo and his warriors rushed the fortress and butchered the inhabitants, setting fire to it and to the houses round about. as their flimsy huts burst into flames the surprised spaniards rushed out, only to be fallen upon by the infuriated blacks. eight of the spaniards rushed naked into the sea and were drowned; the rest were butchered. guacanagari manfully came to their assistance and with his own followers fought throughout the night; but his were a gentle and unwarlike people, and they were easily routed. the king himself was badly wounded in the thigh, but caonabo's principal object seems to have been the destruction of the spaniards, and when that was completed he and his warriors, laden with the spoils, retired. thus columbus, walking on the shore with his native interpreter, or sitting in his cabin listening with knitted brow to the accounts of the islanders, learns of the complete and utter failure of his first hopes. it has come to this. these are the real first-fruits of his glorious conquest and discovery. the new world has served but as a virgin field for the old adam. he who had sought to bring light and life to these happy islanders had brought darkness and death; they had innocently clasped the sword he had extended to them and cut themselves. the christian occupation of the new world had opened with vice, cruelty, and destruction; the veil of innocence had been rent in twain, and could never be mended or joined again. and the earthly paradise in which life had gone so happily, of which sun and shower had been the true rulers, and the green sprouting harvests the only riches, had been turned into a shambles by the introduction of human rule and civilised standards of wealth. gold first and then women, things beautiful and innocent in the happy native condition of the islands, had been the means of the disintegration and death of this first colony. these are serious considerations for any coloniser; solemn considerations for a discoverer who is only on the verge and beginning of his empire-making; mournful considerations for christopher as he surveys the blackened ruins of the fort, or stands bare-headed by the grass-covered graves. there seemed to be a certain hesitancy on the part of guacanagari to present himself; for though he kept announcing his intention of coming to visit the admiral he did not come. a couple of days after the discovery of the remains, however, he sent a message to columbus begging him to come and see him, which the admiral accordingly did, accompanied by a formal retinue and carrying with him the usual presents. guacanagari was in bed sure enough complaining of a wounded leg, and he told the story of the settlement very much as columbus had already heard it from the other natives. he pointed to his own wounded leg as a sign that he had been loyal and faithful to his friendly promises; but when the leg was examined by the surgeon in order that it might be dressed no wound could be discovered, and it was obvious to doctor chanca that the skin had not been broken. this seemed odd; friar buil was so convinced that the whole story was a deception that he wished the admiral to execute guacanagari on the spot. columbus, although he was puzzled, was by no means convinced that guacanagari had been unfaithful to him, and decided to do nothing for the present. he invited the cacique to come on board the flagship; which he did, being greatly interested by some of the carib prisoners, notably a handsome woman, named by the spaniards dofia catalina, with whom he held a long conversation. relations between the admiral and the cacique, although outwardly cordial, were altogether different from what they had been in, the happy days after their first meeting; the man seemed to shrink from all the evidence of spanish power, and when they proposed to hang a cross round his neck the native king, much as he loved trinkets and toys, expressed a horror and fear of this jewel when he learned that it was an emblem of the christian faith. he had seen a little too much of the christian religion; and heaven only knows with what terror and depression the emblem of the cross inspired him. he went ashore; and when a messenger was sent to search for him a few days afterwards, it was found that he had moved his whole establishment into the interior of the island. the beautiful native woman catalina escaped to shore and disappeared at the same time; and the two events were connected in the minds of some of the spaniards, and held, wrongly as it turned out, to be significant of a deep plot of native treachery. the most urgent need was to build the new settlement and lay out a town. several small parties were sent out to reconnoitre the coast in both directions, but none of them found a suitable place; and on december 7th the whole fleet sailed to the east in the hope of finding a better position. they were driven by adverse winds into a harbour some thirty miles to the east of monte christi, and when they went ashore they decided that this was as good a site as any for the new town. there was about a quarter of a mile of level sandy beach enclosed by headlands on either side; there was any amount of rock and stones for building, and there was a natural barrier of hills and mountains a mile or so inland that would protect a camp from that side.--the soil was very fertile, the vegetation luxuriant; and the mango swamps a little way inland drained into a basin or lake which provided an unlimited water supply. columbus therefore set about establishing a little town, to which he gave the name of isabella. streets and squares were laid out, and rows of temporary buildings made of wood and thatched with grass were hastily run up for the accommodation of the members of the expedition, while the foundations of three stone buildings were also marked out and the excavations put in hand. these buildings were the church, the storehouse, and a residence for columbus as governor-general. the stores were landed, the horses and cattle accommodated ashore, the provisions, ammunition, and agricultural implements also. labourers were set to digging out the foundations of the stone buildings, carpenters to cutting down trees and running up the light wooden houses that were to serve as barracks for the present; masons were employed in hewing stones and building landing-piers; and all the crowd of well-born adventurers were set to work with their hands, much to their disgust. this was by no means the life they had imagined, and at the first sign of hard work they turned sulky and discontented. there was, to be sure, some reason for their discontent. things had not quite turned out as columbus had promised they should; there was no store of gold, nor any sign of great desire on the part of the natives to bring any; and to add to their other troubles, illness began to break out in the camp. the freshly-turned rank soil had a bad effect on the health of the garrison; the lake, which had promised to be so pleasant a feature in the new town, gave off dangerous malarial vapours at night; and among the sufferers from this trouble was columbus himself, who endured for some weeks all the pains and lassitude of the disagreeable fever. the ships were now empty and ready for the return voyage, and as soon as columbus was better he set to work to face the situation. after all his promises it would never do to send them home empty or in ballast; a cargo of stones from the new-found indies would not be well received in spain. the natives had told him that somewhere in the island existed the gold mines of cibao, and he determined to make an attempt to find these, so that he could send his ships home laden with a cargo that would be some indemnity for the heavy cost of the expedition and some compensation for the bad news he must write with regard to his first settlement. young ojeda was chosen to lead an expedition of fifteen picked men into the interior; and as the gold mines were said to be in a part of the island not under the command of guacanagari, but in the territory of the dreaded caonabo, there was no little anxiety felt about the expedition. ojeda started in the beginning of january 1494, and marched southwards through dense forests until, having crossed a mountain range, he came down into a beautiful and fertile valley, where they were hospitably received by the natives. they saw plenty of gold in the sand of the river that watered the valley, which sand the natives had a way of washing so that the gold was separated from it; and there seemed to be so much wealth there that ojeda hurried back to the new city of isabella to make his report to columbus. the effect upon the discontented colonists was remarkable. once more everything was right; wealth beyond the dreams of avarice was at their hand; and all they had to do was to stretch out their arms and take it. columbus felt that he need no longer delay the despatch of twelve of his ships on the homeward voyage. if he had not got golden cargoes for them, at any rate he had got the next best thing, which was the certainty of gold; and it did not matter whether it was in the ships or in his storehouse. he had news to send home at any rate, and a great variety of things to ask for in return, and he therefore set about writing his report to the sovereigns. other people, as we know, were writing letters too; the reiterated promise of gold, and the marvellous anecdotes which these credulous settlers readily believed from the natives, such as that there was a rock close by out of which gold would burst if you struck it with a club, raised greed and expectation in spain to a fever pitch, and prepared the reaction which followed. we may now read the account of the new world as columbus sent it home to the king and queen of spain in the end of january 1494, and as they read it some weeks later. their comments, written in the margin of the original, are printed in italics at the end of each paragraph. it was drawn up in the form of a memorandum, and entrusted to antonio de torres, who was commanding the return expedition. "what you, antonio de torres, captain of the ship marigalante and alcalde of the city of isabella, are to say and supplicate on my part to the king and queen, our lords, is as follows:- "first. having delivered the letters of credence which you carry from me for their highnesses, you will kiss for me their royal feet and hands and will recommend me to their highnesses as to a king and queen, my natural lords, in whose service i desire to end my days: as you will be able to say this more fully to their highnesses, according to what you have seen and known of me. ["their highnesses hold him in their favour.] "item. although by the letters i write to their highnesses, and also the father friar buil and the treasurer, they will be able to understand all that has been done here since our arrival, and this very minutely and extensively: nevertheless, you will say to their highnesses on my part, that it has pleased god to give me such favour in their service, that up to the present time. i do not find less, nor has less been found in anything than what i wrote and said and affirmed to their highnesses in the past: but rather, by the grace of god, i hope that it will appear, by works much more clearly and very soon, because such signs and indications of spices have been found on the shores of the sea alone, without having gone inland, that there is reason that very much better results may be hoped for: and this also may be hoped for in the mines of gold, because by two persons only who went to investigate, each one on his own part, without remaining there because there was not many people, so many rivers have been discovered so filled with gold, that all who saw it and gathered specimens of it with the hands alone, came away so pleased and say such things in regard to its abundance, that i am timid about telling it and writing it to their highnesses: but because gorbalan, who was one of the discoverers, is going yonder, he will tell what he saw, although another named hojeda remains here, a servant of the duke of medinaceli, a very discreet youth and very prudent, who without doubt and without comparison even, discovered much more according to the memorandum which he brought of the rivers, saying that there is an incredible quantity in each one of them for this their highnesses may give thanks to god, since he has been so favourable to them in all their affairs. ["their highnesses give many thanks to god for this, and consider as a very signal service all that the admiral has done in this matter and is doing: because they know that after god they are indebted to him for all they have had, and will have in this affair: and as they are writing him more fully about this, they refer him to their letter.] "item. you will say to their highnesses, although i already have written it to them, that i desired greatly to be able to send them a larger quantity of gold in this fleet, from that which it is hoped may be gathered here, but the greater part of our people who are here, have fallen suddenly ill: besides, this fleet cannot remain here longer, both on account of the great expense it occasions and because this time is suitable for those persons who are to bring the things which are greatly needed here, to go and be able to return: as, if they delay going away from here, those who are to return will not be able to do so by may: and besides this, if i wished to undertake to go to the mines or rivers now, with the well people who are here, both on the sea and in the settlement on land, i would have many difficulties and even dangers, because in order to go twenty-three or twenty-four leagues from here where there are harbours and rivers to cross, and in order to cover such a long route and reach there at the time which would be necessary to gather the gold, a large quantity of provisions would have to be carried, which cannot be carried on the shoulders, nor are there beasts of burden here which could be used for this purpose: nor are the roads and passes sufficiently prepared, although i have commenced to get them in readiness so as to be passable: and also it was very inconvenient to leave the sick here in an open place, in huts, with the provisions and supplies which are on land: for although these indians may have shown themselves to the discoverers and show themselves every day, to be very simple and not malicious nevertheless, as they come here among us each day, it did not appear that it would be a good idea to risk losing these people and the supplies. this loss an indian with a piece of burning wood would be able to cause by setting fire to the huts, because they are always going and coming by night and by day: on their account, we have guards in the camp, while the settlement is open and defenceless. ["that he did well.] "moreover, as we have seen among those who went by land to make discoveries that the greater part fell sick after returning, and some of them even were obliged to turn back on the road, it was also reasonable to fear that the same thing would happen to those who are well, who would now go, and as a consequence they would run the risk of two dangers: the one, that of falling sick yonder, in the same work, where there is no house nor any defence against that cacique who is called caonabb, who is a very bad man according to all accounts, and much more audacious and who, seeing us there, sick and in such disorder, would be able to undertake what he would not dare if we were well: and with this difficulty there is another--that of bringing here what gold we might obtain, because we must either bring a small quantity and go and come each day and undergo the risk of sickness, or it must be sent with some part of the people, incurring the same danger of losing it. ["he did well.] "so that, you will say to their highnesses, that these are the causes why the fleet has not been at present detained, and why more gold than the specimens has not been sent them: but confiding in the mercy of god, who in everything and for everything has guided us as far as here, these people will quickly become convalescent, as they are already doing, because only certain places in the country suit them and they then recover; and it is certain that if they had some fresh meat in order to convalesce, all with the aid of god would very quickly be on foot, and even the greater part would already be convalescent at this time: nevertheless they will be re-established. with the few healthy ones who remain here, each day work is done toward enclosing the settlement and placing it in a state of some defence and the supplies in safety, which will be accomplished in a short time, because it is to be only a small dry wall. for the indians are not a people to undertake anything unless they should find us sleeping, even though they might have thought of it in the manner in which they served the others who remained here. only on account of their (the spaniards') lack of caution--they being so few--and the great opportunities they gave the indians to have and do what they did, they would never have dared to undertake to injure them if they had seen that they were cautious. and this work being finished, i will then undertake to go to the said rivers, either starting upon the road from here and seeking the best possible expedients, or going around the island by sea as far as that place from which it is said it cannot be more than six or seven leagues to the said rivers. in such a manner that the gold can be gathered and placed in security in some fortress or tower which can then be constructed there, in order to keep it securely until the time when the two caravels return here, and in order that then, with the first suitable weather for sailing this course, it may be sent to a place of safety. ["that this is well and must be done in this manner.] "item. you will say to their highnesses, as has been said, that the cause of the general sicknesses common to all is the change of water and air, because we see that it extends to all conditions and few are in danger: consequently, for the preservation of health, after god, it is necessary that these people be provided with the provisions to which they are accustomed in spain, because neither they, nor others who may come anew, will be able to serve their highnesses if they are not well: and this provision must continue until a supply is accumulated here from what shall be sowed and planted here. i say wheat and barley, and vines, of which little has been done this year because a site for the town could not be selected before, and then when it was selected the few labourers who were here became sick, and they, even though they had been well, had so few and such lean and meagre beasts of burden, that they were able to do but little: nevertheless, they have sown something, more in order to try the soil which appears very wonderful, so that from it some relief may be hoped in our necessities. we are very sure, as the result makes it apparent to us, that in this country wheat as well as the vine will grow very well: but the fruit must be waited for, which, if it corresponds to the quickness with which the wheat grows and of some few vine-shoots which were planted, certainly will not cause regret here for the productions of andalusia or sicily: neither is it different with the sugar-canes according to the manner in which some few that were planted have grown. for it is certain that the sight of the land of these islands, as well of the mountains and sierras and waters as of the plains where there are rich rivers, is so beautiful, that no other land on which the sun shines can appear better or as beautiful. ["since the land is such, it must be managed that the greatest possible quantity of all things shall be sown, and don juan de fonseca is to be written to send continually all that is necessary for this purpose.] "item. you will say that, inasmuch as much of the wine which the fleet brought was wasted on this journey, and this, according to what the greater number say, was because of the bad workmanship which the coopers did in seville, the greatest necessity we feel here at the present time is for wines, and it is what we desire most to have and although we may have biscuit as well as wheat sufficient for a longer time, nevertheless it is necessary that a reasonable quantity should also be sent, because the journey is long and provision cannot be made each day and in the same manner some salted meat, i say bacon, and other salt meat better than that we brought on this journey. it is necessary that each time a caravel comes here, fresh meat shall be sent, and even more than that, lambs and little ewe lambs, more females than males, and some little yearling calves, male and female, and some he-asses and she-asses and some mares for labour and breeding, as there are none of these animals here of any value or which can be made use of by man. and because i apprehend that their highnesses may not be, in seville, and that the officials or ministers will not provide these things without their express order, and as it is necessary they should come at the first opportunity, and as in consultation and reply the time for the departure of the vessels-which must be here during all of maywill be past: you will say to their highnesses that i charged and commanded you to pledge the gold you are carrying yonder and place it in possession of some merchant in seville, who will furnish therefor the necessary maravedis to load two caravels with wine and wheat and the other things of which you are taking a memorandum; which merchant will carry or send the said gold to their highnesses that they may see it and receive it, and cause what shall have been expended for fitting out and loading of the said two caravels to be paid: and in order to comfort and strengthen these people remaining here, the utmost efforts must be made for the return of these caravels for all the month of may, that the people before commencing the summer may see and have some refreshment from these things, especially the invalids: the things of which we are already in great need here are such as raisins, sugar, almonds, honey and rice, which should have been sent in large quantities and very little was sent, and that which came is already used and consumed, and even the greater part of the medicines which were brought from there, on account of the multitude of sick people. you are carrying memoranda signed by my hand, as has been said, of things for the people in good health as well as for the sick. you will provide these things fully if the money is sufficient, or at least the things which it is most necessary to send at once, in order that the said two vessels can bring them, and you can arrange with their highnesses, to have the remaining things sent by other vessels as quickly as possible. ["their highnesses sent an order to don juan de fonseca to obtain at once information about the persons who committed the fraud of the casks, and to cause all the damage to the wine to be recovered from them, with the costs: and he must see that the canes which are sent are of good quality, and that the other things mentioned here are provided at once.] "item. you will say to their highnesses that as there is no language here by means of which these people can be made to understand our holy faith, as your highnesses and also we who are here desire, although we will do all we can towards it--i am sending some of the cannibals in the vessels, men and women and male and female children, whom their highnesses can order placed with persons from whom they can better learn the language, making use of them in service, and ordering that little by little more pains be taken with them than with other slaves, that they may learn one from the other: if they do not see or speak with each other until some time has passed, they will learn more quickly there than here, and will be better interpreters--although we will not cease to do as much as possible here. it is true that as there is little intercourse between these people from one island to another, there is some difference in their language, according to how far distant they are from each other. and as, of the other islands, those of the cannibals are very large and very well populated, it would appear best to take some of their men and women and send them yonder to castile, because by taking them away, it may cause them to abandon at once that inhuman custom which they have of eating men: and by learning the language there in castile, they will receive baptism much more quickly, and provide for the safety of their souls. even among the peoples who are not cannibals we shall gain great credit, by their seeing that we can seize and take captive those from whom they are accustomed to receive injuries, and of whom they are in such terror that they are frightened by one man alone. you will certify to their highnesses that the arrival here and sight of such a fine fleet all together has inspired very great authority here and assured very great security for future things: because all the people on this great island and in the other islands, seeing the good treatment which those who well behave receive, and the bad treatment given to those who behave ill, will very quickly render obedience, so that they can be considered as vassals of their highnesses. and as now they not only do willingly whatever is required of them by our people, but further, they voluntarily undertake everything which they understand may please us, their highnesses may also be certain that in many respects, as much for the present as for the future, the coming of this fleet has given them a great reputation, and not less yonder among the christian princes: which their highnesses will be better able to consider and understand than i can tell them. ["that he is to be told what has befallen the cannibals who came here. that it is very well and must be done in this manner, but that he must try there as much as possible to bring them to our holy catholic faith and do the same with the inhabitants of the islands where he is.] "item. you will say to their highnesses that the safety of the souls of the said cannibals, and further of those here, has inspired the thought that the more there are taken yonder, the better it will be, and their highnesses can be served by it in this manner: having seen how necessary the flocks and beasts of burden are here, for the sustenance of the people who must be here, and even of all these islands, their highnesses can give licence and permission to a sufficient number of caravels to come here each year, and bring the said flocks and other supplies and things to settle the country and make use of the land: and this at reasonable prices at the expense of those who bring them: and these things can be paid for in slaves from among these cannibals, a very proud and comely people, well proportioned and of good intelligence, who having been freed from that inhumanity, we believe will be better than any other slaves. they will be freed from this cruelty as soon as they are outside their country, and many of them can be taken with the row-boats which it is known how to build here: it being understood, however, that a trustworthy person shall be placed on each one of the caravels coming here, who shall forbid the said caravels to stop at any other place or island than this place, where the loading and unloading of all the merchandise must be done. and further, their highnesses will be able to establish their rights over these slaves which are taken from here yonder to spain. and you will bring or send a reply to this, in order that the necessary preparations may be made here with more confidence if it appears well to their highnesses. ["this project must be held in abeyance for the present until another method is suggested from there, and the admiral may write what he thinks in regard to it.] "item. also you will say to their highnesses that it is more profitable and costs less to hire the vessels as the merchants hire them for flanders, by tons, rather than in any other manner: therefore i charged you to hire the two caravels which you are to send here, in this manner: and all the others which their highnesses send here can be hired thus, if they consider it for their service but i do not intend to say this of those vessels which are to come here with their licence, for the slave trade. ["their highnesses order don juan de fonseca to hire the caravels in this manner if it can be done.] "item. you will say to their highnesses, that to avoid any further cost, i bought these caravels of which you are taking a memorandum in order to retain them here with these two ships: that is to say the gallega and that other, the capitana, of which i likewise purchased the three-eighths from the master of it, for the price given in the said memorandum which you are taking, signed by my hand. these ships not only will give authority and great security to the people who are obliged to remain inland and make arrangements with the indians to gather the gold, but they will also be of service in any other dangerous matter which may arise with a strange people; besides the caravels are necessary for the discovery of the mainland and the other islands which lie between here and there: and you will entreat their highnesses to order the maravedis which these ships cost, paid at the times which they have been promised, because without doubt they will soon receive what they cost, according to what i believe and hope in the mercy of god. ["the admiral has done well, and to tell him that the sum has been paid here to the one who sold the ship, and don juan de fonseca has been ordered to pay for the two caravels which the admiral bought.] "item. you will say to their highnesses, and will supplicate on my part as humbly as possible, that it may please them to reflect on what they will learn most fully from the letters and other writings in regard to the peace and tranquillity and concord of those who are here: and that for the service of their highnesses such persons may be selected as shall not be suspected, and who will give more attention to the matters for which they are sent than to their own interests: and since you saw and knew everything in regard to this matter, you will speak and will tell their highnesses the truth about all the things as you understood them, and you will endeavour that the provision which their highnesses make in regard to it shall come with the first ships if possible, in order that there may be no scandals here in a matter of so much importance in the service of their highnesses. ["their highnesses are well informed in regard to this matter, and suitable provision will be made for everything.] "item. you will tell their highnesses of the situation of this city, and the beauty of the surrounding province as you saw and understood it, and how i made you its alcade, by the powers which i have for same from their highnesses: whom i humbly entreat to hold the said provision in part satisfaction of your services, as i hope from their highnesses. ["it pleases their highnesses that you shall be alcade.] "item. because mosen pedro margarite, servant of their highnesses, has done good service, and i hope he will do the same henceforward in matters which are entrusted to him, i have been pleased to have him remain here, and also gaspar and beltran, because they are recognised servants of their highnesses, in order to intrust them with matters of confidence. you will specialty entreat their highnesses in regard to the said mosen pedro, who is married and has children, to provide him with some charge in the order of santiago, whose habit he wears, that his wife and children may have the wherewith to live. in the same manner you will relate how well and diligently juan aguado, servant of their highnesses, has rendered service in everything which he has been ordered to do, and that i supplicate their highnesses to have him and the aforesaid persons in their charge and to reward them. ["their highnesses order 30,000 maravedis to be assigned to mosen pedro each year, and to gaspar and beltran, to each one, 15,000 maravedis each year, from the present, august 15, 1494, henceforward: and thus the admiral shall cause to be paid to them whatever must be paid yonder in the indies, and don juan de fonseca whatever must be paid here: and in regard to juan iguado, their highnesses will hold him in remembrance.] "item. you will tell their highnesses of the labour performed by dr. chanca, confronted with so many invalids, and still more because of the lack of provisions and nevertheless, he acts with great diligence and charity in everything pertaining to his office. and as their highnesses referred to me the salary which he was to receive here, because, being here, it is certain that he cannot take or receive anything from any one, nor earn money by his office as he earned it in castile, or would be able to earn it being at his ease and living in a different manner from the way he lives here; therefore, notwithstanding he swears that he earned more there, besides the salary which their highnesses gave him, i did not wish to allow more than 50,000 maravedis each year for the work he performs here while he remains here. this i entreat their highnesses to order allowed to him with the salary from here, and that, because he says and affirms that all the physicians of their highnesses who are employed in royal affairs or things similar to this, are accustomed to have by right one day's wages in all the year from all the people. nevertheless, i have been informed and they tell me, that however this may be, the custom is to give them a certain sum, fixed according to the will and command of their highnesses in compensation for that day's wages. you will entreat their highnesses to order provision made as well in the matter of the salary as of this custom, in such manner that the said dr. chanca may have reason to be satisfied. ["their highnesses are pleased in regard to this matter of dr. chanca, and that he shall be paid what the admiral has assigned him, together with his salary. "in regard to the day's wages of the physicians, they are not accustomed to receive it, save where the king, our lord, may be in persona.] "item. you will say to their highnesses that coronel is a man for the service of their highnesses in many things, and how much service he has rendered up to the present in all the most necessary matters, and the need we feel of him now that he is sick; and that rendering service in such a manner, it is reasonable that he should receive the fruit of his service, not only in future favours, but in his present salary, so that he and those who are here may feel that their service profits them; because, so great is the labour which must be performed here in gathering the gold that the persons who are so diligent are not to be held in small consideration; and as, for his skill, he was provided here by me with the office of alguacil mayor of these indies; and since in the provision the salary is left blank, you will say that i supplicate their highnesses to order it filled in with as large an amount as they may think right, considering his services, confirming to him the provision i have given him here, and assuring it to him annually. ["their highnesses order that 15,000 maravedis more than his salary shall be assigned him each year, and that it shall be paid to him with his salary.] "in the same manner you will tell their highnesses how the lawyer gil garcia came here for alcalde mayor and no salary has been named or assigned to him; and he is a capable person, well educated and diligent, and is very necessary here; that i entreat their highnesses to order his salary named and assigned, so that he can sustain himself, and that it may be paid from the money allowed for salaries here. "[their highnesses order 20,000 maravedis besides his salary assigned to him each year, as long as he remains yonder, and that it shall be paid him when his salary is paid.] "item. you will say to their highnesses, although it is already written in the letters, that i do not think it will be possible to go to make discoveries this year, until these rivers in which gold is found are placed in the most suitable condition for the service of their highnesses, as afterwards it can be done much better. because it is a thing which no one can do without my presence, according to my will or for the service of their highnesses, however well it may be done, as it is doubtful what will be satisfactory to a man unless he is present. ["let him endeavour that the amount of this gold may be known as precisely as possible.] "item. you will say to their highnesses that the squires who came from granada showed good horses in the review which took place at seville, and afterward at the embarkation i did not see them because i was slightly unwell, and they replaced them with such horses that the best of them do not appear to be worth 2000 maravedis, as they sold the others and bought these; and this was done in the same way to many people as i very well saw yonder, in the reviews at seville. it appears that juan de soria, after he had been given the money for the wages, for some interest of his own substituted others in place of those i expected to find here, and i found people whom i had never seen. in this matter he was guilty of great wickedness, so that i do not know if i should complain of him alone. on this account, having seen that the expenses of these squires have been defrayed until now, besides their wages and also wages for their horses, and it is now being done: and they are persons who, when they are sick or when they do not desire to do so, will not allow any use to be made of their horses save by themselves: and their, highnesses do not desire that these horses should be purchased of them, but that they should be used in the service of their highnesses: and it does not appear to them that they should do anything or render any service except on horseback, which at the present time is not much to the purpose: on this account, it seems that it would be better to buy the horses from them, since they are of so little value, and not have these disagreements with them every day. therefore their highnesses may determine this as will best serve them. ["their highnesses order don juan de fonseca to inform himself in regard to this matter of the horses, and if it shall be found true that this fraud was committed, those persons shall be sent to their highnesses to be punished: and also he is to inform himself in regard to what is said of the other people, and send the result in the examination to their highnesses; and in regard to these squires, their highnesses command that they remain there and render service, since they belong to the guards and servants of their highnesses: and their highnesses order the squires to give up the horses each time it is necessary and the admiral orders it, and if the horses receive any injury through others using them, their highnesses order that the damage shall be paid to them by means of the admiral.] "item. you will say to their highnesses that more than 200 persons have come here without wages, and there are some of them who render good service. and as it is ordered that the others rendering similar service should be paid: and as for these first three years it would be of great benefit to have 1000 men here to settle, and place this island and the rivers of gold in very great security, and even though there were 100 horsemen nothing would be lost, but rather it seems necessary, although their highnesses will be able to do without these horsemen until gold is sent: nevertheless, their highnesses must send to say whether wages shall be paid to these 200 persons, the same as to the others rendering good service, because they are certainly necessary, as i have said in the beginning of this memorandum. ["in regard to these 200 persons, who are here said to have gone without wages, their highnesses order that they shall take the places of those who went for wages, who have failed or shall fail to fulfil their engagements, if they are skilful and satisfactory to the admiral. and their highnesses order the purser (contador) to enrol them in place of those who fail to fulfil their engagements, as the admiral shall instruct him.] "item. as the cost of these people can be in some degree lightened and the better part of the expense could be avoided by the same means employed by other princes in other places: it appears, that it would be well to order brought in the ships, besides the other things which are for the common maintenance and the medicines, shoes and the skins from which to order the shoes made, common shirts and others, jackets, linen, sack-coats, trowsers and cloths suitable for wearing apparel, at reasonable prices: and other things like conserves which are not included in rations and are for the preservation of health, which things all the people here would willingly receive to apply on their wages and if these were purchased yonder in spain by faithful ministers who would act for the advantage of their highnesses, something would be saved. therefore you will learn the will of their highnesses about this matter, and if it appears to them to be of benefit to them, then it must be placed in operation. ["this arrangement is to be in abeyance until the admiral writes more fully, and at another time they will send to order don juan de fonseca with jimeno de bribiesca to make provision for the same.] "item. you will say to their highnesses that inasmuch as yesterday in the review people were found who were without arms, which i think happened in part by that exchange which took place yonder in seville, or in the harbour when those who presented themselves armed were left, and others were taken who gave something to those who made the exchange, it seems that it would be well to order 200 cuirasses sent, and 100 muskets and 100 crossbows, and a large quantity of arsenal supplies, which is what we need most, and all these arms can be given to those who are unarmed. ["already don juan de fonseca has been written to make provision for this.] "item. inasmuch as some artisans who came here, such as masons and other workmen, are married and have wives yonder in spain, and would like to have what is owing them from their wages given to their wives or to the persons to whom they will send their requirements in order that they may buy for them the things which they need here i supplicate their highnesses to order it paid to them, because it is for their benefit to have these persons provided for here. ["their highnesses have already sent orders to don juan de fonseca to make provision for this matter.] "item. because, besides the other things which are asked for there according to the memoranda which you are carrying signed by my hand, for the maintenance of the persons in good health as well as for the sick ones, it would be very well to have fifty casks of molasses (miel de azucar) from the island of madeira, as it is the best sustenance in the world and the most healthful, and it does not usually cost more than two ducats per cask, without the cask: and if their highnesses order some caravel to stop there in returning, it can be purchased and also ten cases of sugar, which is very necessary; as this is the best season of the year to obtain it, i say between the present time and the month of april, and to obtain it at a reasonable price. if their highnesses command it, the order could be given, and it would not be known there for what place it is wanted. ["let don juan de fonseca make provision for this matter.] "item. you will say to their highnesses that although the rivers contain gold in the quantity related by those who have seen it, yet it is certain that the gold is not engendered in the rivers but rather on the land, the waters of the rivers which flow by the mines bringing it enveloped in the sands: and as among these rivers which have been discovered there are some very large ones, there are others so small that they are fountains rather than rivers, which are not more than two fingers of water in depth, and then the source from which they spring may be found: for this reason not only labourers to gather it in the sand will be profitable, but others to dig for it in the earth, which will be the most particular operation and produce a great quantity. and for this, it will be well for their highnesses to send labourers, and from among those who work yonder in spain in the mines of almaden, that the work may be done in both ways. although we will not await them here, as with the labourers we have here we hope, with the aid of god, once the people are in good health, to amass a good quantity of gold to be sent on the first caravels which return. ["this will be fully provided for in another manner. in the meantime their highnesses order don yuan de fonseca to send the best miners he can obtain; and to write to almaden to have the greatest possible number taken from there and sent.] "item. you will entreat their highnesses very humbly on my part, to consider villacorta as speedily recommended to them, who, as their highnesses know, has rendered great service in this business, and with a very good will, and as i know him, he is a diligent person and very devoted to their service: it will be a favour to me if he is given some confidential charge for which he is fitted, and where he can show his desire to serve them and his diligence: and this you will obtain in such a way that villacorta may know by the result, that what he has done for me when i needed him profits him in this manner. ["it will be done thus.] "item. that the said mosen pedro and gaspar and beltran and others who have remained here gave up the captainship of caravels, which have now returned, and are not receiving wages: but because they are persons who must be employed in important matters and of confidence, their compensation, which must be different from the others, has not been determined. you will entreat their highnesses on my part to determine what is to be given them each year, or by the month, according to their service. "done in the city of isabella, january 30, 1494. ["this has already been replied to above, but as it is stated in the said item that they enjoy their salary, from the present time their highnesses order that their wages shall be paid to all of them from the time they left their captainships."] this document is worth studying, written as it was in circumstances that at one moment looked desperate and at another were all hope. columbus was struggling manfully with difficulties that were already beginning to be too much for him. the man from genoa, with his guiding star of faith in some shore beyond the mist and radiance of the west--see into what strange places and to what strange occupations this star has led him! the blue visionary eyes, given to seeing things immediately beyond the present horizon, must fix themselves on accounts and requisitions, on the needs of idle, aristocratic, grumbling spaniards; must fix themselves also on that blank void in the bellies of his returning ships, where the gold ought to have been. the letter has its practical side; the requisitions are made with good sense and a grasp of the economic situation; but they have a deeper significance than that. all this talk about little ewe lambs, wine and bacon (better than the last lot, if it please your highnesses), little yearling calves, and fifty casks of molasses that can be bought a ducat or two cheaper in madeira in the months of april and may than at any other time or place, is only half real. columbus fills his sovereigns' ears with this clamour so that he shall not hear those embarrassing questions that will inevitably be asked about the gold and the spices. he boldly begins his letter with the old story about "indications of spices" and gold "in incredible quantities," with a great deal of "moreover" and "besides," and a bold, pompous, pathetic "i will undertake"; and then he gets away from that subject by wordy deviations, so that to one reading his letter it really might seem as though the true business of the expedition was to provide coronel, mosen pedro, gaspar, beltran, gil garcia, and the rest of them with work and wages. everything that occurs to him, great or little, that makes it seem as though things were humming in the new settlement, he stuffs into this document, shovelling words into the empty hulls of the ships, and trying to fill those bottomless pits with a stream of talk. a system of slavery is boldly and bluntly sketched; the writer, in the hurry and stress of the moment, giving to its economic advantages rather greater prominence than to its religious glories. the memorandum, for all its courageous attempt to be very cool and orderly and practical, gives us, if ever a human document did, a picture of a man struggling with an impossible situation which he will not squarely face, like one who should try to dig up the sea-shore and keep his eyes shut the while. in the royal comments written against the document one seems to trace the hand of isabella rather than of ferdinand. their tone is matter-of-fact, cool, and comforting, like the coolness of a woman's hand placed on a feverish brow. isabella believed in him; perhaps she read between the lines of this document, and saw, as we can see, how much anxiety and distress were written there; and her comments are steadying and encouraging. he has done well; what he asks is being attended to; their highnesses are well informed in regard to this and that matter; suitable provision will be made for everything; but let him endeavour that the amount of this gold may be known as precisely as possible. there is no escaping from that. the admiral (no one knows it better than himself) must make good his dazzling promises, and coin every boastful word into a golden excelente of spain. alas! he must no longer write about the lush grasses, the shining rivers, the brightly coloured parrots, the gaudy flies and insects, the little singing birds, and the nights that are like may in cordova. he must find out about the gold; for it has come to grim business in the earthly paradise. christopher columbus and the new world of his discovery a narrative by filson young volume 8 chapter vi relief of the admiral there was no further difficulty about provisions, which were punctually brought by the natives on the old terms; but the familiar, spirit of sedition began to work again among the unhappy spaniards, and once more a mutiny, led this time by the apothecary bernardo, took form--the intention being to seize the remaining canoes and attempt to reach espanola. this was the point at which matters had arrived, in march 1504, when as the twilight was falling one evening a cry was raised that there was a ship in sight; and presently a small caravel was seen standing in towards the shore. all ideas of mutiny were forgotten, and the crew assembled in joyful anticipation to await, as they thought, the coming of their deliverers. the caravel came on with the evening breeze; but while it was yet a long way off the shore it was seen to be lying to; a boat was lowered and rowed towards the harbour. as the boat drew near columbus could recognise in it diego de escobar, whom he remembered having condemned to death for his share in the rebellion of roldan. he was not the man whom columbus would have most wished to see at that moment. the boat came alongside the hulks, and a barrel of wine and a side of bacon, the sea-compliment customary on such occasions, was handed up. greatly to the admiral's surprise, however, escobar did not come on board, but pushed his boat off and began to speak to columbus from a little distance. he told him that ovando was greatly distressed at the admiral's misfortunes; that he had been much occupied by wars in espanola, and had not been able to send a message to him before; that he greatly regretted he had no ship at present large enough to bring off the admiral and his people, but that he would send one as soon as he had it. in the meantime the admiral was to be assured that all his affairs in espanola were being attended to faithfully, and that escobar was instructed to bring back at once any letters which the admiral might wish to write. the coolness and unexpectedness of this message completely took away the breath of the unhappy spaniards, who doubtless stood looking in bewilderment from escobar to columbus, unable to believe that the caravel had not been sent for their relief. columbus, however, with a self-restraint which cannot be too highly praised, realised that escobar meant what he said, and that by protesting against his action or trying to interfere with it he would only be putting himself in the wrong. he therefore retired immediately to his cabin and wrote a letter to ovando, in which he drew a vivid picture of the distress of his people, reported the rebellion of the porras brothers, and reminded ovando that he relied upon the fulfilment of his promise to send relief. the letter was handed over to escobar, who rowed back with it to his caravel and immediately sailed away with it into the night. before he could retire to commune with his own thoughts or to talk with his faithful brother, columbus had the painful duty of speaking to his people, whose puzzled and disappointed faces must have cost him some extra pangs. he told them that he was quite satisfied with the message from ovando, that it was a sign of kindness on his part thus to send them news in advance that relief was coming, that their situation was now known in san domingo, and that vessels would soon be here to take them away. he added that he himself was so sure of these things that he had refused to go back with escobar, but had preferred to remain with them and share their lot until relief should come. this had the desired effect of cheering the spaniards; but it was far from representing the real sentiments of columbus on the subject. the fact that escobar had been chosen to convey this strange empty message of sympathy seemed to him suspicious, and with his profound distrust of ovando columbus began to wonder whether some further scheme might not be on foot to damage him in the eyes of the sovereigns. he was convinced that ovando had meant to let him starve on the island, and that the real purpose of escobar's visit had been to find out what condition the admiral was in, so that ovando might know how to act. it is very hard to get at the truth of what these two men thought of each other. they were both suspicious, each was playing for his own hand, and ovando was only a little more unscrupulous than columbus; but there can be no doubt that whatever his motives may have been ovando acted with abominable treachery and cruelty in leaving the admiral unrelieved for nearly nine months. columbus now tried to make use of the visit of escobar to restore to allegiance the band of rebels that were wandering about in the neighbourhood under the leadership of the porras brothers. why he should have wished to bring them back to the ships is not clear, for by all accounts he was very well rid of them; but probably his pride as a commander was hurt by the thought that half of his company had defied his authority and were in a state of mutiny. at any rate he sent out an ambassador to porras, offering to receive the mutineers back without any punishment, and to give them a free passage to espanola in the vessels which were shortly expected, if they would return to their allegiance with him. the folly of this overture was made manifest by the treatment which it received. it was bad enough to make advances to the porras brothers, but it was still worse to have those advances repulsed, and that is what happened. the porras brothers, being themselves incapable of any single-mindedness, affected not to believe in the sincerity of the admiral's offer; they feared that he was laying some kind of trap for them; moreover, they were doing very well in their lawless way, and living very comfortably on the natives; so they told columbus's ambassadors that his offer was declined. at the same time they undertook to conduct themselves in an amicable and orderly manner on condition that, when the vessels arrived, one of them should be apportioned to the exclusive use of the mutineers; and that in the meantime the admiral should share with them his store of provisions and trinkets, as theirs were exhausted. this was the impertinent decision of the porras brothers; but it did not quite commend itself to their followers, who were fearful of the possible results if they should persist in their mutinous conduct. they were very much afraid of being left behind in the island, and in any case, having attempted and failed in the main object of their mutiny, they saw no reason why they should refuse a free pardon. but the porras brothers lied busily. they said that the admiral was merely laying a trap in order to get them into his power, and that he would send them home to spain in chains; and they even went so far as to assure their fellow-rebels that the story of a caravel having arrived was not really true; but that columbus, who was an adept in the arts of necromancy, had really made his people believe that they had seen a caravel in the dusk; and that if one had really arrived it would not have gone away so suddenly, nor would the admiral and his brother and son have failed to take their passage in it. to consolidate the effect of these remarkable statements on the still wavering mutineers, the porras brothers decided to commit them to an open act of violence which would successfully alienate them from the admiral. they formed them, therefore, into an armed expedition, with the idea of seizing the stores remaining on the wreck and taking the admiral personally. columbus fortunately got news of this, as he nearly always did when there was treachery in the wind; and he sent bartholomew to try to persuade them once more to return to their duty--a vain and foolish mission, the vanity and folly of which were fully apparent to bartholomew. he duly set out upon it; but instead of mild words he took with him fifty armed men--the whole available able-bodied force, in fact--and drew near to the position occupied by the rebels. the exhortation of the porras brothers had meanwhile produced its effect, and it was decided that six of the strongest men among the mutineers should make for bartholomew himself and try to capture or kill him. the fierce adelantado, finding himself surrounded by six assailants, who seemed to be directing their whole effort against his life, swung his sword in a berserk rage and slashed about him, to such good purpose that four or five of his assailants soon lay round him killed or wounded. at this point francisco de porras rushed in and cleft the shield held by bartholomew, severely wounding the hand that held it; but the sword. stuck in the shield, and while porras was endeavouring to draw it out bartholomew and some others closed upon him, and after a sharp struggle took him prisoner. the battle, which was a short one, had been meanwhile raging fiercely among the rest of the forces; but when the mutineers saw their leader taken prisoner, and many of their number lying dead or wounded, they scattered and fled, but not before bartholomew's force had taken several prisoners. it was then found that, although the rebels had suffered heavily, none of bartholomew's men were killed, and only one other besides himself was wounded. the next day the mutineers all came in to surrender, submitting an abject oath of allegiance; and columbus, always strangely magnanimous to rebels and insurgents, pardoned them all with the exception of francisco de porras, who, one is glad to know, was confined in irons to be sent to spain for trial. this submission, which was due to the prompt action of bartholomew rather than to the somewhat feeble diplomacy of the admiral, took place on march 20th, and proved somewhat embarrassing to columbus. he could put no faith in the oaths and protestations of the mutineers; and he was very doubtful about the wisdom of establishing them once more on the wrecks with the hitherto orderly remnant. he therefore divided them up into several bands, and placing each under the command of an officer whom he could trust, he supplied them with trinkets and despatched them to different parts of the island, for the purpose of collecting provisions and carrying on barter with the natives. by this means the last month or two of this most trying and exciting sojourn on the island of jamaica were passed in some measure of peace; and towards the end of june it was brought to an end by the arrival of two caravels. one of them was the ship purchased by diego mendez out of the three which had arrived from spain; and the other had been despatched by ovando in deference, it is said, to public feeling in san domingo, which had been so influenced by mendez's account of the admiral's heroic adventures that ovando dared not neglect him any longer. moreover, if it had ever been his hope that the admiral would perish on the island of jamaica, that hope was now doomed to frustration, and, as he was to be rescued in spite of all, ovando no doubt thought that he might as well, for the sake of appearances, have a hand in the rescue. the two caravels, laden with what was worth saving from the two abandoned hulks, and carrying what was left of the admiral's company, sailed from jamaica on june 28, 1504. columbus's joy, as we may imagine, was deep and heartfelt. he said afterwards to mendez that it was the happiest day of his life, for that he had never hoped to leave the place alive. the mission of mendez, then, had been successful, although he had had to wait for eight months to fulfil it. he himself, in accordance with columbus's instructions, had gone to spain in another caravel of the fleet out of which he had purchased the relieving ship; and as he passes out of our narrative we may now take our farewell of him. among the many men employed in the admiral's service no figure stands out so brightly as that of diego mendez; and his record, almost alone of those whose service of the admiral earned them office and distinction, is unblotted by any stain of crime or treachery. he was as brave as a lion and as faithful as a dog, and throughout his life remained true to his ideal of service to the admiral and his descendants. he was rewarded by king ferdinand for his distinguished services, and allowed to bear a canoe on his coat-of-arms; he was with the admiral at his death-bed at valladolid, and when he himself came to die thirty years afterwards in the same place he made a will in which he incorporated a brief record of the events of the adventurous voyage in which he had borne the principal part, and also enshrined his devotion to the name and family of columbus. his demands for himself were very modest, although there is reason to fear that they were never properly fulfilled. he was curiously anxious to be remembered chiefly by his plucky canoe voyage; and in giving directions for his tomb, and ordering that a stone should be placed over his remains, he wrote: "in the centre of the said stone let a canoe be carved, which is a piece of wood hollowed out in which the indians navigate, because in such a boat i navigated three hundred leagues, and let some letters be placed above it saying: canoa." the epitaph that he chose for himself was in the following sense: here lies the honourable gentleman diego mendez he greatly served the royal crown of spain in the discovery and conquest of the indies with the admiral don christopher columbus of glorious memory who discovered them, and afterwards by himself, with his own ships, at his own expense. he died, etc. he begs from charity a paternoster and an ave maria. surely he deserves them, if ever an honourable gentleman did. chapter vii the heritage of hatred although the journey from jamaica to espanola had been accomplished in four days by mendez in his canoe, the caravels conveying the party rescued from puerto santa gloria were seven weary weeks on this short voyage; a strong north-west wind combining with the west-going current to make their progress to the north-west impossible for weeks at a time. it was not until the 13th of august 1503 that they anchored in the harbour of san domingo, and columbus once more set foot, after an absence of more than two years, on the territory from the governorship of which he had been deposed. he was well enough received by ovando, who came down in state to meet him, lodged him in his own house, and saw that he was treated with the distinction suitable to his high station. the spanish colony, moreover, seemed to have made something of a hero of columbus during his long absence, and they received him with enthusiasm. but his satisfaction in being in san domingo ended with that. he was constantly made to feel that it was ovando and not he who was the ruler there;--and ovando emphasised the difference between them by numerous acts of highhanded authority, some of them of a kind calculated to be extremely mortifying to the admiral. among these things he insisted upon releasing porras, whom columbus had confined in chains; and he talked of punishing those faithful followers of columbus who had taken part in the battle between bartholomew and the rebels, because in this fight some of the followers of porras had been killed. acts like these produced weary bickerings and arguments between ovando and columbus, unprofitable to them, unprofitable to us. the admiral seems now to have relapsed into a condition in which he cared only for two things, his honours and his emoluments. over every authoritative act of ovando's there was a weary squabble between him and the admiral, ovando claiming his right of jurisdiction over the whole territory of the new world, including jamaica, and columbus insisting that by his commission and letters of authority he had been placed in sole charge of the members of his own expedition. and then, as regards his emoluments, the admiral considered himself (and not without justice) to have been treated most unfairly. by the extravagant terms of his original agreement he was, as we know, entitled to a share of all rents and dues, as well as of the gold collected; but it had been no one's business to collect these for him, and every one's business to neglect them. no one had cared; no one had kept any accounts of what was due to the admiral; he could not find out what had been paid and what had not been paid. he accused ovando of having impeded his agent carvajal in his duty of collecting the admiral's revenues, and of disobeying the express orders of queen isabella in that matter; and so on-a state of affairs the most wearisome, sordid, and unprofitable in which any man could be involved. and if columbus turned his eyes from the office in san domingo inland to that paradise which he had entered twelve years before, what change and ruin, dreary, horrible and complete, did he not discover! the birds still sang, and the nights were still like may in cordova; but upon that happy harmony the sound of piteous cries and shrieks had long since broken, and along and black december night of misery had spread its pall over the island. wherever he went, columbus found the same evidence of ruin and desolation. where once innumerable handsome natives had thronged the forests and the villages, there were now silence and smoking ruin, and the few natives that he met were emaciated, terrified, dying. did he reflect, i wonder, that some part of the responsibility of all this horror rested on him? that many a system of island government, the machinery of which was now fed by a steady stream of human lives, had been set going by him in ignorance, or greed of quick commercial returns? it is probable that he did not; for he now permanently regarded himself as a much-injured man, and was far too much occupied with his own wrongs to realise that they were as nothing compared with the monstrous stream of wrong and suffering that he had unwittingly sent flowing into the world. in the island under ovando's rule columbus saw the logical results of his own original principles of government, which had recognised the right of the christians to possess the persons and labours of the heathen natives. las casas, who was living in espanola as a young priest at this time, and was destined by long residence there and in the west indies to qualify himself as their first historian, saw what columbus saw, and saw also the even worse things that happened in after years in cuba and jamaica; and it is to him that we owe our knowledge of the condition of island affairs at this time. the colonists whom ovando had brought out had come very much in the spirit that in our own day characterised the rush to the north-western goldfields of america. they brought only the slightest equipment, and were no sooner landed at san domingo than they set out into the island like so many picnic parties, being more careful to carry vessels in which to bring back the gold they were to find than proper provisions and equipment to support them in the labour of finding it. the roads, says las casas, swarmed like ant-hills with these adventurers rushing forth to the mines, which were about twenty-five miles distant from san domingo; they were in the highest spirits, and they made it a kind of race as to who should get there first. they thought they had nothing to do but to pick up shining lumps of gold; and when they found that they had to dig and delve in the hard earth, and to dig systematically and continuously, with a great deal of digging for very little gold, their spirits fell. they were not used to dig; and it happened that most of them began in an unprofitable spot, where they digged for eight days without finding any gold. their provisions were soon exhausted; and in a week they were back again in san domingo, tired, famished, and bitterly disappointed. they had no genius for steady labour; most of them were virtually without means; and although they lived in san domingo, on what they had as long as possible, they were soon starving there, and selling the clothes off their backs to procure food. some of them took situations with the other settlers, more fell victims to the climate of the island and their own imprudences and distresses; and a thousand of them had died within two years. ovando had revived the enthusiasm for mining by two enactments. he reduced the share of discovered gold payable to the crown, and he developed columbus's system of forced labour to such an extent that the mines were entirely worked by it. to each spaniard, whether mining or farming, so many natives were allotted. it was not called slavery; the natives were supposed to be paid a minute sum, and their employers were also expected to teach them the christian religion. that was the plan. the way in which it worked was that, a body of native men being allotted to a spanish settler for a period, say, of six or eight months--for the enactment was precise in putting a period to the term of slavery--the natives would be marched off, probably many days' journey from their homes and families, and set to work under a spanish foreman. the work, as we have already seen, was infinitely harder than that to which they were accustomed; and most serious of all, it was done under conditions that took all the heart out of the labour. a man will toil in his own garden or in tilling his own land with interest and happiness, not counting the hours which he spends there; knowing in fact that his work is worth doing, because he is doing it for a good reason. but put the same man to work in a gang merely for the aggrandisement of some other over-man; and the heart and cheerfulness will soon die out of him. it was so with these children of the sun. they were put to work ten times harder than any they had ever done before, and they were put to it under the lash. the light diet of their habit had been sufficient to support them in their former existence of happy idleness and dalliance, and they had not wanted anything more than their cassava bread and a little fish and fruit; now, however, they were put to work at a pressure which made a very different kind of feeding necessary to them, and this they did not get. now and then a handful of pork would be divided among a dozen of them, but they were literally starved, and were accustomed to scramble like dogs for the bones that were thrown from the tables of the spaniards, which bones they ground up and mixed with their, bread so that no portion of them might be lost. they died in numbers under these hard conditions, and, compared with their lives, their deaths must often have been happy. when the time came for them to go home they were generally utterly worn out and crippled, and had to face a long journey of many days with no food to support them but what they could get on the journey; and the roads were strewn with the dead bodies of those who fell by the way. and far worse things happened to them than labour and exhaustion. it became the custom among the spaniards to regard the lives of the natives as of far less value than those of the dogs that were sometimes set upon them in sport. a spaniard riding along would make a wager with his fellow that he would cut the head off a native with one stroke of his sword; and many attempts would be laughingly made, and many living bodies hideously mutilated and destroyed, before the feat would be accomplished. another sport was one similar to pigsticking as it is practised in india, except that instead of pigs native women and children were stuck with the lances. there was no kind of mutilation and monstrous cruelty that was not practised. if there be any powers of hell, they stalked at large through the forests and valleys of espanola. lust and bloody cruelty, of a kind not merely indescribable but unrealisable by sane men and women, drenched the once happy island with anguish and terror. and in payment for it the spaniards undertook to teach the heathen the christian religion. the five chiefs who had ruled with justice and wisdom over the island of espanola in the early days of columbus were all dead, wiped out by the wave of wild death and cruelty that had swept over the island. the gentle guacanagari, when he saw the desolation that was beginning to overwhelm human existence, had fled into the mountains, hiding his face in shame from the sons of men, and had miserably died there. caonabo, lord of the house of gold, fiercest and bravest of them all, who first realised that the spaniards were enemies to the native peace, after languishing in prison in the house of columbus at isabella for some time, had died in captivity during the voyage to spain. anacaona his wife, the bloom of the gold, that brave and beautiful woman, whose admiration of the spaniards had by their bloody cruelties been turned into detestation, had been shamefully betrayed and ignominiously hanged. behechio, her brother, the only cacique who did not sue for peace after the first conquest of the island by christopher and bartholomew columbus, was dead long ago of wounds and sorrow. guarionex, the lord of the vega real, who had once been friendly enough, who had danced to the spanish pipe and learned the paternoster and ave maria, and whose progress in conversion to christianity the seduction of his wives by those who were converting him had interrupted, after wandering in the mountains of ciguay had been imprisoned in chains, and drowned in the hurricane of june 30, 1502. the fifth chief, cotabanama, lord of the province of higua, made the last stand against ovando in defence of the native right to existence, and was only defeated after severe battles and dreadful slaughters. his territory was among the mountains, and his last insurrection was caused, as so many others had been, by the intolerable conduct of the spaniards towards the wives and daughters of the indians. collecting all his warriors, cotabanama attacked the spanish posts in his neighbourhood. at every engagement his troops were defeated and dispersed, but only to collect again, fight again with even greater fury, be defeated and dispersed again, and rally again against the spaniards. they literally fought to the death. after every battle the spaniards made a massacre of all the natives they could find, old men, children, and pregnant women being alike put to the sword or burned in their houses. when their companions fell beside them, instead of being frightened they became more furious; and when they were wounded they would pluck the arrows out of their bodies and hurl them back at the spaniards, falling dead in the very act. after one such severe defeat and massacre the natives scattered for many months, hiding among the mountains and trying to collect and succour their decimated families; but the spaniards, who with their dogs grew skilful at tracking the indians and found it pleasant sport, came upon them in the places of refuge where little groups of them were sheltering their women and children, and there slowly and cruelly slaughtered them, often with the addition of tortures and torments in order to induce them to reveal the whereabouts of other bands. when it was possible the spaniards sometimes hanged thirteen of them in a row in commemoration of their blessed saviour and the twelve apostles; and while they were hanging, and before they had quite died, they would hack at them with their swords in order to test the edge of the steel. at the last stand, when the fierceness and bitterness of the contest rose to a height on both sides, cotabanama was captured and a plan made to broil him slowly to death; but for some reason this plan was not carried out, and the brave chief was taken to san domingo and publicly hanged like a thief. after that there was never any more resistance; it was simply a case of extermination, which the spaniards easily accomplished by cutting of the heads of women as they passed by, and impaling infants and little children on their lances as they rode through the villages. thus, in the twelve years since the discovery of columbus, between half a million and a million natives, perished; and as the spanish colonisation spread afterwards from island to island, and the banner of civilisation and christianity was borne farther abroad throughout the indies, the same hideous process was continued. in cuba, in jamaica, throughout the antilles, the cross and the sword, the whip-lash and the gospel advanced together; wherever the host was consecrated, hideous cries of agony and suffering broke forth; until happily, in the fulness of time, the dire business was complete, and the whole of the people who had inhabited this garden of the world were exterminated and their blood and race wiped from the face of the earth . . . . unless, indeed, blood and race and hatred be imperishable things; unless the faithful earth that bred and reared the race still keeps in her soil, and in the waving branches of the trees and the green grasses, the sacred essences of its blood and hatred; unless in the full cycle of time, when that suffering flesh and blood shall have gone through all the changes of substance and condition, from corruption and dust through flowers and grasses and trees and animals back into the living body of mankind again, it shall one day rise up terribly to avenge that horror of the past. unless earth and time remember, o children of the sun! for men have forgotten, and on the soil of your paradise the african negro, learned in the vices of europe, erects his monstrous effigy of civilisation and his grotesque mockery of freedom; unless it be through his brutish body, into which the blood and hatred with which the soil of espanola was soaked have now passed, that they shall dreadfully strike at the world again. chapter viii the admiral comes home on september 12, 1504., christopher columbus did many things for the last time. he who had so often occupied himself in ports and harbours with the fitting out of ships and preparations for a voyage now completed at san domingo the simple preparations for the last voyage he was to take. the ship he had come in from jamaica had been refitted and placed under the command of bartholomew, and he had bought another small caravel in which he and his son were to sail. for the last time he superintended those details of fitting out and provisioning which were now so familiar to him; for the last time he walked in the streets of san domingo and mingled with the direful activities of his colony; he looked his last upon the place where the vital scenes of his life had been set, for the last time weighed anchor, and took his last farewell of the seas and islands of his discovery. a little steadfast looking, a little straining of the eyes, a little heart-aching no doubt, and espanola has sunk down into the sea behind the white wake of the ships; and with its fading away the span of active life allotted to this man shuts down, and his powerful opportunities for good or evil are withdrawn. there was something great and heroic about the admiral's last voyage. wind and sea rose up as though to make a last bitter attack upon the man who had disclosed their mysteries and betrayed their secrets. he had hardly cleared the island before the first gale came down upon him and dismasted his ship, so that he was obliged to transfer himself and his son to bartholomew's caravel and send the disabled vessel back to espanola. the shouting sea, as though encouraged by this triumph, hurled tempest after tempest upon the one lonely small ship that was staggering on its way to spain; and the duel between this great seaman and the vast elemental power that he had so often outwitted began in earnest. one little ship, one enfeebled man to be destroyed by the power of the sea: that was the problem, and there were thousands of miles of sea-room, and two months of time to solve it in! tempest after tempest rose and drove unceasingly against the ship. a mast was sprung and had to be cut away; another, and the woodwork from the forecastles and high stern works had to be stripped and lashed round the crazy mainmast to preserve it from wholesale destruction. another gale, and the mast had to be shortened, for even reinforced as it was it would not bear the strain; and so crippled, so buffeted, this very small ship leapt and staggered on her way across the atlantic, keeping her bowsprit pointed to that region of the foamy emptiness where spain was. the admiral lay crippled in his cabin listening to the rush and bubble of the water, feeling the blows and recoils of the unending battle, hearkening anxiously to the straining of the timbers and the vessel's agonised complainings under the pounding of the seas. we do not know what his thoughts were; but we may guess that they looked backward rather than forward, and that often they must have been prayers that the present misery would come somehow or other to an end. up on deck brother bartholomew, who has developed some grievous complaint of the jaws and teeth--complaint not known to us more particularly, but dreadful enough from that description--does his duty also, with that heroic manfulness that has marked his whole career; and somewhere in the ship young ferdinand is sheltering from the sprays and breaking seas, finding his world of adventure grown somewhat gloomy and sordid of late, and feeling that he has now had his fill of the sea . . . . shut your eyes and let the illusions of time and place fade from you; be with them for a moment on this last voyage; hear that eternal foaming and crashing of great waves, the shrieking of wind in cordage, the cracking and slatting of the sails, the mad lashing of loose ropes; the painful swinging, and climbing up and diving down, and sinking and staggering and helpless strivings of the small ship in the waste of water. the sea is as empty as chaos, nothing for days and weeks but that infinite tumbling surface and heaven of grey storm-clouds; a world of salt surges encircled by horizons of dim foam. time and place are nothing; the agony and pain of such moments are eternal. but the two brothers, grim and gigantic in their sea power, subtle as the wind itself in their sea wit, win the battle. over the thousands of miles of angry surges they urge that small ship towards calm and safety; until one day the sea begins to abate a little, and through the spray and tumult of waters the dim loom of land is seen. the sea falls back disappointed and finally conquered by christopher columbus, whose ship, battered, crippled, and strained, comes back out of the wilderness of waters and glides quietly into the smooth harbour of san lucar, november 7, 1504. there were no guns or bells to greet the admiral; his only salute was in the thunder of the conquered seas; and he was carried ashore to san lucar, and thence to seville, a sick and broken man. chapter ix the last days columbus, for whom rest and quiet were the first essentials, remained in seville from november 1504 to may 1505, when he joined the court at segovia and afterwards at salamanca and valladolid, where he remained till his death in may 1506. during this last period, when all other activities were practically impossible to him, he fell into a state of letter-writing--for the most part long, wearisome complainings and explainings in which he poured out a copious flood of tears and self-pity for the loss of his gold. it has generally been claimed that columbus was in bitter penury and want of money, but a close examination of the letters and other documents relating to this time show that in his last days he was not poor in any true sense of the word. he was probably a hundred times richer than any of his ancestors had ever been; he had, money to give and money to spend; the banks honoured his drafts; his credit was apparently indisputable. but compared with the fabulous wealth to which he would by this time have been entitled if his original agreement with the crown of spain had been faithfully carried out he was no doubt poor. there is no evidence that he lacked any comfort or alleviation that money could buy; indeed he never had any great craving for the things that money can buy--only for money itself. there must have been many rich people in spain who would gladly have entertained him in luxury and dignity; but he was not the kind of man to set much store by such things except in so far as they were a decoration and advertisement of his position as a great man. he had set himself to the single task of securing what he called his rights; and in these days of sunset he seems to have been illumined by some glimmer of the early glory of his first inspiration. he wanted the payment of his dues now, not so much for his own enrichment, but as a sign to the world that his great position as admiral and viceroy was recognised, so that his dignities and estates might be established and consolidated in a form which he would be able to transmit to his remote posterity. since he wrote so copiously and so constantly in these last days, the best picture of his mood and condition is afforded in his letters to his son diego; letters which, in spite of their infinitely wearisome recapitulation and querulous complaint, should be carefully read by those who wish to keep in touch with the admiral to the end. letter written by christopher columbus to don diego, his son, november 21, 1504. "very dear son,--i received your letter by the courier. you did well in remaining yonder to remedy our affairs somewhat and to employ yourself now in our business. ever since i came to castile, the lord bishop of palencia has shown me favour and has desired that i should be honoured. now he must be entreated that it may please him to occupy himself in remedying my many grievances and in ordering that the agreement and letters of concession which their highnesses gave me be fulfilled, and that i be indemnified for so many damages. and he may be certain that if their highnesses do this, their estate and greatness will be multiplied to them in an incredible degree. and it must not appear to him that forty thousand pesos in gold is more than a representation of it; because they might have had a much greater quantity if satan had not hindered it by impeding my design; for, when i was taken away from the indies, i was prepared to give them a sum of gold incomparable to forty thousand pesos. i make oath, and this may be for thee alone, that the damage to me in the matter of the concessions their highnesses have made to me, amounts to ten millions each year, and never can be made good. you see what will be, or is, the injury to their highnesses in what belongs to them, and they do not perceive it. i write at their disposal and will strive to start yonder. my arrival and the rest is in the hands of our lord. his mercy is infinite. what is done and is to be done, st. augustine says is already done before the creation of the world. i write also to these other lords named in the letter of diego mendez. commend me to their mercy and tell them of my going as i have said above. for certainly i feel great fear, as the cold is so inimical to this, my infirmity, that i may have to remain on the road. "i was very much pleased to hear the contents of your letter and what the king our lord said, for which you kissed his royal hands. it is certain that i have served their highnesses with as much diligence and love as though it had been to gain paradise, and more, and if i have been at fault in anything it has been because it was impossible or because my knowledge and strength were not sufficient. god, our lord, in such a case, does not require more from persons than the will. "at the request of the treasurer morales, i left two brothers in the indies, who are called porras. the one was captain and the other auditor. both were without capacity for these positions: and i was confident that they could fill them, because of love for the person who sent them to me. they both became more vain than they had been. i forgave them many incivilities, more than i would do with a relation, and their offences were such that they merited another punishment than a verbal reprimand. finally they reached such a point that even had i desired, i could not have avoided doing what i did. the records of the case will prove whether i lie or not. they rebelled on the island of jamaica, at which i was as much astonished as i would be if the sun's rays should cast darkness. i was at the point of death, and they martyrised me with extreme cruelty during five months and without cause. finally i took them all prisoners, and immediately set them free, except the captain, whom i was bringing as a prisoner to their highnesses. a petition which they made to me under oath, and which i send you with this letter, will inform you at length in regard to this matter, although the records of the case explain it fully. these records and the notary are coming on another vessel, which i am expecting from day to day. the governor in santo domingo took this prisoner.--his courtesy constrained him to do this. i had a chapter in my instructions in which their highnesses ordered all to obey me, and that i should exercise civil and criminal justice over all those who were with me: but this was of no avail with the governor, who said that it was not understood as applying in his territory. he sent the prisoner to these lords who have charge of the indies without inquiry or record or writing. they did not receive him, and both brothers go free. it is not wonderful to me that our lord punishes. they went there with shameless faces. such wickedness or such cruel treason were never heard of. i wrote to their highnesses about this matter in the other letter, and said that it was not right for them to consent to this offence. i also wrote to the lord treasurer that i begged him as a favour not to pass sentence on the testimony given by these men until he heard me. now it will be well for you to remind him of it anew. i do, not know how they dare to go before him with such an undertaking. i have written to him about it again and have sent him the copy of the oath, the same as i send to you and likewise to doctor angulo and the licentiate zapata. i commend myself to the mercy of all, with the information that my departure yonder will take place in a short time. "i would be glad to receive a letter from their highnesses and to know what they order. you must procure such a letter if you see the means of so doing. i also commend myself to the lord bishop and to juan lopez, with the reminder of illness and of the reward for my services. "you must read the letters which go with this one in order to act in conformity with what they say. acknowledge the receipt of his letter to diego mendez. i do not write him as he will learn everything from you, and also because my illness prevents it. "it would be well for carbajal and jeronimo--[jeronimo de aguero, a landowner in espanola and a friend of columbus]--to be at the-court at this time, and talk of our affairs with these lords and with the secretary. "done in seville, november 21. "your father who loves you more than himself. .s. .s.a.s. xmy xpo ferens." "i wrote again to their highnesses entreating them to order that these people who went with me should be paid, because they are poor and it is three years since they left their homes. the news which they bring is more than extraordinary. they have endured infinite dangers and hardships. i did not wish to rob the country, so as not to cause scandal, because reason advises its being populated, and then gold will be obtained freely without scandal. speak of this to the secretary and to the lord bishop and to juan lopez and to whomever you think it advisable to do so." the bishop of palencia referred to in this letter is probably bishop fonseca--probably, because it is known that he did become bishop of palencia, although there is a difference of opinion among historians as to whether the date of his translation to that see was before or after this letter. no matter, except that one is glad to think that an old enemy--for fonseca and columbus had bitter disagreements over the fitting out of various expeditions--had shown himself friendly at last. letter written by christopher columbus to don diego, november 28, 1504. "very dear son,--i received your letters of the 15th of this month. it is eight days since i wrote you and sent the letter by a courier. i enclosed unsealed letters to many other persons, in order that you might see them, and having read them, seal and deliver them. although this illness of mine troubles me greatly, i am preparing for my departure in every way. i would very much like to receive the reply from their highnesses and wish you might procure it: and also i wish that their highnesses would provide for the payment of these poor people, who have passed through incredible hardships and have brought them such great news that infinite thanks should be given to god, our lord, and they should rejoice greatly over it. if i [lie ?] the 'paralipomenon'--[ the book of chronicles]--and the book of kings and the antiquities of josephus, with very many others, will tell what they know of this. i hope in our lord to depart this coming week, but you must not write less often on that account. i have not heard from carbajal and jeronimo. if they are there, commend me to them. the time is such that both carbajals ought to be at court, if illness does not prevent them. my regards to diego mendez. "i believe that his truth and efforts will be worth as much as the lies of the porras brothers. the bearer of this letter is martin de gamboa. i am sending by him a letter to juan lopez and a letter of credit. read the letter to lopez and then give it to him. if you write me, send the letters to luis de soria that he may send them wherever i am, because if i go in a litter, i believe it will be by la plata.--[the old roman road from merida to salamanca.]--may our lord have you in his holy keeping. your uncle has been very sick and is now, from trouble with his jaws and his teeth. "done in seville, november 28. "your father who loves you more than himself. .s. .s.a.s. xmy xpo ferens." bartholomew columbus and ferdinand were remaining with christopher at seville; bartholomew probably very nearly as ill as the admiral, although we do not hear so many complaints about it. at any rate diego, being ay court, was the great mainstay of his father; and you can see the sick man sitting there alone with his grievances, and looking to the next generation for help in getting them redressed. diego, it is to be feared, did not receive these letters with so much patience and attention as he might have shown, nor did he write back to his invalid father with the fulness and regularity which the old man craved. it is a fault common to sons. those who are sons will know that it does not necessarily imply lack of affection on diego's part; those who are fathers will realise how much christopher longed for verbal assurance of interest and affection, even though he did not doubt their reality. news of the serious illness of queen isabella had evidently reached columbus, and was the chief topic of public interest. letter written by christopher columbus to don diego, his son, december 1, 1504. "very dear son,--since i received your letter of november 15 i have heard nothing from you. i wish that you would write me more frequently. i would like to receive a letter from you each hour. reason must tell you that now i have no other repose. many couriers come each day, and the news is of such a nature and so abundant that on hearing it all my hair stands on end; it is so contrary to what my soul desires. may it please the holy trinity to give health to the queen, our lady, that she may settle what has already been placed under discussion. i wrote you by another courier thursday, eight days ago. the courier must already be on his way back here. i told you in that letter that my departure was certain, but that the hope of my arrival there, according to experience, was very uncertain, because my sickness is so bad, and the cold is so well suited to aggravate it, that i could not well avoid remaining in some inn on the road. the litter and everything were ready. the weather became so violent that it appeared impossible to every one to start when it was getting so bad, and that it was better for so well-known a person as myself to take care of myself and try to regain my health rather than place myself in danger. i told you in those letters what i now say, that you decided well in remaining there (at such a time), and that it was right to commence occupying yourself with our affairs; and reason strongly urges this. it appears to me that a good copy should be made of the chapter of that letter which their highnesses wrote me where they say they will fulfil their promises to me and will place you in possession of everything: and that this copy should be given to them with another writing telling of my sickness, and that it is now impossible for me to go and kiss their royal feet and hands, and that the indies are being lost, and are on fire in a thousand places, and that i have received nothing, and am receiving nothing, from the revenues derived from them, and that no one dares to accept or demand anything there for me, and i am living upon borrowed funds. i spent the money which i got there in bringing those people who went with me back to their homes, for it would be a great burden upon my conscience to have left them there and to have abandoned them. this must be made known to the lord bishop of palencia, in whose favour i have so much confidence, and also to the lord chamberlain. i believed that carbajal and jeronimo would be there at such a time. our lord is there, and he will order everything as he knows it to be best for us. "carbajal reached here yesterday. i wished to send him immediately with this same order, but he excused himself profusely, saying that his wife was at the point of death. i shall see that he goes, because he knows a great deal about these affairs. i will also endeavour to have your brother and your uncle go to kiss the hands of their highnesses, and give them an account of the voyage if my letters are not sufficient. take good care of your brother. he has a good disposition, and is no longer a boy. ten brothers would not be too many for you. i never found better friends to right or to left than my brothers. we must strive to obtain the government of the indies and then the adjustment of the revenues. i gave you a memorandum which told you what part of them belongs to me. what they gave to carbajal was nothing and has turned to nothing. whoever desires to do so takes merchandise there, and so the eighth is nothing, because, without contributing the eighth, i could send to trade there without rendering account or going in company with any one. i said a great many times in the past that the contribution of the eighth would come to nothing. the eighth and the rest belongs to me by reason of the concession which their highnesses made to me, as set forth in the book of my privileges, and also the third and the tenth. of the tenth i received nothing, except the tenth of what their highnesses receive; and it must be the tenth of all the gold and other things which are found and obtained, in whatever manner it may be, within this admiralship, and the tenth of all the merchandise which goes and comes from there, after the expenses are deducted. i have already said that in the book of privileges the reason for this and for the rest which is before the tribunal of the indies here in seville, is clearly set forth. "we must strive to obtain a reply to my letter from their highnesses, and to have them order that these people be paid. i wrote in regard to this subject four days ago, and sent the letter by martin de gamboa, and you must have seen the letter of juan lopez with your own. "it is said here that it has been ordered that three or four bishops of the indies shall be sent or created, and that this matter is referred to the lord bishop of palencia. after having commended me to his worship, tell him that i believe it will best serve their highnesses for me to talk with him before this matter is settled. "commend me to diego mendez, and show him this letter. my illness permits me to write only at night, because in the daytime my hands are deprived of strength. i believe that a son of francisco pinelo will carry this letter. entertain him well, because he does everything for me that he can, with much love and a cheerful goodwill. the caravel which broke her mast in starting from santo domingo has arrived in the algarves. she brings the records of the case of the porras brothers. such ugly things and such grievous cruelty as appear in this matter never were seen. if their highnesses do not punish it, i do not know who will dare to go out in their service with people. "to-day is monday. i will endeavour to have your uncle and brother start to-morrow. remember to write me very often, and tell diego mendez to write at length. each day messengers go from here yonder. may our lord have you in his holy keeping. "done in seville, december 1. "your father who loves you as himself. .s. .s.a.s. xmy xpo ferens." the gout from which the admiral suffered made riding impossible to him, and he had arranged to have himself carried to court on a litter when he was able to move. there is a grim and dismal significance in the particular litter that had been chosen: it was no other than the funeral bier which belonged to the cathedral of seville and had been built for cardinal mendoza. a minute of the cathedral chapter records the granting to columbus of the use of this strange conveyance; but one is glad to think that he ultimately made his journey in a less grim though more humble method. but what are we to think of the taste of a man who would rather travel in a bier, so long as it had been associated with the splendid obsequies of a cardinal, than in the ordinary litter of every-day use? it is but the old passion for state and splendour thus dismally breaking out again. he speaks of living on borrowed funds and of having devoted all his resources to the payment of his crew; but that may be taken as an exaggeration. he may have borrowed, but the man who can borrow easily from banks cannot be regarded as a poor man. one is nevertheless grateful for these references, since they commemorate the admiral's unfailing loyalty to those who shared his hardships, and his unwearied efforts to see that they received what was due to them. pleasant also are the evidences of warm family affection in those simple words of brotherly love, and the affecting advice to diego that he should love his brother ferdinand as christopher loved bartholomew. it is a pleasant oasis in this dreary, sordid wailing after thirds and tenths and eighths. good diego mendez, that honourable gentleman, was evidently also at court at this time, honestly striving, we may be sure, to say a good word for the admiral. some time after this letter was written, and before the writing of the next, news reached seville of the death of queen isabella. for ten years her kind heart had been wrung by many sorrows. her mother had died in 1496; the next year her only son and heir to the crown had followed; and within yet another year had died her favourite daughter, the queen of portugal. her other children were all scattered with the exception of juana, whose semi-imbecile condition caused her parents an anxiety greater even than that caused by death. as isabella's life thus closed sombrely in, she applied herself more closely and more narrowly to such pious consolations as were available. news from flanders of the scandalous scenes between philip and juana in the summer of 1504 brought on an illness from which she really never recovered, a kind of feverish distress of mind and body in which her only alleviation was the transaction of such business as was possible for her in the direction of humanity and enlightenment. she still received men of intellect and renown, especially travellers. but she knew that her end was near, and as early as october she had made her will, in which her wishes as to the succession and government of castile were clearly laid down. there was no mention of columbus in this will, which afterwards greatly mortified him; but it is possible that the poor queen had by this time, even against her wish, come to share the opinions of her advisers that the rule of columbus in the west indies had not brought the most humane and happy results possible to the people there. during october and november her life thus beat itself away in a succession of duties faithfully performed, tasks duly finished, preparations for the great change duly made. she died, as she would have wished to die, surrounded by friends who loved and admired her, and fortified by the last rites of the church for her journey into the unknown. date, november 26, 1504, in the fifty-fourth year of her age. columbus had evidently received the news from a public source, and felt mortified that diego should not have written him a special letter. letter written by christopher columbus to don diego, his son, december 3, 1504. "very dear son,--i wrote you at length day before yesterday and sent it by francisco pinelo, and with this letter i send you a very full memorandum. i am very much astonished not to receive a letter from you or from any one else, and this astonishment is shared by all who know me. every one here has letters, and i, who have more reason to expect them, have none. great care should be taken about this matter. the memorandum of which i have spoken above says enough, and on this account i do not speak more at length here. your brother and your uncle and carbajal are going yonder. you will learn from them what is not said here. may our lord have you in his holy keeping. "done in seville, december 3. "your father who loves you more than himself. .s. .s.a.s. xmy xpo ferens." document of columbus addressed to his son, diego, and intended to accompany the preceding letter. "a memorandum for you, my very dear son, don diego, of what occurs to me at the present time which must be done:--the principal thing is, affectionately and with great devotion to commend the soul of the queen, our lady, to god. her life was always catholic and holy and ready for all the things of his holy service, and for this reason it must be believed that she is in his holy glory and beyond the desires of this rough and wearisome world. then the next thing is to be watchful and exert one's self in the service of the king, our lord, and to strive to keep him from being troubled. his highness is the head of christendom. see the proverb which says that when the head aches, all the members ache. so that all good christians should entreat that he may have long life and health: and those of us who are obliged to serve him more than others must join in this supplication with great earnestness and diligence. this reason prompts me now with my severe illness to write you what i am writing here, that his highness may dispose matters for his service: and for the better fulfilment i am sending your brother there, who, although he is a child in days, is not a child in understanding; and i am sending your uncle and carbajal, so that if this, my writing, is not sufficient, they, together with yourself, can furnish verbal evidence. in my opinion there is nothing so necessary for the service of his highness as the disposition and remedying of the affair of the indies. "his highness must now have there more than 40,000 or 50,000 gold pieces. i learned when i was there that the governor had no desire to send it to him. it is believed among the other people as well that there will be 150,000 pesos more, and the mines are very rich and productive. most of the people there are common and ignorant, and care very little for the circumstances. the governor is very much hated by all of them, and it is to be feared that they may at some time rebel. if this should occur, which god forbid, the remedy for the matter would then be difficult: and so it would be if injustice were used toward them, either here or in other places, with the great fame of the gold. my opinion is that his highness should investigate this affair quickly and by means of a person who is interested and who can go there with 150 or 200 people well equipped, and remain there until it is well settled and without suspicion, which cannot be done in less than three months: and that an endeavour be made to raise two or three forces there. the gold there is exposed to great risk, as there are very few people to protect it. i say that there is a proverb here which says that the presence of the owner makes the horse fat. here and wherever i may be, i shall serve their highnesses with joy, until my soul leaves this body. "above i said that his highness is the head of the christians, and that it is necessary for him to occupy himself in preserving them and their lands. for this reason people say that he cannot thus provide a good government for all these indies, and that they are being lost and do not yield a profit, neither are they being handled in a reasonable manner. in my opinion it would serve him to intrust this matter to some one who is distressed over the bad treatment of his subjects. "i wrote a very long letter to his highness as soon as i arrived here, fully stating the evils which require a prompt and efficient remedy at once. i have received no reply, nor have i seen any provision made in the matter. some vessels are detained in san lucar by the weather. i have told these gentlemen of the board of trade that they must order them held until the king, our lord, makes provision in the matter, either by some person with other people, or by writing. this is very necessary and i know what i say. it is necessary that the authorities should order all the ports searched diligently, to see that no one goes yonder to the indies without licence. i have already said that there is a great deal of gold collected in straw houses without any means of defence, and there are many disorderly people in the country, and that the governor is hated, and that little punishment is inflicted and has been inflicted upon those who have committed crimes and have come out with their treasonable conduct approved. "if his highness decides to make some provision, it must be done at once, so that these vessels may not be injured. "i have heard that three bishops are to be elected and sent to espanola. if it pleases his highness to hear me before concluding this matter, i will tell in what manner god our lord may be well served and his highness served and satisfied. "i have given lengthy consideration to the provision for espanola:" yes, the queen is in his holy glory, and beyond the desires of this rough and wearisome world; but we are not; we are still in a world where fifty thousand gold pieces can be of use to us, and where a word spoken in season, even in such a season of darkness, may have its effect with the king. a strange time to talk to the king about gold; and perhaps diego was wiser and kinder than his father thought in not immediately taking this strange document to king ferdinand. letter written by christopher columbus to don diego, his son, december 13, 1504 "very dear son,--it is now eight days since your uncle and your brother and carbajal left here together, to kiss the royal hands of his highness, and to give an account of the voyage, and also to aid you in the negotiation of whatever may prove to be necessary there. "don ferdinand took from here 150 ducats to be expended at his discretion. he will have to spend some of it, but he will give you what he has remaining. he also carries a letter of credit for these merchants. you will see that it is very necessary to be careful in dealing with them, because i had trouble there with the governor, as every one told me that i had there 11,000 or 12,000 castellanos, and i had only 4000. he wished to charge me with things for which i am not indebted, and i, confiding in the promise of their highnesses, who ordered everything restored to me, decided to leave these charges in the hope of calling him to account for them. if any one has money there, they do not dare ask for it, on account of his haughtiness. i very well know that after my departure he must have received more than 5000 castellanos. if it were possible for you to obtain from his highness an authoritative letter to the governor, ordering him to send the money without delay and a full account of what belongs to me, by the person i might send there with my power of attorney, it would be well; because he will not give it in any other manner, neither to my friend diaz or velasquez, and they dare not even speak of it to him. carbajal will very well know how this must be done. let him see this letter. the 150 ducats which luis de soria sent you when i came are paid according to his desire. "i wrote you at length and sent the letter by don ferdinand, also a memorandum. now that i have thought over the matter further, i say that, since at the time of my departure their highnesses said over their signature and verbally, that they would give me all that belongs to me, according to my privileges--that the claim for the third or the tenth and eighth mentioned in the memorandum must be relinquished, and instead the chapter of their letter must be shown where they write what i have said, and all that belongs to me must be required, as you have it in writing in the book of privileges, in which is also set forth the reason for my receiving the third, eighth, and tenth; as there is always an opportunity to reduce the sum desired by a person, although his highness says in his letter that he wishes to give me all that belongs to me. carbajal will understand me very well if he sees this letter, and every one else as well, as it is very clear. i also wrote to his highness and finally reminded him that he must provide at once for this affair of the indies, that the people there may not be disturbed, and also reminding him of the promise stated above. you ought to see the letter. "with this letter i send you another letter of credit for the said merchants. i have already explained to you the reasons why expenses should be moderated. show your uncle due respect, and treat your brother as an elder brother should treat a younger. you have no other brother, and praised be our lord, he is such a one as you need very much. he has proved and proves to be very intelligent. honour carbajal and jeronimo and diego mendez. commend me to them all. i do not write them as there is nothing to write and this messenger is in haste. it is frequently rumoured here that the queen, whom god has, has left an order that i be restored to the possession of the indies. on arrival, the notary of the fleet will send you the records and the original of the case of the porras brothers. i have received no news from your uncle and brother since they left. the water has been so high here that the river entered the city. "if agostin italian and francisco de grimaldo do not wish to give you the money you need, look for others there who are willing to give it to you. on the arrival here of your signature i will at once pay them all that you have received: for at present there is not a person here by whom i can send you money. "done to-day, friday, december 13, 1504 "your father who loves you more than himself. .s. .s.a.s. xmy xpo ferens." letter written by christopher columbus to his son, don diego, december 21, 1504. "very dear son, the lord adelantado and your brother and carbajal left here sixteen days ago to go to the court. they have not written me since. don ferdinand carried 150 ducats. he must spend what is necessary, and he carries a letter, that the merchants may furnish you with money. i have sent you another letter since, with the endorsement of francisco de ribarol, by zamora, the courier, and told you that if you had made provision for yourself by means of my letter, not to use that of francisco de ribarol. i say the same now in regard to another letter which i send you with this one, for francisco doria, which letter i send you for greater security that you may not fail to be provided with money. i have already told you how necessary it is to be careful in the expenditure of the money, until their highnesses give us law and justice. i also told you that i had spent 1200 castellanos in bringing these people to castile, of which his highness owes me the greater part, and i wrote him in regard to it asking him to order the account settled. "if possible i should like to receive letters here each day. i complain of diego mendez and of jeronimo, as they do not write me: and then of the others who do not write when they arrive there. we must strive to learn whether the queen, whom god has in his keeping, said anything about me in her will, and we must hurry the lord bishop of palencia, who caused the possession of the indies by their highnesses and my remaining in castile, for i was already on my way to leave it. and the lord chamberlain of his highness must also be hurried. if by chance the affair comes to discussion, you must strive to have them see the writing which is in the book of privileges, which shows the reason why the third, eighth, and tenth are owing me, as i told you in another letter. "i have written to the holy father in regard to my voyage, as he complained of me because i did not write him. i send you a copy of the letter. i would like to have the king, our lord, or the lord bishop of palencia see it before i send the letter, in order to avoid false representations. "camacho has told a thousand falsehoods about me. to my regret i ordered him arrested. he is in the church. he says that after the holidays are past, he will go there if he is able. if i owe him, he must show by what reason; for i make oath that i do not know it, nor is it true. "if without importunity a licence can be procured for me to go on mule-back, i will try to leave for the court after january, and i will even go without this licence. but haste must be made that the loss of the indies, which is now imminent, may not take place. may our lord have you in his keeping. "done to-day, december 21. "your father who loves you more than himself. .s. .s.a.s. xmy xpo ferens." "this tenth which they give me is not the tenth which was promised me. the privileges tell what it is, and there is also due me the tenth of the profit derived from merchandise and from all other things, of which i have received nothing. carbajal understands me well. also remind carbajal to obtain a letter from his highness for the governor, directing him to send his accounts and the money i have there, at once. and it would be well that a repostero of his highness should go there to receive this money, as there must be a large amount due me. i will strive to have these gentlemen of the board of trade send also to say to the governor that he must send my share together with the gold belonging to their highnesses. but the remedy for the other matter must not be neglected there on this account. i say that 7000 or 8000 pesos must have passed to my credit there, which sum has been received since i left, besides the other money which was not given to me. "to my very dear son don diego at the court." all this struggling for the due payment of eighths and tenths makes wearisome reading, and we need not follow the admiral into his distinctions between one kind of tenth and another. there is something to be said on his side, it must be remembered; the man had not received what was due to him; and although he was not in actual poverty, his only property in this world consisted of these very thirds and eighths and tenths. but if we are inclined to think poorly of the admiral for his dismal pertinacity, what are we to think of the people who took advantage of their high position to ignore consistently the just claims made upon them? there is no end to the admiral's letter-writing at this time. fortunately for us his letter to the pope has been lost, or else we should have to insert it here; and we have had quite enough of his theological stupors. as for the queen's will, there was no mention of the admiral in it; and her only reference to the indies showed that she had begun to realise some of the disasters following his rule there, for the provisions that are concerned with the new world refer exclusively to the treatment of the natives, to whose succour, long after they were past succour, the hand of isabella was stretched out from the grave. the licence to travel on mule-back which the admiral asked for was made necessary by a law which had been passed forbidding the use of mules for this purpose throughout spain. there had been a scarcity of horses for mounting the royal cavalry, and it was thought that the breeding of horses had been neglected on account of the greater cheapness and utility of mules. it was to encourage the use and breeding of horses that an interdict was laid on the use of mules, and only the very highest persons in the land were allowed to employ them. letter written by christopher columbus to his son, don diego, december 29, 1504. "very dear son,--i wrote you at length and sent it by don ferdinand, who left to go yonder twenty-three days ago to-day, with the lord adelantado and carbajal, from whom i have since heard nothing. sixteen days ago to-day i wrote you and sent it by zamora, the courier, and i sent you a letter of credit for these merchants endorsed by francisco de ribarol, telling them to give you the money you might ask for. and then, about eight days ago, i sent you by another courier a letter endorsed by francisco soria, and these letters are directed to pantaleon and agostin italian, that they may give it to you. and with these letters goes a copy of a letter which i wrote to the holy father in regard to the affairs of the indies, that he might not complain of me any more. i sent this copy for his highness to see, or the lord bishop of palencia, so as to avoid false representations. the payment of the people who went with me has been delayed. i have provided for them here what i have been able. they are poor and obliged to go in order to earn a living. they decided to go yonder. they have been told here that they will be dealt with as favourably as possible, and this is right, although among them there are some who merit punishment more than favours. this is said of the rebels. i gave these people a letter for the lord bishop of palencia. read it, and if it is necessary for them to go and petition his highness, urge your uncle and brother and carbajal to read it also, so that you can all help them as much as possible. it is right and a work of mercy, for no one ever earned money with so many dangers and hardships and no one has ever rendered such great service as these people. it is said that camacho and master bernal wish to go there--two creatures for whom god works few miracles: but if they go, it will be to do harm rather than good. they can do little because the truth always prevails, as it did in espanola, from which wicked people by means of falsehoods have prevented any profit being received up to the present time. it is said that this master bernal was the beginning of the treason. he was taken and accused of many misdemeanours, for each one of which he deserved to be quartered. at the request of your uncle and of others he was pardoned, on condition that if he ever said the least word against me and my state the pardon should be revoked and he should be under condemnation. i send you a copy of the case in this letter. i send you a legal document about camacho. for more than eight days he has not left the church on account of his rash statements and falsehoods. he has a will made by terreros, and other relatives of the latter have another will of more recent date, which renders the first will null, as far as the inheritance is concerned: and i am entreated to enforce the latter will, so that camacho will be obliged to restore what he has received. i shall order a legal document drawn up and served upon him, because i believe it is a work of mercy to punish him, as he is so unbridled in his speech that some one must punish him without the rod: and it will not be so much against the conscience of the chastiser, and will injure him more. diego mendez knows master bernal and his works very well. the governor wished to imprison him at espanola and left him to my consideration. it is said that he killed two men there with medicines in revenge for something of less account than three beans. i would be glad of the licence to travel on muleback and of a good mule, if they can be obtained without difficulty. consult all about our affairs, and tell them that i do not write them in particular on account of the great pain i feel when writing. i do not say that they must do the same, but that each one must write me and very often, for i feel great sorrow that all the world should have letters from there each day, and i have nothing, when i have so many people there. commend me to the lord adelantado in his favour, and give my regards to your brother and to all the others. "done at seville, december 29. "your father who loves you more than himself. .s. .s.a.s. xmy xpo ferens." "i say further that if our affairs are to be settled according to conscience, that the chapter of the letter which their highnesses wrote me when i departed, in which they say they will order you placed in possession, must be shown; and the writing must also be shown which is in the book of privileges, which shows how in reason and in justice the third and eighth and the tenth are mine. there will always be opportunity to make reductions from this amount." columbus's requests were not all for himself; nothing could be more sincere or generous than the spirit in which he always strove to secure the just payment of his mariners. otherwise he is still concerned with the favour shown to those who were treasonable to him. camacho was still hiding in a church, probably from the wrath of bartholomew columbus; but christopher has more subtle ways of punishment. a legal document, he considers, will be better than a rod; "it will not be so much against the conscience of the chastiser, and will injure him (the chastised) more." letter written by christopher columbus to don diego, his son, january 18, 1505. "very dear son,--i wrote you at length by the courier who will arrive there to-day, and sent you a letter for the lord chamberlain. i intended to inclose in it a copy of that chapter of the letter from their highnesses in which they say they will order you placed in possession; but i forgot to do it here. zamora, the courier, came. i read your letter and also those of your uncle and brother and carbajal, and felt great pleasure in learning that they had arrived well, as i had been very anxious about them. diego mendez will leave here in three or four days with the order of payment prepared. he will take a long statement of everything and i will write to juan velasquez. i desire his friendship and service. i believe that he is a very honourable gentleman. if the lord bishop of palencia has come, or comes, tell him how much pleased i have been with his prosperity, and that if i go there i must stop with his worship even if he does not wish it, and that we must return to our first fraternal love. and that he could not refuse it because my service will force him to have it thus. i said that the letter for the holy father was sent that his worship might see it if he was there, and also the lord archbishop of seville, as the king might not have opportunity to read it. i have already told you that the petition to their highnesses must be for the fulfilment of what they wrote me about the possession and of the rest which was promised me. i said that this chapter of the letter must be shown them and said that it must not be delayed, and that this is advisable for an infinite number of reasons. his highness may believe that, however much he gives me, the increase of his exalted dominions and revenue will be in the proportion of 100 to 1, and that there is no comparison between what has been done and what is to be done. the sending of a bishop to espanola must be delayed until i speak to his highness. it must not be as in the other cases when it was thought to mend matters and they were spoiled. there have been some cold days here and they have caused me great fatigue and fatigue me now. commend me to the favour of the lord adelantado. may our lord guard and bless you and your brother. give my regards to carbajal and jeronimo. diego mendez will carry a full pouch there. i believe that the affair of which you wrote can be very easily managed. the vessels from the indies have not arrived from lisbon. they brought a great deal of gold, and none for me. so great a mockery was never seen, for i left there 60,000 pesos smelted. his highness should not allow so great an affair to be ruined, as is now taking place. he now sends to the governor a new provision. i do not know what it is about. i expect letters each day. be very careful about expenditures, for it is necessary. "done january 18. "your father who loves you more than himself. there is playful reference here to fonseca, with whom columbus was evidently now reconciled; and he was to be buttonholed and made to read the admiral's letter to the pope. diego mendez is about to start, and is to make a "long statement"; and in the meantime the admiral will write as many long letters as he has time for. was there no friend at hand, i wonder, with wit enough to tell the admiral that every word he wrote about his grievances was sealing his doom, so far as the king was concerned? no human being could have endured with patience this continuous heavy firing at long range to which the admiral subjected his friends at court; every post that arrived was loaded with a shrapnel of grievances, the dull echo of which must have made the ears of those who heard it echo with weariness. things were evidently humming in espanola; large cargoes of negroes had been sent out to take the place of the dead natives, and under the harsh driving of ovando the mines were producing heavily. the vessels that arrived from the indies brought a great deal of gold; "but none for me." letter written by christopher columbus to his son, don diego, february 5, 1505. "very dear son,--diego mendez left here monday, the 3rd of this month. after his departure i talked with amerigo vespucci, the bearer of this letter, who is going yonder, where he is called in regard to matters of navigation. he was always desirous of pleasing me. he is a very honourable man. fortune has been adverse to him as it has been to many others. his labours have not profited him as much as reason demands. he goes for me, and is very desirous of doing something to benefit me if it is in his power. i do not know of anything in which i can instruct him to my benefit, because i do not know what is wanted of him there. he is going with the determination to do everything for me in his power. see what he can do to profit me there, and strive to have him do it; for he will do everything, and will speak and will place it in operation: and it must all be done secretly so that there may be no suspicion. "i have told him all that could be told regarding this matter, and have informed him of the payment which has been made to me and is being made. this letter is for the lord adelantado also, that he may see how amerigo vespucci can be useful, and advise him about it. his highness may believe that his ships went to the best and richest of the indies, and if anything remains to be learned more than has been told, i will give the information yonder verbally, because it is impossible to give it in writing. may our lord have you in his holy keeping. "done in seville, february 5. "your father who loves you more than himself. this letter has a significance which raises it out of the ruck of this complaining correspondence. amerigo vespucci had just returned from his long voyage in the west, when he had navigated along an immense stretch of the coast of america, both north and south, and had laid the foundations of a fame which was, for a time at least, to eclipse that of columbus. probably neither of the two men realised it at this interview, or columbus would hardly have felt so cordially towards the man who was destined to rob him of so much glory. as a matter of fact the practical spaniards were now judging entirely by results; and a year or two later, when the fame of columbus had sunk to insignificance, he was merely referred to as the discoverer of certain islands, while vespucci, who after all had only followed in his lead, was hailed as the discoverer of a great continent. vespucci has been unjustly blamed for this state of affairs, although he could no more control the public estimate of his services than columbus could. he was a more practical man than columbus, and he made a much better impression on really wise and intelligent men; and his discoveries were immediately associated with trade and colonial development, while columbus had little to show for his discoveries during his lifetime but a handful of gold dust and a few cargoes of slaves. at any rate it was a graceful act on the part of vespucci, whose star was in the ascendant, to go and seek out the admiral, whose day was fast verging to night; it was one of those disinterested actions that live and have a value of their own, and that shine out happily amid the surrounding murk and confusion. letter signed by christopher columbus to don diego, his son, february 25, 1505. "very dear son,--the licientiate de zea is a person whom i desire to honour. he has in his charge two men who are under prosecution at the hands of justice, as shown by the information which is inclosed in this letter. see that diego mendez places the said petition with the others, that they may be given to his highness during holy week for pardon. if the pardon is granted, it is well, and if not, look for some other manner of obtaining it. may our lord have you in his holy keeping. done in seville, february 25, 1505. i wrote you and sent it by amerigo vespucci. see that he sends you the letter unless you have already received it. "your father. xpo ferens.//" this is the last letter of columbus known to us otherwise an entirely unimportant document, dealing with the most transient affairs. with it we gladly bring to an end this exposure of a greedy and querulous period, which speaks so eloquently for itself that the less we say and comment on it the better. in the month of may the admiral was well enough at last to undertake the journey to segovia. he travelled on a mule, and was accompanied by his brother bartholomew and his son ferdinand. when he reached the court he found the king civil and outwardly attentive to his recitals, but apparently content with a show of civility and outward attention. columbus was becoming really a nuisance; that is the melancholy truth. the king had his own affairs to attend to; he was already meditating a second marriage, and thinking of the young bride he was to bring home to the vacant place of isabella; and the very iteration of columbus's complaints and demands had made them lose all significance for the king. he waved them aside with polite and empty promises, as people do the demands of importunate children; and finally, to appease the admiral and to get rid of the intolerable nuisance of his applications, he referred the whole question, first to archbishop dea, and then to the body of councillors which had been appointed to interpret queen isabella's will. the whole question at issue was whether or not the original agreement with columbus, which had been made before his discoveries, should be carried out. the king, who had foolishly subscribed to it simply as a matter of form, never believing that anything much could come of it, was determined that it should not be carried out, as it would give columbus a wealth and power to which no mere subject of a crown was entitled. the admiral held fast to his privileges; the only thing that he would consent to submit to arbitration was the question of his revenues; but his titles and territorial authorities he absolutely stuck to. of course the council did exactly what the king had done. they talked about the thing a great deal, but they did nothing. columbus was an invalid and broken man, who might die any day, and it was obviously to their interest to gain time by discussion and delay--a cruel game for our christopher, who knew his days on earth to be numbered, and who struggled in that web of time in which mortals try to hurry the events of the present and delay the events of the future. meanwhile philip of austria and his wife juana, isabella's daughter, had arrived from flanders to assume the crown of castile, which isabella had bequeathed to them. columbus saw a chance for himself in this coming change, and he sent bartholomew as an envoy to greet the new sovereigns, and to enlist their services on the admiral's behalf. bartholomew was very well received, but he was too late to be of use to the admiral, whom he never saw again; and this is our farewell to bartholomew, who passes out of our narrative here. he went to rome after christopher's death on a mission to the pope concerning some fresh voyages of discovery; and in 1508 he made, so far as we know, his one excursion into romance, when he assisted at the production of an illegitimate little girl--his only descendant. he returned to espanola under the governorship of his nephew diego, and died there in 1514 --stern, valiant, brotherly soul, whose devotion to christopher must be for ever remembered and honoured with the name of the admiral. from segovia columbus followed the court to salamanca and thence to valladolid, where his increasing illness kept him a prisoner after the court had left to greet philip and juana. he had been in attendance upon it for nearly a year, and without any results: and now, as his infirmity increased, he turned to the settling of his own affairs, and drawing up of wills and codicils--all very elaborate and precise. in these occupations his worldly affairs were duly rounded off; and on may 19, 1506, having finally ratified a will which he had made in segovia a year before, in which the descent of his honours was entailed upon diego and his heirs, or failing him ferdinand and his heirs, or failing him bartholomew and his heirs, he turned to the settlement of his soul. his illness had increased gradually but surely, and he must have known that he was dying. he was not without friends, among them the faithful diego mendez, his son ferdinand, and a few others. his lodging was in a small house in an unimportant street of valladolid, now called the "calle de colon"; the house, .no. 7, still standing, and to be seen by curious eyes. as the end approached, the admiral, who was being attended by franciscan monks, had himself clothed in a franciscan habit; and so, on the 20th may 1506, he lay upon his bed, breathing out his life. . . . and as strange thoughts grow with a certain humming in my ears, about the life before i lived this life, and this life too, popes, cardinals, and priests, your tall pale mother with her talking eyes and new-found agate urns fresh as day . . . . . . we do not know what his thoughts were, as the shadows grew deeper about him, as the sounds of the world, the noises from the sunny street, grew fainter, and the images and sounds of memory clearer and louder. perhaps as he lay there with closed eyes he remembered things long forgotten, as dying people do; sounds and smells of the vico dritto di ponticelli, and the feel of the hot paving-stones down which his childish feet used to run to the sea; noises of the sea also, the drowning swish of waters and sudden roar of breakers sounding to anxiously strained ears in the still night; bright sunlit pictures of faraway tropical shores, with handsome olive figures glistening in the sun; the sight of strange faces, the sound of strange speech, the smell of a strange land; the glitter of gold; the sudden death-shriek breaking the stillness of some sylvan glade; the sight of blood on the grass . . . the admiral's face undergoes a change; there is a stir in the room; some one signs to the priest gaspar, who brings forth his sacred wafer and holy oils and administers the last sacraments. the wrinkled eyelids flutter open, the sea-worn voice feebly frames the responses; the dying eyes are fixed on the crucifix; and--"in manus tuas domine commendo spiritum meum." the admiral is dead. he was in his fifty-sixth year, already an old man in body and mind; and his death went entirely unmarked except by his immediate circle of friends. even peter martyr, who was in valladolid just before and just after it, and who was writing a series of letters to various correspondents giving all the news of his day, never thought it worth while to mention that christopher columbus was dead. his life flickered out in the completest obscurity. it is not even known where he was first buried; but probably it was in the franciscan convent at valladolid. this, however, was only a temporary resting-place; and a few years later his body was formally interred in the choir of the monastery of las cuevas at seville, there to lie for thirty years surrounded by continual chauntings. after that it was translated to the cathedral in san domingo; rested there for 250 years, and then, on the cession of that part of the island to france, the body was removed to cuba. but the admiral was by this time nothing but a box of bones and dust, as also were brother bartholomew and son diego, and diego's son, all collected together in that place. there were various examinations of the bone-boxes; one, supposed to be the admiral's, was taken to cuba and solemnly buried there; and lately, after the conquest of the island in the spanish-american war, this box of bones was elaborately conveyed to seville, where it now rests. but in the meanwhile the chapter of the cathedral in san domingo had made new discoveries and examinations; had found another box of bones, which bore to them authentic signs that the dust it contained was the admiral's and not his grandson's; and in spite of the academy of history at madrid, it is indeed far from unlikely that the admiral's dust does not lie in spain or cuba, but in san domingo still. whole books have been written about these boxes of bones; learned societies have argued about them, experts have examined the bones and the boxes with microscopes; and meantime the dust of columbus, if we take the view that an error was committed in the transference to cuba, is not even collected all in one box. a sacrilegious official acquired some of it when the boxes were opened, and distributed it among various curiosity-hunters, who have preserved it in caskets of crystal and silver. thus a bit of him is worn by an american lady in a crystal locket; a pinch of him lies in a glass vial in a new york mansion; other pinches in the lennox library, new york, in the vatican, and in the university of pavia. in such places, if the admiral should fail to appear at the first note of their trumpets, must the angels of the resurrection make search. chapter x the man columbus it is not in any leaden box or crystal vase that we must search for the true remains of christopher columbus. through these pages we have traced, so far as has been possible, the course of his life, and followed him in what he did; all of which is but preparation for our search for the true man, and just estimate of what he was. we have seen, dimly, what his youth was; that he came of poor people who were of no importance to the world at large; that he earned his living as a working man; that he became possessed of an idea; that he fought manfully and diligently until he had realised it; and that then he found himself in a position beyond his powers to deal with, not being a strong enough swimmer to hold his own in the rapid tide of events which he himself had set flowing; and we have seen him sinking at last in that tide, weighed down by the very things for which he had bargained and stipulated. if these pages had been devoted to a critical examination of the historical documents on which his life-story is based we should also have found that he continually told lies about himself, and misrepresented facts when the truth proved inconvenient to him; that he was vain and boastful to a degree that can only excite our compassion. he was naturally and sincerely pious, and drew from his religion much strength and spiritual nourishment; but he was also capable of hypocrisy, and of using the self-same religion as a cloak for his greed and cruelty. what is the final image that remains in our minds of such a man? to answer this question we must examine his life in three dimensions. there was its great outline of rise, zenith, and decline; there was its outward history in minute detail, and its conduct in varying circumstances; and there was the inner life of the man's soul, which was perhaps simpler than some of us think. and first, as to his life as a single thing. it rose in poverty, it reached a brief and dazzling zenith of glory, it set in clouds and darkness; the fame of it suffered a long night of eclipse, from which it was rescued and raised again to a height of glory which unfortunately was in sufficiently founded on fact; and as a reaction from this, it has been in danger of becoming entirely discredited, and the man himself denounced as a fraud. the reason for these surprising changes is that in those fifty-five years granted to columbus for the making of his life he did not consistently listen to that inner voice which alone can hold a man on any constructive path. he listened to it at intervals, and he drew his inspiration from it; but he shut his ears when it had served him, when it had brought him what he wanted. in his moments of success he guided himself by outward things; and thus he was at one moment a seer and ready to be a martyr, and at the next moment he was an opportunist, watching to see which way the wind would blow, and ready to trim his sails in the necessary direction. such conduct of a man's life does not make for single light or for true greatness; rather for dim, confused lights, and lofty heights obscured in cloud. if we examine his life in detail we find this alternating principle of conduct revealed throughout it. he was by nature clever, kind-hearted, rather large-souled, affectionate, and not very honest; all the acts prompted by his nature bear the stamp of these qualities. to them his early years had probably added little except piety, sharp practice, and that uncomfortable sense, often bred amid narrow and poor surroundings, that one must keep a sharp look-out for oneself if one is to get a share of the world's good things. something in his blood, moreover, craved for dignity and the splendour of high-sounding titles; craved for power also, and the fulfilment of an arrogant pride. all these things were in his ligurian blood, and he breathed them in with the very air of genoa. his mind was of the receptive rather than of the constructive kind, and it was probably through those long years spent between sea voyages and brief sojourns with his family in genoa or savona that he conceived that vague idea which, as i have tried to show, formed the impulse of his life during its brief initiative period. having once received this idea of discovery and like all other great ideas, it was in the air at the time and was bound to take shape in some human brain--he had all his native and personal qualities to bring to its support. the patience to await its course he had learned from his humble and subordinate life. the ambition to work for great rewards was in his blood and race; and to belief in himself, his curious vein of mystical piety was able to add the support of a ready belief in divine selection. this very time of waiting and endurance of disappointments also helped to cultivate in his character two separate qualities--an endurance or ability to withstand infinite hardship and disappointment; and also a greedy pride that promised itself great rewards for whatever should be endured. in all active matters columbus was what we call a lucky man. it was luck that brought him to guanahani; and throughout his life this element of good luck continually helped him. he was lucky, that is to say, in his relation with inanimate things; but in his relations with men he was almost as consistently unlucky. first of all he was probably a bad judge of men. his humble origin and his lack of education naturally made him distrustful. he trusted people whom he should have regarded with suspicion, and he was suspicious of those whom he ought to have known he could trust. if people pleased him, he elevated them with absurd rapidity to stations far beyond their power to fill, and then wondered that they sometimes turned upon him; if they committed crimes against him, he either sought to regain their favour by forgiving them, or else dogged them with a nagging, sulky resentment, and expected every one else to punish them also. he could manage men if he were in the midst of them; there was something winning as well as commanding about his actual presence, and those who were devoted to him would have served him to the death. but when he was not on the spot all his machineries and affairs went to pieces; he had no true organising ability; no sooner did he take his hand off any affair for which he was responsible than it immediately came to confusion. all these defects are to be attributed to his lack of education and knowledge of the world. mental discipline is absolutely necessary for a man who would discipline others; and knowledge of the world is essential for one who would successfully deal with men, and distinguish those whom he can from those whom he cannot trust. defects of this nature, which sometimes seem like flaws in the man's character, may be set down to this one disability--that he was not educated and was not by habit a man of the world. all his sins of misgovernment, then, may be condoned on the ground that governing is a science, and that columbus had never learned it. what we do find, however, is that the inner light that had led him across the seas never burned clearly for him again, and was never his guide in the later part of his life. its radiance was quenched by the gleam of gold; for there is no doubt that columbus was a victim of that baleful influence which has caused so much misery in this world. he was greedy of gold for himself undoubtedly; but he was still more greedy of it for spain. it was his ambition to be the means of filling the coffers of the spanish sovereigns and so acquiring immense dignity and glory for himself. he believed that gold was in itself a very precious and estimable thing; he knew that masses and candles could be bought for it, and very real spiritual privileges; and as he made blunder after blunder, and saw evil after evil heaping itself on his record in the new world, he became the more eager and frantic to acquire such a treasure of gold that it would wipe out the other evils of his administration. and once involved in that circle, there was no help for him. the man himself was a simple man; capable, when the whole of his various qualities were directed upon one single thing, of that greatness which is the crown of simplicity. ambition was the keynote of his life; not an unworthy keynote, by any means, if only the ambition be sound; but one serious defect of columbus's ambition was that it was retrospective rather than perspective. he may have had, before he sailed from palos, an ambition to be the discoverer of a new world; but i do not think he had. he believed there were islands or land to be discovered in the west if only he pushed on far enough; and he was ambitious to find them and vindicate his belief. afterwards, when he had read a little more, and when he conceived the plan of pretending that he had all along meant to discover the indies and a new road to the east, he acted in accordance with that pretence; he tried to make his acts appear retrospectively as though they had been prompted by a design quite different from that by which they had really been prompted. when he found that his discovery was regarded as a great scientific feat, he made haste to pretend that it had all along been meant as such, and was in fact the outcome of an elaborate scientific theory. in all this there is nothing for praise or admiration. it indicates the presence of moral disease; but fortunately it is functional rather than organic disease. he was right and sound at heart; but he spread his sails too readily to the great winds of popular favour, and the result was instability to himself, and often danger of shipwreck to his soul. the ultimate test of a man's character is how he behaves in certain circumstances when there is no great audience to watch him, and when there is no sovereign close at hand with bounties and rewards to offer. in a word, what matters most is a man's behaviour, not as an admiral, or a discoverer, or a viceroy, or a courtier, but as a man. in this respect columbus's character rings true. if he was little on little occasions, he was also great on great occasions. the inner history of his fourth voyage, if we could but know it and could take all the circumstances into account, would probably reveal a degree of heroic endurance that has never been surpassed in the history of mankind. put him as a man face to face with a difficulty, with nothing but his wits to devise with and his two hands to act with, and he is never found wanting. and that is the kind of man of whom discoverers are made. the mere mathematician may work out the facts with the greatest accuracy and prove the existence of land at a certain point; but there is great danger that he may be knocked down by a club on his first landing on the beach, and never bring home any news of his discovery. the great courtier may do well for himself and keep smooth and politic relations with kings; the great administrator may found a wonderful colony; but it is the man with the wits and the hands, and some bigness of heart to tide him over daunting passages, that wins through the first elementary risks of any great discovery. properly considered, columbus's fame should rest simply on the answer to the single question, "did he discover new lands as he said he would?" that was the greatest thing he could do, and the fact that he failed to do a great many other things afterwards, failed the more conspicuously because his attempts were so conspicuous, should have no effect on our estimate of his achievement. the fame of it could no more be destroyed by himself than it can be destroyed by us. true understanding of a man and estimate of his character can only be arrived at by methods at once more comprehensive and more subtle than those commonly employed among men. everything that he sees, does, and suffers has its influence on the moulding of his character; and he must be considered in relation to his physical environment, no less than to his race and ancestry. christopher columbus spent a great part of his active life on the sea; it was sea-life which inspired him with his great idea, it was by the conquest of the sea that he realised it; it was on the sea that all his real triumphs over circumstance and his own weaker self were won. the influences at work upon a man whose life is spent on the sea are as different from those at work upon one who lives on the fields as the environment of a gannet is different from the environment of a skylark: and yet how often do we really attempt to make due allowance for this great factor and try to estimate the extent of its moulding influence? to live within sound or sight of the sea is to be conscious of a voice or countenance that holds you in unyielding bonds. the voice, being continuous, creeps into the very pulses and becomes part of the pervading sound or silence of a man's environment; and the face, although it never regards him, holds him with its changes and occupies his mind with its everlasting riddle. its profound inattention to man is part of its power over his imagination; for although it is so absorbed and busy, and has regard for sun and stars and a melancholy frowning concentration upon the foot of cliffs, it is never face to face with man: he can never come within the focus of its great glancing vision. it is somewhere beyond time and space that the mighty perspective of those focal rays comes to its point; and they are so wide and eternal in their sweep that we should find their end, could we but trace them, in a condition far different from that in which our finite views and ethics have place. in the man who lives much on the sea we always find, if he be articulate, something of the dreamer and the mystic; that very condition of mind, indeed, which we have traced in columbus, which sometimes led him to such heights, and sometimes brought him to such variance with the human code. a face that will not look upon you can never give up its secret to you; and the face of the sea is like the face of a picture or a statue round which you may circle, looking at it from this point and from that, but whose regard is fixed on something beyond and invisible to you; or it is like the face of a person well known to you in life, a face which you often see in various surroundings, from different angles, now unconscious, now in animated and smiling intercourse with some one else, but which never turns upon you the light of friendly knowledge and recognition; in a word, it is unconscious of you, like all elemental things. in the legend of the creation it is written that when god saw the gathering together of the waters which he called the seas, he saw that it was good; and he perhaps had the right to say so. but the man who uses the sea and whose life's pathway is laid on its unstable surface can hardly sum up his impressions of it so simply as to say that it is good. it is indeed to him neither good nor bad; it is utterly beyond and outside all he knows or invents of good and bad, and can never have any concern with his good or his bad. it remains the pathway and territory of powers and mysteries, thoughts and energies on a gigantic and elemental scale; and that is why the mind of man can never grapple with the unconsciousness of the sea or his eye meet its eye. yet it is the mariner's chief associate, whether as adversary or as ally; his attitude to things outside himself is beyond all doubt influenced by his attitude towards it; and a true comprehension of the man columbus must include a recognition of this constant influence on him, and of whatever effect lifelong association with so profound and mysterious an element may have had on his conduct in the world of men. better than many documents as an aid to our understanding of him would be intimate association with the sea, and prolonged contemplation of that face with which he was so familiar. we can never know the heart of it, but we can at least look upon the face, turned from us though it is, upon which he looked. cloud shadows following a shimmer of sunlit ripples; lines and runes traced on the surface of a blank calm; salt laughter of purple furrows with the foam whipping off them; tides and eddies, whirls, overfalls, ripples, breakers, seas mountains high-they are but movements and changing expressions on an eternal countenance that once held his gaze and wonder, as it will always hold the gaze and wonder of those who follow the sea. so much of the man christopher columbus, who once was and no longer is; perished, to the last bone and fibre of him, off the face of the earth, and living now only by virtue of such truth as there was in him; who once manfully, according to the light that he had, bore christ on his shoulders across stormy seas, and found him often, in that dim light, a heavy and troublesome burden; who dropped light and burden together on the shores of his discovery, and set going in that place of peace such a conflagration as mankind is not likely to see again for many a generation, if indeed ever again, in this much-tortured world, such ancient peace find place. christopher columbus and the new world of his discovery a narrative by filson young to the right hon. sir horace plunkett, k.c.v.o., d.c.l., f.r.s. my dear horace, often while i have been studying the records of colonisation in the new world i have thought of you and your difficult work in ireland; and i have said to myself, "what a time he would have had if he had been viceroy of the indies in 1493!" there, if ever, was the chance for a department such as yours; and there, if anywhere, was the place for the economic man. alas! there war only one of him; william ires or eyre, by name, from the county galway; and though he fertilised the soil he did it with his blood and bones. a wonderful chance; and yet you see what came of it all. it would perhaps be stretching truth too far to say that you are trying to undo some of columbus's work, and to stop up the hole he made in ireland when he found a channel into which so much of what was best in the old country war destined to flow; for you and he have each your places in the great circle of time and compensation, and though you may seem to oppose one another across the centuries you are really answering the same call and working in the same vineyard. for we all set out to discover new worlds; and they are wise who realise early that human nature has roots that spread beneath the ocean bed, that neither latitude nor longitude nor time itself can change it to anything richer or stranger than what it is, and that furrows ploughed in it are furrows ploughed in the sea sand. columbus tried to pour the wine of civilisation into very old bottles; you, more wisely, are trying to pour the old wine of our country into new bottles. yet there is no great unlikeness between the two tasks: it is all a matter of bottling; the vintage is the same, infinite, inexhaustible, and as punctual as the sun and the seasons. it was columbus's weakness as an administrator that he thought the bottle was everything; it is your strength that you care for the vintage, and labour to preserve its flavour and soft fire. yours, filson young. ruan minor, september 1906. preface the writing of historical biography is properly a work of partnership, to which public credit is awarded too often in an inverse proportion to the labours expended. one group of historians, labouring in the obscurest depths, dig and prepare the ground, searching and sifting the documentary soil with infinite labour and over an area immensely wide. they are followed by those scholars and specialists in history who give their lives to the study of a single period, and who sow literature in the furrows of research prepared by those who have preceded them. last of all comes the essayist, or writer pure and simple, who reaps the harvest so laboriously prepared. the material lies all before him; the documents have been arranged, the immense contemporary fields of record and knowledge examined and searched for stray seeds of significance that may have blown over into them; the perspective is cleared for him, the relation of his facts to time and space and the march of human civilisation duly established; he has nothing to do but reap the field of harvest where it suits him, grind it in the wheels of whatever machinery his art is equipped with, and come before the public with the finished product. and invariably in this unequal partnership he reaps most richly who reaps latest. i am far from putting this narrative forward as the fine and ultimate product of all the immense labour and research of the historians of columbus; but i am anxious to excuse myself for my apparent presumption in venturing into a field which might more properly be occupied by the expert historian. it would appear that the double work of acquiring the facts of a piece of human history and of presenting them through the medium of literature can hardly ever be performed by one and the same man. a lifetime must be devoted to the one, a year or two may suffice for the other; and an entirely different set of qualities must be employed in the two tasks. i cannot make it too clear that i make no claim to have added one iota of information or one fragment of original research to the expert knowledge regarding the life of christopher columbus; and when i add that the chief collection of facts and documents relating to the subject, the 'raccolta columbiana,'--[raccolta di documenti e studi publicati dalla r. commissione colombiana, &c. auspice il ministero della publica istruzione. rome, 1892-4.]--is a work consisting of more than thirty folio volumes, the general reader will be the more indulgent to me. but when a purely human interest led me some time ago to look into the literature of columbus, i was amazed to find what seemed to me a striking disproportion between the extent of the modern historians' work on that subject and the knowledge or interest in it displayed by what we call the general reading public. i am surprised to find how many well-informed people there are whose knowledge of columbus is comprised within two beliefs, one of them erroneous and the other doubtful: that he discovered america, and performed a trick with an egg. americans, i think, are a little better informed on the subject than the english; perhaps because the greater part of modern critical research on the subject of columbus has been the work of americans. it is to bridge the immense gap existing between the labours of the historians and the indifference of the modern reader, between the raccolta columbiana, in fact, and the story of the egg, that i have written my narrative. it is customary and proper to preface a work which is based entirely on the labours of other people with an acknowledgment of the sources whence it is drawn; and yet in the case of columbus i do not know where to begin. in one way i am indebted to every serious writer who has even remotely concerned himself with the subject, from columbus himself and las casas down to the editors of the raccolta. the chain of historians has been so unbroken, the apostolic succession, so to speak, has passed with its heritage so intact from generation to generation, that the latest historian enshrines in his work the labours of all the rest. yet there are necessarily some men whose work stands out as being more immediately seizable than that of others; in the period of whose care the lamp of inspiration has seemed to burn more brightly. in a matter of this kind i cannot pretend to be a judge, but only to state my own experience and indebtedness; and in my work i have been chiefly helped by las casas, indirectly of course by ferdinand columbus, herrera, oviedo, bernaldez, navarrete, asensio, mr. payne, mr. harrisse, mr. vignaud, mr. winsor, mr. thacher, sir clements markham, professor de lollis, and s. salvagnini. it is thus not among the dusty archives of seville, genoa, or san domingo that i have searched, but in the archive formed by the writings of modern workers. to have myself gone back to original sources, even if i had been competent to do so, would have been in the case of columbian research but a waste of time and a doing over again what has been done already with patience, diligence, and knowledge. the historians have been committed to the austere task of finding out and examining every fact and document in connection with their subject; and many of these facts and documents are entirely without human interest except in so far as they help to establish a date, a name, or a sum of money. it has been my agreeable and lighter task to test and assay the masses of bed-rock fact thus excavated by the historians for traces of the particular ore which i have been seeking. in fact i have tried to discover, from a reverent examination of all these monographs, essays, histories, memoirs, and controversies concerning what christopher columbus did, what christopher columbus was; believing as i do that any labour by which he can be made to live again, and from the dust of more than four hundred years be brought visibly to the mind's eye, will not be entirely without use and interest. whether i have succeeded in doing so or not i cannot be the judge; i can only say that the labour of resuscitating a man so long buried beneath mountains of untruth and controversy has some times been so formidable as to have seemed hopeless. and yet one is always tempted back by the knowledge that christopher columbus is not only a name, but that the human being whom we so describe did actually once live and walk in the world; did actually sail and look upon seas where we may also sail and look; did stir with his feet the indestructible dust of this old earth, and centre in himself, as we all do, the whole interest and meaning of the universe. truly the most commonplace fact, yet none the less amazing; and often when in the dust of documents he has seemed most dead and unreal to me i have found courage from the entertainment of some deep or absurd reflection; such as that he did once undoubtedly, like other mortals, blink and cough and blow his nose. and if my readers could realise that fact throughout every page of this book, i should say that i had succeeded in my task. to be more particular in my acknowledgments. in common with every modern writer on columbus--and modern research on the history of columbus is only thirty years old--i owe to the labours of mr. henry harrisse, the chief of modern columbian historians, the indebtedness of the gold-miner to the gold-mine. in the matters of the toscanelli correspondence and the early years of columbus i have followed more closely mr. henry vignaud, whose work may be regarded as a continuation and reexamination --in some cases destructive--of that of mr. harrisse. mr. vignaud's work is happily not yet completed; we all look forward eagerly to the completion of that part of his 'etudes critiques' dealing with the second half of the admiral's life; and mr. vignaud seems to me to stand higher than all modern workers in this field in the patient and fearless discovery of the truth regarding certain very controversial matters, and also in ability to give a sound and reasonable interpretation to those obscurer facts or deductions in columbus's life that seem doomed never to be settled by the aid of documents alone. it may be unseemly in me not to acknowledge indebtedness to washington irving, but i cannot conscientiously do so. if i had been writing ten or fifteen years ago i might have taken his work seriously; but it is impossible that anything so one-sided, so inaccurate, so untrue to life, and so profoundly dull could continue to exist save in the absence of any critical knowledge or light on the subject. all that can be said for him is that he kept the lamp of interest in columbus alive for english readers during the period that preceded the advent of modern critical research. mr. major's edition' of columbus's letters has been freely consulted by me, as it must be by any one interested in the subject. professor justin winsor's work has provided an invaluable store of ripe scholarship in matters of cosmography and geographical detail; sir clements markham's book, by far the most trustworthy of modern english works on the subject, and a valuable record of the established facts in columbus's life, has proved a sound guide in nautical matters; while the monograph of mr. elton, which apparently did not promise much at first, since the author has followed some untrustworthy leaders as regards his facts, proved to be full of a fragrant charm produced by the writer's knowledge of and interest in sub-tropical vegetation; and it is delightfully filled with the names of gums and spices. to mr. vignaud i owe special thanks, not only for the benefits of his research and of his admirable works on columbus, but also for personal help and encouragement. equally cordial thanks are due to mr. john boyd thacher, whose work, giving as it does so large a selection of the columbus documents both in facsimile, transliteration, and translation, is of the greatest service to every english writer on the subject of columbus. it is the more to be regretted, since the documentary part of mr. thacher's work is so excellent, that in his critical studies he should have seemed to ignore some of the more important results of modern research. i am further particularly indebted to mr. thacher and to his publishers, messrs. putnam's sons, for permission to reproduce certain illustrations in his work, and to avail myself also of his copies and translations of original spanish and italian documents. i have to thank commendatore guido biagi, the keeper of the laurentian library in florence, for his very kind help and letters of introduction to italian librarians; mr. raymond beazley, of merton college, oxford, for his most helpful correspondence; and lord dunraven for so kindly bringing, in the interests of my readers, his practical knowledge of navigation and seamanship to bear on the first voyage of columbus. finally my work has been helped and made possible by many intimate and personal kindnesses which, although they are not specified, are not the less deeply acknowledged. september 1906. contents the inner light i the stream of the world ii the home in genoa iii young christopher iv domenico v sea thoughts vi in portugal vii adventures bodily and spiritual viii the fire kindles ix wanderings with an idea x our lady of la rabida xi the consent of spain xii the preparations at palos xiii events of the first voyage xiv landfall the new world i the enchanted islands ii the earthly paradise iii the voyage home iv the hour of triumph v great expectations vi the second voyage vii the earthly paradise revisited desperate remedies i the voyage to cuba ii the conquest of espanola iii ups and downs iv in spain again v the third voyage vi an interlude vii the third voyage (continued) towards the sunset i degradation ii crisis in the admiral's life iii the last voyage iv heroic adventures by land and sea v the eclipse of the moon vi relief of the admiral vii the heritage of hatred viii the admiral comes home ix the last days x the man columbus thy way is the sea, and thy path in the great waters, and thy footsteps are not known. the inner light book i. chapter i the stream of the world a man standing on the sea-shore is perhaps as ancient and as primitive a symbol of wonder as the mind can conceive. beneath his feet are the stones and grasses of an element that is his own, natural to him, in some degree belonging to him, at any rate accepted by him. he has place and condition there. above him arches a world of immense void, fleecy sailing clouds, infinite clear blueness, shapes that change and dissolve; his day comes out of it, his source of light and warmth marches across it, night falls from it; showers and dews also, and the quiet influence of stars. strange that impalpable element must be, and for ever unattainable by him; yet with its gifts of sun and shower, its furniture of winged life that inhabits also on the friendly soil, it has links and partnerships with life as he knows it and is a complement of earthly conditions. but at his feet there lies the fringe of another element, another condition, of a vaster and more simple unity than earth or air, which the primitive man of our picture knows to be not his at all. it is fluent and unstable, yet to be touched and felt; it rises and falls, moves and frets about his very feet, as though it had a life and entity of its own, and was engaged upon some mysterious business. unlike the silent earth and the dreaming clouds it has a voice that fills his world and, now low, now loud, echoes throughout his waking and sleeping life. earth with her sprouting fruits behind and beneath him; sky, and larks singing, above him; before him, an eternal alien, the sea: he stands there upon the shore, arrested, wondering. he lives,--this man of our figure; he proceeds, as all must proceed, with the task and burden of life. one by one its miracles are unfolded to him; miracles of fire and cold, and pain and pleasure; the seizure of love, the terrible magic of reproduction, the sad miracle of death. he fights and lusts and endures; and, no more troubled by any wonder, sleeps at last. but throughout the days of his life, in the very act of his rude existence, this great tumultuous presence of the sea troubles and overbears him. sometimes in its bellowing rage it terrifies him, sometimes in its tranquillity it allures him; but whatever he is doing, grubbing for roots, chipping experimentally with bones and stones, he has an eye upon it; and in his passage by the shore he pauses, looks, and wonders. his eye is led from the crumbling snow at his feet, past the clear green of the shallows, beyond the furrows of the nearer waves, to the calm blue of the distance; and in his glance there shines again that wonder, as in his breast stirs the vague longing and unrest that is the life-force of the world. what is there beyond? it is the eternal question asked by the finite of the infinite, by the mortal of the immortal; answer to it there is none save in the unending preoccupation of life and labour. and if this old question was in truth first asked upon the sea-shore, it was asked most often and with the most painful wonder upon western shores, whence the journeying sun was seen to go down and quench himself in the sea. the generations that followed our primitive man grew fast in knowledge, and perhaps for a time wondered the less as they knew the more; but we may be sure they never ceased to wonder at what might lie beyond the sea. how much more must they have wondered if they looked west upon the waters, and saw the sun of each succeeding day sink upon a couch of glory where they could not follow? all pain aspires to oblivion, all toil to rest, all troubled discontent with what is present to what is unfamiliar and far away; and no power of knowledge and scientific fact will ever prevent human unhappiness from reaching out towards some land of dreams of which the burning brightness of a sea sunset is an image. is it very hard to believe, then, that in that yearning towards the miracle of a sun quenched in sea distance, felt and felt again in human hearts through countless generations, the westward stream of human activity on this planet had its rise? is it unreasonable to picture, on an earth spinning eastward, a treadmill rush of feet to follow the sinking light? the history of man's life in this world does not, at any rate, contradict us. wisdom, discovery, art, commerce, science, civilisation have all moved west across our world; have all in their cycles followed the sun; have all, in their day of power, risen in the east and set in the west. this stream of life has grown in force and volume with the passage of ages. it has always set from shore to sea in countless currents of adventure and speculation; but it has set most strongly from east to west. on its broad bosom the seeds of life and knowledge have been carried throughout the world. it brought the people of tyre and carthage to the coasts and oceans of distant worlds; it carried the english from jutland across cold and stormy waters to the islands of their conquest; it carried the romans across half the world; it bore the civilisation of the far east to new life and virgin western soils; it carried the new west to the old east, and is in our day bringing back again the new east to the old west. religions, arts, tradings, philosophies, vices and laws have been borne, a strange flotsam, upon its unchanging flood. it has had its springs and neaps, its trembling high-water marks, its hour of affluence, when the world has been flooded with golden humanity; its ebb and effluence also, when it has seemed to shrink and desert the kingdoms set upon its shores. the fifteenth century in western europe found it at a pause in its movements: it had brought the trade and the learning of the east to the verge of the old world, filling the harbours of the mediterranean with ships and the monasteries of italy and spain with wisdom; and in the subsequent and punctual decadence that followed this flood, there gathered in the returning tide a greater energy and volume which was to carry the old world bodily across the ocean. and yet, for all their wisdom and power, the spanish and portuguese were still in the attitude of our primitive man, standing on the sea-shore and looking out in wonder across the sea. the flood of the life-stream began to set again, and little by little to rise and inundate western europe, floating off the galleys and caravels of king alphonso of portugal, and sending them to feel their way along the coasts of africa; a little later drawing the mind of prince henry the navigator to devote his life to the conquest and possession of the unknown. in his great castle on the promontory of sagres, with the voice of the atlantic thundering in his ears, and its mists and sprays bounding his vision, he felt the full force of the stream, and stretched his arms to the mysterious west. but the inner light was not yet so brightly kindled that he dared to follow his heart; his ships went south and south again, to brave on each voyage the dangers and terrors that lay along the unknown african coast, until at length his captains saw the cape of good hope. south and west and east were in those days confusing terms; for it was the east that men were thinking of when they set their faces to the setting sun, and it was a new road to the east that they sought when they felt their way southward along the edge of the world. but the rising tide of discovery was working in that moment, engaging the brains of innumerable sages, stirring the wonder of innumerable mariners; reaching also, little by little, to quarters less immediately concerned with the business of discovery. ships carried the strange tidings of new coasts and new islands from port to port throughout the mediterranean; venetians on the lagoons, ligurians on the busy trading wharves of genoa, were discussing the great subject; and as the tide rose and spread, it floated one ship of life after another that was destined for the great business of adventure. some it inspired to dream and speculate, and to do no more than that; many a heart also to brave efforts and determinations that were doomed to come to nothing and to end only in failure. and among others who felt the force and was swayed and lifted by the prevailing influence, there lived, some four and a half centuries ago, a little boy playing about the wharves of genoa, well known to his companions as christoforo, son of domenico the wool-weaver, who lived in the vico dritto di ponticello. chapter ii the home in genoa it is often hard to know how far back we should go in the ancestry of a man whose life and character we are trying to reconstruct. the life that is in him is not his own, but is mysteriously transmitted through the life of his parents; to the common stock of his family, flesh of their flesh, bone of their bone, character of their character, he has but added his own personality. however far back we go in his ancestry, there is something of him to be traced, could we but trace it; and although it soon becomes so widely scattered that no separate fraction of it seems to be recognisable, we know that, generations back, we may come upon some sympathetic fact, some reservoir of the essence that was him, in which we can find the source of many of his actions, and the clue, perhaps, to his character. in the case of columbus we are spared this dilemma. the past is reticent enough about the man himself; and about his ancestors it is almost silent. we know that he had a father and grandfather, as all grandsons of adam have had; but we can be certain of very little more than that. he came of a race of italian yeomen inhabiting the apennine valleys; and in the vale of fontanabuona, that runs up into the hills behind genoa, the two streams of family from which he sprang were united. his father from one hamlet, his mother from another; the towering hills behind, the mediterranean shining in front; love and marriage in the valley; and a little boy to come of it whose doings were to shake the world. his family tree begins for us with his grandfather, giovanni colombo of terra-rossa, one of the hamlets in the valley--concerning whom many human facts may be inferred, but only three are certainly known; that he lived, begot children, and died. lived, first at terra rossa, and afterwards upon the sea-shore at quinto; begot children in number three--antonio, battestina, and domenico, the father of our christopher; and died, because one of the two facts in his history is that in the year 1444 he was not alive, being referred to in a legal document as quondam, or, as we should say, "the late." of his wife, christopher's grandmother, since she never bought or sold or witnessed anything requiring the record of legal document, history speaks no word; although doubtless some pleasant and picturesque old lady, or lady other than pleasant and picturesque, had place in the experience or imagination of young christopher. of the pair, old quondam giovanni alone survives the obliterating drift of generations, which the shores and brown slopes of quinto al mare, where he sat in the sun and looked about him, have also survived. doubtless old quondam could have told us many things about domenico, and his over-sanguine buyings and sellings; have perhaps told us something about christopher's environment, and cleared up our doubts concerning his first home; but he does not. he will sit in the sun there at quinto, and sip his wine, and say his hail marys, and watch the sails of the feluccas leaning over the blue floor of the mediterranean as long as you please; but of information about son or family, not a word. he is content to have survived, and triumphantly twinkles his two dates at us across the night of time. 1440, alive; 1444, not alive any longer: and so hail and farewell, grandfather john. of antonio and battestina, the uncle and aunt of columbus, we know next to nothing. uncle antonio inherited the estate of terra-rossa, aunt battestina was married in the valley; and so no more of either of them; except that antonio, who also married, had sons, cousins of columbus, who in after years, when he became famous, made themselves unpleasant, as poor relations will, by recalling themselves to his remembrance and suggesting that something might be done for them. i have a belief, supported by no historical fact or document, that between the families of domenico and antonio there was a mild cousinly feud. i believe they did not like each other. domenico, as we shall see presently, was sanguine and venturesome, a great buyer and seller, a maker of bargains in which he generally came off second best. antonio, who settled in terra-rossa, the paternal property, doubtless looked askance at these enterprises from his vantage-ground of a settled income; doubtless also, on the occasion of visits exchanged between the two families, he would comment upon the unfortunate enterprises of his brother; and as the children of both brothers grew up, they would inherit and exaggerate, as children will, this settled difference between their respective parents. this, of course, may be entirely untrue, but i think it possible, and even likely; for columbus in after life displayed a very tender regard for members of his family, but never to our knowledge makes any reference to these cousins of his, till they send emissaries to him in his hour of triumph. at any rate, among the influences that surrounded him at genoa we may reckon this uncle and aunt and their children--dim ghosts to us, but to him real people, who walked and spoke, and blinked their eyes and moved their limbs, like the men and women of our own time. less of a ghost to us, though still a very shadowy and doubtful figure, is domenico himself, christopher's father. he at least is a man in whom we can feel a warm interest, as the one who actually begat and reared the man of our story. we shall see him later, and chiefly in difficulties; executing deeds and leases, and striking a great variety of legal attitudes, to the witnessing of which various members of his family were called in. little enough good did they to him at the time, poor domenico; but he was a benefactor to posterity without knowing it, and in these grave notarial documents preserved almost the only evidence that we have as to the early days of his illustrious son. a kind, sanguine man, this domenico, who, if he failed to make a good deal of money in his various enterprises, at least had some enjoyment of them, as the man who buys and sells and strikes legal attitudes in every age desires and has. he was a wool-carder by trade, but that was not enough for him; he must buy little bits of estates here and there; must even keep a tavern, where he and his wife could entertain the foreign sailors and hear the news of the world; where also, although perhaps they did not guess it, a sharp pair of ears were also listening, and a pair of round eyes gazing, and an inquisitive face set in astonishment at the strange tales that went about. there is one fragment of fact about this domenico that greatly enlarges our knowledge of him. he was a wool-weaver, as we know; he also kept a tavern, and no doubt justified the adventure on the plea that it would bring him customers for his woollen cloth; for your buyer and seller never lacks a reason either for his selling or buying. presently he is buying again; this time, still with striking of legal attitudes, calling together of relations, and accompaniments of crabbed latin notarial documents, a piece of ground in the suburbs of genoa, consisting of scrub and undergrowth, which cannot have been of any earthly use to him. but also, according to the documents, there went some old wine-vats with the land. domenico, taking a walk after mass on some feast-day, sees the land and the wine-vats; thinks dimly but hopefully how old wine-vats, if of no use to any other human creature, should at least be of use to a tavern-keeper; hurries back, overpowers the perfunctory objections of his complaisant wife, and on the morrow of the feast is off to the notary's office. we may be sure the wine-vats lay and rotted there, and furnished no monetary profit to the wool-weaving tavern-keeper; but doubtless they furnished him a rich profit of another kind when he walked about his newly-acquired property, and explained what he was going to do with the wine-vats. and besides the weaving of wool and pouring of wine and buying and selling of land, there were more human occupations, which domenico was not the man to neglect. he had married, about the year 1450, one susanna, a daughter of giacomo of fontana-rossa, a silk weaver who lived in the hamlet near to terra-rossa. domenico's father was of the more consequence of the two, for he had, as well as his home in the valley, a house at quinto, where he probably kept a felucca for purposes of trade with alexandria and the islands. perhaps the young people were married at quinto, but if so they did not live there long, moving soon into genoa, where domenico could more conveniently work at his trade. the wool-weavers at that time lived in a quarter outside the old city walls, between them and the outer borders of the city, which is now occupied by the park and public gardens. here they had their dwellings and workshops, their schools and institutions, receiving every protection and encouragement from the signoria, who recognised the importance of the wool trade and its allied industries to genoa. cloth-weavers, blanket-makers, silk-weavers, and velvet-makers all lived in this quarter, and held their houses under the neighbouring abbey of san stefano. there are two houses mentioned in documents which seem to have been in the possession of domenico at different times. one was in the suburbs outside the olive gate; the other was farther in, by st. andrew's gate, and quite near to the sea. the house outside the olive gate has disappeared; and it was probably here that our christopher first saw the light, and pleased domenico's heart with his little cries and struggles. neither the day nor even the year is certainly known, but there is most reason to believe that it was in the year 1451. they must have moved soon afterwards to the house in the vico dritto di ponticello, no. 37, in which most of christopher's childhood was certainly passed. this is a house close to st. andrew's gate, which gate still stands in a beautiful and ruinous condition. from the new part of genoa, and from the via xx settembre, you turn into the little piazza di ponticello just opposite the church of san stefano. in a moment you are in old genoa, which is to-day in appearance virtually the same as the place in which christopher and his little brothers and sisters made the first steps of their pilgrimage through this world. if the italian, sun has been shining fiercely upon you, in the great modern thoroughfare, you will turn into this quarter of narrow streets and high houses with grateful relief. the past seems to meet you there; and from the piazza, gay with its little provision-shops and fruit stalls, you walk up the slope of the vico dritto di ponticello, leaving the sunlight behind you, and entering the narrow street like a traveller entering a mountain gorge. it is a very curious street this; i suppose there is no street in the world that has more character. genoa invented sky-scrapers long before columbus had discovered america, or america had invented steel frames for high building; but although many of the houses in the vico dritto di ponticello are seven and eight storeys high, the width of the street from house-wall to house-wall does not average more than nine feet. the street is not straight, moreover; it winds a little in its ascent to the old city wall and st. andrew's gate, so that you do not even see the sky much as you look forward and upwards. the jutting cornices of the roofs, often beautifully decorated, come together in a medley of angles and corners that practically roof the street over; and only here and there do you see a triangle or a parallelogram of the vivid brilliant blue that is the sky. besides being seven or eight storeys high, the houses are the narrowest in the world; i should think that their average width on the street front is ten feet. so as you walk up this street where young christopher lived you must think of it in these three dimensions towering slices of houses, ten or twelve feet in width: a street often not more than eight and seldom more than fifteen feet in width; and the walls of the houses themselves, painted in every colour, green and pink and grey and white, and trellised with the inevitable green window-shutters of the south, standing like cliffs on each side of you seven or eight rooms high. there being so little horizontal space for the people to live there, what little there is is most economically used; and all across the tops of the houses, high above your head, the cliffs are joined by wires and clothes-lines from which thousands of brightly-dyed garments are always hanging and fluttering; higher still, where the top storeys of the houses become merged in roof, there are little patches of garden and greenery, where geraniums and delicious tangling creepers uphold thus high above the ground the fertile tradition of earth. you walk slowly up the paved street. one of its characteristics, which it shares with the old streets of most italian towns, is that it is only used by foot-passengers, being of course too narrow for wheels; and it is paved across with flagstones from door to door, so that the feet and the voices echo pleasantly in it, and make a music of their own. without exception the ground floor of every house is a shop--the gayest, busiest most industrious little shops in the world. there are shops for provisions, where the delightful macaroni lies in its various bins, and all kinds of frugal and nourishing foods are offered for sale. there are shops for clothes and dyed finery; there are shops for boots, where boots hang in festoons like onions outside the window--i have never seen so many boot-shops at once in my life as i saw in the streets surrounding the house of columbus. and every shop that is not a provision-shop or a clothes-shop or a boot-shop, is a wine-shop--or at least you would think so, until you remember, after you have walked through the street, what a lot of other kinds of shops you have seen on your way. there are shops for newspapers and tobacco, for cheap jewellery, for brushes, for chairs and tables and articles of wood; there are shops with great stacks and piles of crockery; there are shops for cheese and butter and milk--indeed from this one little street in genoa you could supply every necessary and every luxury of a humble life. as you still go up, the street takes a slight bend; and immediately before you, you see it spanned by the lofty crumbled arch of st. andrew's gate, with its two mighty towers one on each side. just as you see it you are at columbus's house. the number is thirty-seven; it is like any of the other houses, tall and narrow; and there is a slab built into the wall above the first storey, on which is written this inscription:- nvlla domvs titvlo dignior heic paternis in aedibv christophorvs colvmbvs pveritiam primamqve ivventam transegit you stop and look at it; and presently you become conscious of a difference between it and all the other houses. they are all alert, busy, noisy, crowded with life in every storey, oozing vitality from every window; but of all the narrow vertical strips that make up the houses of the street, this strip numbered thirty-seven is empty, silent, and dead. the shutters veil its windows; within it is dark, empty of furniture, and inhabited only by a memory and a spirit. it is a strange place in which to stand and to think of all that has happened since the man of our thoughts looked forth from these windows, a common little boy. the world is very much alive in the vico dritto di ponticello; the little freshet of life that flows there flows loud and incessant; and yet into what oceans of death and silence has it not poured since it carried forth christopher on its stream! one thinks of the continent of that new world that he discovered, and all the teeming millions of human lives that have sprung up and died down, and sprung up again, and spread and increased there; all the ploughs that have driven into its soil, the harvests that have ripened, the waving acres and miles of grain that have answered the call of spring and autumn since first the bow of his boat grated on the shore of guanahani. and yet of the two scenes this narrow shuttered house in a bye-street of genoa is at once the more wonderful and more credible; for it contains the elements of the other. walls and floors and a roof, a place to eat and sleep in, a place to work and found a family, and give tangible environment to a human soul--there is all human enterprise and discovery, effort, adventure, and life in that. if christopher wanted to go down to the sea he would have to pass under the gate of st. andrew, with the old prison, now pulled down to make room for the modern buildings, on his right, and go down the salita del prione, which is a continuation of the vico dritto di ponticello. it slopes downwards from the gate as the first street sloped upwards to it; and it contains the same assortment of shops and of houses, the same mixture of handicrafts and industries, as were seen in the vico dritto di ponticello. presently he would come to the piazza dell' erbe, where there is no grass, but only a pleasant circle of little houses and shops, with already a smack of the sea in them, chiefly suggested by the shops of instrument-makers, where to-day there are compasses and sextants and chronometers. out of the piazza you come down the via di san donato and into the piazza of that name, where for over nine centuries the church of san donato has faced the sun and the weather. from there christopher's young feet would follow the winding via di san bernato, a street also inhabited by craftsmen and workers in wood and metal; and at the last turn of it, a gash of blue between the two cliffwalls of houses, you see the mediterranean. here, then, between the narrow little house by the gate and the clamour and business of the sea-front, our christopher's feet carried him daily during some part of his childish life. what else he did, what he thought and felt, what little reflections he had, are but matters of conjecture. genoa will tell you nothing more. you may walk over the very spot where he was born; you may unconsciously tread in the track of his vanished feet; you may wander about the wharves of the city, and see the ships loading and unloading--different ships, but still trafficking in commodities not greatly different from those of his day; you may climb the heights behind genoa, and look out upon the great curving gulf from porto fino to where the cape of the western riviera dips into the sea; you may walk along the coast to savona, where domenico had one of his many habitations, where he kept the tavern, and whither christopher's young feet must also have walked; and you may come back and search again in the harbour, from the old mole and the bank of st. george to where the port and quays stretch away to the medley of sailing-ships and steamers; but you will not find any sign or trace of christopher. no echo of the little voice that shrilled in the narrow street sounds in the vico dritto; the houses stand gaunt and straight, with a brilliant strip of blue sky between their roofs and the cool street beneath; but they give you nothing of what you seek. if you see a little figure running towards you in a blue smock, the head fair-haired, the face blue-eyed and a little freckled with the strong sunshine, it is not a real figure; it is a child of your dreams and a ghost of the past. you may chase him while he runs about the wharves and stumbles over the ropes, but you will never catch him. he runs before you, zigzagging over the cobbles, up the sunny street, into the narrow house; out again, running now towards the duomo, hiding in the porch of san stefano, where the weavers held their meetings; back again along the wharves; surely he is hiding behind that mooring-post! but you look, and he is not there--nothing but the old harbour dust that the wind stirs into a little eddy while you look. for he belongs not to you or me, this child; he is not yet enslaved to the great purpose, not yet caught up into the machinery of life. his eye has not yet caught the fire of the sun setting on a western sea; he is still free and happy, and belongs only to those who love him. father and mother, brothers bartolomeo and giacomo, sister biancinetta, aunts, uncles, and cousins possibly, and possibly for a little while an old grandmother at quinto--these were the people to whom that child belonged. the little life of his first decade, unviolated by documents or history, lives happily in our dreams, as blank as sunshine. chapter iii young christopher christopher was fourteen years old when he first went to sea. that is his own statement, and it is one of the few of his autobiographical utterances that we need not doubt. from it, and from a knowledge of certain other dates, we are able to construct some vague picture of his doings before he left italy and settled in portugal. already in his young heart he was feeling the influence that was to direct and shape his destiny; already, towards his home in genoa, long ripples from the commotion of maritime adventure in the west were beginning to spread. at the age of ten he was apprenticed to his father, who undertook, according to the indentures, to provide him with board and lodging, a blue gabardine and a pair of good shoes, and various other matters in return for his service. but there is no reason to suppose that he ever occupied himself very much with wool-weaving. he had a vocation quite other than that, and if he ever did make any cloth there must have been some strange thoughts and imaginings woven into it, as he plied the shuttle. most of his biographers, relying upon a doubtful statement in the life of him written by his son ferdinand, would have us send him at the age of twelve to the distant university of pavia, there, poor mite, to sit at the feet of learned professors studying latin, mathematics, and cosmography; but fortunately it is not necessary to believe so improbable a statement. what is much more likely about his education--for education he had, although not of the superior kind with which he has been credited--is that in the blank, sunny time of his childhood he was sent to one of the excellent schools established by the weavers in their own quarter, and that there or afterwards he came under some influence, both religious and learned, which stamped him the practical visionary that he remained throughout his life. thereafter, between his sea voyagings and expeditions about the mediterranean coasts, he no doubt acquired knowledge in the only really practical way that it can be acquired; that is to say, he received it as and when he needed it. what we know is that he had in later life some knowledge of the works of aristotle, julius caesar, seneca, pliny, and ptolemy; of ahmet-ben-kothair the arabic astronomer, rochid the arabian, and the rabbi samuel the jew; of isadore the spaniard, and bede and scotus the britons; of strabo the german, gerson the frenchman, and nicolaus de lira the italian. these names cover a wide range, but they do not imply university education. some of them merely suggest acquaintance with the 'imago mundi'; others imply that selective faculty, the power of choosing what can help a man's purpose and of rejecting what is useless to it, that is one of the marks of genius, and an outward sign of the inner light. we must think of him, then, at school in genoa, grinding out the tasks that are the common heritage of all small boys; working a little at the weaving, interestedly enough at first, no doubt, while the importance of having a loom appealed to him, but also no doubt rapidly cooling off in his enthusiasm as the pastime became a task, and the restriction of indoor life began to be felt. for if ever there was a little boy who loved to idle about the wharves and docks, here was that little boy. it was here, while he wandered about the crowded quays and listened to the medley of talk among the foreign sailors, and looked beyond the masts of the ships into the blue distance of the sea, that the desire to wander and go abroad upon the face of the waters must first have stirred in his heart. the wharves of genoa in those days combined in themselves all the richness of romance and adventure, buccaneering, trading, and treasure-snatching, that has ever crowded the pages of romance. there were galleys and caravels, barques and feluccas, pinnaces and caraccas. there were slaves in the galleys, and bowmen to keep the slaves in subjection. there were dark-bearded spaniards, fair-haired englishmen; there were greeks, and indians, and portuguese. the bales of goods on the harbour-side were eloquent of distant lands, and furnished object lessons in the only geography that young christopher was likely to be learning. there was cotton from egypt, and tin and lead from southampton. there were butts of malmsey from candia; aloes and cassia and spices from socotra; rhubarb from persia; silk from india; wool from damascus, raw wool also from calais and norwich. no wonder if the little house in the vico dritto di ponticello became too narrow for the boy; and no wonder that at the age of fourteen he was able to have his way, and go to sea. one can imagine him gradually acquiring an influence over his father, domenico, as his will grew stronger and firmer--he with one grand object in life, domenico with none; he with a single clear purpose, and domenico with innumerable cloudy ones. and so, on some day in the distant past, there were farewells and anxious hearts in the weaver's house, and christopher, member of the crew of some trading caravel or felucca, a diminishing object to the wet eyes of his mother, sailed away, and faded into the blue distance. they had lost him, although perhaps they did not realise it; from the moment of his first voyage the sea claimed him as her own. widening horizons, slatting of cords and sails in the wind, storms and stars and strange landfalls and long idle calms, thunder of surges, tingle of spray, and eternal labouring and threshing and cleaving of infinite waters--these were to be his portion and true home hereafter. attendances at court, conferences with learned monks and bishops, sojourns on lonely islands, love under stars in the gay, sun-smitten spanish towns, governings and parleyings in distant, undreamed-of lands --these were to be but incidents in his true life, which was to be fulfilled in the solitude of sea watches. when he left his home on this first voyage, he took with him one other thing besides the restless longing to escape beyond the line of sea and sky. let us mark well this possession of his, for it was his companion and guiding-star throughout a long and difficult life, his chart and compass, astrolabe and anchor, in one. religion has in our days fallen into decay among men of intellect and achievement. the world has thrown it, like a worn garment or an old skin, from off its body, the thing itself being no longer real and alive, and in harmony with the life of an age that struggles towards a different kind of truth. it is hard, therefore, for us to understand exactly how the religion of columbus entered so deeply into his life and brooded so widely over his thoughts. hardest of all is it for people whose only experience of religion is of puritan inheritance to comprehend how, in the fifteenth century, the strong intellect was strengthened, and the stout heart fortified, by the thought of hosts of saints and angels hovering above a man's incomings and outgoings to guide and protect him. yet in an age that really had the gift of faith, in which religion was real and vital, and part of the business of every man's daily life; in which it stood honoured in the world, loaded with riches, crowned with learning, wielding government both temporal and spiritual, it was a very brave panoply for the soul of man. the little boy in genoa, with the fair hair and blue eyes and grave freckled face that made him remarkable among his dark companions, had no doubt early received and accepted the vast mysteries of the christian faith; and as that other mystery began to grow in his mind, and that idea of worlds that might lie beyond the sea-line began to take shape in his thoughts, he found in the holy wisdom of the prophets, and the inspired writings of the fathers, a continual confirmation of his faith. the full conviction of these things belongs to a later period of his life; but probably, during his first voyagings in the mediterranean, there hung in his mind echoes of psalms and prophecies that had to do with things beyond the world of his vision and experience. the sun, whose going forth is to the end of heaven, his circuit back to the end of it, and from whose heat there is nothing hid; the truth, holy and prevailing, that knows no speech nor language where its voice is not heard; the great and wide sea, with its creeping things innumerable, and beasts small and great--no wonder if these things impressed him, and if gradually, as his way fell clearer before him, and the inner light began to shine more steadily, he came to believe that he had a special mission to carry the torch of the faith across the sea of darkness, and be himself the bearer of a truth that was to go through all the earth, and of words that were to travel to the world's end. in this faith, then, and with this equipment, and about the year 1465, christopher columbus began his sea travels. his voyages would be doubtless at first much along the coasts, and across to alexandria and the islands. there would be returnings to genoa, and glad welcomings by the little household in the narrow street; in 1472 and 1473 he was with his father at savona, helping with the wool-weaving and tavern-keeping; possibly also there were interviews with benincasa, who was at that time living in genoa, and making his famous sea-charts. perhaps it was in his studio that christopher first saw a chart, and first fell in love with the magic that can transfer the shapes of oceans and continents to a piece of paper. then he would be off again in another ship, to the golden horn perhaps, or the black sea, for the genoese had a great crimean trade. this is all conjecture, but very reasonable conjecture; what we know for a fact is that he saw the white gum drawn from the lentiscus shrubs in chio at the time of their flowering; that fragrant memory is preserved long afterwards in his own writings, evoked by some incident in the newly-discovered islands of the west. there are vague rumours and stories of his having been engaged in various expeditions --among them one fitted out in genoa by john of anjou to recover the kingdom of naples for king rene of provence; but there is no reason to believe these rumours: good reason to disbelieve them, rather. the lives that the sea absorbs are passed in a great variety of adventure and experience, but so far as the world is concerned they are passed in a profound obscurity; and we need not wonder that of all the mariners who used those seas, and passed up and down, and held their course by the stars, and reefed their sails before the sudden squalls that came down from the mountains, and shook them out again in the calm sunshine that followed, there is no record of the one among their number who was afterwards to reef and steer and hold his course to such mighty purpose. for this period, then, we must leave him to the sea, and to the vast anonymity of sea life. chapter iv domenico christopher is gone, vanished over that blue horizon; and the tale of life in genoa goes on without him very much as before, except that domenico has one apprentice less, and, a matter becoming of some importance in the narrow condition of his finances, one boy less to feed and clothe. for good domenico, alas! is no economist. those hardy adventures of his in the buying and selling line do not prosper him; the tavern does not pay; perhaps the tavern-keeper is too hospitable; at any rate, things are not going well. and yet domenico had a good start; as his brother antonio has doubtless often told him, he had the best of old giovanni's inheritance; he had the property at quinto, and other property at ginestreto, and some ground rents at pradella; a tavern at savona, a shop there and at genoa--really, domenico has no excuse for his difficulties. in 1445 he was selling land at quinto, presumably with the consent of old giovanni, if he was still alive; and if he was not living, then immediately after his death, in the first pride of possession. in 1450 he bought a pleasant house at quarto, a village on the sea-shore about a mile to the west of quinto and about five miles to the east of genoa. it was probably a pure speculation, as he immediately leased the house for two years, and never lived in it himself, although it was a pleasant place, with an orchard of olives and figs and various other trees--'arboratum olivis ficubus et aliis diversis arboribus'. his next recorded transaction is in 1466, when he went security for a friend, doubtless with disastrous results. in 1473 he sold the house at the olive gate, that suburban dwelling where probably christopher was born, and in 1474 he invested the proceeds of that sale in a piece of land which i have referred to before, situated in the suburbs of savona, with which were sold those agreeable and useless wine-vats. domenico was living at savona then, and the property which he so fatuously acquired consisted of two large pieces of land on the via valcalda, containing a few vines, a plantation of fruit-trees, and a large area of shrub and underwood. the price, however, was never paid in full, and was the cause of a lawsuit which dragged on for forty years, and was finally settled by don diego columbus, christopher's son, who sent a special authority from hispaniola. owing, no doubt, to the difficulties that this un fortunate purchase plunged him into, domenico was obliged to mortgage his house at st. andrew's gate in the year 1477; and in 1489 he finally gave it up to jacob baverelus, the cheese-monger, his son-in-law. susanna, who had been the witness of his melancholy transactions for so many years, and possibly the mainstay of that declining household, died in 1494; but not, we may hope, before she had heard of the fame of her son christopher. domenico, in receipt of a pension from the famous admiral of the ocean, and no doubt talking with a deal of pride and inaccuracy about the discovery of the new world, lived on until 1498; when he died also, and vanished out of this world. he had fulfilled a noble destiny in being the father of christopher columbus. chapter v sea thoughts the long years that christopher columbus spent at sea in making voyages to and from his home in genoa, years so blank to us, but to him who lived them so full of life and active growth, were most certainly fruitful in training and equipping him for that future career of which as yet, perhaps, he did not dream. the long undulating waves of the mediterranean, with land appearing and dissolving away in the morning and evening mists, the business of ship life, harsh and rough in detail, but not too absorbing to the mind of a common mariner to prevent any thoughts he might have finding room to grow and take shape; sea breezes, sea storms, sea calms; these were the setting of his knowledge and experience as he fared from port to port and from sea to sea. he is a very elusive figure in that environment of misty blue, very hard to hold and identify, very shy of our scrutiny, and inaccessible even to our speculation. if we would come up with him, and place ourselves in some kind of sympathy with the thoughts that were forming in his brain, it is necessary that we should, for the moment, forget much of what we know of the world, and assume the imperfect knowledge of the globe that man possessed in those years when columbus was sailing the mediterranean. that the earth was a round globe of land and water was a fact that, after many contradictions and uncertainties, intelligent men had by this time accepted. a conscious knowledge of the world as a whole had been a part of human thought for many hundreds of years; and the sphericity of the earth had been a theory in the sixth century before christ. in the fourth century aristotle had watched the stars and eclipses; in the third century eratosthenes had measured a degree of latitude, and measured it wrong;--[not so very wrong. d.w.]--in the second century the philosopher crates had constructed a rude sort of globe, on which were marked the known kingdoms of the earth, and some also unknown. with the coming of the christian era the theory of the roundness of the earth began to be denied; and as knowledge and learning became gathered into the hands of the church they lost something of their clarity and singleness, and began to be used arbitrarily as evidence for or against other and less material theories. st. chrysostom opposed the theory of the earth's roundness; st. isidore taught it; and so also did st. augustine, as we might expect from a man of his wisdom who lived so long in a monastery that looked out to sea from a high point, and who wrote the words 'ubi magnitudo, ibi veritas'. in the sixth century of the christian era bishop cosmas gave much thought to this matter of a round world, and found a new argument which to his mind (poor cosmas!) disposed of it very clearly; for he argued that, if the world were round, the people dwelling at the antipodes could not see christ at his coming, and that therefore the earth was not round. but bede, in the eighth century, established it finally as a part of human knowledge that the earth and all the heavenly bodies were spheres, and after that the fact was not again seriously disputed. what lay beyond the frontier of the known was a speculation inseparable from the spirit of exploration. children, and people who do not travel, are generally content, when their thoughts stray beyond the paths trodden by their feet, to believe that the greater world is but a continuation on every side of their own environment; indeed, without the help of sight or suggestion, it is almost impossible to believe anything else. if you stand on an eminence in a great plain and think of the unseen country that lies beyond the horizon, trying to visualise it and imagine that you see it, the eye of imagination can only see the continuance or projection of what is seen by the bodily sight. if you think, you can occupy the invisible space with a landscape made up from your own memory and knowledge: you may think of mountain chains and rivers, although there are none visible to your sight, or you may imagine vast seas and islands, oceans and continents. this, however, is thought, not pure imagination; and even so, with every advantage of thought and knowledge, you will not be able to imagine beyond your horizon a space of sea so wide that the farther shore is invisible, and yet imagine the farther shore also. you will see america across the atlantic and japan across the pacific; but you cannot see, in one single effort of the imagination, an atlantic of empty blue water stretching to an empty horizon, another beyond that equally vast and empty, another beyond that, and so on until you have spanned the thousand horizons that lie between england and america. the mind, that is to say, works in steps and spans corresponding to the spans of physical sight; it cannot clear itself enough from the body, or rise high enough beyond experience, to comprehend spaces so much vaster than anything ever seen by the eye of man. so also with the stretching of the horizon which bounded human knowledge of the earth. it moved step by step; if one of prince henry's captains, creeping down the west coast of africa, discovered a cape a hundred miles south of the known world, the most he could probably do was to imagine that there might lie, still another hundred miles farther south, another cape; to sail for it in faith and hope, to find it, and to imagine another possibility yet another hundred miles away. so far as experience went back, faith could look forward. it is thus with the common run of mankind; yesterday's march is the measure of to-morrow's; as much as they have done once, they may do again; they fear it will be not much more; they hope it may be not much less. the history of the exploration of the world up to the day when columbus set sail from palos is just such a history of steps. the phoenicians coasting from harbour to harbour through the mediterranean; the romans marching from camp to camp, from country to country; the jutes venturing in their frail craft into the stormy northern seas, making voyages a little longer and more daring every time, until they reached england; the captains of prince henry of portugal feeling their way from voyage to voyage down the coast of africa--there are no bold flights into the incredible here, but patient and business-like progress from one stepping-stone to another. dangers and hardships there were, and brave followings of the faint will-o'-the-wisp of faith in what lay beyond; but there were no great launchings into space. they but followed a line that was the continuance or projection of the line they had hitherto followed; what they did was brave and glorious, but it was reasonable. what columbus did, on the contrary, was, as we shall see later, against all reason and knowledge. it was a leap in the dark towards some star invisible to all but him; for he who sets forth across the desert sand or sea must have a brighter sun to guide him than that which sets and rises on the day of the small man. our familiarity with maps and atlases makes it difficult for us to think of the world in other terms than those of map and diagram; knowledge and science have focussed things for us, and our imagination has in consequence shrunk. it is almost impossible, when thinking of the earth as a whole, to think about it except as a picture drawn, or as a small globe with maps traced upon it. i am sure that our imagination has a far narrower angle--to borrow a term from the science of lenses--than the imagination of men who lived in the fifteenth century. they thought of the world in its actual terms--seas, islands, continents, gulfs, rivers, oceans. columbus had seen maps and charts--among them the famous 'portolani' of benincasa at genoa; but i think it unlikely that he was so familiar with them as to have adopted their terms in his thoughts about the earth. he had seen the mediterranean and sailed upon it before he had seen a chart of it; he knew a good deal of the world itself before he had seen a map of it. he had more knowledge of the actual earth and sea than he had of pictures or drawings of them; and therefore, if we are to keep in sympathetic touch with him, we must not think too closely of maps, but of land and sea themselves. the world that columbus had heard about as being within the knowledge of men extended on the north to iceland and scandinavia, on the south to a cape one hundred miles south of the equator, and to the east as far as china and japan. north and south were not important to the spirit of that time; it was east and west that men thought of when they thought of the expansion and the discovery of the world. and although they admitted that the earth was a sphere, i think it likely that they imagined (although the imagination was contrary to their knowledge) that the line of west and east was far longer, and full of vaster possibilities, than that of north and south. north was familiar ground to them--one voyage to england, another to iceland, another to scandinavia; there was nothing impossible about that. southward was another matter; but even here there was no ambition to discover the limit of the world. it is an error continually made by the biographers of columbus that the purpose of prince henry's explorations down the coast of africa was to find a sea road to the west indies by way of the east. it was nothing of the kind. there was no idea in the minds of the portuguese of the land which columbus discovered, and which we now know as the west indies. mr. vignaud contends that the confusion arose from the very loose way in which the term india was applied in the middle ages. several indias were recognised. there was an india beyond the ganges; a middle india between the ganges and the indus; and a lesser india, in which were included arabia, abyssinia, and the countries about the red sea. these divisions were, however, quite vague, and varied in different periods. in the time of columbus the word india meant the kingdom of prester john, that fabulous monarch who had been the subject of persistent legends since the twelfth century; and it was this india to which the portuguese sought a sea road. they had no idea of a barrier cape far to the south, the doubling of which would open a road for them to the west; nor were they, as mr. vignaud believes, trying to open a route for the spice trade with the orient. they had no great spice trade, and did not seek more; what they did seek was an extension of their ordinary trade with guinea and the african coast. to the maritime world of the fifteenth century, then, the south as a geographical region and as a possible point of discovery had no attractions. to the west stretched what was known as the sea of darkness, about which even the cool knowledge of the geographers and astronomers could not think steadily. nothing was known about it, it did not lead anywhere, there were no people there, there was no trade in that direction. the tides of history and of life avoided it; only now and then some terrified mariner, blown far out of his course, came back with tales of sea monsters and enchanted disappearing islands, and shores that receded, and coasts upon which no one could make a landfall. the farthest land known to the west was the azores; beyond that stretched a vague and impossible ocean of terror and darkness, of which the arabian writer xerif al edrisi, whose countrymen were the sea-kings of the middle ages, wrote as follows: "the ocean encircles the ultimate bounds of the inhabited earth, and all beyond it is unknown. no one has been able to verify anything concerning it, on account of its difficult and perilous navigation, its great obscurity, its profound depth, and frequent tempests; through fear of its mighty fishes and its haughty winds; yet there are many islands in it, some peopled, others uninhabited. there is no mariner who dares to enter into its deep waters; or if any have done so, they have merely kept along its coasts, fearful of departing from them. the waves of this ocean, although they roll as high as mountains, yet maintain themselves without breaking; for if they broke it would be impossible for a ship to plough them." it is another illustration of the way in which discovery and imagination had hitherto gone by steps and not by flights, that geographical knowledge reached the islands of the atlantic (none of which were at a very great distance from the coast of europe or from each other) at a comparatively early date, and stopped there until in columbus there was found a man with faith strong enough to make the long flight beyond them to the unknown west. and yet the philosophers, and later the cartographers, true to their instinct for this pedestrian kind of imagination, put mythical lands and islands to the westward of the known islands as though they were really trying to make a way, to sink stepping stones into the deep sea that would lead their thoughts across the unknown space. in the catalan map of the world, which was the standard example of cosmography in the early days of columbus, most of these mythical islands are marked. there was the island of antilia, which was placed in 25 deg. 35' w., and was said to have been discovered by don roderick, the last of the gothic kings of spain, who fled there after his defeat by the moors. there was the island of the seven cities, which is sometimes identified with this antilia, and was the object of a persistent belief or superstition on the part of the inhabitants of the canary islands. they saw, or thought they saw, about ninety leagues to the westward, an island with high peaks and deep valleys. the vision was intermittent; it was only seen in very clear weather, on some of those pure, serene days of the tropics when in the clear atmosphere distant objects appear to be close at hand. in cloudy, and often in clear weather also, it was not to be seen at all; but the inhabitants of the canaries, who always saw it in the same place, were so convinced of its reality that they petitioned the king of portugal to allow them to go and take possession of it; and several expeditions were in fact despatched, but none ever came up with that fairy land. it was called the island of the seven cities from a legend of seven bishops who had fled from spain at the time of the moorish conquest, and, landing upon this island, had founded there seven splendid cities. there was the island of st. brandan, called after the saint who set out from ireland in the sixth century in search of an island which always receded before his ships; this island was placed several hundred miles to the west of the canaries on maps and charts through out the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. there was the island of brazil, to the west of cape st. vincent; the islands of royllo, san giorgio, and isola di mam; but they were all islands of dreams, seen by the eyes of many mariners in that imaginative time, but never trodden by any foot of man. to columbus, however, and the mariners of his day, they were all real places, which a man might reach by special good fortune or heroism, but which, all things considered, it was not quite worth the while of any man to attempt to reach. they have all disappeared from our charts, like the atlantis of plato, that was once charted to the westward of the straits of gibraltar, and of which the canaries were believed to be the last peaks unsubmerged. sea myths and legends are strange things, and do not as a rule persist in the minds of men unless they have had some ghostly foundation; so it is possible that these fabled islands of the west were lands that had actually been seen by living eyes, although their position could never be properly laid down nor their identity assured. of all the wandering seamen who talked in the wayside taverns of atlantic seaports, some must have had strange tales to tell; tales which sometimes may have been true, but were never believed. vague rumours hung about those shores, like spray and mist about a headland, of lands seen and lost again in the unknown and uncharted ocean. doubtless the lamp of faith, the inner light, burned in some of these storm-tossed men; but all they had was a glimpse here and there, seen for a moment and lost again; not the clear sight of faith by which columbus steered his westward course. the actual outposts of western occupation, then, were the azores, which were discovered by genoese sailors in the pay of portugal early in the fourteenth century; the canaries, which had been continuously discovered and rediscovered since the phoenicians occupied them and pliny chose them for his hesperides; and madeira, which is believed to have been discovered by an englishman under the following very romantic and moving circumstances. in the reign of edward the third a young man named robert machin fell in love with a beautiful girl, his superior in rank, anne dorset or d'urfey by name. she loved him also, but her relations did not love him; and therefore they had machin imprisoned upon some pretext or other, and forcibly married the young lady to a nobleman who had a castle on the shores of the bristol channel. the marriage being accomplished, and the girl carried away by her bridegroom to his seat in the west, it was thought safe to release machin. whereupon he collected several friends, and they followed the newly-married couple to bristol and laid their plans for an abduction. one of the friends got himself engaged as a groom in the service of the unhappy bride, and found her love unchanged, and if possible increased by the present misery she was in. an escape was planned; and one day, when the girl and her groom were riding in the park, they set spurs to their horses, and galloped off to a place on the shores of the bristol channel where young robert had a boat on the beach and a ship in the offing. they set sail immediately, intending to make for france, where the reunited lovers hoped to live happily; but it came on to blow when they were off the lizard, and a southerly gale, which lasted for thirteen days, drove them far out of their course. the bride, from her joy and relief, fell into a state of the gloomiest despondency, believing that the hand of god was turned against her, and that their love would never be enjoyed. the tempest fell on the fourteenth day, and at the break of morning the sea-worn company saw trees and land ahead of them. in the sunrise they landed upon an island full of noble trees, about which flights of singing birds were hovering, and in which the sweetest fruits, the most lovely flowers, and the purest and most limpid waters abounded. machin and his bride and their friends made an encampment on a flowery meadow in a sheltered valley, where for three days they enjoyed the sweetness and rest of the shore and the companionship of all kinds of birds and beasts, which showed no signs of fear at their presence. on the third day a storm arose, and raged for a night over the island; and in the morning the adventurers found that their ship was nowhere to be seen. the despair of the little company was extreme, and was increased by the condition of poor anne, upon whom terror and remorse again fell, and so preyed upon her mind that in three days she was dead. her lover, who had braved so much and won her so gallantly, was turned to stone by this misfortune. remorse and aching desolation oppressed him; from the moment of her death he scarcely ate nor spoke; and in five days he also was dead, surely of a broken heart. they buried him beside his mistress under a spreading tree, and put up a wooden cross there, with a prayer that any christians who might come to the island would build a chapel to jesus the saviour. the rest of the party then repaired their little boat and put to sea; were cast upon the coast of morocco, captured by the moors, and thrown into prison. with them in prison was a spanish pilot named juan de morales, who listened attentively to all they could tell him about the situation and condition of the island, and who after his release communicated what he knew to prince henry of portugal. the island of madeira was thus rediscovered in 1418, and in 1425 was colonised by prince henry, who appointed as governor bartolomeo de perestrello, whose daughter was afterwards to become the wife of columbus. so much for the outposts of the old world. of the new world, about the possibility of which columbus is beginning to dream as he sails the mediterranean, there was no knowledge and hardly any thought. though new in the thoughts of columbus, it was very old in itself; generations of men had lived and walked and spoken and toiled there, ever since men came upon the earth; sun and shower, the thrill of the seasons, birth and life and death, had been visiting it for centuries and centuries. and it is quite possible that, long before even the civilisation that produced columbus was in its dawn, men from the old world had journeyed there. there are two very old fragments of knowledge which indicate at least the possibility of a western world of which the ancients had knowledge. there is a fragment, preserved from the fourth century before christ, of a conversation between silenus and midas, king of phrygia, in which silenus correctly describes the old world--europe, asia, and africa--as being surrounded by the sea, but also describes, far to the west of it, a huge island, which had its own civilisation and its own laws, where the animals and the men were of twice our stature, and lived for twice our years. there is also the story told by plato of the island of atlantis, which was larger than africa and asia together, and which in an earthquake disappeared beneath the waves, producing such a slime upon the surface that no ship was able to navigate the sea in that place. this is the story which the priests of sais told to solon, and which was embodied in the sacred inscriptions in their temples. it is strange that any one should think of this theory of the slime who had not seen or heard of the sargasso sea--that great bank of floating seaweed that the ocean currents collect and retain in the middle of the basin of the north atlantic. the egyptians, the tartars, the canaanites, the chinese, the arabians, the welsh, and the scandinavians have all been credited with the colonisation of america; but the only race from the old world which had almost certainly been there were the scandinavians. in the year 983 the coast of greenland was visited by eric the red, the son of a norwegian noble, who was banished for the crime of murder. some fifteen years later eric's son lief made an expedition with thirty-five men and a ship in the direction of the new land. they came to a coast where there were nothing but ice mountains having the appearance of slate; this country they named helluland--that is, land of slate. this country is our newfoundland. standing out to sea again, they reached a level wooded country with white sandy cliffs, which they called markland, or land of wood, which is our nova scotia. next they reached an island east of markland, where they passed the winter, and as one of their number who had wandered some distance inland had found vines and grapes, lief named the country vinland or vine land, which is the country we call new england. the scandinavians continued to make voyages to the west and south; and finally thorfinn karlsefne, an icelander, made a great expedition in the spring of 1007 with ships and material for colonisation. he made much progress to the southwards, and the icelandic accounts of the climate and soil and characteristics of the country leave no doubt that greenland and nova scotia were discovered and colonised at this time. it must be remembered, however, that then and in the lifetime of columbus greenland was supposed to--be a promontory of the coast of europe, and was not connected in men's minds with a western continent. its early discovery has no bearing on the significance of columbus's achievement, the greatness of which depends not on his having been the first man from the old world to set foot upon the shores of the new, but on the fact that by pure faith and belief in his own purpose he did set out for and arrive in a world where no man of his era or civilisation had ever before set foot, or from which no wanderer who may have been blown there ever returned. it is enough to claim for him the merit of discovery in the true sense of the word. the new world was covered from the old by a veil of distance, of time and space, of absence, invisibility, virtual non-existence; and he discovered it. chapter vi in portugal there is no reason to believe that before his twenty-fifth year columbus was anything more than a merchant or mariner, sailing before the mast, and joining one ship after another as opportunities for good voyages offered themselves. a change took place later, probably after his marriage, when he began to adapt himself rapidly to a new set of surroundings, and to show his intrinsic qualities; but all the attempts that have been made to glorify him socially--attempts, it must be remembered, in which he himself and his sons were in after years the leaders--are entirely mistaken. that strange instinct for consistency which makes people desire to see the outward man correspond, in terms of momentary and arbitrary credit, with the inner and hidden man of the heart, has in truth led to more biographical injustice than is fully realised. if columbus had been the man some of his biographers would like to make him out--the nephew or descendant of a famous french admiral, educated at the university of pavia, belonging to a family of noble birth and high social esteem in genoa, chosen by king rene to be the commander of naval expeditions, learned in scientific lore, in the classics, in astronomy and in cosmography, the friend and correspondent of toscanelli and other learned scientists--we should find it hard indeed to forgive him the shifts and deceits that he practised. it is far more interesting to think of him as a common craftsman, of a lowly condition and poor circumstances, who had to earn his living during the formative period of his life by the simplest and hardest labour of the hand. the qualities that made him what he was were of a very simple kind, and his character owed its strength, not to any complexity or subtlety of training and education, but rather to that very bareness and simplicity of circumstance that made him a man of single rather than manifold ideas. he was not capable of seeing both sides of a question; he saw only one side. but he came of a great race; and it was the qualities of his race, combined with this simplicity and even perhaps vacancy of mind, that gave to his idea, when once the seed of it had lodged in his mind, so much vigour in growth and room for expansion. think of him, then, at the age of twenty-five as a typical plebeian genoese, bearing all the characteristic traits of his century and people--the spirit of adventure, the love of gold and of power, a spirit of mysticism, and more than a touch of crafty and elaborate dissimulation, when that should be necessary. he had been at sea for ten or eleven years, making voyages to and from genoa, with an occasional spell ashore and plunge into the paternal affairs, when in the year 1476 he found himself on board a genoese vessel which formed one of a convoy going, to lisbon. this convoy was attacked off cape st. vincent by colombo, or colomb, the famous french corsair, of whom christopher himself has quite falsely been called a relative. only two of the genoese vessels escaped, and one of these two was the ship which carried columbus. it arrived at lisbon, where columbus went ashore and took up his abode. this, so far as can be ascertained, is the truth about the arrival of columbus in portugal. the early years of an obscure man who leaps into fame late in life are nearly always difficult to gather knowledge about, because not only are the annals of the poor short and simple and in most cases altogether unrecorded, but there is always that instinct, to which i have already referred, to make out that the circumstances of a man who late in life becomes great and remarkable were always, at every point in his career, remarkable also. we love to trace the hand of destiny guiding her chosen people, protecting them from dangers, and preserving them for their great moment. it is a pleasant study, and one to which the facts often lend themselves, but it leads to a vicious method of biography which obscures the truth with legends and pretences that have afterwards laboriously to be cleared away. it was so in the case of columbus. before his departure on his first voyage of discovery there is absolutely no temporary record of him except a few dates in notarial registers. the circumstances of his life and his previous conditions were supplied afterwards by himself and his contemporaries; and both he and they saw the past in the light of the present, and did their best to make it fit a present so wonderful and miraculous. the whole trend of recent research on the subject of columbus has been unfortunately in the direction of proving the complete insincerity of his own speech and writings about his early life, and the inaccuracy of las casas writings his contemporary biographer, and the first historian of the west indies. those of my readers, then, who are inclined to be impatient with the meagreness of the facts with which i am presenting them, and the disproportionate amount of theory to fact with regard to these early years of columbus, must remember three things. first, that the only record of the early years of columbus was written long after those years had passed away, and in circumstances which did not harmonise with them; second, that there is evidence, both substantive and presumptive, that much of those records, even though it came from the hands of columbus and his friends, is false and must be discarded; and third, that the only way in which anything like the truth can be arrived at is by circumstantial and presumptive evidence with regard to dates, names, places, and events upon which the obscure life of columbus impinged. columbus is known to have written much about himself, but very little of it exists or remains in his own handwriting. it remains in the form of quotation by others, all of whom had their reasons for not representing quite accurately what was, it must be feared, not even itself a candid and accurate record. the evidence for these very serious statements is the subject of numberless volumes and monographs, which cannot be quoted here; for it is my privilege to reap the results, and not to reproduce the material, of the immense research and investigation to which in the last fifty years the life of columbus has been subjected. we shall come to facts enough presently; in the meantime we have but the vaguest knowledge of what columbus did in lisbon. the one technical possession which he obviously had was knowledge of the sea; he had also a head on his shoulders, and plenty of judgment and common sense; he had likely picked up some knowledge of cartography in his years at genoa, since (having abandoned wool-weaving) he probably wished to make progress in the profession of the sea; and it is, therefore, believed that he picked up a living in lisbon by drawing charts and maps. such a living would only be intermittent; a fact that is indicated by his periodic excursions to sea again, presumably when funds were exhausted. there were other genoese in lisbon, and his own brother bartholomew was with him there for a time. he may actually have been there when columbus arrived, but it was more probable that columbus, the pioneer of the family, seeing a better field for his brother's talent in lisbon than in genoa, sent for him when he himself was established there. this bartholomew, of whom we shall see a good deal in the future, is merely an outline at this stage of the story; an outline that will later be filled up with human features and fitted with a human character; at present he is but a brother of christopher, with a rather bookish taste, a better knowledge of cartography than christopher possessed, and some little experience of the book-selling trade. he too made charts in lisbon, and sold books also, and no doubt between them the efforts of the brothers, supplemented by the occasional voyages of christopher, obtained them a sufficient livelihood. the social change, in the one case from the society of genoese wool-weavers, and in the other from the company of merchant sailors, must have been very great; for there is evidence that they began to make friends and acquaintances among a rather different class than had been formerly accessible to them. the change to a new country also and to a new language makes a deep impression at the age of twenty-five; and although columbus in his sea-farings had been in many ports, and had probably picked up a knowledge both of portuguese and of spanish, his establishment in the portuguese capital could not fail to enlarge his outlook upon life. there is absolutely no record of his circumstances in the first year of his life at lisbon, so we may look once more into the glass of imagination and try to find a picture there. it is very dim, very minute, very, very far away. there is the little shop in a steep lisbon street, somewhere near the harbour we may be sure, with the shadows of the houses lying sharp on the white sunlight of the street; the cool darkness of the shop, with its odour of vellum and parchment, its rolls of maps and charts; and somewhere near by the sounds and commotion of the wharves and the shipping. often, when there was a purchaser in the shop, there would be talk of the sea, of the best course from this place to that, of the entrance to this harbour and the other; talk of the western islands too, of the western ocean, of the new astrolabe which the german muller of konigsberg, or regiomontanus, as they called him in portugal, had modified and improved. and if there was sometimes an evening walk, it would surely be towards the coast or on a hill above the harbour, with a view of the sun being quenched in the sea and travelling down into the unknown, uncharted west. chapter vii adventures bodily and spiritual columbus had not been long in portugal before he was off again to sea, this time on a longer voyage than any he had yet undertaken. our knowledge of it depends on his own words as reported by las casas, and, like so much other knowledge similarly recorded, is not to be received with absolute certainty; but on the whole the balance of probability is in favour of its truth. the words in which this voyage is recorded are given as a quotation from a letter of columbus, and, stripped of certain obvious interpolations of the historian, are as follows:- "in the month of february, and in the year 1477, i navigated as far as the island of tile [thule], a hundred leagues; and to this island, which is as large as england, the english, especially those of bristol, go with merchandise; and when i was there the sea was not frozen over, although there were very high tides, so much so that in some parts the sea rose twenty-five 'brazas', and went down as much, twice during the day." the reasons for doubting that this voyage took place are due simply to columbus's habit of being untruthful in regard to his own past doings, and his propensity for drawing the long bow; and the reason that has been accepted by most of his biographers who have denied the truth of this statement is that, in the year 1492, when columbus was addressing the king and queen of spain on his qualifications as a navigator, and when he wished to set forth his experience in a formidable light, he said nothing about this voyage, but merely described his explorations as having extended from guinea on the south to england on the north. a shrewd estimate of columbus's character makes it indeed seem incredible that, if he had really been in iceland, he should not have mentioned the fact on this occasion; and yet there is just one reason, also quite characteristic of columbus, that would account for the suppression. it is just possible that when he was at thule, by which he meant iceland, he may have heard of the explorations in the direction of greenland and newfoundland; and that, although by other navigators these lands were regarded as a part of the continent of europe, he may have had some glimmerings of an idea that they were part of land and islands in the west; and he was much too jealous of his own reputation as the great and only originator of the project for voyaging to the west, to give away any hints that he was not the only person to whom such ideas had occurred. there is deception and untruth somewhere; and one must make one's choice between regarding the story in the first place as a lie, or accepting it as truth, and putting down columbus's silence about it on a later occasion to a rare instinct of judicious suppression. there are other facts in his life, to which, we shall come later, that are in accordance with this theory. there is no doubt, moreover, that columbus had a very great experience of the sea, and was one of the greatest practical seamen, if not the greatest, that has ever lived; and it would be foolish to deny, except for the greatest reasons, that he made a voyage to the far north, which was neither unusual at the time nor a very great achievement for a seaman of his experience. christopher returned from these voyages, of which we know nothing except the facts that he has given us, towards the end of 1477; and it was probably in the next year that an event very important in his life and career took place. hitherto there has been no whisper of love in that arduous career of wool-weaving, sailoring, and map-making; and it is not unlikely that his marriage represents the first inspiration of love in his life, for he was, in spite of his southern birth, a cool-blooded man, for whom affairs of the heart had never a very serious interest. but at lisbon, where he began to find himself with some footing and place in the world, and where the prospect of at least a livelihood began to open out before him, his thoughts took that turn towards domesticity and family life which marks a moment in the development of almost every man. and now, since he has at last to emerge from the misty environment of sea-spray that has veiled him so long from our intimate sight, we may take a close look at him as he was in this year 1478. unlike the southern italians, he was fair in colouring; a man rather above the middle height, large limbed, of a shapely breadth and proportion, and of a grave and dignified demeanour. his face was ruddy, and inclined to be freckled under the exposure to the sun, his hair at this age still fair and reddish, although in a few years later it turned grey, and became white while he was still a young man. his nose was slightly aquiline, his face long and rather full; his eyes of a clear blue, with sharply defined eyebrows--seamen's eyes, which get an unmistakable light in them from long staring into the sea distances. altogether a handsome and distinguished-looking young man, noticeable anywhere, and especially among a crowd of swarthy portuguese. he was not a lively young man; on the contrary, his manner was rather heavy, and even at times inclined to be pompous; he had a very good opinion of himself, had the clear calculating head and tidy intellectual methods of the able mariner; was shrewd and cautious--in a word, took himself and the world very seriously. a strictly conventional man, as the conventions of his time and race went; probably some of his gayer and lighter-hearted contemporaries thought him a dull enough dog, who would not join in a carouse or a gallant adventure, but would probably get the better of you if he could in any commercial deal. he was a great stickler for the observances of religion; and never a sunday or feast-day passed, when he was ashore, without finding him, like the dutiful son of the church that he was, hearing mass and attending at benediction. not, indeed, a very attractive or inspiring figure of a man; not the man whose company one would likely have sought very much, or whose conversation one would have found very interesting. a man rather whose character was cast in a large and plain mould, without those many facets which add so much to the brightness of human intercourse, and which attract and reflect the light from other minds; a man who must be tried in large circumstances, and placed in a big setting, if his qualities are to be seen to advantage . . . . i seem to see him walking up from the shop near the harbour at lisbon towards the convent of saints; walking gravely and firmly, with a dignified demeanour, with his best clothes on, and glad, for the moment, to be free of his sea acquaintances, and to be walking in the direction of that upper-class world after which he has a secret hankering in his heart. there are a great many churches in lisbon nearer his house where he might hear mass on sundays; but he prefers to walk up to the rich and fashionable convent of saints, where everybody is well dressed, and where those kindling eyes of his may indulge a cool taste for feminine beauty. while the chapel bell is ringing other people are hurrying through the sunny lisbon streets to mass at the convent. among the fashionable throng are two ladies, one young, one middle-aged; they separate at the church door, and the younger one leaves her mother and takes her place in the convent choir. this is philippa moniz, who lives alone with her mother in lisbon, and amuses herself with her privileges as a cavaliera, or dame, in one of the knightly orders attached to the rich convent of saints. perhaps she has noticed the tall figure of the young genoese in the strangers' part of the convent, perhaps not; but his roving blue eye has noticed her, and much is to come of it. the young genoese continues his regular and exemplary attendance at the divine office, the young lady is zealous in observing her duties in the choir; some kind friend introduces them; the audacious young man makes his proposals, and, in spite of the melancholy protests of the young lady's exceedingly respectable and highly-connected relatives, the young people are betrothed and actually married before the elders have time to recover breath from their first shock at the absurdity of the suggestion. there is a very curious fact in connection with his marriage that is worthy of our consideration. in all his voluminous writings, letters, memoirs, and journals, columbus never once mentions his wife. his sole reference to her is in his will, made at valladolid many years later, long after her death; and is contained in the two words "my wife." he ordains that a chapel shall be erected and masses said for the repose of the souls of his father, his mother, and his wife. he who wrote so much, did not write of her; he who boasted so much, never boasted of her; he who bemoaned so much, never bemoaned her. there is a blank silence on his part about everything connected with his marriage and his wife. i like to think that it was because this marriage, which incidentally furnished him with one of the great impulses of his career, was in itself placid and uneventful, and belongs to that mass of happy days that do not make history. columbus was not a passionate man. i think that love had a very small place in his life, and that the fever of passion was with him brief and soon finished with; but i am sure he was affectionate, and grateful for any affection and tenderness that were bestowed upon him. he was much away too, at first on his voyages to guinea and afterwards on the business of his petitions to the portuguese and spanish courts; and one need not be a cynic to believe that these absences did nothing to lessen the affection between him and his wife. finally, their married life was a short one; she died within ten years, and i am sure did not outlive his affections; so that there may be something solemn, some secret memories of the aching joy and sorrow that her coming into his life and passing out of it brought him, in this silence of columbus concerning his wife. this marriage was, in the vulgar idiom of to-day, a great thing for columbus. it not only brought him a wife; it brought him a home, society, recognition, and a connection with maritime knowledge and adventure that was of the greatest importance to him. philippa moniz perestrello was the daughter of bartolomeo perestrello, who had been appointed hereditary governor of the island of porto santo on its colonisation by prince henry in 1425 and who had died there in 1457. her grandfather was gil ayres moniz, who was secretary to the famous constable pereira in the reign of john i, and is chiefly interesting to us because he founded the chapel of the "piedad" in the carmelite monastery at lisbon, in which the moniz family had the right of interment for ever, and in which the body of philippa, after her brief pilgrimage in this world was over, duly rested; and whence her son ordered its disinterment and re-burial in the church of santa clara in san domingo. philippa's mother, isabel moniz, was the second or third wife of perestrello; and after her husband's death she had come to live in lisbon. she had another daughter, violante by name, who had married one mulier, or muliartes, in huelva; and a son named bartolomeo, who was the heir to the governorship of porto santo; but as he was only a little boy at the time of his father's death his mother ceded the governorship to pedro correa da cunha, who had married iseult, the daughter of old bartolomeo by his first wife. the governorship was thus kept in the family during the minority of bartolomeo, who resumed it later when he came of age. this isabel, mother of philippa, was a very important acquaintance indeed for columbus. it must be noted that he left the shop and poor bartholomew to take care of themselves or each other, and went to live in the house of his mother-in-law. this was a great social step for the wool-weaver of genoa; and it was probably the result of a kind of compromise with his wife's horrified relatives at the time of her marriage. it was doubtless thought impossible for her to go and live over the chart-maker's shop; and as you can make charts in one house as well as another, it was decided that columbus should live with his mother-in-law, and follow his trade under her roof. columbus, in fact, seems to have been fortunate in securing the favour of his female relatives-in-law, and it was probably owing to the championship of philippa's mother that a marriage so much to his advantage ever took place at all. his wife had many distinguished relatives in the neighbourhood of lisbon; her cousin was archbishop at this very time; but i can neither find that their marriage was celebrated with the archiepiscopal blessing or that he ever got much help or countenance from the male members of the moniz family. archbishops even today do not much like their pretty cousins marrying a man of columbus's position, whether you call him a woolweaver, a sailor, a map-maker, or a bookseller. "adventurer" is perhaps the truest description of him; and the word was as much distrusted in the best circles in lisbon in the fifteenth century as it is to-day. those of his new relatives, however, who did get to know him soon began to see that philippa had not made such a bad bargain after all. with the confidence and added belief in himself that the recognition and encouragement of those kind women brought him, columbus's mind and imagination expanded; and i think it was probably now that he began to wonder if all his knowledge and seamanship, his quite useful smattering of cartography and cosmography, his real love of adventure, and all his dreams and speculations concerning the unknown and uncharted seas, could not be turned to some practical account. his wife's step-sister iseult and her husband had, moreover, only lately returned to lisbon from their long residence in porto santo; young bartolomeo perestrello, her brother, was reigning there in their stead, and no doubt sending home interesting accounts of ships and navigators that put in at madeira; and all the circumstances would tend to fan the spark of columbus's desire to have some adventure and glory of his own on the high seas. he would wish to show all these grandees, with whom his marriage had brought him acquainted, that you did not need to be born a perestrello --or pallastrelli, as the name was in its original italian form--to make a name in the world. donna isabel, moreover, was never tired of talking about porto santo and her dead husband, and of all the voyages and sea adventures that had filled his life. she was obviously a good teller of tales, and had all the old history and traditions of madeira at her fingers' ends; the story of robert machin and anne dorset; the story of the isle of seven cities; and the black cloud on the horizon that turned out in the end to be madeira. she told christopher how her husband, when he had first gone to porto santo, had taken there a litter of rabbits, and how the rabbits had so increased that in two seasons they had eaten up everything on the island, and rendered it uninhabitable for some time. she brought out her husband's sea-charts, memoranda, and log-books, the sight of which still farther inflamed christopher's curiosity and ambition. the great thing in those days was to discover something, if it was only a cape down the african coast or a rock in the atlantic. the key to fame, which later took the form of mechanical invention, and later still of discovery in the region of science, took the form then of actual discovery of parts of the earth's surface. the thing was in the air; news was coming in every day of something new seen, something new charted. if others had done so much, and the field was still half unexplored, could not he do something also? it was not an unlikely thought to occur to the mind of a student of sea charts and horizons. chapter viii the fire kindles the next step in columbus's career was a move to porto santo, which probably took place very soon after his marriage--that is to say, in the year 1479. it is likely that he had the chance of making a voyage there; perhaps even of commanding a ship, for his experience of the sea and skill as a navigator must by this time have raised him above the rank of an ordinary seaman; and in that case nothing would be more natural than that he should take his young wife with him to visit her brother bartolomeo, and to see the family property. it is one of the charms of the seaman's profession that he travels free all over the world; and if he has no house or other fixed possessions that need to be looked after he has the freedom of the world, and can go where he likes free of cost. porto santo and madeira, lying in the track of the busiest trade on the atlantic coast, would provide columbus with an excellent base from which to make other voyages; so it was probably with a heart full of eager anticipation for the future, and sense of quiet happiness in the present, that in the year 1479 signor cristoforo colombo (for he did not yet call himself senor cristoval colon) set out for porto santo--a lonely rock some miles north of madeira. its southern shore is a long sweeping bay of white sand, with a huddle of sand-hills beyond, and cliffs and peaks of basalt streaked with lava fringing the other shores. when columbus and his bride arrived there the place was almost as bare as it is to-day. there were the governor's house; the settlement of portuguese who worked in the mills and sugar-fields; the mills themselves, with the cultivated sugar-fields behind them; and the vineyards, with the dwarf malmsey vines pegged down to the ground, which prince henry had imported from candia fifty years before. the forest of dragon-trees that had once covered the island was nearly all gone. the wood had all been used either for building, making boats, or for fuel; and on the fruit of the few trees that were left a herd of pigs was fattened. there was frequent communication by boat with madeira, which was the chief of all the atlantic islands, and the headquarters of the sugar trade; and porto santo itself was a favourite place of call for passing ships. so that it was by no means lonely for christopher columbus and his wife, even if they had not had the society of the governor and his settlement. we can allow him about three years in porto santo, although for a part of this time at least he must have been at sea. i think it not unlikely that it was the happiest time of his life. he was removed from the uncomfortable environment of people who looked down upon him because of his obscure birth; he was in an exquisite climate; and living by the sea-shore, as a sailor loves to do; he got on well with bartolomeo, who was no doubt glad enough of the company of this grave sailor who had seen so much and had visited so many countries; above all he had his wife there, his beautiful, dear, proud philippa, all to himself, and out of reach of those abominable portuguese noblemen who paid so much attention to her and so little to him, and made him so jealous; and there was a whispered promise of some one who was coming to make him happier still. it is a splendid setting, this, for the sea adventurer; a charming picture that one has of him there so long ago, walking on the white shores of the great sweeping bay, with the glorious purple atlantic sparkling and thundering on the sands, as it sparkles and thunders to-day. a place empty and vivid, swept by the mellow winds; silent, but for the continuous roar of the sea; still, but for the scuttling of the rabbits among the sand-hills and the occasional passage of a figure from the mills up to the sugar-fields; but brilliant with sunshine and colour and the bright environment of the sea. it was upon such scenes that he looked during this happy pause in his life; they were the setting of philippa's dreams and anxieties as the time of motherhood drew near; and it was upon them that their little son first opened his eyes, and with the boom of the atlantic breakers that he first mingled his small. voice. it is but a moment of rest and happiness; for christopher the scene is soon changed, and he must set forth upon a voyage again, while philippa is left, with a new light in her eyes, to watch over the atom that wakes and weeps and twists and struggles and mews, and sleeps again, in her charge. sleep well, little son! yet a little while, and you too shall make voyages and conquests; new worlds lie waiting for you, who are so greatly astonished at this old world; far journeys by land and sea, and the company of courtiers and kings; and much honour from the name and deeds of him who looked into your eyes with a laugh and, a sob, and was so very large and overshadowing! but with her who quietly sings to you, whose hands soothe and caress you, in whose eyes shines that wonderful light of mother's love--only a little while longer. while diego, as this son was christened, was yet only a baby in his cradle, columbus made an important voyage to the, coast of guinea as all the western part of the african continent was then called. his solid and practical qualities were by this time beginning to be recognised even by philippa's haughty family, and it was possibly through the interest of her uncle, pedro noronhas, a distinguished minister of the king of portugal, that he got the command of a caravel in the expedition which set out for guinea in december 1481. a few miles from cape coast castle, and on the borders of the dutch colony, there are to-day the ruined remains of a fort; and it is this fort, the fortress of st. george, that the expedition was sent out to erect. on the 11th of december the little fleet set sail for [from? d.w.] lisbon--ten caravels, and two barges or lighters laden with the necessary masonry and timber-work for the fort. columbus was in command of one of the caravels, and the whole fleet was commanded by the portuguese admiral azumbaga. they would certainly see porto santo and madeira on their way south, although they did not call there; and philippa was no doubt looking out for them, and watching from the sand-hills the fleet of twelve ships going by in the offing. they called at cape verde, where the admiral was commissioned to present one of the negro kings with some horses and hawks, and incidentally to obtain his assent to a treaty. on the 19th of january 1482, having made a very good voyage, they, landed just beyond the cape of the three points, and immediately set about the business of the expedition. there was a state reception, with admiral azumbaga walking in front in scarlet and brocade, followed by his captains, columbus among them, dressed in gorgeous tunics and cloaks with golden collars and, well hidden beneath their finery, good serviceable cuirasses. the banner of portugal was ceremoniously unfurled and dis played from the top of a tall tree. an altar was erected and consecrated by the chaplain to the expedition, and a mass was sung for the repose of the soul of prince henry. the portugal contingent were then met by caramansa, the king of the country, who came, surrounded by a great guard of blacks armed with assegais, their bodies scantily decorated with monkey fur and palm leaves. the black monarch must have presented a handsome appearance, for his arms and legs were decked with gold bracelets and rings, he had a kind of dog-collar fitted with bells round his neck, and some pieces of gold were daintily twisted into his beard. with these aids to diplomacy, and doubtless also with the help of a dram or two of spirits or of the wine of oporto, the treaty was soon concluded, and a very shrewd stroke of business accomplished for the king of portugal; for it gave him the sole right of exchanging gaudy rubbish from portugal for the precious gold of ethiopia. when the contents of the two freight-ships had been unloaded they were beached and broken up by the orders of king john, who wished it to be thought that they had been destroyed in the whirlpools of that dangerous sea, and that the navigation of those rough waters was only safe for the caravels of the navy. the fort was built in twenty days, and the expedition returned, laden with gold and ivory; admiral azumbaga remained behind in command of the garrison. this voyage, which was a bold and adventurous one for the time, may be regarded as the first recognition of columbus as a man of importance, for the expedition was manned and commanded by picked men; so it was for all reasons a very fortunate one for him, although the possession of the dangerous secret as to the whereabouts of this valuable territory might have proved to be not very convenient to him in the future. columbus went back to porto santo with his ambitions thoroughly kindled. he had been given a definite command in the portuguese navy; he had been sailing with a fleet; he had been down to the mysterious coast of africa; he had been trafficking with strange tribes; he had been engaged in a difficult piece of navigation such as he loved; and on the long dreamy days of the voyage home, the caravels furrowing the blue atlantic before the steady trade-wind, he determined that he would find some way of putting his knowledge to use, and of earning distinction for himself. living, as he had been lately, in atlantic seaports overlooking the western ocean it is certain that the idea of discovering something in that direction occupied him more and more. what it was that he was to discover was probably very vague in his mind, and was likely not designated by any name more exact than "lands." in after years he tried to show that it was a logical and scientific deduction which led him to go and seek the eastern shore of the indian continent by sailing west; but we may be almost certain that at this time he thought of no such thing. he had no exact scientific knowledge at this date. his map making had taught him something, and naturally he had kept his ears open, and knew all the gossip and hearsay about the islands of the west; and there gradually grew in his mind the intuition or conviction--i refuse to call it an opinion--that, over that blue verge of the west, there was land to be found. how this seed of conviction first lodged in his mind it would be impossible to say; in any one of the steps through which we have followed him, it might have taken its root; but there it was, beginning to occupy his mind very seriously indeed; and he began to look out, as all men do who wish to act upon faith or conviction which they cannot demonstrate to another person, for some proofs that his conviction was a sound one. and now, just at the moment when he needs it most, comes an incident that, to a man of his religious and superstitious habit, seems like the pointing finger of providence. the story of the shipwrecked pilot has been discredited by nearly all the modern biographers of columbus, chiefly because it does not fit in with their theory of his scientific studies and the alleged bearing of these on his great discovery; but it is given by las casas, who says that it was commonly believed by columbus's entourage at hispaniola. moreover, amid all the tangles of theory and argument in which the achievement of columbus has been involved, this original story of shipwrecked mariners stands out with a strength and simplicity that cannot be entirely disregarded by the historian who permits himself some light of imagination by which to work. it is more true to life and to nature that columbus should have received his last impulse, the little push that was to set his accumulated energy and determination in motion, from a thing of pure chance, than that he should have built his achievement up in a logical superstructure resting on a basis of profound and elaborate theory. in the year following columbus's return from guinea, then, he, and probably his family, had gone over to madeira from porto santo, and were staying there. while they were there a small ship put in to madeira, much battered by storms and bad weather, and manned by a crew of five sick mariners. columbus, who was probably never far from the shore at funchal when a ship came into the harbour, happened to see them. struck by their appearance, and finding them in a quite destitute and grievously invalid condition, he entertained them in his house until some other provision could be made for them. but they were quite worn out. one by one they succumbed to weakness and illness, until one only, a pilot from huelva, was left. he also was sinking, and when it was obvious that his end was near at hand, he beckoned his good host to his bedside, and, in gratitude for all his kindness, imparted to him some singular knowledge which he had acquired, and with which, if he had lived, he had hoped to win distinction for himself. the pilot's story, in so far as it has been preserved, and taking the mean of four contemporary accounts of it, was as follows. this man, whose name is doubtful, but is given as alonso sanchez, was sailing on a voyage from one of the spanish ports to england or flanders. he had a crew of seventeen men. when they had got well out to sea a severe easterly gale sprung up, which drove the vessel before it to the westward. day after day and week after week, for twenty-eight days, this gale continued. the islands were all left far behind, and the ship was carried into a region far beyond the limits of the ocean marked on the charts. at last they sighted some islands, upon one of which they landed and took in wood and water. the pilot took the bearings of the island, in so far as he was able, and made some observations, the only one of which that has remained being that the natives went naked; and, the wind having changed, set forth on his homeward voyage. this voyage was long and painful. the wind did not hold steady from the west; the pilot and his crew had a very hazy notion of where they were; their dead reckoning was confused; their provisions fell short; and one by one the crew sickened and died until they were reduced to five or six--the ones who, worn out by sickness and famine, and the labours of working the ship short-handed and in their enfeebled condition, at last made the island of madeira, and cast anchor in the beautiful bay of funchal, only to die there. all these things we may imagine the dying man relating in snatches to his absorbed listener; who felt himself to be receiving a pearl of knowledge to be guarded and used, now that its finder must depart upon the last and longest voyage of human discovery. such observations as he had made--probably a few figures giving the bearings of stars, an account of dead reckoning, and a quite useless and inaccurate chart or map--the pilot gave to his host; then, having delivered his soul of its secret, he died. this is the story; not an impossible or improbable one in its main outlines. whether the pilot really landed on one of the antilles is extremely doubtful, although it is possible. superstitious and storm-tossed sailors in those days were only too ready to believe that they saw some of the fabled islands of the atlantic; and it is quite possible that the pilot simply announced that he had seen land, and that the details as to his having actually set foot upon it were added later. that does not seem to me important in so far as it concerns columbus. whether it were true or not, the man obviously believed it; and to the mind of columbus, possessed with an idea and a blind faith in something which could not be seen, the whole incident would appear in the light of a supernatural sign. the bit of paper or parchment with the rude drawing on it, even although it were the drawing of a thing imagined and not of a thing seen, would still have for him a kind of authority that he would find it hard to ignore. it seems unnecessary to disbelieve this story. it is obviously absurd to regard it as the sole origin of columbus's great idea; it probably belongs to that order of accidents, small and unimportant in themselves, which are so often associated with the beginnings of mighty events. walking on the shore at madeira or porto santo, his mind brooding on the great and growing idea, columbus would remember one or two other instances which, in the light of his growing conviction and know ledge, began to take on a significant hue. he remembered that his wife's relative, pedro correa, who had come back from porto santo while columbus was living in lisbon, had told him about some strange flotsam that came in upon the shores of the island. he had seen a piece of wood of a very dark colour curiously carved, but not with any tool of metal; and some great canes had also come ashore, so big that, every joint would hold a gallon of wine. these canes, which were utterly unlike any thing known in europe or the islands of the atlantic, had been looked upon as such curiosities that they had been sent to the king at lisbon, where they remained, and where columbus himself afterwards saw them. two other stories, which he heard also at this time, went to strengthen his convictions. one was the tale of martin vincenti, a pilot in the portuguese navy, who had found in the sea, four hundred and twenty leagues to the west of cape st. vincent, another piece of wood, curiously carved, that had evidently not been laboured with an iron instrument. columbus also remembered that the inhabitants of the azores had more than once found upon their coasts the trunks of huge pine-trees, and strangely shaped canoes carved out of single logs; and, most significant of all, the people of flares had taken from the water the bodies of two dead men, whose faces were of a strange broad shape, and whose features differed from those of any known race of mankind. all these objects, it was supposed, were brought by westerly winds to the shores of europe; it was not till long afterwards, when the currents of the atlantic came to be studied, that the presence of such flotsam came to be attributed to the ocean currents, deflected by the cape of good hope and gathered in the gulf of mexico, which are sprayed out across the atlantic. the idea once fixed in his mind that there was land at a not impossible distance to the west, and perhaps a sea-road to the shores of asia itself, the next thing to be done, was to go and discover it. rather a formidable task for a man without money, a foreigner in a strange land, among people who looked down upon him because of his obscure birth, and with no equipment except a knowledge of the sea, a great mastery of the art and craft of seamanship, a fearless spirit of adventure, and an inner light! some one else would have to be convinced before anything could be done; somebody who would provide ships and men and money and provisions. altogether rather a large order; for it was not an unusual thing in those days for master mariners, tired of the shore, to suggest to some grandee or other the desirability of fitting out a ship or two to go in search of the isle of st. brandon, or to look up antilia, or the island of the seven cities. it was very hard to get an audience even for such a reasonable scheme as that; but to suggest taking a flotilla straight out to the west and into the sea of darkness, down that curving hill of the sea which it might be easy enough to slide down, but up which it was known that no ship could ever climb again, was a thing that hardly any serious or well-informed person would listen to. a young man from genoa, without a knowledge either of the classics or of the fathers, and with no other argument except his own fixed belief and some vague talk about bits of wood and shipwrecked mariners, was not the person to inspire the capitalists of portugal. yet the thing had to be done. obviously it could not be done at porto santo, where there were no ships and no money. influence must be used; and columbus knew that his proposals, if they were to have even a chance of being listened to, must be presented in some high-flown and elaborate form, giving reasons and offering inducements and quoting authorities. he would have to get some one to help him in that; he would have to get up some scientific facts; his brother bartholomew could help him, and some of those disagreeable relatives-in-law must also be pressed into the service of the idea. obviously the first thing was to go back to lisbon; which accordingly columbus did, about the year 1483. christopher columbus and the new world of his discovery a narrative by filson young volume 2 chapter ix wanderings with an idea the man to whom columbus proposed to address his request for means with which to make a voyage of discovery was no less a person than the new king of portugal. columbus was never a man of petty or small ideas; if he were going to do a thing at all, he went about it in a large and comprehensive way; and all his life he had a way of going to the fountainhead, and of making flights and leaps where other men would only climb or walk, that had much to do with his ultimate success. king john, moreover, had shown himself thoroughly sympathetic to the spirit of discovery; columbus, as we have seen, had already been employed in a trusted capacity in one of the royal expeditions; and he rightly thought that, since he had to ask the help of some one in his enterprise, he might as well try to enlist the crown itself in the service of his great idea. he was not prepared, however, to go directly to the king and ask for ships; his proposal would have to be put in a way that would appeal to the royal ambition, and would also satisfy the king that there was really a destination in view for the expedition. in other words columbus had to propose to go somewhere; it would not do to say that he was going west into the atlantic ocean to look about him. he therefore devoted all his energies to putting his proposal on what is called a business footing, and expressing his vague, sublime idea in common and practical terms. the people who probably helped him most in this were his brother bartholomew and martin behaim, the great authority on scientific navigation, who had been living in lisbon for some time and with whom columbus was acquainted. behaim, who was at this time about forty eight years of age, was born at nuremberg, and was a pupil of regiomontanus, the great german astronomer. a very interesting man, this, if we could decipher his features and character; no mere star-gazing visionary, but a man of the world, whose scientific lore was combined with a wide and liberal experience of life. he was not only learned in cosmography and astronomy, but he had a genius for mechanics and made beautiful instruments; he was a merchant also, and combined a little business with his scientific travels. he had been employed at lisbon in adapting the astrolabe of regiomontanus for the use of sailors at sea; and in these labours he was assisted by two people who were destined to have a weighty influence on the career of columbus--doctors rodrigo and joseph, physicians or advisers to the king, and men of great academic reputation. there was nothing known about cosmography or astronomy that behaim did not know; and he had just come back from an expedition on which he had been despatched, with rodrigo and joseph, to take the altitude of the sun in guinea. columbus was not the man to neglect his opportunities, and there can be no doubt that as soon as his purpose had established itself in his mind he made use of every opportunity that presented itself for improving his meagre scientific knowledge, in order that his proposal might be set forth in a plausible form. in other words, he got up the subject. the whole of his geographical reading with regard to the indies up to this time had been in the travels of marco polo; the others--whose works he quoted from so freely in later years were then known to him only by name, if at all. behaim, however, could tell him a good deal about the supposed circumference of the earth, the extent of the asiatic continent, and so on. every new fact that columbus heard he seized and pressed into the service of his idea; where there was a choice of facts, or a difference of opinion between scientists, he chose the facts that were most convenient, and the opinions that fitted best with his own beliefs. the very word "indies" was synonymous with unbounded wealth; there certainly would be riches to tempt the king with; and columbus, being a religious man, hit also on the happy idea of setting forth the spiritual glory of carrying the light of faith across the sea of darkness, and making of the heathen a heritage for the christian church. so that, what with one thing and another, he soon had his proposals formally arranged. imagine him, then, actually at court, and having an audience of the king, who could scarcely believe his ears. here was a man, of whom he knew nothing but that his conduct of a caravel had been well spoken of in the recent expedition to guinea, actually proposing to sail out west into the atlantic and to cross the unknown part of the world. certainly his proposals seemed plausible, but still--. the earth was round, said columbus, and therefore there was a way from east to west and from west to east. the prophet esdras, a scientific authority that even his majesty would hardly venture to doubt, had laid it down that only one-seventh of the earth was covered by waters. from this fact columbus deduced that the maritime space extending westward between the shores of europe and eastern coast of asia could not be large; and by sailing westward he proposed to reach certain lands of which he claimed to have knowledge. the sailors' tales, the logs of driftwood, the dead bodies, were all brought into the proposals; in short, if his majesty would grant some ships, and consent to making columbus admiral over all the islands that he might discover, with full viceregal state, authority, and profit, he would go and discover them. there are two different accounts of what the king said when this proposal was made to him. according to some authorities, john was impressed by columbus's proposals, and inclined to provide him with the necessary ships, but he could not assent to all the titles and rewards which columbus demanded as a price for his services. barros, the portuguese historian, on the other hand, represents that the whole idea was too fantastic to be seriously entertained by the king for a moment, and that although he at once made up his mind to refuse the request he preferred to delegate his refusal to a commission. whatever may be the truth as to king john's opinions, the commission was certainly appointed, and consisted of three persons, to wit: master rodrigo, master joseph the jew, and the right reverend cazadilla, bishop of ceuta. before these three learned men must columbus now appear, a little less happy in his mind, and wishing that he knew more latin. master rodrigo, master joseph the jew, the right reverend cazadilla: three pairs of cold eyes turned rather haughtily on the genoese adventurer; three brains much steeped in learning, directed in judgment on the idea of a man with no learning at all. the right reverend cazadilla, being the king's confessor, and a bishop into the bargain, could speak on that matter of converting the heathen; and he was of opinion that it could not be done. joseph the jew, having made voyages, and worked with behaim at the astrolabe, was surely an authority on navigation; and he was of opinion that it could not be done. rodrigo, being also a very learned man, had read many books which columbus had not read; and he was of opinion that it could not be done. three learned opinions against one idea; the idea is bound to go. they would no doubt question columbus on the scientific aspect of the matter, and would soon discover his grievous lack of academic knowledge. they would quote fluently passages from writers that he had not heard of; if he had not heard of them, they seemed to imply, no wonder he made such foolish proposals. poor columbus stands there puzzled, dissatisfied, tongue-tied. he cannot answer these wiseacres in their own learned lingo; what they say, or what they quote, may be true or it may not; but it has nothing to do with his idea. if he opens his mouth to justify himself, they refute him with arguments that he does not understand; there is a wall between them. more than a wall; there is a world between them! it is his 'credo' against their 'ignoro'; it is, his 'expecto' against their 'non video'. yet in his 'credo' there lies a power of which they do not dream; and it rings out in a trumpet note across the centuries, saluting the life force that opposes its irresistible "i will" to the feeble "thou canst not" of the worldly-wise. thus, in about the year 1483, did three learned men sit in judgment upon our ignorant christopher. three learned men: doctors rodrigo, joseph the jew, and the right reverend cazadilla, bishop of ceuta; three risen, stuffed to the eyes and ears with learning; stuffed so full indeed that eyes and ears are closed with it. and three men, it would appear, wholly destitute of mother-wit. after all his preparations this rebuff must have been a serious blow to columbus. it was not his only trouble, moreover. during the last year he had been earning nothing; he was already in imagination the admiral of the ocean seas; and in the anticipation of the much higher duties to which he hoped to be devoted it is not likely that he would continue at his humble task of making maps and charts. the result was that he got into debt, and it was absolutely necessary that something should be done. but a darker trouble had also almost certainly come to him about this time. neither the day nor the year of philippa's death is known; but it is likely that it occurred soon after columbus's failure at the portuguese court, and immediately before his departure into spain. that anonymous life, fulfilling itself so obscurely in companionship and motherhood, as softly as it floated upon the page of history, as softly fades from it again. those kind eyes, that encouraging voice, that helping hand and friendly human soul are with him no longer; and after the interval of peace and restful growth that they afforded christopher must strike his tent and go forth upon another stage of his pilgrimage with a heavier and sterner heart. two things are left to him: his son diego, now an articulate little creature with character and personality of his own, and with strange, heart-breaking reminiscences of his mother in voice and countenance and manner--that is one possession; the other is his idea. two things alive and satisfactory, amid the ruin and loss of other possessions; two reasons for living and prevailing. and these two possessions columbus took with him when he set out for spain in the year 1485. his first care was to take little diego to the town of huelva, where there lived a sister of philippa's who had married a spaniard named muliartes. this done, he was able to devote himself solely to the furtherance of his idea. for this purpose he went to seville, where he attached himself for a little while to a group of his countrymen who were settled there, among them antonio and alessandro geraldini, and made such momentary living as was possible to him by his old trade. but the idea would not sleep. he talked of nothing else; and as men do who talk of an idea that possesses them wholly, and springs from the inner light of faith, he interested and impressed many of his hearers. some of them suggested one thing, some another; but every one was agreed that it would be a good thing if he could enlist the services of the great count (afterwards duke) of medini celi, who had a palace at rota, near cadiz. this nobleman was one of the most famous of the grandees of spain, and lived in mighty state upon his territory along the sea-shore, serving the crown in its wars and expeditions with the power and dignity of an ally rather than of a subject. his domestic establishment was on a princely scale, filled with chamberlains, gentlemen-at-arms, knights, retainers, and all the panoply of social dignity; and there was also place in his household for persons of merit and in need of protection. to this great man came columbus with his idea. it attracted the count, who was a judge of men and perhaps of ideas also; and columbus, finding some hope at last in his attitude, accepted the hospitality offered to him, and remained at rota through the winter of 1485-86. he had not been very hopeful when he arrived there, and had told the count that he had thought of going to the king of france and asking for help from him; but the count, who found something respectable and worthy of consideration in the idea of a man who thought nothing of a journey in its service from one country to another and one sovereign to another, detained him, and played with the idea himself. three or four caravels were nothing to the count of medina eeli; but on the other hand the man was a grandee and a diplomat, with a nice sense of etiquette and of what was due to a reigning house. either there was nothing in this idea, in which case his caravels would be employed to no purpose, or there was so much in it that it was an undertaking, not merely for the count of medina celi, but for the crown of castile. lands across the ocean, and untold gold and riches of the indies, suggested complications with foreign powers, and transactions with the pope himself, that would probably be a little too much even for the good count; therefore with a curious mixture of far-sighted generosity and shrewd security he wrote to queen isabella, recommending columbus to her, and asking her to consider his idea; asking her also, in case anything should come of it, to remember him (the count), and to let him have a finger in the pie. thus, with much literary circumstance and elaboration of politeness, the count of medina celi to queen isabella. follows an interval of suspense, the beginning of a long discipline of suspense to which columbus was to be subjected; and presently comes a favourable reply from the queen, commanding that columbus should be sent to her. early in 1486 he set out for cordova, where the court was then established, bearing another letter from the count in which his own private requests were repeated, and perhaps a little emphasised. columbus was lodged in the house of alonso de quintanilla, treasurer to the crown of castile, there to await an audience with queen isabella. while he is waiting, and getting accustomed to his new surroundings, let us consider these two monarchs in whose presence he is soon to appear, and upon whose decision hangs some part of the world's destiny. isabella first; for in that strange duet of government it is her womanly soprano that rings most clearly down the corridors of time. we discern in her a very busy woman, living a difficult life with much tact and judgment, and exercising to some purpose that amiable taste for "doing good" that marks the virtuous lady of station in every age. this, however, was a woman who took risks with her eyes open, and steered herself cleverly in perilous situations, and guided others with a firm hand also, and in other ways made good her claim to be a ruler. the consent and the will of her people were her great strength; by them she dethroned her niece and ascended the throne of castile. she had the misfortune to be at variance with her husband in almost every matter of policy dear to his heart; she opposed the expulsion of the jews and the establishment of the inquisition; but when she failed to get her way, she was still able to preserve her affectionate relations with her husband without disagreement and with happiness. if she had a fault it was the common one of being too much under the influence of her confessors; but it was a fault that was rarely allowed to disturb the balance of her judgment. she liked clever people also; surrounded herself with men of letters and of science, fostered all learned institutions, and delighted in the details of civil administration. a very dignified and graceful figure, that could equally adorn a court drawing-room or a field of battle; for she actually went into the field, and wore armour as becomingly as silk and ermine. firm, constant, clever, alert, a little given to fussiness perhaps, but sympathetic and charming, with some claims to genius and some approach to grandeur of soul: so much we may say truly of her inner self. outwardly she was a woman well formed, of medium height, a very dignified and graceful carriage, eyes of a clear summer blue, and the red and gold of autumn in her hair--these last inherited from her english grandmother. ferdinand of aragon appears not quite so favourably in our pages, for he never thought well of columbus or of his proposals; and when he finally consented to the expedition he did so with only half a heart, and against his judgment. he was an extremely enterprising, extremely subtle, extremely courageous, and according to our modern notions, an extremely dishonest man; that is to say, his standards of honour were not those which we can accept nowadays. he thought nothing of going back on a promise, provided he got a priestly dispensation to do so; he juggled with his cabinets, and stopped at nothing in order to get his way; he had a craving ambition, and was lacking in magnanimity; he loved dominion, and cared very little for glory. a very capable man; so capable that in spite of his defects he was regarded by his subjects as wise and prudent; so capable that he used his weaknesses of character to strengthen and further the purposes of his reign. a very cold man also, quick and sure in his judgments, of wide understanding and grasp of affairs; simple and austere in dress and diet, as austerity was counted in that period of splendour; extremely industrious, and close in his observations and judgments of men. to the bodily eye he appeared as a man of middle size, sturdy and athletic, face burned a brick red with exposure to the sun and open air; hair and eyebrows of a bright chestnut; a well-formed and not unkindly mouth; a voice sharp and unmelodious, issuing in quick fluent speech. this was the man that earned from the pope, for himself and his successors, the title of "most catholic majesty." the queen was very busy indeed with military preparations; but in the midst of her interviews with nobles and officers, contractors and state officials, she snatched a moment to receive the person christopher columbus. with that extreme mental agility which is characteristic of busy sovereigns all the force of this clever woman's mind was turned for a moment on christopher, whose idea had by this time invested him with a dignity which no amount of regal state could abash. there was very little time. the queen heard what columbus had to say, cutting him short, it is likely, with kindly tact, and suppressing his tendency to launch out into long-winded speeches. what she saw she liked; and, being too busy to give to this proposal the attention that it obviously merited, she told columbus that the matter would be fully gone into and that in the meantime he must regard himself as the guest of the court. and so, in the countenance of a smile and a promise, columbus bows himself out. for the present he must wait a little and his hot heart must contain itself while other affairs, looming infinitely larger than his idea on the royal horizon, receive the attention of the court. it was not the happiest moment, indeed, in which to talk of ships and charts, and lonely sea-roads, and faraway undiscovered shores. things at home were very real and lively in those spring days at cordova. the war against the moors had reached a critical stage; king ferdinand was away laying siege to the city of loxa, and though the queen was at cordova she was entirely occupied with the business of collecting and forwarding troops and supplies to his aid. the streets were full of soldiers; nobles and grandees from all over the country were arriving daily with their retinues; glitter and splendour, and the pomp of warlike preparation, filled the city. early in june the queen herself went to the front and joined her husband in the siege of moclin; and when this was victoriously ended, and they had returned in triumph to cordova, they had to set out again for gallicia to suppress a rebellion there. when that was over they did not come back to cordova at all, but repaired at once to salamanca to spend the winter there. at the house of alonso de quintanilla, however, columbus was not altogether wasting his time. he met there some of the great persons of the court, among them the celebrated pedro gonzalez de mendoza, archbishop of toledo and grand cardinal of spain. this was far too great a man to be at this time anything like a friend of columbus; but columbus had been presented to him; the cardinal would know his name, and what his business was; and that is always a step towards consideration. cabrero, the royal chamberlain, was also often a fellow-guest at the treasurer's table; and with him columbus contracted something like a friendship. every one who met him liked him; his dignity, his simplicity of thought and manner, his experience of the sea, and his calm certainty and conviction about the stupendous thing which he proposed to do, could not fail to attract the liking and admiration of those with whom he came in contact. in the meantime a committee appointed by the queen sat upon his proposals. the committee met under the presidentship of hernando de talavera, the prior of the monastery of santa maria del prado, near valladolid, a pious ecclesiastic, who had the rare quality of honesty, and who was therefore a favourite with queen isabella; she afterwards created him archbishop of granada. he was not, however, poor honest soul! quite the man to grasp and grapple with this wild scheme for a voyage across the ocean. once more columbus, as in portugal, set forth his views with eloquence and conviction; and once more, at the tribunal of learning, his unlearned proposals were examined and condemned. not only was columbus's idea regarded as scientifically impossible, but it was also held to come perilously near to heresy, in its assumption of a state of affairs that was clearly at variance with the writings of the fathers and the sacred scriptures themselves. this new disappointment, bitter though it was, did not find columbus in such friendless and unhappy circumstances as those in which he left portugal. he had important friends now, who were willing and anxious to help him, and among them was one to whom he turned, in his profound depression, for religious and friendly consolation. this was diego de dea, prior of the dominican convent of san estevan at salamanca, who was also professor of theology in the university there and tutor to the young prince juan. of all those who came in contact with columbus at this time this man seems to have understood him best, and to have realised where his difficulty lay. like many others who are consumed with a burning idea columbus was very probably at this time in danger of becoming possessed with it like a monomaniac; and his new friends saw that if he were to make any impression upon the conservative learning of the time to which a decision in such matters was always referred he must have some opportunity for friendly discussion with learned men who were not inimical to him, and who were not in the position of judges examining a man arraigned before them and pleading for benefits. when the court went to salamanca at the end of 1486, dea arranged that columbus should go there too, and he lodged him in a country farm called valcuebo, which belonged to his convent and was equi-distant from it and the city. here the good dominican fathers came and visited him, bringing with them professors from the university, who discussed patiently with columbus his theories and ambitions, and, himself all conscious, communicated new knowledge to him, and quietly put him right on many a scientific point. there were professors of cosmography and astronomy in the university, familiar with the works of alfraganus and regiomontanus. it is likely that it was at this time that columbus became possessed of d'ailly's 'imago mundi', which little volume contained a popular resume of the scientific views of strabo, pliny, ptolemy, and others, and was from this time forth columbus's constant companion. here at valcuebo and later, when winter came, in the great hall of the dominican convent at salamanca, known as the "de profundis" hall, where the monks received guests and held discussions, the idea of columbus was ventilated and examined. he heard what friendly sceptics had to say about it; he saw the kind of argument that he would have to oppose to the existing scientific and philosophical knowledge on cosmography. there is no doubt that he learnt a good deal at this time; and more important even than this, he got his project known and talked about; and he made powerful friends, who were afterwards to be of great use to him. the marquesa de moya, wife of his friend cabrera, took a great liking to him; and as she was one of the oldest and closest friends of the queen, it is likely that she spoke many a good word for columbus in isabella's ear. by the time the court moved to cordova early in 1487, columbus was once more hopeful of getting a favourable hearing. he followed the court to cordova, where he received a gracious message from the queen to the effect that she had not forgotten him, and that as soon as her military preoccupations permitted it, she would go once more, and more fully, into his proposals. in the meantime he was attached to the court, and received a quarterly payment of 3000 maravedis. it seemed as though the unfavourable decision of talavera's committee had been forgotten. in the meantime he was to have a change of scene. isabella followed ferdinand to the siege of malaga, where the court was established; and as there were intervals in which other than military business might be transacted, columbus was ordered to follow them in case his affairs should come up for consideration. they did not; but the man himself had an experience that may have helped to keep his thoughts from brooding too much on his unfulfilled ambition. years afterwards, when far away on lonely seas, amid the squalor of a little ship and the staggering buffets of a gale, there would surely sometimes leap into his memory a brightly coloured picture of this scene in the fertile valley of malaga: the silken pavilions of the court, the great encampment of nobility with its arms and banners extending in a semicircle to the seashore, all glistening and moving in the bright sunshine. there was added excitement at this time at an attempt to assassinate ferdinand and isabella, a fanatic moor having crept up to one of the pavilions and aimed a blow at two people whom he mistook for the king and queen. they turned out to be don alvaro de portugal, who was dangerously wounded, and columbus's friend, the marquesa de moya, who was unhurt; but it was felt that the king and queen had had a narrow escape. the siege was raised on the 18th of august, and the sovereigns went to spend the winter at zaragoza; and columbus, once more condemned to wait, went back to cordova. it was here that he contracted his second and, so far as we know, his last romantic attachment. the long idle days of summer and autumn at cordova, empty of all serious occupation, gave nature an opportunity for indulging her passion for life and continuity. among christopher's friends at cordova was the family of arana, friendly hospitable souls, by some accounts noble and by others not noble, and certainly in somewhat poor circumstances, who had welcomed him to their house, listened to his plans with enthusiasm, and formed a life-long friendship with him. three members of this family are known to us--two brothers, diego and pedro, both of whom commanded ships in columbus's expeditions, and a sister beatriz. columbus was now a man of six-and-thirty, while she was little more than a girl; he was handsome and winning, distinguished by the daring and importance of his scheme, full of thrilling and romantic talk of distant lands; a very interesting companion, we may be sure. no wonder she fell in love with christopher; no wonder that he, feeling lonely and depressed by the many postponements of his suit at court, and in need of sympathy and encouragement, fell in these blank summer days into an intimacy that flamed into a brief but happy passion. why columbus never married beatriz de arana we cannot be sure, for it is almost certain that his first wife had died some time before. perhaps he feared to involve himself in any new or embarrassing ties; perhaps he loved unwillingly, and against his reason; perhaps--although the suggestion is not a happy one--he by this time did not think poor beatriz good enough for the admiral-elect of the ocean seas; perhaps (and more probably) beatriz was already married and deserted, for she bore the surname of enriquez; and in that case, there being no such thing as a divorce in the catholic church, she must either sin or be celibate. but however that may be, there was an uncanonical alliance between them which evidently did not in the least scandalise her brothers and which resulted in the birth of ferdinand columbus in the following year. christopher, so communicative and discursive upon some of his affairs, is as reticent about beatriz as he was about philippa. beatriz shares with his legitimate wife the curious distinction of being spoken of by columbus to posterity only in his will, which was executed at valladolid the day before he died. in the dry ink and vellum of that ancient legal document is his only record of these two passions. the reference to beatriz is as follows: "and i direct him [diego] to make provision for beatriz enriquez, mother of d. fernando, my son, that she may be able to live honestly, being a person to whom i am under very great obligation. and this shall be done for the satisfaction of my conscience, because this matter weighs heavily upon my soul. the reason for which it is not fitting to write here." about the condition of beatriz, temporal and spiritual, there has been much controversy; but where the facts are all so buried and inaccessible it is unseemly to agitate a veil which we cannot lift, and behind which columbus himself sheltered this incident of his life. "acquainted with poverty" is one fragment of fact concerning her that has come down to us; acquainted also with love and with happiness, it would seem, as many poor persons undoubtedly are. enough for us to know that in the city of cordova there lived a woman, rich or poor, gentle or humble, married or not married, who brought for a time love and friendly companionship into the life of columbus; that she gave what she had for giving, without stint or reserve, and that she became the mother of a son who inherited much of what was best in his father, and but for whom the world would be in even greater darkness than it is on the subject of christopher himself. and so no more of beatriz enriquez de arana, whom "god has in his keeping"--and has had now these many centuries of time. thus passed the summer and autumn of 1487; precious months, precious years slipping by, and the great purpose as yet unfulfilled and seemingly no nearer to fulfilment. it is likely that columbus kept up his applications to the court, and received polite and delaying replies. the next year came, and the court migrated from zaragoza to murcia, from murcia to valladolid, from valladolid to medina del campo. columbus attended it in one or other of these places, but without result. in august beatriz gave birth to a son, who was christened ferdinand, and who lived to be a great comfort to his father, if not to her also. but the miracle of paternity was not now so new and wonderful as it had been; the battle of life, with its crosses and difficulties, was thick about him; and perhaps he looked into this new-comer's small face with conflicting thoughts, and memories of the long white beach and the crashing surf at porto santo, and regret for things lost--so strangely mingled and inconsistent are the threads of human thought. at last he decided to turn his face elsewhere. in september 1488 he went to lisbon, for what purpose it is not certain; possibly in connection with the affairs of his dead wife; and probably also in the expectation of seeing his brother bartholomew, to whom we may now turn our attention for a moment. after the failure of columbus's proposals to the king of portugal in 1486, and the break-up of his home there, bartholomew had also left lisbon. bartholomew diaz, a famous portuguese navigator, was leaving for the african coast in august, and bartholomew columbus is said to have joined his small expedition of three caravels. as they neared the latitude of the cape which he was trying to make, he ran into a gale which drove him a long way out of his course, west and south. the wind veered round from north-east to north-west, and he did not strike the land again until may 1487. when he did so his crew insisted upon his returning, as they declined to go any further south. he therefore turned to the west, and then made the startling discovery that in the course of the tempest he had been blown round the cape, and that the land he had made was to the eastward of it; and he therefore rounded it on his way home. he arrived back in lisbon in december 1488, when columbus met his brother again, and was present at the reception of diaz by the king of portugal. they had a great deal to tell each other, these two brothers; in the two years and a half that had gone since they had parted a great deal had happened to them; and they both knew a good deal more about the great question in which they, were interested than they had known when last they talked. it is to this period that i attribute the inception, if not the execution, of the forgery of the toscanelli correspondence, if, as i believe, it was a forgery. christopher's unpleasant experiences before learned committees and commissions had convinced him that unless he were armed with some authoritative and documentary support for his theories they had little chance of acceptance by the learned. the, idea was right; he knew that; but before he could convince the academic mind, he felt that it must have the imprimatur of a mind whose learning could not be impugned. therefore it is not an unfair guess--and it can be nothing more than a guess--that christopher and bartholomew at this point laid their heads together, and decided that the next time christopher had to appear before a commission he would, so to speak, have something "up his sleeve." it was a risky thing to do, and must in any case be used only as a very last resource; which would account for the fact that the toscanelli correspondence was never used at all, and is not mentioned in any document known to men written until long after columbus's death. but these summers and winters of suspense are at last drawing to a close, and we must follow christopher rapidly through them until the hour of his triumph. he was back in spain in the spring of 1489, his travelling expenses being defrayed out of the royal purse; and a little later he was once more amid scenes of war at the siege of baza, and, if report is true, taking a hand himself, not without distinction. it was there that he saw the two friars from the convent of the holy sepulchre at jerusalem, who brought a message from the grand soldan of egypt, threatening the destruction of the sepulchre if the spanish sovereigns did not desist from the war against granada; and it was there that in his simple and pious mind he formed the resolve that if ever his efforts should be crowned with success, and he himself become rich and powerful, he would send a crusade for the rescue of the holy sepulchre. and it was there that, on the 22nd of december, he saw boabdil, the elder of the two rival kings of granada, surrender all his rights and claims to spain. surely now there will be a chance for him? no; there is another interruption, this time occasioned by the royal preparations for the marriage of the princess isabella to the heir of portugal. poor columbus, sickened and disappointed by these continual delays, irritated by a sense of the waste of his precious time, follows the court about from one place to another, raising a smile here and a scoff there, and pointed at by children in the street. there, is nothing so ludicrous as an idea to those who do not share it. another summer, another winter, lost out of a life made up of a limited number of summers and winters; a few more winters and summers, thinks christopher, and i shall be in a world where ideas are not needed, and where there is nothing left to discover! something had to be done. in the beginning of 1491 there was only one thing spoken of at court--the preparations for the siege of granada, which did not interest columbus at all. the camp of king ferdinand was situated at santa fe, a few miles to the westward of granada, and columbus came here late in the year, determined to get a final answer one way or the other to his question. he made his application, and the busy monarchs once more adopted their usual polite tactics. they appointed a junta, which was presided over by no less a person than the cardinal of spain, gonzales de mendoza: once more the weary business was gone through, but columbus must have had some hopes of success, since he did not produce his forged toscanelli correspondence. it was no scruple of conscience that held him back, we may be sure; the crafty genoese knew nothing about such scruples in the attainment of a great object; he would not have hesitated to adopt any means to secure an end which he felt to be so desirable. so it is probable that either he was not quite sure of his ground and his courage failed him, or that he had hopes, owing to his friendship with so many of the members of the junta, that a favourable decision would at last be arrived at. in this he was mistaken. the spanish prelates again quoted the fathers of the church, and disposed of his proposals simply on the ground that they were heretical. much talk, and much wagging of learned heads; and still no mother-wit or gleam of light on this obscurity of learning. the junta decided against the proposals, and reported its decision to the king and queen. the monarchs, true to their somewhat hedging methods when there was anything to be gained by hedging, informed columbus that at present they were too much occupied with the war to grant his requests; but that, when the preoccupations and expenses of the campaign were a thing of the past, they might again turn their attention to his very interesting suggestion. it was at this point that the patience of columbus broke down. too many promises had been made to him, and hope had been held out to him too often for him to believe any more in it. spain, he decided, was useless; he would try france; at least he would be no worse off there. but he had first of all to settle his affairs as well as possible. diego, now a growing boy nearly eleven years old, had been staying with beatriz at cordova, and going to school there; christopher would take him back to his aunt's at huelva before he went away. he set out with a heavy heart, but with purpose and determination unimpaired. chapter x our lady of la rabida it is a long road from santa fe to huelva, a long journey to make on foot, and the company of a sad heart and a little talking boy, prone to sudden weariness and the asking of innumerable difficult questions, would not make it very much shorter. every step that christopher took carried him farther away from the glittering scene where his hopes had once been so bright, and were now fallen to the dust; and every step brought him nearer that unknown destiny as to which he was in great darkness of mind, and certain only that there was some small next thing constantly to be done: the putting down of one foot after another, the request for food and lodging at the end of each short day's march, the setting out again in the morning. that walk from santa fe, so real and painful and wearisome and long a thing to christopher and diego, is utterly blank and obliterated for us. what he thought and felt and suffered are things quite dead; what he did-namely, to go and do the immediate thing that it seemed possible and right for him to do--is a living fact to-day, for it brought him, as all brave and honest doing will, a little nearer to his destiny, a little nearer to the truthful realisation of what was in him. at about a day's journey from huelva, where the general slope of the land begins to fall towards the sea, two small rivers, the odiel and the tinto, which have hitherto been making music each for itself through the pleasant valleys and vineyards of andalusia, join forces, and run with a deeper stream towards the sea at palos. the town of palos lay on the banks of the river; a little to the south of it, and on the brow of a rocky promontory dark with pine trees, there stood the convent of our lady of la rabida. stood, on this november evening in the year 1491; had stood in some form or other, and used for varying purposes, for many years and centuries before that, even to the time of the romans; and still stands, a silent and neglected place, yet to be visited and seen by such as are curious. to the door of this place comes christopher as darkness falls, urged thereto by the plight of diego, who is tired and hungry. christopher rings the bell, and asks the porter for a little bread and water for the child, and a lodging for them both. there is some talk at the door; the franciscan lay brother being given, at all times in the history of his order, to the pleasant indulgence of gossiping conversation, when that is lawful; and the presence of a stranger, who speaks with a foreign accent, being at all times a incident of interest and even of excitement in the quiet life of a monastery. the moment is one big with import to the human race; it marks a period in the history of our man; the scene is worth calling up. dark night, with sea breezes moaning in the pine trees, outside; raying light from within falling on the lay brother leaning in the doorway and on the two figures standing without: on christopher, grave, subdued, weary, yet now as always of pleasant and impressive address, and on the small boy who stands beside him round-eyed and expectant, his fatigue for the moment forgotten in curiosity and anticipation. while they are talking comes no less a person than the prior of the monastery, friar juan perez, bustling round, good-natured busybody that he is, to see what is all this talk at the door. the prior, as is the habit of monks, begins by asking questions. what is the stranger's name? where does he come from? where is he going to? what is his business? is the little boy his son? he has actually come from santa fe? the prior, loving talk after the manner of his kind, sees in this grave and smooth-spoken stranger rich possibilities of talk; possibilities that cannot possibly be exhausted to-night, it being now hard on the hour of compline; the stranger must come in and rest for tonight at least, and possibly for several nights. there is much bustle and preparation; the travellers are welcomed with monkish hospitality; christopher, we may be sure, goes and hears the convent singing compline, and offers up devout prayers for a quiet night and for safe conduct through this vale of tears; and goes thankfully to bed with the plainsong echoing in his ears, and some stoic sense that all days, however hard, have an evening, and all journeys an end. next morning the talk begins in earnest, and christopher, never a very reserved man, finds in the friendly curiosity of the monks abundant encouragement to talk; and before very long he is in full swing with his oft-told story. the prior is delighted with it; he has not heard anything so interesting for a long time. moreover, he has not always been in a convent; he was not so long ago confessor to queen isabella herself, and has much to communicate and ask concerning that lady. columbus's proposal does not strike him as being unreasonable at all; but he has a friend in palos, a very learned man indeed, doctor garcia hernandez, who often comes and has a talk with him; he knows all about astronomy and cosmography; the prior will send for him. and meanwhile there must be no word of columbus's departure for a few days at any rate. presently doctor garcia hernandez arrives, and the whole story is gone over again. they go at it hammer and tongs, arguments and counter-arguments, reasons for and against, encouragements, and objections. the result is that doctor garcia hernandez, whose learning seems not yet quite to have blinded or deafened him, thinks well of the scheme; thinks so well of it that he protests it will be a thousand pities if the chance of carrying it out is lost to spain. the worthy prior, who has been somewhat out of it while the talk about degrees and latitudes has been going on, here strikes in again; he will use his influence. perhaps the good man, living up here among the pine trees and the sea winds, and involved in the monotonous round of prime, lauds, nones, vespers, has a regretful thought or two of the time when he moved in the splendid intricacy of court life; at any rate he is not sorry to have an opportunity of recalling himself to the attention of her majesty, for the spiritual safety of whose soul he was once responsible; perhaps, being (in spite of his nones and vespers) a human soul, he is glad of an opportunity of opposing the counsels of his successor, talavera. in a word, he will use his influence. then follow much drafting of letters, and laying of heads together, and clatter of monkish tongues; the upshot of which is that a letter is written in which perez urges his daughter in the lord in the strongest possible terms not to let slip so glorious an opportunity, not only of fame and increment to her kingdom, but of service to the church and the kingdom of heaven itself. he assures her that columbus is indeed about to depart from the country, but that he (perez) will detain him at la rabida until he has an answer from the queen. a messenger to carry the letter was found in the person of sebastian rodriguez, a pilot of the port, who immediately set off to santa fe. it is not likely that columbus, after so many rebuffs, was very hopeful; but in the meantime, here he was amid the pious surroundings in which the religious part of him delighted, and in a haven of rest after all his turmoils and trials. he could look out to sea over the flecked waters of that atlantic whose secrets he longed to discover; or he could look down into the busy little port of palos, and watch the ships sailing in and out across the bar of saltes. he could let his soul, much battered and torn of late by trials and disappointments, rest for a time on the rock of religion; he could snuff the incense in the chapel to his heart's content, and mingle his rough top-gallant voice with the harsh croak of the monks in the daily cycle of prayer and praise. he could walk with diego through the sandy roads beneath the pine trees, or through the fields and vineyards below; and above all he could talk to the company that good perez invited to meet him--among them merchants and sailors from palos, of whom the chief was martin alonso pinzon, a wealthy landowner and navigator, whose family lived then at palos, owning the vineyards round about, and whose descendants live there to this day. pinzon was a listener after columbus's own heart; he not only believed in his project, but offered to assist it with money, and even to accompany the expedition himself. altogether a happy and peaceful time, in which hopes revived, and the inner light that, although it had now and then flickered, had never gone out, burned up again in a bright and steady flame. at the end of a fortnight, and much sooner than had been expected, the worthy pilot returned with a letter from the queen. eager hands seized it and opened it; delight beamed from the eyes of the good prior. the queen was most cordial to him, thanked him for his intervention, was ready to listen to him and even to be convinced by him; and in the meantime commanded his immediate appearance at the court, asking that columbus would be so good as to wait at la rabida until he should hear further from her. then followed such a fussing and fuming, such a running hither and thither, and giving and taking of instructions and clatter of tongues as even the convent of la rabida had probably never known. nothing will serve the good old busybody, although it is now near midnight, but that he must depart at once. he will not wait for daylight; he will not, the good honest soul! wait at all. he must be off at once; he must have this, he must have that; he will take this, he will leave that behind; or no, he will take that, and leave this behind. he must have a mule, for his old feet will not bear him fast enough; ex-confessors of her majesty, moreover, do not travel on foot; and after more fussing and running hither and thither a mule is borrowed from one juan rodriguez cabezudo of moguer; and with a god-speed from the group standing round the lighted doorway, the old monk sets forth into the night. it is a strange thing to consider what unimportant flotsam sometimes floats visibly upon the stream of history, while the gravest events are sunk deep beneath its flood. we would give a king's ransom to know events that must have taken place in any one of twenty years in the life of columbus, but there is no sign of them on the surface of the stream, nor will any fishing bring them to light. yet here, bobbing up like a cork, comes the name of juan rodriguez cabezudo of moguer, doubtless a good worthy soul, but, since he has been dead these four centuries and more, of no interest or importance to any human being; yet of whose life one trivial act, surviving the flood of time which has engulfed all else that he thought important, falls here to be recorded: that he did, towards midnight of a day late in december 1491 lend a mule to friar juan perez. of that heroic mule journey we have no record; but it brought results enough to compensate the good prior for all his aching bones and rheumatic joints. he was welcomed by the queen, who had never quite lost her belief in columbus, but who had hitherto deferred to the apathy of ferdinand and the disapproval--of her learned advisers. now, however, the matter was reopened. she, who sometimes listened to priests with results other than good, heard this worthy priest to good purpose. the feminine friends of columbus who remembered him at court also spoke up for him, among them the marquesa de moya, with whom he had always been a favourite; and it was decided that his request should be granted and three vessels equipped for the expedition, "that he might go and make discoveries and prove true the words he had spoken."--moreover, the machinery that had been so hard to move before, turned swiftly now. diego prieto, one of the magistrates of palos, was sent to columbus at la rabida, bearing 20,000 maravedis with which he was to buy a mule and decent clothing for himself, and repair immediately to the court at santa fe. old perez was in high feather, and busy with his pen. he wrote to doctor garcia hernandez, and also to columbus, in whose letter the following pleasant passage occurs: "our lord has listened to the prayers of his servant. the wise and virtuous isabella, touched by the grace of heaven, gave a favourable hearing to the words of this poor monk. all has turned out well. far from despising your project, she has adopted it from this time, and she has summoned you to court to propose the means which seem best to you for the execution of the designs of providence. my heart swims in a sea of comfort, and my spirit leaps with joy in the lord. start at once, for the queen waits for you, and i much more than she. commend me to the prayers of my brethren, and of your little diego. the grace of god be with you, and may our lady of la rabida accompany you." the news of that day must have come upon columbus like a burst of sunshine after rain. i like to think how bright must have seemed to him the broad view of land and sea, how deeply the solemn words of the last office which he attended must have sunk into his soul, how great and glad a thing life must have been to him, and how lightly the miles must have passed beneath the feet of his mule as he jogged out on the long road to santa fe. chapter xi the consent of spain once more; in the last days of the year 1491, columbus rode into the brilliant camp which he had quitted a few weeks before with so heavy a heart. things were changed now. instead of being a suitor, making a nuisance of himself, and forcing his affairs on the attention of unwilling officials, he was now an invited and honoured guest; much more than that, he was in the position of one who believed that he had a great service to render to the crown, and who was at last to be permitted to render it. even now, at the eleventh hour, there was one more brief interruption. on the 1st of january 1492 the last of the moorish kings sent in his surrender to king ferdinand, whom he invited to come and take possession of the city of granada; and on the next day the spanish army marched into that city, where, in front of the alhambra, king ferdinand received the keys of the castle and the homage of the moorish king. the wars of eight centuries were at an end, and the christian banner of spain floated at last over the whole land. victory and success were in the air, and the humble genoese adventurer was to have his share in them. negotiations of a practical nature were now begun; old friends--talavera, luis de santangel, and the grand cardinal himself--were all brought into consultation with the result that matters soon got to the documentary stage. here, however, there was a slight hitch. it was not simply a matter of granting two, or three ships. the genoese was making a bargain, and asking an impossible price. even the great grandees and court officials, accustomed to the glitter and dignity of titles, rubbed their eyes with astonishment, when they saw what columbus was demanding. he who had been suing for privileges was now making conditions. and what conditions! he must be created admiral of all the ocean seas and of the new lands, with equal privileges and prerogatives as those appertaining to the high admiral of castile, the supreme naval officer of spain. not content with sea dignities, he was also to be viceroy and governor-general in all islands or mainlands that he might acquire; he wanted a tenth part of the profits resulting from his discoveries, in perpetuity; and he must have the permanent right of contributing an eighth part of the cost of the equipment and have an additional eighth part of the profits; and all his heirs and descendants for ever were to have the same privileges. these conditions were on such a scale as no sovereign could readily approve. columbus's lack of pedigree, and the fact also that he was a foreigner, made them seem the more preposterous; for although he might receive kindness and even friendship from some of the grand spaniards with whom he associated, that friendship and kindness were given condescendingly and with a smile. he was delightful when he was merely proposing as a mariner to confer additional grandeur and glory on the crown; but when it came to demanding titles and privileges which would make him rank with the highest grandees in, the land, the matter took on quite a different colour. it was nonsense; it could not be allowed; and many were the friendly hints that columbus doubtless received at this time to relinquish his wild demands and not to overreach himself. but to the surprise and dismay of his friends, who really wished him to have a chance of distinguishing himself, and were shocked at the impediments he was now putting in his own way, the man from genoa stood firm. what he proposed to do, he said, was worthy of the rewards that he asked; they were due to the importance and grandeur of his scheme, and so on. nor did he fail to point out that the bestowal of them was a matter altogether contingent on results; if there were no results, there would be no rewards; if there were results, they would be worthy of the rewards. this action of columbus's deserves close study. he had come to a turning-point in his life. he had been asking, asking, asking, for six years; he had been put off and refused over and over again; people were beginning to laugh at him for a madman; and now, when a combination of lucky chances had brought him to the very door of success, he stood outside the threshold bargaining for a preposterous price before he would come in. it seemed like the densest stupidity. what is the explanation of it? the only explanation of it is to be found in the character of columbus. we must try to see him as he is in this forty-second year of his life, bargaining with notaries, bishops, and treasurers; we must try to see where these forty years have brought him, and what they have made of him. remember the little boy that played in the vico dritto di ponticello, acquainted with poverty, but with a soul in him that could rise beyond it and acquire something of the dignity of that genoa, arrogant, splendid and devout, which surrounded him during his early years. remember his long life of obscurity at sea, and the slow kindling of the light of faith in something beyond the familiar horizons; remember the social inequality of his marriage, his long struggle with poverty, his long familiarity with the position of one who asked and did not receive; the many rebuffs and indignities which his ligurian pride must have received at the hands of all those spanish dignitaries and grandees--remember all this, and then you will perhaps not wonder so much that columbus, who was beginning to believe himself appointed by heaven to this task of discovery, felt that he had much to pay himself back for. one must recognise him frankly for what he was, and for no conventional hero of romance; a man who would reconcile his conscience with anything, and would stop at nothing in the furtherance of what he deemed a good object; and a man at the same time who had a conscience to reconcile, and would, whenever it was necessary, laboriously and elaborately perform the act of reconciliation. when he made these huge demands in granada he was gambling with his chances; but he was a calculating gambler, just about as cunning and crafty in the weighing of one chance against another as a gambler with a conscience can be; and he evidently realised that his own valuation of the services he proposed to render would not be without its influence on his sovereign's estimate of them. at any rate he was justified by the results, for on the 17th of april 1492, after a deal of talk and bargaining, but apparently without any yielding on columbus's part, articles of capitulation were drawn up in which the following provisions were made:-first, that columbus and his heirs for ever should have the title and office of admiral in all the islands and continents of the ocean that he or they might discover, with similar honours and prerogatives to those enjoyed by the high admiral of castile. second, that he and his heirs should be viceroys and governors-general over all the said lands and continents, with the right of nominating three candidates for the governing of each island or province, one of whom should be appointed by the crown. third, that he end his heirs should be entitled to one-tenth of all precious stones, metals, spices, and other merchandises, however acquired, within his admiralty, the cost of acquisition being first deducted. fourth, that he or his lieutenants in their districts, and the high admiral of castile in his district, should be the sole judge in all disputes arising out of traffic between spain and the new countries. fifth, that he now, and he and his heirs at all times, should have the right to contribute the eighth part of the expense of fitting out expeditions, and receive the eighth part of the profits. in addition to these articles there was another document drawn up on the 30th of april, which after an infinite preamble about the nature of the holy trinity, of the apostle saint james, and of the saints of god generally in their relations to princes, and with a splendid trailing of gorgeous spanish names and titles across the page, confers upon our hitherto humble christopher the right to call himself "don," and finally raises him, in his own estimation at any rate, to a social level with his proud spanish friends. it is probably from this time that he adopted the spanish form of his name, christoval colon; but in this narrative i shall retain the more universal form in which it has become familiar to the english-speaking world. he was now upon a pisgah height, from which in imagination he could look forth and see his land of promise. we also may climb up with him, and stand beside him as he looks westward. we shall not see so clearly as he sees, for we have not his inner light; and it is probable that even he does not see the road at all, but only the goal, a single point of light shining across a gulf of darkness. but from pisgah there is a view backward as well as forward, and, we may look back for a moment on this last period of christopher's life in spain, inwardly to him so full of trouble and difficulty and disappointment, outwardly so brave and glittering, musical with high-sounding names and the clash of arms; gay with sun and shine and colour. the brilliant court moving from camp to camp with its gorgeous retinues and silken pavilions and uniforms and dresses and armours; the excitement of war, the intrigues of the antechamber--these are the bright fabric of the latter years; and against it, as against a background, stand out the beautiful names of the spanish associates of columbus at this time--medina celi, alonso de quintanilla, cabrero, arana, dea, hernando de talavera, gonzales de mendoza, alonso de cardenas, perez, hernandez, luis de santangel, and rodriguez de maldonado--names that now, in his hour of triumph, are like banners streaming in the wind against a summer sky. chapter xii the preparations at palos the palos that witnessed the fitting out of the ships of columbus exists no longer. the soul is gone from it; the trade that in those days made it great and busy has floated away from it into other channels; and it has dwindled and shrunk, until to-day it consists of nothing but a double street of poor white houses, such almost as you may see in any sea-coast village in ireland. the slow salt tides of the atlantic come flooding in over the manto bank, across the bar of saltes, and, dividing at the tongue of land that separates the two rivers, creep up the mud banks of the tinto and the odiel until they lie deep beside the wharves of huelva and palos; but although huelva still has a trade the tides bring nothing to palos, and take nothing away with them again. from la rabida now you can no longer see, as columbus saw, fleets of caravels lying-to and standing off and on outside the bar waiting for the flood tide; only a few poor boats fishing for tunny in the empty sunny waters, or the smoke of a steamer standing on her course for the guadalquiver or cadiz. but in those spring days of 1492 there was a great stir and bustle of preparation in palos. as soon as the legal documents had been signed columbus returned there and, taking up his quarters at la rabida, set about fitting out his expedition. the reason palos was chosen was an economical one. the port, for some misdemeanour, had lately been condemned to provide two caravels for the service of the crown for a period of twelve months; and in the impoverished state of the royal exchequer this free service came in very usefully in fitting out the expedition of discovery. columbus was quite satisfied, since he had such good friends at palos; and he immediately set about choosing the ships. this, however, did not prove to be quite such a straightforward business as might have been expected. the truth is that, whatever a few monks and physicians may have thought of it, the proposed expedition terrified the ordinary seafaring population of palos. it was thought to be the wildest and maddest scheme that any one had ever heard of. all that was known about the atlantic west of the azores was that it was a sea of darkness, inhabited by monsters and furrowed by enormous waves, and that it fell down the slope of the world so steeply that no ship having once gone down could ever climb up it again. and not only was there reluctance on the part of mariners to engage themselves for the expedition, but also a great shyness on the part of ship-owners to provide ships. this reluctance proved so formidable an impediment that columbus had to communicate with the king and queen; with the result that on the 23rd of may the population was summoned to the church of saint george, where the notary public read aloud to them the letter from the sovereigns commanding the port to furnish ships and men, and an additional order summoning the town to obey it immediately. an inducement was provided in the offer of a free pardon to all criminals and persons under sentence who chose to enlist. still the thing hung fire; and on june 20 a new and peremptory order was issued by the crown authorising columbus to impress the vessels and crew if necessary. time was slipping away; and in his difficulty columbus turned to martin alonso pinzon, upon whose influence and power in the town he could count. there were three brothers then in this family--martin alonso, vincenti yanez, and francisco martin, all pilots themselves and owners of ships. these three brothers saw some hope of profit out of the enterprise, and they exerted themselves on christopher's behalf so thoroughly that, not only did they afford him help in the obtaining of ships, men, and supplies, but they all three decided to go with him. there was one more financial question to be settled--a question that remains for us in considerable obscurity, but was in all probability partly settled by the aid of these brothers. the total cost of the expedition, consisting of three ships, wages of the crew, stores and provisions, was 1,167,542 maravedis, about l950(in 1900). after all these years of pleading at court, all the disappointments and deferred hopes and sacrifices made by columbus, the smallness of this sum cannot but strike us with amazement. many a nobleman that columbus must have rubbed shoulders with in his years at court could have furnished the whole sum out of his pocket and never missed it; yet columbus had to wait years and years before he could get it from the crown. still more amazing, this sum was not all provided by the crown; 167,000 maravedis were found by columbus, and the crown only contributed one million maravedis. one can only assume that columbus's pertinacity in petitioning the king and queen to undertake the expedition, when he could with comparative ease have got the money from some of his noble acquaintance, was due to three things--his faith and belief in his idea, his personal ambition, and his personal greed. he believed in his idea so thoroughly that he knew he was going to find something across the atlantic. continents and islands cannot for long remain in the possession of private persons; they are the currency of crowns; and he did not want to be left in the lurch if the land he hoped to discover should be seized or captured by spain or portugal. the result of his discoveries, he was convinced, was going to be far too large a thing to be retained and controlled by any machinery less powerful than that of a kingdom; therefore he was unwilling to accept either preliminary assistance or subsequent rewards from any but the same powerful hand. admiralties, moreover, and governor-generalships and viceroyships cannot be conferred by counts and dukes, however powerful; the very title don could only be conferred by one power in spain; and all the other titles and dignities that columbus craved with all his genoese soul were to be had from the hands of kings, and not from plutocrats. it was characteristic of him all his life never to deal with subordinates, but always to go direct to the head man; and when the whole purpose and ambition of his life was to be put to the test it was only consistent in him, since he could not be independent, to go forth under the protection of the united crown of aragon and castile. where or how he raised his share of the cost is not known; it is possible that his old friend the duke of medina celi came to his help, or that the pinzon family, who believed enough in the expedition to risk their lives in it, lent some of the necessary money. ever since ships were in danger of going to sea short-handed methods of recruiting and manning them have been very much the same; and there must have been some hot work about the harbour of palos in the summer of 1492. the place was in a panic. it is highly probable that many of the volunteers were a ruffianly riff-raff from the prisons, to whom personal freedom meant nothing but a chance of plunder; and the recruiting office in palos must have seen many a picturesque scoundrel coming and taking the oath and making his mark. the presence of these adventurers, many of them entirely ignorant of the sea, would not be exactly an encouragement to the ordinary seaman. it is here very likely that the influence of the pinzon family was usefully applied. i call it influence, since that is a polite term which covers the application of force in varying degrees; and it was an awkward thing for a palos sailor to offend the pinzons, who owned and controlled so much of the shipping in the port. little by little the preparations went on. in the purchasing of provisions and stores the pinzons were most helpful to columbus and, it is not improbable, to themselves also. they also procured the ships; altogether, in the whole history of the fitting out of expeditions, i know nothing since the voyage of the ark which was so well kept within one family. moreover it is interesting to notice, since we know the names and places of residence of all the members of the expedition, that the pinzons, who personally commanded two of the caravels, had them almost exclusively manned by sailors from palos, while the admiral's ship was manned by a miscellaneous crew from other places. to be sure they gave the admiral the biggest ship, but (in his own words) it proved "a dull sailer and unfit for discovery"; while they commanded the two caravels, small and open, but much faster and handier. clearly these pinzons will take no harm from a little watching. they may be honest souls enough, but their conduct is just a little suspicious, and we cannot be too careful. three vessels were at last secured. the first, named the santa maria, was the largest, and was chosen to be the flagship of columbus. she was of about one hundred tons burden, and would be about ninety feet in length by twenty feet beam. she was decked over, and had a high poop astern and a high forecastle in the bows. she had three masts, two of them square-rigged, with a latine sail on the mizzen mast; and she carried a crew of fifty-two persons. where and how they all stowed themselves away is a matter upon which we can only make wondering guesses; for this ship was about the size of an ordinary small coasting schooner, such as is worked about the coasts of these islands with a crew of six or eight men. the next largest ship was the pinta, which was commanded by martin alonso pinzon, who took his brother francisco with him as sailing-master. the pinta was of fifty tons burden, decked only at the bow and stern, and the fastest of the three ships; she also had three masts. the third ship was a caravel of forty tons and called the nina; she belonged to juan nino of palos. she was commanded by vincenti pinzon, and had a complement of eighteen men. among the crew of the flagship, whose names and places of residence are to be found in the appendix, were an englishman and an irishman. the englishman is entered as tallarte de lajes (ingles), who has been ingeniously identified with a possible allard or aethelwald of winchelsea, there having been several generations of allards who were sailors of winchelsea in the fifteenth century. sir clements markham thinks that this allard may have been trading to coruna and have married and settled down at lajes. there is also guillermo ires, an irishman from galway. allard and william, shuffling into the recruiting office in palos, doubtless think that this is a strange place for them to meet, and rather a wild business that they are embarked upon, among all these bloody spaniards. some how i feel more confidence in allard than in william, knowing, as i do so well, this william of galway, whether on his native heath or in the strange and distant parts of the world to which his sanguine temperament leads him. alas, william, you are but the first of a mighty stream that will leave the old country for the new world; the world destined to be good for the fortunes of many from the old country, but for the old country itself not good. little does he know, drunken william, willing to be on hand where there is adventure brewing, and to be after going with the boys and getting his health on the salt water, what a path of hope for those who go, and of heaviness for those who stay behind, he is opening up . . . . farewell, william; i hope you were not one of those whom they let out of gaol. june slid into july, and still the preparations were not complete. down on the mud banks of the tinto, where at low water the vessels were left high and dry, and where the caulking and refitting were in hand, there was trouble with the workmen. gomaz rascon and christoval quintero, the owners of the pinta, who had resented her being pressed into the service, were at the bottom of a good deal of it. things could not be found; gear mysteriously gave way after it had been set up; the caulking was found to have been carelessly and imperfectly done; and when the caulkers were commanded to do it over again they decamped. even the few volunteers, the picked hands upon whom columbus was relying, gave trouble. in those days of waiting there was too much opportunity for talk in the shore-side wine-shops; some of the volunteers repented and tried to cry off their bargains; others were dissuaded by their relatives, and deserted and hid themselves. no mild measures were of any use; a reign of terror had to be established; and nothing short of the influence of the pinzons was severe enough to hold the company together. to these vigorous measures, however, all opposition gradually yielded. by the end of july the provisions and stores were on board, the whole complement of eighty-seven persons collected and enlisted, and only the finishing touches left for columbus. it is a sign of the distrust and fear evinced with regard to this expedition, that no priest accompanied it--something of a sorrow to pious christopher, who would have liked his chaplain. there were two surgeons, or barbers, and a physician; there were an overseer, a secretary, a master-at-arms; there was an interpreter to speak to the natives of the new lands in hebrew, greek, german, chaldean or arabic; and there was an assayer and silversmith to test the quality of the precious metals that they were sure to find. up at la rabida, with the busy and affectionate assistance of the old prior, columbus made his final preparations. ferdinand was to stay at cordova with beatriz, and to go to school there; while diego was already embarked upon his life's voyage, having been appointed a page to the queen's son, prince juan, and handed over to the care of some of the court ladies. the course to be sailed was talked over and over again; the bearings and notes of the pilot at porto santo consulted and discussed; and a chart was made by columbus himself, and copied with his own hands for use on the three ships. on the 2nd of august everything was ready; the ships moored out in the stream, the last stragglers of the crew on board, the last sack of flour and barrel of beef stowed away. columbus confessed himself to the prior of la rabida--a solemn moment for him in the little chapel up on the pine-clad hill. his last evening ashore would certainly be spent at the monastery, and his last counsels taken with perez and doctor hernandez. we can hardly realise the feelings of christopher on the eve of his departure from the land where all his roots were, to a land of mere faith and conjecture. even today, when the ocean is furrowed by crowded highways, and the earth is girdled with speaking wires, and distances are so divided and reduced that the traveller need never be very long out of touch with his home, few people can set out on a long voyage without some emotional disturbance, however slight it may be; and to columbus on this night the little town upon which he looked down from the monastery, which had been the scene of so many delays and difficulties and vexations, must have seemed suddenly dear and familiar to him as he realised that after to-morrow its busy and well-known scenes might be for ever a thing of the past to him. behind him, living or dead, lay all he humanly loved and cared for; before him lay a voyage full of certain difficulties and dangers; dangers from the ships, dangers from the crews, dangers from the weather, dangers from the unknown path itself; and beyond them, a twinkling star on the horizon of his hopes, lay the land of his belief. that he meant to arrive there and to get back again was beyond all doubt his firm intention; and in the simple grandeur of that determination the weaknesses of character that were grouped about it seem unimportant. in this starlit hour among the pine woods his life came to its meridian; everything that was him was at its best and greatest there. beneath him, on the talking tide of the river, lay the ships and equipment that represented years of steady effort and persistence; before him lay the pathless ocean which he meant to cross by the inner light of his faith. what he had suffered, he had suffered by himself; what he had won, he had won by himself; what he was to finish, he would finish by himself. but the time for meditations grows short. lights are moving about in the town beneath; there is an unwonted midnight stir and bustle; the whole population is up and about, running hither and thither with lamps and torches through the starlit night. the tide is flowing; it will be high water before dawn; and with the first of the ebb the little fleet is to set sail. the stream of hurrying sailors and townspeople sets towards the church of saint george, where mass is to be said and the sacrament administered to the voyagers. the calls and shouts die away; the bell stops ringing; and the low muttering voice of the priest is heard beginning the office. the light of the candles shines upon the gaudy roof, and over the altar upon the wooden image of saint george vanquishing the dragon, upon which the eyes of christopher rested during some part of the service, and where to-day your eyes may rest also if you make that pilgrimage. the moment approaches; the bread and the wine are consecrated; there is a shuffling of knees and feet; and then a pause. the clear notes of the bell ring out upon the warm dusky silence--once, twice, thrice; the living god and the cold presence of dawn enter the church together. every head is bowed; and for once at least every heart of that company beats in unison with the rest. and then the office goes on, and the dark-skinned congregation streams up to the sanctuary and receives the communion, while the blue light of dawn increases and the candles pale before the coming day. and then out again to the boats with shoutings and farewells, for the tide has now turned; hoisting of sails and tripping of anchors and breaking out of gorgeous ensigns; and the ships are moving! the maria leads, with the sign of the redemption painted on her mainsail and the standard of castile flying at her mizzen; and there is cheering from ships and from shore, and a faint sound of bells from the town of huelva. thus, the sea being--calm, and a fresh breeze blowing off the land, did christopher columbus set sail from palos at sunrise on friday the 3rd of august 1492. chapter xiii events of the first voyage "in nomine d.n. jesu christi--friday, august 3, 1492, at eight o'clock we started from the bar of saltes. we went with a strong sea breeze sixty miles,--[columbus reckoned in italian miles, of which four = one league.]--which are fifteen leagues, towards the south, until sunset: afterwards to the south-west and to the south, quarter south-west, which was the way to the canaries." with these rousing words the journal [the account of columbus's first voyage is taken from a journal written by himself, but which in its original form does not exist. las casas had it in his possession, but as he regarded it (no doubt with justice) as too voluminous and discursive to be interesting, he made an abridged edition, in which the exact words of columbus were sometimes quoted, but which for the most part is condensed into a narrative in the third person. this abridged journal, consisting of seventy-six closely written folios, was first published by navarrette in 1825. when las casas wrote his 'historie,' however, he appears here and there to have restored sections of the original journal into the abridged one; and many of these restorations are of importance. if the whole account of his voyage written by columbus himself were available in its exact form i would print it here; but as it is not, i think it better to continue my narrative, simply using the journal of las casas as a document.] of columbus's voyage begins; and they sound a salt and mighty chord which contains the true diapason of the symphony of his voyages. there could not have been a more fortunate beginning, with clear weather and a calm sea, and the wind in exactly the right quarter. on saturday and sunday the same conditions held, so there was time and opportunity for the three very miscellaneous ships' companies to shake down into something like order, and for all the elaborate discipline of sea life to be arranged and established; and we may employ the interval by noting what aids to navigation columbus had at his disposal. the chief instrument was the astrolabe, which was an improvement on the primitive quadrant then in use for taking the altitude of the sun. the astrolabe, it will be remembered, had been greatly improved, by martin behaim and the portuguese commission in 1840--[1440 d.w.]; and it was this instrument, a simplification of the astrolabe used in astronomy ashore, that columbus chiefly used in getting his solar altitudes. as will be seen from the illustration, its broad principle was that of a metal circle with a graduated circumference and two arms pivoted in the centre. it was made as heavy as possible; and in using it the observer sat on deck with his back against the mainmast and with his left hand held up the instrument by the ring at the top. the long arm was moved round until the two sights fixed upon it were on with the sun. the point where the other arm then cut the circle gave the altitude. in conjunction with this instrument were used the tables of solar declination compiled by regiomontanus, and covering the sun's declination between the years 1475 and 1566. the compass in columbus's day existed, so far as all essentials are concerned, as it exists to-day. although it lacked the refinements introduced by lord kelvin it was swung in double-cradles, and had the thirty-two points painted upon a card. the discovery of the compass, and even of the lodestone, are things wrapt in obscurity; but the lodestone had been known since at least the eleventh century, and the compass certainly since the thirteenth. with the compass were used the sea charts, which were simply maps on a rather larger and more exact scale than the land maps of the period. there were no soundings or currents marked on the old charts, which were drawn on a plane projection; and they can have been of little--practical use to navigators except in the case of coasts which were elaborately charted on a large scale. the chart of columbus, in so far as it was concerned with the ocean westward of the azores, can of course have contained nothing except the conjectured islands or lands which he hoped to find; possibly the land seen by the shipwrecked pilot may have been marked on it, and his failure to find that land may have been the reason why, as we shall see, he changed his course to the southward on the 7th of october. it must be remembered that columbus's conception of the world was that of the portuguese mappemonde of 1490, a sketch of which is here reproduced. this conception of the world excluded the pacific ocean and the continent of north and south america, and made it reasonable to suppose that any one who sailed westward long enough from spain would ultimately reach cathay and the indies. behaim's globe, which was completed in the year 1492, represented the farthest point that geographical knowledge had reached previous to the discoveries of columbus, and on it is shown the island of cipango or japan. by far the most important element in the navigation of columbus, in so far as estimating his position was concerned, was what is known as "dead-reckoning" that is to say, the computation of the distance travelled by the ship through the water. at present this distance is measured by a patent log, which in its commonest form is a propeller-shaped instrument trailed through the water at the end of a long wire or cord the inboard end of which is attached to a registering clock. on being dragged through the water the propeller spins round and the twisting action is communicated by the cord to the clock-work machinery which counts the miles. in the case of powerful steamers and in ordinary weather dead-reckoning is very accurately calculated by the number of revolutions of the propellers recorded in the engine-room; and a device not unlike this was known to the romans in the time of the republic. they attached small wheels about four feet in diameter to the sides of their ships; the passage of the water turned the wheels, and a very simple gearing was arranged which threw a pebble into a tallypot at each revolution. this device, however, seems to have been abandoned or forgotten in columbus's day, when there was no more exact method of estimating dead-reckoning than the primitive one of spitting over the side in calm weather, or at other times throwing some object into the water and estimating the rate of progress by its speed in passing the ship's side. the hour-glass, which was used to get the multiple for long distances, was of course the only portable time measurer available for columbus. these, with a rough knowledge of astronomy, and the taking of the altitude of the polar star, were the only known means for ascertaining the position of his ship at sea. the first mishap occurred on monday, august 6th, when the pinta carried away her rudder. the pinta, it will be remembered, was commanded by martin alonso pinzon, and was owned by gomaz rascon and christoval quintero, who had been at the bottom of some of the troubles ashore; and it was thought highly probable that these two rascals had something to do with the mishap, which they had engineered in the hope that their vessel would be left behind at the canaries. martin alonso, however, proved a man of resource, and rigged up a sort of steering gear with ropes. there was a choppy sea, and columbus could not bring his own vessel near enough to render any assistance, though he doubtless bawled his directions to pinzon, and looked with a troubled eye on the commotion going on on board the pinta. on the next day the jury-rigged rudder carried away again, and was again repaired, but it was decided to try and make the island of lanzarote in the canaries, and to get another caravel to replace the pinta. all through the next day the santa maria and the nina had to shorten sail in order not to leave the damaged pinta behind; the three captains had a discussion and difference of opinion as to where they were; but columbus, who was a genius at dead-reckoning, proved to be right in his surmise, and they came in sight of the canaries on thursday morning, august 9th. columbus left pinzon on the grand canary with orders to try to obtain a caravel there, while he sailed on to gomera, which he reached on sunday night, with a similar purpose. as he was unsuccessful he sent a message by a boat that was going back to tell pinzon to beach the pinta and repair her rudder; and having spent more days in fruitless search for a vessel, he started back to join pinzon on august 23rd. during the night he passed the peak of teneriffe, which was then in eruption. the repairs to the pinta, doubtless in no way expedited by messrs. rascon and quintera, took longer than had been expected; it was found necessary to make an entirely new rudder for her; and advantage was taken of the delay to make some alterations in the rig of the nina, which was changed from a latine rig to a square rig, so that she might be better able to keep up with the others. september had come before these two jobs were completed; and on the 2nd of september the three ships sailed for gomera, the most westerly of the islands, where they anchored in the north-east bay. the admiral was in a great hurry to get away from the islands and from the track of merchant ships, for he had none too much confidence in the integrity of his crews, which were already murmuring and finding every mishap a warning sign from god. he therefore only stayed long enough at gomera to take in wood and water and provisions, and set sail from that island on the 6th of september. the wind fell lighter and lighter, and on friday the little fleet lay becalmed within sight of ferro. but on saturday evening north-east airs sprang up again, and they were able to make nine leagues of westing. on sunday they had lost sight of land; and at thus finding their ships three lonely specks in the waste of ocean the crew lost heart and began to lament. there was something like a panic, many of the sailors bursting into tears and imploring columbus to take them home again. to us it may seem a rather childish exhibition; but it must be remembered that these sailors were unwillingly embarked upon a voyage which they believed would only lead to death and disaster. the bravest of us to-day, if he found himself press-ganged on board a balloon and embarked upon a journey, the object of which was to land upon mars or the moon, might find it difficult to preserve his composure on losing sight of the earth; and the parallel is not too extreme to indicate the light in which their present enterprise must have appeared to many of the admiral's crew. columbus gave orders to the captains of the other two ships that, in case of separation, they were to sail westward for 700 leagues-that being the distance at which he evidently expected to find land--and there to lie-to from midnight until morning. on this day also, seeing the temper of the sailors, he began one of the crafty stratagems upon which he prided himself, and which were often undoubtedly of great use to him; he kept two reckonings, one a true one, which he entered in his log, and one a false one, by means of which the distance run was made out to be less than what it actually was, so that in case he could not make land as soon as he hoped the crew would not be unduly discouraged. in other words, he wished to have a margin at the other end, for he did not want a mutiny when he was perhaps within a few leagues of his destination. on this day he notes that the raw and inexperienced seamen were giving trouble in other ways, and steering very badly, continually letting the ship's head fall off to the north; and many must have been the angry remonstrances from the captain to the man at the wheel. altogether rather a trying day for christopher, who surely has about as much on his hands as ever mortal had; but he knows how to handle ships and how to handle sailors, and so long as this ten-knot breeze lasts, he can walk the high poop of the santa maria with serenity, and snap his fingers at the dirty rabble below. on monday they made sixty leagues, the admiral duly announcing forty-eight; on tuesday twenty leagues, published as sixteen; and on this day they saw a large piece of a mast which had evidently belonged to a ship of at least 120 tons burden. this was not an altogether cheerful sight for the eighteen souls on board the little nina, who wondered ruefully what was going to happen to them of forty tons when ships three times their size had evidently been unable to live in this abominable sea! on thursday, september 13th, when columbus took his observations, he made a great scientific discovery, although he did not know it at the time. he noticed that the needle of the compass was declining to the west of north instead of having a slight declination to the east of north, as all mariners knew it to have. in other words, he had passed the line of true north and of no variation, and must therefore have been in latitude 28 deg. n. and longitude 29 deg. 37' w. of greenwich. with his usual secrecy he said nothing about it; perhaps he was waiting to see if the pilots on the other ships had noticed it, but apparently they were not so exact in their observations as he was. on the next day, friday, the wind falling a little lighter, they, made only twenty leagues. "here the persons on the caravel nina said they had seen a jay and a ringtail, and these birds never come more than twenty-five leagues from land at most." --unhappy "persons on the nina"! nineteen souls, including the captain, afloat in a very small boat, and arguing god knows what from the fact that a jay and a ringtail never went more than twenty-five leagues from land!--the next day also was not without its incident; for on saturday evening they saw a meteor, or "marvellous branch of fire" falling from the serene violet of the sky into the sea. they were now well within the influence of the trade-wind, which in these months blows steadily from the east, and maintains an exquisite and balmy climate. even the admiral, never very communicative about his sensations, deigns to mention them here, and is reported to have said that "it was a great pleasure to enjoy the morning; that nothing was lacking except to hear the nightingales, and that the weather was like april in andalusia." on this day they saw some green grasses, which the admiral considered must have floated off from some island; "not the continent," says the admiral, whose theories are not to be disturbed by a piece of grass, "because i make the continental land farther onward." the crew, ready to take the most depressing and pessimistic view of everything, considered that the lumps of grass belonged to rocks or submerged lands, and murmured disparaging things about the admiral. as a matter of fact these grasses were masses of seaweed detached from the sargasso sea, which they were soon to enter. on monday, september 17th, four days after columbus had noted it, the other pilots noted the declination of the needle, which they had found on taking the position of the north star. they did not like it; and columbus, whose knowledge of astronomy came to his aid, ordered them to take the position of the north star at dawn again, which they did, and found that the needles were true. he evidently thought it useless to communicate to them his scientific speculations, so he explained to them that it was the north star which was moving in its circle, and not the compass. one is compelled to admit that in these little matters of deceit the admiral always shone. to-day, among the seaweed on the ship's side, he picked up a little crayfish, which he kept for several days, presumably in a bottle in his cabin; and perhaps afterwards ate. so for several days this calm and serene progress westward was maintained. the trade-wind blew steady and true, balmy and warm also; the sky was cloudless, except at morning and evening dusk; and there were for scenery those dazzling expanses of sea and sky, and those gorgeous hues of dawn and sunset, which are only to be found in the happy latitudes. the things that happened to them, the bits of seaweed and fishes that they saw in the water, the birds that flew around them, were observed with a wondering attention and wistful yearning after their meaning such as is known only to children and to sailors adventuring on uncharted seas. the breezes were milder even than those of the canaries, and the waters always less salt; and the men, forgetting their fears of the monsters of the sea of darkness, would bathe alongside in the limpid blue. the little crayfish was a "sure indication of land"; a tunny fish, killed by the company on the nina, was taken to be an indication from the west, "where i hope in that exalted god, in whose hands are all victories, that land will very soon appear"; they saw another ringtail, "which is not accustomed to sleep on the sea"; two pelicans came to the ship, "which was an indication that land was near"; a large dark cloud appeared to the north, "which is a sign that land is near"; they saw one day a great deal of grass, "although the previous day they had not seen any"; they took a bird with their hands which was like a jay; "it was a river bird and not a sea bird"; they saw a whale, "which is an indication that they are near land, because they always remain near it"; afterwards a pelican came from the west-north-west and went to the south-east, "which was an indication that it left land to the west-north-west, because these birds sleep on land and in the morning they come to the sea in search of food, and do not go twenty leagues from land." and "at dawn two or three small land birds came singing to the ships; and afterwards disappeared before sunrise." such beautiful signs, interpreted by the light of their wishes, were the events of this part of the voyage. in the meantime, they have their little differences. martin alonso pinzon, on tuesday, september 18th, speaks from the pinta to the santa maria, and says that he will not wait for the others, but will go and make the land, since it is so near; but apparently he does not get very far out of the way, the wind which wafts him wafting also the santa maria and the nina. on september the 19th there was a comparison of dead-reckonings. the nina's pilot made it 440 leagues from the canaries, the pinta's 420 leagues, and the admiral's pilot, doubtless instructed by the admiral, made it 400. on sunday the 23rd they were getting into the seaweed and finding crayfish again; and there being no reasonable cause for complaint a scare was got up among the crew on an exceedingly ingenious point. the wind having blown steadily from the east for a matter of three weeks, they said that it would never blow in any other direction, and that they would never be able to get back to spain; but later in the afternoon the sea got up from the westward, as though in answer to their fears, and as if to prove that somewhere or other ahead of them there was a west wind blowing; and the admiral remarks that "the high sea was very necessary to me, as it came to pass once before in the time when the jews went out of egypt with moses, who took them from captivity." and indeed there was something of moses in this man, who thus led his little rabble from a spanish seaport out across the salt wilderness of the ocean, and interpreted the signs for them, and stood between them and the powers of vengeance and terror that were set about their uncharted path. but it appears that the good admiral had gone just a little too far in interpreting everything they saw as a sign that they were approaching land; for his miserable crew, instead of being comforted by this fact, now took the opportunity to be angry because the signs were not fulfilled. the more the signs pointed to their nearness to land, the more they began to murmur and complain because they did not see it. they began to form together in little groups--always an ominous sign at sea --and even at night those who were not on deck got together in murmuring companies. some, of the things that they said, indeed, were not very far from the truth; among others, that it was "a great madness on their part to venture their lives in following out the madness of a foreigner who to make himself a great lord had risked his life, and now saw himself and all of them in great exigency and was deceiving so many people." they remembered that his proposition, or "dream" as they not inaptly call it, had been contradicted by many great and lettered men; and then followed some very ominous words indeed. they held [the substance of these murmurings is not in the abridged journal, but is given by las casas under the date of september 24.] that "it was enough to excuse them from whatever might be done in the matter that they had arrived where man had never dared to navigate, and that they were not obliged to go to the end of the world, especially as, if they delayed more, they would not be able to have provisions to return." in short, the best thing would be to throw him into the sea some night, and make a story that he had fallen, into the water while taking the position of a star with his astrolabe; and no one would ask any questions, as he was a foreigner. they carried this talk to the pinzons, who listened to them; after all, we have not had to wait long for trouble with the pinzons! "of these pinzons christopher columbus complains greatly, and of the trouble they had given him." there is only one method of keeping down mutiny at sea, and of preserving discipline. it is hard enough where the mutineers are all on one ship and the commander's officers are loyal to him; but when they are distributed over three ships, the captains of two of which are willing to listen to them, the problem becomes grave indeed. we have no details of how columbus quieted them; but it is probable that his strong personality awed them, while his clever and plausible words persuaded them. he was the best sailor of them all and they knew it; and in a matter of this kind the best and strongest man always wins, and can only in a pass of this kind maintain his authority by proving his absolute right to it. so he talked and persuaded and bullied and encouraged and cheered them; "laughing with them," as las casas says, "while he was weeping at heart." probably as a result of this unpleasantness there was on the following day, tuesday, september 25th, a consultation between: martin alonso pinzon and the admiral. the santa maria closed up with the pinta, and a chart was passed over on a cord. there were islands marked on the chart in this region, possibly the islands reported by the shipwrecked pilot, possibly the island of antilla; and pinzon said he thought that they were somewhere in the region of them, and the admiral said that he thought so too. there was a deal of talk and pricking of positions on charts; and then, just as the sun was setting, martin alonso, standing on the stern of the pinta, raised a shout and said that he saw land; asking (business-like martin) at the same time for the reward which had been promised to the first one who should see land: they all saw it, a low cloud to the southwest, apparently about twenty-five leagues distant; and honest christopher, in the emotion of the moment, fell on his knees in gratitude to god. the crimson sunset of that evening saw the rigging of the three ships black with eager figures, and on the quiet air were borne the sounds of the gloria in excelsis, which was repeated by each ship's company. the course was altered to the south-west, and they sailed in that direction seventeen leagues during the night; but in the morning there was no land to be seen. the sunset clouds that had so often deceived the dwellers in the canaries and the azores, and that in some form or other hover at times upon all eagerly scanned horizons, had also deceived columbus and every one of his people; but they created a diversion which was of help to the admiral in getting things quiet again, for which in his devout soul he thanked the merciful providence of god. and so they sailed on again on a westward course. they were still in the sargasso sea, and could watch the beautiful golden floating mass of the gulf-weed, covered with berries and showing, a little way under the clear water, bright green leaves. the sea was as smooth as the river in seville; there were frigate pelicans flying about, and john dorys in the water; several gulls were seen; and a youth on board the nina killed a pelican with a stone. on monday, october 1st, there was a heavy shower of rain; and juan de la cosa, columbus's pilot, came up to him with the doleful information that they had run 578 leagues from the island of ferro. according to christopher's doctored reckoning the distance published was 584 leagues; but his true reckoning, about which he said nothing to a soul, showed that they had gone 707 leagues. the breeze still kept steady and the sea calm; and day after day, with the temper of the crews getting uglier and uglier, the three little vessels forged westward through the blue, weed-strewn waters, their tracks lying undisturbed far behind them. on saturday, october 6th, the admiral was signalled by alonso pinzon, who wanted to change the course to the south-west. it appears that, having failed to find the, islands of the shipwrecked pilot, they were now making for the island of cipango, and that this request of pinzon had something to do with some theory of his that they had better turn to the south to reach that island; while columbus's idea now evidently was--to push straight on to the mainland of cathay. columbus had his way; but the grumbling and murmuring in creased among the crew. on the next day, sunday, and perhaps just in time to avert another outbreak, there was heard the sound of a gun, and the watchers on the santa maria and the pinta saw a puff of smoke coming from the nina, which was sailing ahead, and hoisting a flag on her masthead. this was the signal agreed upon for the discovery of land, and it seemed as though their search was at last at an end. but it was a mistake. in the afternoon the land that the people of the nina thought they had seen had disappeared, and the horizon was empty except for a great flight of birds that was seen passing from the north to the south-west. the admiral, remembering how often birds had guided the portuguese in the islands in their possessions, argued that the birds were either going to sleep on land or were perhaps flying from winter, which he assumed to be approaching in the land from whence they came. he therefore altered. his course from west to west-south-west. this course was entered upon an hour before sunset and continued throughout the night and the next day. "the sea was like the river of seville," says the admiral; "the breezes as soft as at seville in april, and very fragrant." more birds were to be seen, and there were many signs of land; but the crew, so often disappointed in their hopeful interpretations of the phenomena surrounding them, kept on murmuring and complaining. on tuesday, october 9th, the wind chopped round a little and the course was altered, first to south-west and then at evening to a point north of west; and the journal records that "all night they heard birds passing." the next day columbus resumed the west-southwesterly course and made a run of fifty-nine leagues; but the mariners broke out afresh in their discontent, and declined to go any farther. they complained of the long voyage, and expressed their views strongly to the commander. but they had to deal with a man who was determined to begin with, and who saw in the many signs of land that they had met with only an additional inducement to go on. he told them firmly that with or without their consent he intended to go on until he had found the land he had come to seek. the next day, thursday, october 11th, was destined to be for ever memorable in the history of the world. it began ordinarily enough, with a west-south-west wind blowing fresh, and on a sea rather rougher than they had had lately. the people on the santa maria saw some petrels and a green branch in the water; the pinta saw a reed and two small sticks carved with iron, and one or two other pieces of reeds and grasses that had been grown on shore, as well as a small board. most wonderful of all, the people of the nina saw "a little branch full of dog roses"; and it would be hard to estimate the sweet significance of this fragment of a wild plant from land to the senses of men who had been so long upon a sea from which they had thought never to land alive. the day drew to its close; and after nightfall, according to their custom, the crew of the ships repeated the salve regina. afterwards the admiral addressed the people and sailors of his ship, "very merry and pleasant," reminding them of the favours god had shown them with regard to the weather, and begging them, as they hoped to see land very soon, within an hour or so, to keep an extra good look-out that night from the forward forecastle; and adding to the reward of an annuity of 10,000 maravedis, offered by the queen to whoever should sight land first, a gift on his own account of a silk doublet. the moon was in its third quarter, and did not rise until eleven o'clock. the first part of the night was dark, and there was only a faint starlight into which the anxious eyes of the look-out men peered from the forecastles of the three ships. at ten o'clock columbus was walking on the poop of his vessel, when he suddenly saw a light right ahead. the light seemed to rise and fall as though it were a candle or a lantern held in some one's hand and waved up and down. the admiral called pedro gutierrez to him and asked him whether he saw anything; and he also saw the light. then he sent for rodrigo sanchez and asked him if he saw the light; but he did not, perhaps because from where he was standing it was occulted. but the others were left in no doubt, for the light was seen once or twice more, and to the eyes of the anxious little group standing on the high stern deck of the santa maria it appeared unmistakably. the nina was not close at hand, and the pinta had gone on in front hoping to make good her mistake; but there was no doubt on board the santa maria that the light which they had seen was a light like a candle or a torch waved slowly up and down. they lost the light again; and as the hours in that night stole away and the moon rose slowly in the sky the seamen on the santa maria must have almost held their breath. at about two o'clock in the morning the sound of a gun was heard from the pinta, who could be seen hoisting her flags; rodrigo de triana, the look-out on board of her, having reported land in sight; and there sure enough in the dim light lay the low shores of an island a few miles ahead of them. immediately all sails were lowered, except a small trysail which enabled the ships to lie-to and stand slowly off and on, waiting for the daylight. i suppose there was never a longer night than that; but dawn came at last, flooding the sky with lemon and saffron and scarlet and orange, until at last the pure gold of the sun glittered on the water. and when it rose it showed the sea-weary mariners an island lying in the blue sea ahead of them: the island of guanahani; san salvador, as it was christened by columbus; or, to give it its modern name, watling's island. chapter xiv landfall during the night the ships had drifted a little with the current, and before the north-east wind. when the look-out man on the pinta first reported land in sight it was probably the north-east corner of the island, where the land rises to a height of 120 feet, that he saw. the actual anchorage of columbus was most likely to the westward of the island; for there was a strong north-easterly breeze, and as the whole of the eastern coast is fringed by a barrier reef, he would not risk his ships on a lee shore. finding himself off the north end of the island at sunrise, the most natural thing for him to do, on making sail again, would be to stand southward along the west side of the island looking for an anchorage. the first few miles of the shore have rocky exposed points, and the bank where there is shoal water only extends half a mile from the shore. immediately beyond that the bottom shelves rapidly down to a depth of 2000 fathoms, so that if columbus was sounding as he came south he would find no bottom there. below what are called the ridings rocks, however, the land sweeps to the south and east in a long sheltered bay, and to the south of these rocks there is good anchorage and firm holding-ground in about eight fathoms of water. we may picture them, therefore, approaching this land in the bright sunshine of the early morning, their ears, that had so long heard nothing but the slat of canvas and the rush and bubble of water under the prows, filled at last with the great resounding roar of the breakers on the coral reef; their eyes, that had so long looked upon blue emptiness and the star-spangled violet arch of night, feasting upon the living green of the foliage ashore; and the easterly breeze carrying to their eager nostrils the perfumes of land. amid an excitement and joyful anticipation that it is exhilarating even to think about the cables were got up and served and coiled on deck, and the anchors, which some of them had thought would never grip the bottom again, unstopped and cleared. the leadsman of the santa maria, who has been finding no bottom with his forty-fathom line, suddenly gets a sounding; the water shoals rapidly until the nine-fathom mark is unwetted, and the lead comes up with its bottom covered with brown ooze. sail is shortened; one after another the great ungainly sheets of canvas are clewed up or lowered down on deck; one after another the three helms are starboarded, and the three ships brought up to the wind. then with three mighty splashes that send the sea birds whirling and screaming above the rocks the anchors go down; and the admiral stands on his high poop-deck, and looks long and searchingly at the fragment of earth, rock-rimmed, surf-fringed, and tree-crowned, of which he is viceroy and governor-general. watling's island, as it is now called, or san salvador, as columbus named it, or guanahani, as it was known to the aborigines, is situated in latitude 24 deg. 6' n., and longitude 74 deg 26' w., and is an irregularly shaped white sandstone islet in about the middle of the great bahama bank. the space occupied by the whole group is shaped like an irregular triangle extending from the navidad bank in the caribbean sea at the south-east corner, to bahama island in florida strait on the north, about 200 miles. the south side trends west by north for 600 miles, and the north side north-west by north 720 miles. most of the islands and small rocks in this group, called keys or cays, are very low, and rise only a few feet above the sea; the highest is about 400 feet high. they are generally situated on the edge of coral and sand banks, some of which are of a very dangerous character. they are thinly wooded, except in the case of one or two of the larger islands which contain timber of moderate dimensions. the climate of the bahamas is mild and temperate, with refreshing sea breezes in the hottest months; and there is a mean temperature of 75 deg. from november to april. watling's island is about twelve miles in length by six in breadth, with rocky shores slightly indented. the greater part of its area is occupied by salt-water lagoons, separated from one another by small wooded hills from too to 140 feet high. there is plenty of grass; indeed the island is now considered to be the most fertile in the bahamas, and raises an excellent breed of cattle and sheep. in common with the other islands of the group it was originally settled by the spaniards, and afterwards by the british, who were driven from the bahamas again by the spanish in the year 1641. after a great deal of changing hands they were ceded to great britain in 1783, and have remained in her possession ever since. in 1897 the population of the whole group was estimated at 52,000 the whites being in the proportion of one to six of the coloured population. watling's island contains about 600 inhabitants scattered over the surface, with a small settlement called cockburn town on the west side, nearly opposite the landfall of columbus. the seat of the local government is in the island of new providence, and the inhabitants of watling's island and of rum cay unite in sending one representative to the house of assembly. it is high water, full and change, at watling's island at 7 h. 40 m., as it was in the days of columbus; and these facts form about the sum of the world's knowledge of and interest in watling's island to-day. but it was a different matter on friday morning, october 12, 1492, [this date is reckoned in the old style. the true astronomical date would be october 21st, which is the modern anniversary of the discovery] when, all having been made snug on board the santa maria, the admiral of the ocean seas put on his armour and his scarlet cloak over it and prepared to go ashore. the boat was lowered and manned by a crew well armed, and columbus took with him rodrigo de escovedo, the secretary to the expedition, and rodrigo sanchez his overseer; they also took on board martin alonso pinzon and vincenti yanez pinzon, the captains of the other two ships. as they rowed towards the shore they saw a few naked inhabitants, who hid themselves at their approach. columbus carried with him the royal standard, and the two captains each had a banner of the expedition, which was a square flag with an "f" and a "y" upon either side, each letter being surmounted by the crown of the sovereigns and a green cross covering the whole. columbus assembled his little band around him and called upon them to bear witness that in the presence of them all he was taking possession of the island for the king and queen of spain; duly making depositions in writing on the spot, and having them signed and witnessed. then he gave the name of san salvador to the island and said a prayer; and while this solemn little ceremony was in progress, the astonished natives crept out of their hiding and surrounded the strange white men. they gesticulated and grovelled and pointed upwards, as though this gang of armed and bearded spaniards, with the tall white-bearded italian in the midst of them, had fallen from the skies. the first interest of the voyagers was in the inhabitants of this delightful land. they found them well built, athletic-looking men, most of them young, with handsome bodies and intelligent faces. columbus, eager to begin his missionary work, gave them some red caps and some glass beads, with which he found them so delighted that he had good hopes of making converts, and from which he argued that "they were a people who would better be freed and converted to our holy faith by love than by force," which sentence of his contains within itself the whole missionary spirit of the time. these natives, who were the freest people in the world, were to be "freed"; freed or saved from the darkness of their happy innocence and brought to the light of a religion that had just evolved the inquisition; freed by love if possible, and by red caps and glass beads; if not possible, then freed by force and with guns; but freed they were to be at all costs. it is a tragic thought that, at the very first impact of the old world upon this eden of the west, this dismal error was set on foot and the first links in the chain of slavery forged. but for the moment nothing of it was perceptible; nothing but red caps and glass beads, and trinkets and toys, and freeing by love. the sword that columbus held out to them, in order to find out if they knew the use of weapons, they innocently grasped by the blade and so cut their fingers; and that sword, extended with knowledge and grasped with fearless ignorance, is surely an emblem of the spread of civilisation and of its doubtful blessings in the early stages. let us hear columbus himself, as he recorded his first impression of guanahani: "further, it appeared to me that they were a very poor people, in everything. they all go naked as their mothers gave them birth, and the women also, although i only saw one of the latter who was very young, and all those whom i saw were young men, none more than thirty years of age. they were very well built with very handsome bodies, and very good faces. their hair was almost as coarse as horses' tails, and short, and they wear it over the eyebrows, except a small quantity behind, which they wear long and never cut. some paint themselves blackish, and they are of the colour of the inhabitants of the canaries, neither black nor white, and some paint themselves white, some red, some whatever colour they find: and some paint their faces, some all the body, some only the eyes, and some only the nose. they do not carry arms nor know what they are, because i showed them swords and they took them by the edge and ignorantly cut themselves. they have no iron: their spears are sticks without iron, and some of them have a fish's tooth at the end and others have other things. they are all generally of good height, of pleasing appearance and well built: i saw some who had indications of wounds on their bodies, and i asked them by signs if it was that, and they showed me that other people came there from other islands near by and wished to capture them and they defended themselves: and i believed and believe, that they come here from the continental land to take them captive. they must be good servants and intelligent, as i see that they very quickly say all that is said to them, and i believe that they would easily become christians, as it appeared to me that they had no sect. if it please our lord, at the time of my departure, i will take six of them from here to your highnesses that they may learn to speak. i saw no beast of any kind except parrots on this island." they very quickly say all that is said to them, and they will very easily become good slaves; good christians also it appears, since the admiral's research does not reveal the trace of any religious sect. and finally "i will take six of them"; ostensibly that they may learn to speak the language, but really that they may form the vanguard of cargo after cargo of slaves ravished from their happy islands of dreams and sunshine and plenty to learn the blessings of christianity under the whip and the sword. it is all, alas, inevitable; was inevitable from the moment that the keel of columbus's boat grated upon the shingle of guanahani. the greater must prey upon the less, the stronger must absorb and dominate the weaker; and the happy gardens of the golden cyclades must be spoiled and wasted for the pleasure and enrichment of a corrupting civilisation. but while we recognise the inevitable, and enter into the joy and pride of columbus and his followers on this first happy morning of their landing, we may give a moment's remembrance to the other side of the picture, and admit that for this generation of innocents the discovery that was to be all gain for the old world was to be all loss to them. in the meantime, decrees the admiral, they are to be freed and converted; and "i will take six of them that they may learn to speak." there are no paths or footprints left in the sea, and the water furrowed on that morning more than four hundred years ago by the keels of columbus's little fleet is as smooth and trackless as it was before they clove it. yet if you approach guanahani from the east during the hours of darkness you also will see a light that waxes and wanes on the horizon. what the light was that columbus saw is not certain; it was probably the light from a torch held by some native woman from the door of her hut; but the light that you will see is from the lighthouse on dixon hill, where a tower of coral holds a lamp one hundred and sixty feet above the sea at the north-east point of the island. it was erected in no sentimental spirit, but for very practical purposes, and at a date when watling's island had not been identified with the guanahani of columbus's landfall; and yet of all the monuments that have been raised to him i can think of nothing more appropriate than this lonely tower that stands by day amid the bright sunshine in the track of the trade wind, and by night throws its powerful double flash every half-minute across the dark lonely sea. for it was by a light, although not of man's kindling, that columbus was guided upon his lonely voyage and through his many difficulties; amid all his trials and disappointments, dimly as it must have burned sometimes, it never quite went out. darkness was the name of the sea across which he took his way; darkness, from his religious point of view, was the state of the lands to which he journeyed; and, whatever its subsequent worth may have been, it was a burning fragment from the living torch of the christian religion that he carried across the world with him, and by which he sought to kindle the fire of faith in the lands of his discovery. so that there is a profound symbolism in those raying beams that now, night after night, month by month, and year after year, shine out across the sea from watling's island in the direction of the old world. in the preparations for this voyage, and in the conduct and accomplishment of it, the personality of the man columbus stands clearly revealed. he was seen at his best, as all men are who have a chance of doing the thing for which they are best fitted. the singleness of aim that can accomplish so much is made manifest in his dogged search for means with which to make his voyage; and his italian quality of unscrupulousness in the means employed to attain a good end was exercised to the full. the, practical seaman in him carried him through the easiest part of his task, which was the actual sailing of his ships from palos to guanahani; martin alonso pinzon could have done as much as that. but no martin alonso pinzon or any other man of that time known to history had the necessary combination of defective and effective qualities that made columbus, once he had conceived his glorious hazy idea, spend the best years of his life, first in acquiring the position that would make him listened to by people powerful enough to help him, and then in besieging them in the face of every rebuff and discouragement. another man, proposing to venture across the unknown ocean to unknown lands, would have required a fleet for his conveyance, and an army for his protection; but columbus asked for what he thought he had some chance of getting, and for the barest equipment that would carry him across the water. another man would at least have had a bodyguard; but columbus relied upon himself, and alone held his motley crew in the bonds of discipline. a pinzon could have navigated the fleet from palos to guanahani; but only a columbus, only a man burning with belief is himself and in his quest, could have kept that superstitious crowd of loafers and malefactors and gaol-birds to their duties, and bent them to his will. he was destined in after years for situations which were beyond his power to deal with, and for problems that were beyond his grasp; but here at least he was supreme, master of himself and of his material, and a ruler over circumstances. the supreme thing that he had professed to be able to do and which he had guaranteed to do was, in the sublime simplicity of his own phrase, "to discover new lands," and luck or no luck, help or hindrance, he did it at the very first attempt and in the space of thirty-five days. and although it was from the pinta that the gun was fired, and the first loom of the actual land seen in the early morning, i am glad to think that, of all the number of eager watching men, it was columbus who first saw the dim tossing light that told him his journey was at an end. christopher columbus and the new world of his discovery a narrative by filson young volume 7 towards the sunset chapter i degradation the first things seen by francisco de bobadilla when he entered the harbour of san domingo on the morning of the 23rd of august 1500 were the bodies of several spaniards, hanging from a gibbet near the water-side --a grim confirmation of what he had heard about the troubled state of the island. while he was waiting for the tide so that he might enter the harbour a boat put off from shore to ascertain who was on board the caravels; and it was thus informally that bobadilla first announced that he had come to examine into the state of the island. columbus was not at san domingo, but was occupied in settling the affairs of the vega real; bartholomew also was absent, stamping out the last smouldering embers of rebellion in xaragua; and only james was in command to deal with this awkward situation. bobadilla did not go ashore the first day, but remained on board his ship receiving the visits of various discontented colonists who, getting early wind of the purpose of his visit, lost no time in currying favour with him, probably he heard enough that first day to have damned the administration of a dozen islands; but also we must allow him some interest in the wonderful and strange sights that he was seeing; for espanola, which has perhaps grown wearisome to us, was new to him. he had brought with him an armed body-guard of twenty-five men, and in the other caravel were the returned slaves, babies and all, under the charge of six friars. on the day following his arrival bobadilla landed and heard mass in state, afterwards reading out his commission to the assembled people. evidently he had received a shocking impression of the state of affairs in the island; that is the only explanation of the action suddenly taken by him, for his first public act was to demand from james the release of all the prisoners in the fortress, in order that they and their accusers should appear before him. james is in a difficulty; and, mule-like, since he does not know which way to turn, stands stock still. he can do nothing, he says, without the admiral's consent. the next day bobadilla, again hearing mass in state, causes further documents to be read showing that a still greater degree of power had been entrusted to his hands. mule-like, james still stands stock still; the greatest power on earth known to him is his eldest brother, and he will not, positively dare not, be moved by anything less than that. he refuses to give up the prisoners on any grounds whatsoever, and bobadilla has to take the fortress by assault--an easy enough matter since the resistance is but formal. the next act of bobadilla's is not quite so easy to understand. he quartered himself in columbus's house; that perhaps was reasonable enough since there may not have been another house in the settlement fit to receive him; but he also, we are told, took possession of all his papers, public and private, and also seized the admiral's store of money and began to pay his debts with it for him, greatly to the satisfaction of san domingo. there is an element of the comic in this interpretation of a commissioner's powers; and it seemed as though he meant to wind up the whole columbus business, lock, stock, and barrel. it would not be in accordance with our modern ideas of honour that a man's private papers should be seized unless he were suspected of treachery or some criminal act; but apparently bobadilla regarded it as necessary. we must remember that although he had only heard one side of the case it was evidently so positive, and the fruits of misgovernment were there so visibly before his eyes, that no amount of evidence in favour of columbus would make him change his mind as to his fitness to govern. poor james, witnessing these things and unable to do anything to prevent them, finds himself suddenly relieved from the tension of the situation. since inaction is his note, he shall be indulged in it; and he is clapped in irons and cast into prison. james can hardly believe the evidence of his senses. he has been studying theology lately, it appears, with a view to entering the church and perhaps being some day made bishop of espanola, but this new turn of affairs looks as though there were to be an end of all careers for him, military and ecclesiastical alike. christopher at fort concepcion had early news of the arrival of bobadilla, but in the hazy state of his mind he did not regard it as an event of sufficient importance to make his immediate presence at san domingo advisable. the name of bobadilla conveyed nothing to him; and when he heard that he had come to investigate, he thought that he came to set right some disputed questions between the admiral and other navigators as to the right of visiting espanola and the paria coast. as the days went on, however, he heard more disquieting rumours; grew at last uneasy, and moved to a fort nearer san domingo in case it should be necessary for him to go there. an officer met him on the road bearing the proclamations issued by bobadilla, but not the message from the sovereigns requiring the admiral's obedience to the commissioner. columbus wrote to the commissioner a curious letter, which is not preserved, in which he sought to gain time; excusing himself from responsibility for the condition of the island, and assuring bobadilla that, as he intended to return to spain almost immediately, he (bobadilla) would have ample opportunity for exercising his command in his absence. he also wrote to the franciscan friars who had accompanied bobadilla asking them to use their influence--the admiral having some vague connection with the franciscan order since his days at la rabida. no reply came to any of these letters, and columbus sent word that he still regarded his authority as paramount in the island. for reply to this he received the sovereigns' message to him which we have seen, commanding him to put himself under the direction of bobadilla. there was no mistaking this; there was the order in plain words; and with i know not what sinkings of heart columbus at last set out for san domingo. bobadilla had expected resistance, but the admiral, whatever his faults, knew how to behave with, dignity in a humiliating position; and he came into the city unattended on august 23, 1500. on the outskirts of the town he was met by bobadilla's guards, arrested, put in chains, and lodged in the fortress, the tower of which exists to this day. he seemed to himself to be the victim of a particularly petty and galling kind of treachery, for it was his own cook, a man called espinoza, who riveted his gyves upon him. there remained bartholomew to be dealt with, and he, being at large and in command of the army, might not have proved such an easy conquest, but that christopher, at bobadilla's request, wrote and advised him to submit to arrest without any resistance. whether bartholomew acquiesced or not is uncertain; what is certain is that he also was captured and placed in irons, and imprisoned on one of the caravels. james in one caravel, bartholomew in another, and christopher in the fortress, and all in chains--this is what it has come to with the three sons of old domenico. the trial was now begun, if trial that can be called which takes place in the absence of the culprit or his representative. it was rather the hearing of charges against christopher and his brothers; and we may be sure that every discontented feeling in the island found voice and was formulated into some incriminating charge. columbus was accused of oppressing the spanish settlers by making them work at harsh and unnecessary labour; of cutting down their allowance of food, and restricting their liberty; of punishing them cruelly and unduly; of waging wars unjustly with the natives; of interfering with the conversion of the natives by hastily collecting them and sending them home as slaves; of having secreted treasures which should have been delivered to the sovereigns--this last charge, like some of the others, true. he had an accumulation of pearls of which he had given no account to fonseca, and the possession of which he excused by the queer statement that he was waiting to announce it until he could match it with an equal amount of gold! he was accused of hating the spaniards, who were represented as having risen in the late rebellion in order to protect the natives and avenge their own wrongs--, and generally of having abused his office in order to enrich his own family and gratify his own feelings. bobadilla appeared to believe all these charges; or perhaps he recognised their nature, and yet saw that there was a sufficient degree of truth in them to disqualify the admiral in his position as viceroy. in all these affairs his right-hand man was roldan, whose loyalty to columbus, as we foresaw, had been short-lived. roldan collects evidence; roldan knows where he can lay his hands on this witness; roldan produces this and that proof; roldan is here, there, and everywhere--never had bobadilla found such a useful, obliging man as roldan. with his help bobadilla soon collected a sufficient weight of evidence to justify in his own mind his sending columbus home to spain, and remaining himself in command of the island. the caravels having been made ready, and all the evidence drawn up and documented, it only remained to embark the prisoners and despatch them to spain. columbus, sitting in his dungeon, suffering from gout and ophthalmic as well as from misery and humiliation, had heard no news; but he had heard the shouting of the people in the streets, the beating of drums and blowing of horns, and his own name and that of his brothers uttered in derision; and he made sure that he was going to be executed. alonso de villegio, a nephew of bishop fonseca's, had been appointed to take charge of the ships returning to spain; and when he came into the prison the admiral thought his last hour had come. "villegio," he asked sadly, "where are you taking me?" "i am taking you to the ship, your excellency, to embark," replied the other. "to embark?" repeated the admiral incredulously. "villegio! are you speaking the truth?" "by the life of your excellency what i say is true," was the reply, and the news came with a wave of relief to the panic-stricken heart of the admiral. in the middle of october the caravels sailed from san domingo, and the last sounds heard by columbus from the land of his discovery were the hoots and jeers and curses hurled after him by the treacherous, triumphant rabble on the shore. villegio treated him and his brothers with as much kindness as possible, and offered, when they had got well clear of espanola, to take off the admiral's chains. but columbus, with a fine counterstroke of picturesque dignity, refused to have them removed. already, perhaps, he had realised that his subjection to this cruel and quite unnecessary indignity would be one of the strongest things in his favour when he got to spain, and he decided to suffer as much of it as he could. "my sovereigns commanded me to submit to what bobadilla should order. by his authority i wear these chains, and i shall continue to wear them until they are removed by order of the sovereigns; and i will keep them afterwards as reminders of the reward i have received for my services." thus the admiral, beginning to pick up his spirits again, and to feel the better for the sea air. the voyage home was a favourable one and in the course of it columbus wrote the following letter to a friend of his at court, dona juana de la torre, who had been nurse to prince juan and was known by him to be a favourite of the queen: "most virtuous lady,--though my complaint of the world is new, its habit of ill-using is very ancient. i have had a thousand struggles with it, and have thus far withstood them all, but now neither arms nor counsels avail me, and it cruelly keeps me under water. hope in the creator of all men sustains me: his help was always very ready; on another occasion, and not long ago, when i was still more overwhelmed, he raised me with his right arm, saying, 'o man of little faith, arise: it is i; be not afraid.' "i came with so much cordial affection to serve these princes, and have served them with such service, as has never been heard of or seen. "of the new heaven and earth which our lord made, when saint john was writing the apocalypse, after what was spoken by the mouth of isaiah, he made me the messenger, and showed me where it lay. in all men there was disbelief, but to the queen, my lady, he gave the spirit of understanding, and great courage, and made her heiress of all, as a dear and much loved daughter. i went to take possession of all this in her royal name. they sought to make amends to her for the ignorance they had all shown by passing over their little knowledge and talking of obstacles and expenses. her highness, on the other hand, approved of it, and supported it as far as she was able. "seven years passed in discussion and nine in execution. during this time very remarkable and noteworthy things occurred whereof no idea at all had been formed. i have arrived at, and am in, such a condition that there is no person so vile but thinks he may insult me: he shall be reckoned in the world as valour itself who is courageous enough not to consent to it. "if i were to steal the indies or the land which lies towards them, of which i am now speaking, from the altar of saint peter, and give them to the moors, they could not show greater enmity towards me in spain. who would believe such a thing where there was always so much magnanimity? "i should have much desired to free myself from this affair had it been honourable towards my queen to do so. the support of our lord and of her highness made me persevere: and to alleviate in some measure the sorrows which death had caused her, i undertook a fresh voyage to the new heaven and earth which up to that time had remained hidden; and if it is not held there in esteem like the other voyages to the indies, that is no wonder, because it came to be looked upon as my work. "the holy spirit inflamed saint peter and twelve others with him, and they all contended here below, and their toils and hardships were many, but last of all they gained the victory. "this voyage to paria i thought would somewhat appease them on account of the pearls, and of the discovery of gold in espanola. i ordered the pearls to be collected and fished for by people with whom an arrangement was made that i should return for them, and, as i understood, they were to be measured by the bushel. if i did not write about this to their highnesses, it was because i wished to have first of all done the same thing with the gold. "the result to me in this has been the same as in many other things; i should not have lost them nor my honour, if i had sought my own advantage, and had allowed espanola to be ruined, or if my privileges and contracts had been observed. and i say just the same about the gold which i had then collected, and [for] which with such great afflictions and toils i have, by divine power, almost perfected [the arrangements]. "when i went from paria i found almost half the people from espanola in revolt, and they have waged war against me until now, as against a moor; and the indians on the other side grievously [harassed me]. at this time hojeda arrived and tried to put the finishing stroke: he said that their highnesses had sent him with promises of gifts, franchises and pay: he gathered together a great band, for in the whole of espanola there are very few save vagabonds, and not one with wife and children. this hojeda gave me great trouble; he was obliged to depart, and left word that he would soon return with more ships and people, and that he had left the royal person of the queen, our lady, at the point of death. then vincente yanez arrived with four caravels; there was disturbance and mistrust but no mischief: the indians talked of many others at the cannibals [caribbee islands] and in paria; and afterwards spread the news of six other caravels, which were brought by a brother of the alcalde, but it was with malicious intent. this occurred at the very last, when the hope that their highnesses would ever send any ships to the indies was almost abandoned, nor did we expect them; and it was commonly reported that her highness was dead. "a certain adrian about this time endeavoured to rise in rebellion again, as he had done previously, but our lord did not permit his evil purpose to succeed. i had purposed in myself never to touch a hair of anybody's head, but i lament to say that with this man, owing to his ingratitude, it was not possible to keep that resolve as i had intended: i should not have done less to my brother, if he had sought to kill me, and steal the dominion which my king and queen had given me in trust. "this adrian, as it appears, had sent don ferdinand to xaragua to collect some of his followers, and there a dispute arose with the alcalde from which a deadly contest ensued, and he [adrian] did not effect his purpose. the alcalde seized him and a part of his band, and the fact was that he would have executed them if i had not prevented it; they were kept prisoners awaiting a caravel in which they might depart. the news of hojeda which i told them made them lose the hope that he would now come again. "for six months i had been prepared to return to their highnesses with the good news of the gold, and to escape from governing a dissolute people who fear neither god nor their king and queen, being full of vices and wickedness. "i could have paid the people in full with six hundred thousand, and for this purpose i had four millions of tenths and somewhat more, besides the third of the gold. "before my departure i many times begged their highnesses to send there, at my expense, some one to take charge of the administration of justice; and after finding the alcalde in arms i renewed my supplications to have either some troops or at least some servant of theirs with letters patent; for my reputation is such that even if i build churches and hospitals, they will always be called dens of thieves. "they did indeed make provision at last, but it was the very contrary of what the matter demanded: it may be successful, since it was according to their good pleasure. "i was there for two years without being able to gain a decree of favour for myself or for those who went there, yet this man brought a coffer full: whether they will all redound to their [highnesses] service, god knows. indeed, to begin with, there are exemptions for twenty years, which is a man's lifetime; and gold is collected to such an extent that there was one person who became worth five marks in four hours; whereof i will speak more fully later on. "if it would please their highnesses to remove the grounds of a common saying of those who know my labours, that the calumny of the people has done me more harm than much service and the maintenance of their [highnesses] property and dominion has done me good, it would be a charity, and i should be re-established in my honour, and it would be talked about all over the world: for the undertaking is of such a nature that it must daily become more famous and in higher esteem. "when the commander bobadilla came to santo domingo, i was at la vega, and the adelantado at xaragua, where that adrian had made a stand, but then all was quiet, and the land rich and all men at peace. on the second day after his arrival, he created himself governor, and appointed officers and made executions, and proclaimed immunities of gold and tenths and in general of everything else for twenty years, which is a man's lifetime, and that he came to pay everybody in full up to that day, even though they had not rendered service; and he publicly gave notice that, as for me, he had charge to send me in irons, and my brothers likewise, as he has done, and that i should nevermore return thither, nor any other of my family: alleging a thousand disgraceful and discourteous things about me. all this took place on the second day after his arrival, as i have said, and while i was absent at a distance, without my knowing either of him or of his arrival. "some letters of their highnesses signed in blank, of which he brought a number, he filled up and sent to the alcalde and to his company with favours and commendations: to me he never sent either letter or messenger, nor has he done so to this day. imagine what any one holding my office would think when one who endeavoured to rob their highnesses, and who has done so much evil and mischief, is honoured and favoured, while he who maintained it at such risks is degraded. "when i heard this i thought that this affair would be like that of hojeda or one of the others, but i restrained myself when i learnt for certain from the friars that their highnesses had sent him. i wrote to him that his arrival was welcome, and that i was prepared to go to the court and had sold all i possessed by auction; and that with respect to the immunities he should not be hasty, for both that matter and the government i would hand over to him immediately as smooth as my palm. and i wrote to the same effect to the friars, but neither he nor they gave me any answer. on the contrary, he put himself in a warlike attitude, and compelled all who went there to take an oath to him as governor; and they told me that it was for twenty years. "directly i knew of those immunities, i thought that i would repair such a great error and that he would be pleased, for he gave them without the need or occasion necessary in so vast a matter: and he gave to vagabond people what would have been excessive for a man who had brought wife and children. so i announced by word and letters that he could not use his patents because mine were those in force; and i showed them the immunities which john aguado brought. "all this was done by me in order to gain time, so that their highnesses might be informed of the condition of the country, and that they might have an opportunity of issuing fresh commands as to what would best promote their service in that respect. "it is useless to publish such immunities in the indies: to the settlers who have taken up residence it is a pure gain, for the best lands are given to them, and at a low valuation they will be worth two-hundred thousand at the end of the four years when the period of residence is ended, without their digging a spadeful in them. i would not speak thus if the settlers were married, but there are not six among them all who are not on the look-out to gather what they can and depart speedily. it would be a good thing if they should go from castile, and also if it were known who and what they are, and if the country could be settled with honest people. "i had agreed with those settlers that they should pay the third of the gold, and the tenths, and this at their own request; and they received it as a great favour from their highnesses. i reproved them when i heard that they ceased to do this, and hoped that the commander would do likewise, and he did the contrary. "he incensed them against me by saying that i wanted to deprive them of what their highnesses had given them; and he endeavoured to set them at variance with me, and did so; and he induced them to write to their highnesses that they should never again send me back to the government, and i likewise make the same supplication to them for myself and for my whole family, as long as there are not different inhabitants. and he together with them ordered inquisitions concerning me for wickednesses the like whereof were never known in hell. our lord, who rescued daniel and the three children, is present with the same wisdom and power as he had then, and with the same means, if it should please him and be in accordance with his will. "i should know how to remedy all this, and the rest of what has been said and has taken place since i have been in the indies, if my disposition would allow me to seek my own advantage, and if it seemed honourable to me to do so, but the maintenance of justice and the extension of the dominion of her highness has hitherto kept me down. now that so much gold is found, a dispute arises as to which brings more profit, whether to go about robbing or to go to the mines. a hundred castellanos are as easily obtained for a woman as for a farm, and it is very general, and there are plenty of dealers who go about looking for girls: those from nine to ten are now in demand, and for all ages a good price must be paid. "i assert that the violence of the calumny of turbulent persons has injured me more than my services have profited me; which is a bad example for the present and for the future. i take my oath that a number of men have gone to the indies who did not deserve water in the sight of god and of the world; and now they are returning thither, and leave is granted them. "i assert that when i declared that the commander could not grant immunities, i did what he desired, although i told him that it was to cause delay until their highnesses should, receive information from the country, and should command anew what might be for their service. "he excited their enmity against me, and he seems, from what took place and from his behaviour, to have come as my enemy and as a very vehement one; or else the report is true that he has spent much to obtain this employment. i do not know more about it than what i hear. i never heard of an inquisitor gathering rebels together and accepting them, and others devoid of credit and unworthy of it, as witnesses against their governor. "if their highnesses were to make a general inquisition there, i assure you that they would look upon it as a great wonder that the island does not founder. "i think your ladyship will remember that when, after losing my sails, i was driven into lisbon by a tempest, i was falsely accused of having gone there to the king in order to give him the indies. their highnesses afterwards learned the contrary, and that it was entirely malicious. "although i may know but little, i do not think any one considers me so stupid as not to know that even if the indies were mine i could not uphold myself without the help of some prince. "if this be so, where could i find better support and security than in the king and queen, our lords, who have raised me from nothing to such great honour, and are the most exalted princes of the world on sea and on land, and who consider that i have rendered them service, and who preserve to me my privileges and rewards: and if any one infringes them, their highnesses increase them still more, as was seen in the case of john aguado; and they order great honour to be conferred upon me, and, as i have already said, their highnesses have received service from me, and keep my sons in their household; all which could by no means happen with another prince, for where there is no affection, everything else fails. "i have now spoken thus in reply to a malicious slander, but against my will, as it is a thing which should not recur to memory even in dreams; for the commander bobadilla maliciously seeks in this way to set his own conduct and actions in a brighter light; but i shall easily show him that his small knowledge and great cowardice, together with his inordinate cupidity, have caused him to fail therein. "i have already said that i wrote to him and to the friars, and immediately set out, as i told him, almost alone, because all the people were with the adelantado, and likewise in order to prevent suspicion on his part. when he heard this, he seized don diego and sent him on board a caravel loaded with irons, and did the same to me upon my arrival, and afterwards to the adelantado when he came; nor did i speak to him any more, nor to this day has he allowed any one to speak to me; and i take my oath that i cannot understand why i am made a prisoner. "he made it his first business to seize the gold, which he did without measuring or weighing it and in my absence; he said that he wanted it to pay the people, and according to what i hear he assigned the chief part to himself and sent fresh exchangers for the exchanges. of this gold i had put aside certain specimens, very big lumps, like the eggs of geese, hens, and pullets, and of many other shapes, which some persons had collected in a short space of time, in order that their highnesses might be gladdened, and might comprehend the business upon seeing a quantity of large stones full of gold. this collection was the first to be given away, with malicious intent, so that their highnesses should not hold the matter in any account until he has feathered his nest, which he is in great haste to do. gold which is for melting diminishes at the fire: some chains which would weigh about twenty marks have never been seen again. "i have been more distressed about this matter of the gold than even about the pearls, because i have not brought it to her highness. "the commander at once set to work upon anything which he thought would injure me. i have already said that with six hundred thousand i could pay every one without defrauding anybody, and that i had more than four millions of tenths and constabulary [dues] without touching the gold. he made some free gifts which are ridiculous, though i believe that he began by assigning the chief part to himself. their highnesses will find it out when they order an account to be obtained from him, especially if i should be present thereat. he does nothing but reiterate that a large sum is owing, and it is what i have said, and even less. i have been much distressed that there should be sent concerning me an inquisitor who is aware that if the inquisition which he returns is very grave he will remain in possession of the government. "would that it had pleased our lord that their highnesses had sent him or some one else two years ago, for i know that i should now be free from scandal and infamy, and that my honour would not be taken from me, nor should i lose it. god is just, and will make known the why and the wherefore. "they judge me over there as they would a governor who had gone to sicily, or to a city or town placed under regular government, and where the laws can be observed in their entirety without fear of ruining everything; and i am greatly injured thereby. "i ought to be judged as a captain who went from spain to the indies to conquer a numerous and warlike people, whose customs and religion are very contrary to ours; who live in rocks and mountains, without fixed settlements, and not like ourselves: and where, by the divine will, i have placed under the dominion of the king and queen, our sovereigns, a second world, through which spain, which was reckoned a poor country, has become the richest. "i ought to be judged as a captain who for such a long time up to this day has borne arms without laying them aside for an hour, and by gentlemen adventurers and by custom, and not by letters, unless they were from greeks or romans or others of modern times of whom there are so many and such noble examples in spain; or otherwise i receive great injury, because in the indies there is neither town nor settlement. "the gate to the gold and pearls is now open, and plenty of everything--precious stones, spices and a thousand other things--may be surely expected, and never could a worse misfortune befall me: for by the name of our lord the first voyage would yield them just as much as would the traffic of arabia felix as far as mecca, as i wrote to their highnesses by antonio de tomes in my reply respecting the repartition of the sea and land with the portuguese; and afterwards it would equal that of calicut, as i told them and put in writing at the monastery of the mejorada. "the news of the gold that i said i would give is, that on the day of the nativity, while i was much tormented, being harassed by wicked christians and by indians, and when i was on the point of giving up everything, and if possible escaping from life, our lord miraculously comforted me and said, 'fear not violence, i will provide for all things: the seven years of the term of the gold have not elapsed, and in that and in everything else i will afford thee a remedy.' "on that day i learned that there were eighty leagues of land with mines at every point thereof. the opinion now is that it is all one. some have collected a hundred and twenty castellanos in one day, and others ninety, and even the number of two hundred and fifty has been reached. from fifty to seventy, and in many more cases from fifteen to fifty, is considered a good day's work, and many carry it on. the usual quantity is from six to twelve, and any one obtaining less than this is not satisfied. it seems to me that these mines are like others, and do not yield equally every day. the mines are new, and so are the workers: it is the opinion of everybody that even if all castile were to go there, every individual, however inexpert he might be, would not obtain less than one or two castellanos daily, and now it is only commencing. it is true that they keep indians, but the business is in the hands of the christians. behold what discernment bobadilla had, when he gave up everything for nothing, and four millions of tenths, without any reason or even being requested, and without first notifying it to their highnesses. and this is not the only loss. "i know that my errors have not been committed with the intention of doing evil, and i believe that their highnesses regard the matter just as i state it: and i know and see that they deal mercifully even with those who maliciously act to their disservice. i believe and consider it very certain that their clemency will be both greater and more abundant towards me, for i fell therein through ignorance and the force of circumstances, as they will know fully hereafter; and i indeed am their creature, and they will look upon my services, and will acknowledge day by day that they are much profited. they will place everything in the balance, even as holy scripture tells us good and evil will be at the day of judgment. "if, however, they command that another person do judge me, which i cannot believe, and that it be by inquisition in the indies, i very humbly beseech them to send thither two conscientious and honourable persons at my expense, who i believe will easily, now that gold is discovered, find five marks in four hours. in either case it is needful for them to provide for this matter. "the commander on his arrival at san domingo took up his abode in my house, and just as he found it so he appropriated everything to himself. well and good; perhaps he was in want of it. a pirate never acted thus towards a merchant. about my papers i have a greater grievance, for he has so completely deprived me of them that i have never been able to obtain a single one from him; and those that would have been most useful in my exculpation are precisely those which he has kept most concealed. behold the just and honest inquisitor! whatever he may have done, they tell me that there has been an end to justice, except in an arbitrary form. god, our lord, is present with his strength and wisdom, as of old, and always punishes in the end, especially ingratitude and injuries." we must keep in mind the circumstances in which this letter was written if we are to judge it and the writer wisely. it is a sad example of querulous complaint, in which everything but the writer's personal point of view is ignored. no one indeed is more terrible in this world than the man with a grievance. how rarely will human nature in such circumstances retire into the stronghold of silence! columbus is asking for pity; but as we read his letter we incline to pity him on grounds quite different from those which he represented. he complains that the people he was sent to govern have waged war against him as against a moor; he complains of ojeda and of vincenti yanez pinzon; of adrian de moxeca, and of every other person whom it was his business to govern and hold in restraint. he complains of the colonists--the very people, some of them, whom he himself took and impressed from the gaols and purlieus of cadiz; and then he mingles pious talk about saint peter and daniel in the den of lions with notes on the current price of little girls and big lumps of gold like the eggs of geese, hens, and pullets. he complains that he is judged as a man would be judged who had been sent out to govern a ready-made colony, and represents instead that he went out to conquer a numerous and warlike people "whose custom and religion are very contrary to ours, and who lived in rocks and mountains"; forgetting that when it suited him for different purposes he described the natives as so peaceable and unwarlike that a thousand of them would not stand against one christian, and that in any case he was sent out to create a constitution and not merely to administer one. very sore indeed is christopher as he reveals himself in this letter, appealing now to his correspondent, now to the king and queen, now to that god who is always on the side of the complainant. "god our lord is present with his strength and wisdom, as of old, and always punishes in the end, especially ingratitude and injuries." not boastfulness and weakness, let us hope, or our poor admiral will come off badly. chapter ii crisis in the admiral's life columbus was not far wrong in his estimate of the effect likely to be produced by his manacles, and when the ships of villegio arrived at cadiz in october, the spectacle of an admiral in chains produced a degree of commiseration which must have exceeded his highest hopes. he was now in his fiftieth year and of an extremely venerable appearance, his kindling eye looking forth from under brows of white, his hair and beard snow-white, his face lined and spiritualised with suffering and sorrow. it must be remembered that before the spanish people he had always appeared in more or less state. they had not that intimacy with him, an intimacy which perhaps brought contempt, which the people in espanola enjoyed; and in spain, therefore, the contrast between his former grandeur and this condition of shame and degradation was the more striking. it was a fact that the people of spain could not neglect. it touched their sense of the dramatic and picturesque, touched their hearts also perhaps--hearts quick to burn, quick to forget. they had forgotten him before, now they burned with indignation at the picture of this venerable and much-suffering man arriving in disgrace. his letter to dofia juana, hastily despatched by him, probably through the office of some friendly soul on board, immediately on his arrival at cadiz, was the first news from the ship received by the king and queen, and naturally it caused them a shock of surprise. it was followed by the despatches from bobadilla and by a letter from the alcalde of cadiz announcing that columbus and his brothers were in his custody awaiting the royal orders. perhaps ferdinand and isabella had already repented their drastic action and had entertained some misgivings as to its results; but it is more probable that they had put it out of their heads altogether, and that their hasty action now was prompted as much by the shock of being recalled to a consciousness of the troubled state of affairs in the new world as by any real regret for what they had done. moreover they had sent out bobadilla to quiet things down; and the first result of it was that spain was ringing with the scandal of the admiral's treatment. in that spanish world, unsteadfast and unstable, when one end of the see-saw was up the other must be down; and it was columbus who now found himself high up in the heavens of favour, and bobadilla who was seated in the dust. equipoise any kind was apparently a thing impossible; if one man was right the other man must be wrong; no excuses for bobadilla; every excuse for the admiral. the first official act, therefore, was an order for the immediate release of the admiral and his brothers, followed by an invitation for him to proceed without delay to the court at granada, and an order for the immediate payment to him of the sum of 2000 ducats [perhaps $250,000 in the year 2000 d.w.] this last no ungenerous gift to a viceroy whose pearl accounts were in something less than order. perhaps columbus had cherished the idea of appearing dramatically before the very court in his rags and chains; but the cordiality of their letter as well as the gift of money made this impossible. instead, not being a man to do things by halves, he equipped himself in his richest and most splendid garments, got together the requisite number of squires and pages, and duly presented himself at granada in his full dignity. the meeting was an affecting one, touched with a humanity which has survived the intervening centuries, as a touch of true humanity will when details of mere parade and etiquette have long perished. perhaps the admiral, inspired with a deep sense of his wrongs, meant to preserve a very stiff and cold demeanour at the beginning of this interview; but when he looked into the kind eyes of isabella and saw them suffused with tears at the thought of his sorrows all his dignity broke down; the tears came to his own eyes, and he wept there naturally like a child. ferdinand looking on kind but uncomfortable; isabella unaffectedly touched and weeping; the admiral, in spite of his scarlet cloak and golden collar and jewelled sword, in spite of equerries, squires, pages and attendants, sobbing on his knees like a child or an old man-these were the scenes and kindly emotions of this historic moment. the tears were staunched by kindly royal words and handkerchiefs supplied by attendant pages; sobbings breaking out again, but on the whole soon quieted; king and queen raising the gouty christopher from his knees, filling the air with kind words of sympathy, praise, and encouragement; the lonely worn heart, somewhat arid of late, and parched from want of human sympathy, much refreshed by this dew of kindness. the admiral was soon himself again, and he would not have been himself if upon recovering he had not launched out into what some historians call a "lofty and dignified vindication of his loyalty and zeal." no one, indeed, is better than the admiral at such lofty and dignified vindications. he goes into the whole matter and sets forth an account of affairs at espanola from his own point of view; and can even (so high is the thermometer of favour) safely indulge in a little judicious self-depreciation, saying that if he has erred it has not been from want of zeal but from want of experience in dealing with the kind of material he has been set to govern. all this is very human, natural, and understandable; product of that warm emotional atmosphere, bedewed with tears, in which the admiral finds himself; and it is not long before the king and queen, also moved to it by the emotional temperature, are expressing their unbroken and unbounded confidence in him and repudiating the acts of bobadilla, which they declare to have been contrary to their instructions; undertaking also that he shall be immediately dismissed from his post. poor bobadilla is not here in the warm emotional atmosphere; he had his turn of it six months ago, when no powers were too high or too delicate to be entrusted to him; he is out in the cold at the other end of the see-saw, which has let him down to the ground with a somewhat sudden thump. columbus, relying on the influence of these emotions, made bold to ask that his property in the island should be restored to him, which was immediately granted; and also to request that he should be reinstated in his office of viceroy and allowed to return at once in triumph to espanola. but emotions are unstable things; they present a yielding surface which will give to any extent, but which, when it has hardened again after the tears have evaporated, is often found to be in much the same condition as before. at first promises were made that the whole matter should be fully gone into; but when it came to cold fact, ferdinand was obliged to recognise that this whole business of discovery and colonisation had become a very different thing to what it had been when columbus was the only discoverer; and he was obviously of opinion that, as columbus's office had once been conveniently withdrawn from him, it would only be disastrous to reinstate him in it. of course he did not say so at once; but reasons were given for judicious delay in the admiral's reappointment. it was represented to him that the colony, being in an extremely unsettled state, should be given a short period of rest, and also that it would be as well for him to wait until the people who had given him so much trouble in the island could be quietly and gradually removed. two years was the time mentioned as suitable for an interregnum, and it is probable that it was the intention of isabella, although not of ferdinand, to restore columbus to his office at the end of that time. in the meantime it became necessary to appoint some one to supersede bobadilla; for the news that arrived periodically from espanola during the year showed that he had entirely failed in his task of reducing the island to order. for the wholesome if unequal rigours of columbus bobadilla had substituted laxness and indulgence, with the result that the whole colony was rapidly reduced to a state of the wildest disorder. vice and cruelty were rampant; in fact the barbarities practised upon the natives were so scandalous that even spanish opinion, which was never very sympathetic to heathen suffering, was thoroughly shocked and alarmed. the sovereigns therefore appointed nicholas de ovando to go out and take over the command, with instructions to use very drastic means for bringing the colony to order. how he did it we shall presently see; in the meantime all that was known of him (the man not having been tried yet) was that he was a poor knight of calatrava, a man respected in royal circles for the performance of minor official duties, but no very popular favourite; honest according to his lights--lights turned rather low and dim, as was often the case in those days. a narrow-minded man also, without sympathy or imagination, capable of cruelty; a tough, stiff-necked stock of a man, fit to deal with bobadilla perhaps, but hardly fit to deal with the colony. spain in those days was not a nursery of administration. of all the people who were sent out successively to govern espanola and supersede one another, the only one who really seems to have had the necessary natural ability, had he but been given the power, was bartholomew columbus; but unfortunately things were in such a state that the very name of columbus was enough to bar a man from acceptance as a governor of espanola. it was not for any lack of powers and equipment that this procession of governors failed in their duties. we have seen with what authority bobadilia had been entrusted; and ovando had even greater advantages. the instructions he received showed that the needs of the new colonies were understood by ferdinand and isabella, if by no one else. ovando was not merely appointed governor of espanola but of the whole of the new territory discovered in the west, his seat of government being san domingo. he was given the necessary free hand in the matters of punishment, confiscation, and allotment of lands. he was to revoke the orders which had been made by bobadilla reducing the proportion of gold payable to the crown, and was empowered to take over one-third of the. gold that was stored on the island, and one-half of what might be found in the future. the crown was to have a monopoly of all trade, and ordinary supplies were only to be procured through the crown agent. on the other hand, the natives were to be released from slavery, and although forced to work in the mines, were to be paid for their labour --a distinction which in the working out did not produce much difference. a body of franciscan monks accompanied ovando for the purpose of tackling the religious question with the necessary energy; and every regulation that the kind heart of isabella could think of was made for the happiness and contentment of the indians. unhappily the real mischief had already been done. the natives, who had never been accustomed to hard and regular work under the conditions of commerce and greed, but had only toiled for the satisfaction of their own simple wants, were suffering cruelly under the hard labour in the mines, and the severe driving of their spanish masters. under these unnatural conditions the native population was rapidly dying off, and there was some likelihood that there would soon be a scarcity of native labour. these were the circumstances in which the idea of importing black african labour to the new world was first conceived--a plan which was destined to have results so tremendous that we have probably not yet seen their full and ghastly development. there were a great number of african negro slaves at that time in spain; a whole generation of them had been born in slavery in spain itself; and this generation was bodily imported to espanola to relieve and assist the native labour. these preparations were not made all at once; and it was more than a year after the return of columbus before ovando was ready to sail. in the meantime columbus was living in granada, and looking on with no very satisfied eye at the plans which were being made to supersede him, and about which he was probably not very much consulted; feeling very sore indeed, and dividing his attention between the nursing of his grievances and other even less wholesome occupations. there was any amount of smiling kindness for him at court, but very little of the satisfaction that his vanity and ambition craved; and in the absence of practical employment he fell back on visionary speculations. he made great friends at this time with a monk named gaspar gorricio, with whose assistance he began to make some kind of a study of such utterances of the prophets and the fathers as he conceived to have a bearing on his own career. columbus was in fact in a very queer way at this time; and what with his readings and his meditatings and his grievances, and his visits to his monkish friend in the convent of las cuevas, he fell into a kind of intellectual stupor, of which the work called 'libro de las profecias,' or book of the prophecies, in which he wrote down such considerations as occurred to him in his stupor, was the result. the manuscript of this work is in existence, although no human being has ever ventured to reprint the whole of it; and we would willingly abstain from mentioning it here if it were not an undeniable act of columbus's life. the admiral, fallen into theological stupor, puts down certain figures upon paper; discovers that st. augustine said that the world would only last for 7000 years; finds that some other genius had calculated that before the birth of christ it had existed for 5343 years and 318 days; adds 1501 years from the birth of christ to his own time; adds up, and finds that the total is 6844 years; subtracts, and discovers that this earthly globe can only last 155 years longer. he remembers also that, still according to the prophets, certain things must happen before the end of the world; holy sepulchre restored to christianity, heathen converted, second coming of christ; and decides that he himself is the man appointed by god and promised by the prophets to perform these works. good heavens! in what an entirely dark and sordid stupor is our christopher now sunk--a veritable slough and quag of stupor out of which, if he does not manage to flounder himself, no human hand can pull him. but amid his wallowings in this slough of stupor, when all else, in him had been well-nigh submerged by it, two dim lights were preserved towards which, although foundered up to the chin, he began to struggle; and by superhuman efforts did at last extricate himself from the theological stupor and get himself blown clean again by the salt winds before he died. one light was his religion; not to be confounded with theological stupor, but quite separate from it in my belief; a certain steadfast and consuming faith in a power that could see and understand and guide him to the accomplishment of his purpose. this faith had been too often a good friend and help to christopher for him to forget it very long, even while he was staggering in the quag with isaiah, jeremiah, and the fathers; and gradually, as i say, he worked himself out into the region of activity again. first, thinking it a pity that his flounderings in the slough should be entirely wasted, he had a copy of his precious theological work made and presented it to the sovereigns, with a letter urging them (since he himself was unable to do it) to undertake a crusade for the recovery of the holy sepulchre--not an altogether wild proposal in those days. but ferdinand had other uses for his men and his money, and contented himself with despatching peter martyr on a pacific mission to the grand soldan of egypt. the other light left unquenched in columbus led him back to the firm ground of maritime enterprise; he began to long for the sea again, and for a chance of doing something to restore his reputation. an infinitely better and more wholesome frame of mind this; by all means let him mend his reputation by achievement, instead of by writing books in a theological trance or stupor, and attempting to prove that he was chosen by the almighty. he now addressed himself to the better task of getting himself chosen by men to do something which should raise him again in their esteem. his maritime ambition was no doubt stimulated at this time by witnessing the departure of ovando, in february 1502, with a fleet of thirty-five ships and a company of 2500 people. it was not in the admiral's nature to look on without envy at an equipment the like of which he himself had never been provided with, and he did not restrain his sarcasms at its pomp and grandeur, nor at the ease with which men could follow a road which had once been pointed out to them. ovando had a great body-guard such as columbus had never had; and he also carried with him a great number of picked married men with their families, all with knowledge of some trade or craft, whose presence in the colony would be a guarantee of permanence and steadiness. he perhaps remembered his own crowd of ruffians and gaol-birds, and realised the bitterness of his own mistakes. it was a very painful moment for him, and he was only partially reconciled to it by the issue of a royal order to ovando under which he was required to see to the restoration of the admiral's property. if it had been devoted to public purposes it was to be repaid him from the royal funds; but if it had been merely distributed among the colonists bobadilla was to be made responsible for it. the admiral was also allowed to send out an agent to represent him and look after his interests; and he appointed alonso de carvajal to this office. ovando once gone, the admiral could turn again to his own affairs. it is true there were rumours that the whole fleet had perished, for it encountered a gale very soon after leaving cadiz, and a great quantity of the deck hamper was thrown overboard and was washed on the shores of spain; and the sovereigns were so bitterly distressed that, as it is said, they shut them selves up for eight days. news eventually came, however, that only one ship had been lost and that the rest had proceeded safely to san domingo. columbus, much recovered in body and mind, now began to apply for a fleet for himself. he had heard of the discovery by the portuguese of the southern route to india; no doubt he had heard also much gossip of the results of the many private voyages of discovery that were sailing from spain at this time; and he began to think seriously about his own discoveries and the way in which they might best be extended. he thought much of his voyage to the west of trinidad and of the strange pent-up seas and currents that he had discovered there. he remembered the continual westward trend of the current, and how all the islands in that sea had their greatest length east and west, as though their shores had been worn into that shape by the constant flowing of the current; and it was not an unnatural conclusion for him to suppose that there was a channel far to the west through which these seas poured and which would lead him to the golden chersonesus. he put away from him that nightmare madness that he transacted on the coast of cuba. he knew very well that he had not yet found the golden chersonesus and the road to india; but he became convinced that the western current would lead him there if only he followed it long enough. there was nothing insane about this theory; it was in fact a very well-observed and well-reasoned argument; and the fact that it happened to be entirely wrong is no reflection on the admiral's judgment. the great atlantic currents at that time had not been studied; and how could he know that the western stream of water was the northern half of a great ocean current which sweeps through the caribbean sea, into and round the gulf of mexico, and flows out northward past florida in the gulf stream? his applications for a fleet were favourably received by the king and queen, but much frowned upon by certain high officials of the court. they were beginning to regard columbus as a dangerous adventurer who, although he happened to have discovered the western islands, had brought the spanish colony there to a dreadful state of disorder; and had also, they alleged, proved himself rather less than trustworthy in matters of treasure. still in the summer days of 1501 he was making himself very troublesome at court with constant petitions and letters about his rights and privileges; and ferdinand was far from unwilling to adopt a plan by which they would at least get rid of him and keep him safely occupied at the other side of the world at the cost of a few caravels. there was, besides, always an element of uncertainty. his voyage might come to nothing, but on the other hand the admiral was no novice at this game of discovery, and one could not tell but that something big might come of it. after some consideration permission was given to him to fit out a fleet of four ships, and he proceeded to seville in the autumn of 1501 to get his little fleet ready. bartholomew was to come with him, and his son ferdinand also, who seems to have much endeared himself to the admiral in these dark days, and who would surely be a great comfort to him on the voyage. beatriz enriquez seems to have passed out of his life; certainly he was not living with her either now or on his last visit to spain; one way or another, that business is at an end for him. perhaps poor beatriz, seeing her son in such a high place at court, has effaced herself for his sake; perhaps the appointment was given on condition of such effacement; we do not know. columbus was in no hurry over his preparations. in the midst of them he found time to collect a whole series of documents relating to his titles and dignities, which he had copied and made into a great book which he called his "book of privileges," and the copies of which were duly attested before a notary at seville on january 5, 1502. he wrote many letters to various friends of his, chiefly in relation to these privileges; not interesting or illuminating letters to us, although very important to busy christopher when he wrote them. here is one written to nicolo oderigo, a genoese ambassador who came to spain on a brief mission in the spring of 1502, and who, with certain other residents in spain, is said to have helped columbus in his preparations for his fourth voyage: "sir,--the loneliness in which you have left us cannot be described. i gave the book containing my writings to francisco de rivarol that he may send it to you with another copy of letters containing instructions. i beg you to be so kind as to write don diego in regard to the place of security in which you put them. duplicates of everything will be completed and sent to you in the same manner and by the same francisco. among them you will find a new document. their highnesses promised to give all that belongs to me and to place don diego in possession of everything, as you will see. i wrote to senor juan luis and to sefora catalina. the letter accompanies this one. i am ready to start in the name of the holy trinity as soon as the weather is good. i am well provided with everything. if jeronimo de santi esteban is coming, he must await me and not embarrass himself with anything, for they will take away from him all they can and silently leave him. let him come here and the king and the queen will receive him until i come. may our lord have you in his holy keeping. "done at seville, march 21, 1502. "at your command. .s. .s.a.s. xpo ferens." his delays were not pleasing to ferdinand, who wanted to get rid of him, and he was invited to hurry his departure; but he still continued to go deliberately about his affairs, which he tried to put in order as far as he was able, since he thought it not unlikely that he might never see spain again. thinking thus of his worldly duties, and his thoughts turning to his native genoa, it occurred to him to make some benefaction out of the riches that were coming to him by which his name might be remembered and held in honour there. this was a piece of practical kindness the record of which is most precious to us; for it shows the admiral in a truer and more human light than he often allowed to shine upon him. the tone of the letter is nothing; he could not forbear letting the people of genoa see how great he was. the devotion of his legacy to the reduction of the tax on simple provisions was a genuine charity, much to be appreciated by the dwellers in the vico dritto di ponticello, where wine and provision shops were so very necessary to life. the letter was written to the directors of the famous bank of saint george at genoa. "very noble lords,--although my body is here, my heart is continually yonder. our lord has granted me the greatest favour he has granted any one since the time of david. the results of my undertaking already shine, and they would make a great light if the obscurity of the government did not conceal them. i shall go again to the indies in the name of the holy trinity, to return immediately. and as i am mortal, i desire my son don diego to give to you each year, for ever, the tenth part of all the income received, in payment of the tax on wheat, wine, and other provisions. if this tenth amounts to anything, receive it, and if not, receive my will for the deed. i beg you as a favour to have this son of mine in your charge. nicolo de oderigo knows more about my affairs than i myself. i have sent him the copy of my privileges and letters, that he may place them in safe keeping. i would be glad if you could see them. the king and the queen, my lords, now wish to honour me more than ever. may the holy trinity guard your noble persons, and increase the importance of your very magnificent office. "done in seville, april a, 1502. "the high-admiral of the ocean-sea and viceroy and governor-general of the islands and mainland of asia and the indies, belonging to the king and queen, my lords, and the captain-general of the sea, and a member of their council. .s. .s.a.s. x m y xpo ferens." columbus was anxious to touch at espanola on his voyage to the west; but he was expressly forbidden to do so, as it was known that his presence there could not make for anything but confusion; he was to be permitted, however, to touch there on his return journey. the great khan was not out of his mind yet; much in it apparently, for he took an arabian interpreter with him so that he could converse with that monarch. in fact he did not hesitate to announce that very big results indeed were to come of this voyage of his; among other things he expected to circumnavigate the globe, and made no secret of his expectation. in the meantime he was expected to find some pearls in order to pay for the equipment of his fleet; and in consideration of what had happened to the last lot of pearls collected by him, an agent named diego de porras was sent along with him to keep an account of the gold and precious stones which might be discovered. special instructions were issued to columbus about the disposal of these commodities. he does not seem to have minded these somewhat humiliating precautions; he had a way of rising above petty indignities and refusing to recognise them which must have been of great assistance to his self-respect in certain troubled moments in his life. his delays, however, were so many that in march 1502 the sovereigns were obliged to order him to depart without any more waiting. poor christopher, who once had to sue for the means with which to go, whose departures were once the occasion of so much state and ceremony, has now to be hustled forth and asked to go away. still he does not seem to mind; once more, as of old, his gaze is fixed beyond the horizon and his mind is filled with one idea. they may not think much of him in spain now, but they will when he comes back; and he can afford to wait. completing his preparations without undignified haste he despatched bartholomew with his four little vessels from seville to cadiz, where the admiral was to join them. he took farewell of his son diego and of his brother james; good friendly james, who had done his best in a difficult position, but had seen quite enough of the wild life of the seas and was now settled in seville studying hard for the church. it had always been his ambition, poor james; and, studying hard in seville, he did in time duly enter the sacred pale and become a priest--by which we may see that if our ambitions are only modest enough we may in time encompass them. sometimes i think that james, enveloped in priestly vestments, nodding in the sanctuary, lulled by the muttering murmur of the psalms or dozing through a long credo, may have thought himself back amid the brilliant sunshine and strange perfumes of espanola; and from a dream of some nymph hiding in the sweet groves of the vega may have awakened with a sigh to the strident alleluias of his brother priests. at any rate, farewell to james, safely seated beneath the gospel light, and continuing to sit there until, in the year 1515, death interrupts him. we are not any more concerned with james in his priestly shelter, but with those elder brothers of his who are making ready again to face the sun and the surges. columbus's ships were on the point of sailing when word came that the moors were besieging a portuguese post on the coast of morocco, and, as civility was now the order of the day between spain and portugal, the admiral was instructed to call on his way there and afford some relief. this he did, sailing from cadiz on the 9th or 10th of may to ercilla on the morocco coast, where he anchored on the 13th. but the moors had all departed and the siege was over; so columbus, having sent bartholomew and some of his officers ashore on a civil visit, which was duly returned, set out the same day on his last voyage. chapter iii the last voyage the four ships that made up the admiral's fleet on his fourth and last voyage were all small caravels, the largest only of seventy tons and the smallest only of fifty. columbus chose for his flagship the capitana, seventy tons, appointing diego tristan to be his captain. the next best ship was the santiago de palos under the command of francisco porras; porras and his brother diego having been more or less foisted on to columbus by morales, the royal treasurer, who wished to find berths for these two brothers-in-law of his. we shall hear more of the porras brothers. the third ship was the gallega, sixty tons, a very bad sailer indeed, and on that account entrusted to bartholomew columbus, whose skill in navigation, it was hoped, might make up for her bad sailing qualities. bartholomew had, to tell the truth, had quite enough of the new world, but he was too loyal to christopher to let him go alone, knowing as he did his precarious state of health and his tendency to despondency. the captain of the gallega was pedro de terreros, who had sailed with the admiral as steward on all his other voyages and was now promoted to a command. the fourth ship was called the vizcaina, fifty tons, and was commanded by bartolome fieschi, a friend of columbus's from genoa, and a very sound, honourable man. there were altogether 143 souls on board the four caravels. the fleet as usual made the canary islands, where they arrived on the 20th of may, and stopped for five days taking in wood and water and fresh provisions. columbus was himself again--always more himself at sea than anywhere else; he was following a now familiar road that had no difficulties or dangers for him; and there is no record of the voyage out except that it was quick and prosperous, with the trade wind blowing so steadily that from the time they left the canaries until they made land twenty days later they had hardly to touch a sheet or a halliard. the first land they made was the island of martinique, where wood and water were taken in and the men sent ashore to wash their linen. to young ferdinand, but fourteen years old, this voyage was like a fairy tale come true, and his delight in everything that he saw must have added greatly to christopher's pleasure and interest in the voyage. they only stayed a few days at martinique and then sailed westward along the chain of islands until they came to porto rico, where they put in to the sunny harbour which they had discovered on a former voyage. it was at this point that columbus determined, contrary to his precise orders, to stand across to espanola. the place attracted him like a magnet; he could not keep away from it; and although he had a good enough excuse for touching there, it is probable that his real reason was a very natural curiosity to see how things were faring with his old enemy bobadilla. the excuse was that the gallega, bartholomew's ship, was so unseaworthy as to be a drag on the progress of the rest of the fleet and a danger to her own crew. in the slightest sea-way she rolled almost gunwale under, and would not carry her sail; and columbus's plan was to exchange her for a vessel out of the great fleet which he knew had by this time reached espanola and discharged its passengers. he arrived off the harbour of san domingo on the 29th of june in very threatening weather, and immediately sent pedro de terreros ashore with a message to ovando, asking to be allowed to purchase or exchange one of the vessels that were riding in the harbour, and also leave to shelter his own vessels there during the hurricane which he believed to be approaching. a message came back that he was neither permitted to buy a ship nor to enter the harbour; warning him off from san domingo, in fact. with this unfavourable message terreros also brought back the news of the island. ovando had been in san domingo since the 15th of april, and had found the island in a shocking state, the spanish population having to a man devoted itself to idleness, profligacy, and slave-driving. the only thing that had prospered was the gold-mining; for owing to the licence that bobadilla had given to the spaniards to employ native labour to an unlimited extent there had been an immense amount of gold taken from the mines. but in no other respect had island affairs prospered, and ovando immediately began the usual investigation. the fickle spaniards, always unfaithful to whoever was in authority over them, were by this time tired of bobadilla, in spite of his leniency, and they hailed the coming of ovando and his numerous equipment with enthusiasm. bobadilla had also by this time, we may suppose, had enough of the joys of office; at any rate he showed no resentment at the coming of the new governor, and handed over the island with due ceremony. the result of the investigation of ovando, however, was to discover a state of things requiring exemplary treatment; friend roldan was arrested, with several of his allies, and put on board one of the ships to be sent back to spain for trial. the cacique guarionex, who had been languishing in san domingo in chains for a long time, was also embarked on one of the returning ships; and about eighteen hundred-weights of gold which had been collected were also stowed into cases and embarked. among this gold there was a nugget weighing 35 lbs. which had been found by a native woman in a river, and which ovando was sending home as a personal offering to his sovereigns; and some further 40 lbs. of gold belonging to columbus, which carvajal had recovered and placed in a caravel to be taken to spain for the admiral. the ships were all ready to sail, and were anchored off the mouth of the river when columbus arrived in san domingo. when he found that he was not to be allowed to enter the harbour himself columbus sent a message to ovando warning him that a hurricane was coming on, and begging him to take measures for the safety of his large fleet. this, however, was not done, and the fleet put to sea that evening. it had only got so far as the eastern end of espanola when the hurricane, as predicted by columbus, duly came down in the manner of west indian hurricanes, a solid wall of wind and an advancing wave of the sea which submerged everything in its path. columbus's little fleet, finding shelter denied them, had moved a little way along the coast, the admiral standing close in shore, the others working to the south for sea-room; and although they survived the hurricane they were scattered, and only met several days later, in an extremely battered condition, at the westerly end of the island. but the large home-going fleet had not survived. the hurricane, which was probably from the north-east, struck them just as they lost the lee of the island, and many of them, including the ships with the treasure of gold and the caravels bearing roldan, bobadilla, and guarionex, all went down at once and were never seen or heard of again. other ships survived for a little while only to founder in the end; a few, much shattered, crept back to the shelter of san domingo; but only one, it is said, survived the hurricane so well as to be able to proceed to spain; and that was the one which carried carvajal and columbus's little property of gold. the admiral's luck again; or the intervention of the holy trinity--whichever you like. after the shattering experience of the storm, columbus, although he did not return to san domingo, remained for some time on the coast of espanola repairing his ships and resting his exhausted crews. there were threatenings of another storm which delayed them still further, and it was not until the middle of july that the admiral was able to depart on the real purpose of his voyage. his object was to strike the mainland far to the westward of the gulf of paria, and so by following it back eastward to find the passage which he believed to exist. but the winds and currents were very baffling; he was four days out of sight of land after touching at an island north of jamaica; and finally, in some bewilderment, he altered his course more and more northerly until he found his whereabouts by coming in sight of the archipelago off the south-western end of cuba which he had called the gardens. from here he took a departure south-west, and on the 30th of july came in sight of a small island off the northern coast of honduras which he called isla de pinos, and from which he could see the hills of the mainland. at this island he found a canoe of immense size with a sort of house or caboose built amidships, in which was established a cacique with his family and dependents; and the people in the canoe showed signs of more advanced civilisation than any seen by columbus before in these waters. they wore clothing, they had copper hatchets, and bells, and palm-wood swords in the edges of which were set sharp blades of flint. they had a fermented liquor, a kind of maize beer which looked like english ale; they had some kind of money or medium of exchange also, and they told the admiral that there was land to the west where all these things existed and many more. it is strange and almost inexplicable that he did not follow this trail to the westward; if he had done so he would have discovered mexico. but one thing at a time always occupied him to the exclusion of everything else; his thoughts were now turned to the eastward, where he supposed the straits were; and the significance of this canoe full of natives was lost upon him. they crossed over to the mainland of honduras on august 15th, bartholomew landing and attending mass on the beach as the admiral himself was too ill to go ashore. three days later the cross and banner of castile were duly erected on the shores of the rio tinto and the country was formally annexed. the natives were friendly, and supplied the ships with provisions; but they were very black and ugly, and columbus readily believed the assertion of his native guide that they were cannibals. they continued their course to the eastward, but as the gulf narrowed the force of the west-going current was felt more severely. columbus, believing that the strait which he sought lay to the eastward, laboured against the current, and his difficulties were increased by the bad weather which he now encountered. there were squalls and hurricanes, tempests and cross-currents that knocked his frail ships about and almost swamped them. anchors and gear were lost, the sails were torn out of the bolt-ropes, timbers were strained; and for six weeks this state of affairs went on to an accompaniment of thunder and lightning which added to the terror and discomfort of the mariners. this was in august and the first half of september--six weeks of the worst weather that columbus had ever experienced. it was the more unfortunate that his illness made it impossible for him to get actively about the ship; and he had to have a small cabin or tent rigged up on deck, in which he could lie and direct the navigation. it is bad enough to be as ill as he was in a comfortable bed ashore; it is a thousand times worse amid the discomforts of a small boat at sea; but what must it have been thus to have one's sick-bed on the deck of a cockle-shell which was being buffeted and smashed in unknown seas, and to have to think and act not for oneself alone but for the whole of a suffering little fleet! no wonder the admiral's distress of mind was great; but oddly enough his anxieties, as he recorded them in a letter, were not so much on his own account as on behalf of others. the terrified seamen making vows to the virgin and promises of pilgrimages between their mad rushes to the sheets and furious clinging and hauling; his son ferdinand, who was only fourteen, but who had to endure the same pain and fatigue as the rest of them, and who was enduring it with such pluck that "it was as if he had been at sea eighty years"; the dangers of bartholomew, who had not wanted to come on this voyage at all, but was now in the thick of it in the worst ship of the squadron, and fighting for his life amid tempests and treacherous seas; diego at home, likely to be left an orphan and at the mercy of fickle and doubtful friends--these were the chief causes of the admiral's anxiety. all he said about himself was that "by my misfortune the twenty years of service which i gave with so much fatigue and danger have profited me so little that to-day i have in castile no roof, and if i wished to dine or sup or sleep i have only the tavern for my last refuge, and for that, most of the time, i would be unable to pay the score." not cheerful reflections, these, to add to the pangs of acute gout and the consuming anxieties of seamanship under such circumstances. dreadful to him, these things, but not dreadful to us; for they show us an admiral restored to his true temper and vocation, something of the old sea hero breaking out in him at last through all these misfortunes, like the sun through the hurrying clouds of a stormy afternoon. forty days of passage through this wilderness of water were endured before the sea-worn mariners, rounding a cape on september 12th, saw stretching before them to the southward a long coast of plain and mountain which they were able to follow with a fair wind. gradually the sea went down; the current which had opposed them here aided them, and they were able to recover a little from the terrible strain of the last six weeks. the cape was called by columbus 'gracios de dios'; and on the 16th of september they landed at the entrance to a river to take in water. the boat which was sent ashore, however, capsized on the sandy bar of the entrance, two men being drowned, and the river was given the name of rio de desastre. they found a better anchorage, where they rested for ten days, overhauled their stores, and had some intercourse with the natives and exploration on shore. some incidents occurred which can best be described in the admiral's own language as he recorded them in his letter to the sovereigns. " . . when i reached there, they immediately sent me two young girls dressed in rich garments. the older one might not have been more than eleven years of age and the other seven; both with so much experience, so much manner, and so much appearance as would have been sufficient if they had been public women for twenty years. they bore with them magic powder and other things belonging to their art. when they arrived i gave orders that they should be adorned with our things and sent them immediately ashore. there i saw a tomb within the mountain as large as a house and finely worked with great artifice, and a corpse stood thereon uncovered, and, looking within it, it seemed as if he stood upright. of the other arts they told me that there was excellence. great and little animals are there in quantities, and very different from ours; among which i saw boars of frightful form so that a dog of the irish breed dared not face them. with a cross-bow i had wounded an animal which exactly resembles a baboon only that it was much larger and has a face like a human being. i had pierced it with an arrow from one side to the other, entering in the breast and going out near the tail, and because it was very ferocious i cut off one of the fore feet which rather seemed to be a hand, and one of the hind feet. the boars seeing this commenced to set up their bristles and fled with great fear, seeing the blood of the other animal. when i saw this i caused to be thrown them the 'uegare,'--[peccary]--certain animals they call so, where it stood, and approaching him, near as he was to death, and the arrow still sticking in his body, he wound his tail around his snout and held it fast, and with the other hand which remained free, seized him by the neck as an enemy. this act, so magnificent and novel, together with the fine country and hunting of wild beasts, made me write this to your majesties." the natives at this anchorage of cariari were rather suspicious, but columbus seized two of them to act as guides in his journey further down the coast. weighing anchor on october 5th he worked along the costa rica shore, which here turns to the eastward again, and soon found a tribe of natives who wore large ornaments of gold. they were reluctant to part with the gold, but as usual pointed down the coast and said that there was much more gold there; they even gave a name to the place where the gold could be found--veragua; and for once this country was found to have a real existence. the fleet anchored there on october 17th, being greeted by defiant blasts of conch shells and splashing of water from the indignant natives. business was done, however: seventeen gold discs in exchange for three hawks' bells. still columbus went on in pursuit of his geographical chimera; even gold had no power to detain him from the earnest search for this imaginary strait. here and there along the coast he saw increasing signs of civilisation--once a wall built of mud and stone, which made him think of cathay again. he now got it into his head that the region he was in was ten days' journey from the ganges, and that it was surrounded by water; which if it means anything means that he thought he was on a large island ten days' sail to the eastward of the coast of india. altogether at sea as to the facts, poor admiral, but with heart and purpose steadfast and right enough. they sailed a little farther along the coast, now between narrow islands that were like the streets of genoa, where the boughs of trees on either hand brushed the shrouds of the ships; now past harbours where there were native fairs and markets, and where natives were to be seen mounted on horses and armed with swords; now by long, lonely stretches of the coast where there was nothing to be seen but the low green shore with the mountains behind and the alligators basking at the river mouths. at last (november 2nd) they arrived at the cape known as nombre de dios, which ojeda had reached some time before in his voyage to the west. the coast of the mainland had thus been explored from the bay of honduras to brazil, and columbus was obliged to admit that there was no strait. having satisfied himself of that he decided to turn back to veragua, where he had seen the natives smelting gold, in order to make some arrangement for establishing a colony there. the wind, however, which had headed him almost all the way on his easterly voyage, headed him again now and began to blow steadily from the west. he started on his return journey on the 5th of december, and immediately fell into almost worse troubles than he had been in before. the wood of the ships had been bored through and through by seaworms, so that they leaked very badly; the crews were sick, provisions were spoilt, biscuits rotten. young ferdinand columbus, if he did not actually make notes of this voyage at the time, preserved a very lively recollection of it, and it is to his historie, which in its earlier passages is of doubtful authenticity, that we owe some of the most human touches of description relating to this voyage. any passage in his work relating to food or animals at this time has the true ring of boyish interest and observation, and is in sharp contrast to the second-hand and artificial tone of the earlier chapters of his book. about the incident of the howling monkey, which the admiral's irish hound would not face, ferdinand remarks that it "frighted a good dog that we had, but frighted one of our wild boars a great deal more"; and as to the condition of the biscuits when they turned westward again, he says that they were "so full of weevils that, as god shall help me, i saw many that stayed till night to eat their sop for fear of seeing them." after experiencing some terrible weather, in the course of which they had been obliged to catch sharks for food and had once been nearly overwhelmed by a waterspout, they entered a harbour where, in the words of young ferdinand, "we saw the people living like birds in the tops of the trees, laying sticks across from bough to bough and building their huts upon them; and though we knew not the reason of the custom we guessed that it was done for fear of their enemies, or of the griffins that are in this island." after further experiences of bad weather they made what looked like a suitable harbour on the coast of veragua, which harbour, as they entered it on the day of the epiphany (january 9, 1503), they named belem or bethlehem. the river in the mouth of which they were anchored, however, was subject to sudden spouts and gushes of water from the hills, one of which occurred on january 24th and nearly swamped the caravels. this spout of water was caused by the rainy season, which had begun in the mountains and presently came down to the coast, where it rained continuously until the 14th of february. they had made friends with the quibian or chief of the country, and he had offered to conduct them to the place where the gold mines were; so bartholomew was sent off in the rain with a boat party to find this territory. it turned out afterwards that the cunning quibian had taken them out of his own country and showed them the gold mined of a neighbouring chief, which were not so rich as his own. columbus, left idle in the absence of bartholomew, listening to the continuous drip and patter of the rain on the leaves and the water, begins to dream again--to dream of gold and geography. remembers that david left three thousand quintals of gold from the indies to solomon for the decoration of the temple; remembers that josephus said it came from the golden chersonesus; decides that enough gold could never have been got from the mines of hayna in espanola; and concludes that the ophir of solomon must be here in veragua and not there in espanola. it was always here and now with columbus; and as he moved on his weary sea pilgrimages these mythical lands with their glittering promise moved about with him, like a pillar of fire leading him through the dark night of his quest. the rain came to an end, however, the sun shone out again, and activity took the place of dreams with columbus and with his crew. he decided to found a settlement in this place, and to make preparations for seizing and working the gold mines. it was decided to leave a garrison of eighty men, and the business of unloading the necessary arms and provisions and building houses ashore was immediately begun. hawks' bells and other trifles were widely distributed among the natives, with special toys and delicacies for the quibian, in order that friendly relations might be established from the beginning; and special regulations were framed to prevent the possibility of any recurrence of the disasters that overtook the settlers of isabella. such are the orderly plans of columbus; but the quibian has his plans too, which are found to be of quite a different nature. the quibian does not like intruders, though he likes their hawks' bells well enough; he is not quite so innocent as poor guacanagari and the rest of them were; he knows that gold is a thing coveted by people to whom it does not belong, and that trouble follows in its train. quibian therefore decides that columbus and his followers shall be exterminated--news of which intention fortunately came to the ears of columbus in time, diego mendez and rodrigo de escobar having boldly advanced into the quibian's village and seen the warlike preparations. bartholomew, returning from his visit to the gold mines, was informed of this state of affairs. always quick to strike, bartholomew immediately started with an armed force, and advanced upon the village so rapidly that the savages were taken by surprise, their headquarters surrounded, and the quibian and fifty of his warriors captured. bartholomew triumphantly marched the prisoners back, the quibian being entrusted to the charge of juan sanchez, who was rowing him in a little boat. the quibian complained that his bonds were hurting him, and foolish sanchez eased them a little; quibian, with a quick movement, wriggled overboard and dived to the bottom; came up again somewhere and reached home alive. no one saw him come up, however, and they thought had had been drowned. columbus now made ready to depart, and the caravels having been got over the shallow bar, their loading was completed and they were ready to sail. on april 6th diego tristan was sent in charge of a boat with a message to bartholomew, who was to be left in command of the settlement; but when tristan had rounded the point at the entrance to the river and come in sight of the shore he had an unpleasant surprise; the settlement was being savagely attacked by the resurrected quibian and his followers. the fight had lasted for three hours, and had been going badly against the spaniards, when bartholomew and diego mendes rallied a little force round them and, calling to columbus's irish dog which had been left with them, made a rush upon the savages and so terrified them that they scattered. bartholomew with eight of the other spaniards was wounded, and one was killed; and it was at this point that tristan's boat arrived at the settlement. having seen the fight safely over, he went on up the river to get water, although he was warned that it was not safe; and sure enough, at a point a little farther up the river, beyond some low green arm of the shore, he met with a sudden and bloody death. a cloud of yelling savages surrounded his boat hurling javelins and arrows, and only one seaman, who managed to dive into the water and crawl ashore, escaped to bring the evil tidings. the spaniards under bartholomew's command broke into a panic, and taking advantage of his wounded condition they tried to make sail on their caravel and join the ships of columbus outside; but since the time of the rains the river had so much gone down that she was stuck fast in the sand. they could not even get a boat over the bar, for there was a heavy cross sea breaking on it; and in the meantime here they were, trapped inside this river, the air resounding with dismal blasts of the natives' conch-shells, and the natives themselves dancing round and threatening to rush their position; while the bodies of tristan and his little crew were to be seen floating down the stream, feasted upon by a screaming cloud of birds. the position of the shore party was desperate, and it was only by the greatest efforts that the wounded adelantado managed to rally his crew and get them to remove their little camp to an open place on the shore, where a kind of stockade was made of chests, casks, spars, and the caravel's boat. with this for cover, the spanish fire-arms, so long as there was ammunition for them, were enough to keep the natives at bay. outside the bar, in his anchorage beyond the green wooded point, the admiral meanwhile was having an anxious time. one supposes the entrance to the river to have been complicated by shoals and patches of broken water extending some considerable distance, so that the admiral's anchorage would be ten or twelve miles away from the camp ashore, and of course entirely hidden from it. as day after day passed and diego tristan did not return, the admiral's anxiety increased. among the three caravels that now formed his little squadron there was only one boat remaining, the others, not counting one taken by tristan and one left with bartholomew, having all been smashed in the late hurricanes. in the heavy sea that was running on the bar the admiral dared not risk his last remaining boat; but in the mean time he was cut off from all news of the shore party and deprived of any means of finding out what had happened to tristan. and presently to these anxieties was added a further disaster. it will be remembered that when the quibian had been captured fifty natives had been taken with him; and these were confined in the forecastle of the capitana and covered by a large hatch, on which most of the crew slept at night. but one night the natives collected a heap of big stones from the ballast of the ship, and piled them up to a kind of platform beneath the hatch; some of the strongest of them got upon the platform and set their backs horizontally against the hatch, gave a great heave and, lifted it off. in the confusion that followed, a great many of the prisoners escaped into the sea, and swam ashore; the rest were captured and thrust back under the hatch, which was chained down; but when on the following morning the spaniards went to attend to this remnant it was found that they had all hanged themselves. this was a great disaster, since it increased the danger of the garrison ashore, and destroyed all hope of friendship with the natives. there was something terrible and powerful, too, in the spirit of people who could thus to a man make up their minds either to escape or die; and the admiral must have felt that he was in the presence of strange, powerful elements that were far beyond his control. at any moment, moreover, the wind might change and put him on a lee shore, or force him to seek safety in sea-room; in which case the position of bartholomew would be a very critical one. it was while things were at this apparent deadlock that a brave fellow, pedro ledesma, offered to attempt to swim through the surf if the boat would take him to the edge of it. brave pedro, his offer accepted, makes the attempt; plunges into the boiling surf, and with mighty efforts succeeds in reaching the shore; and after an interval is seen by his comrades, who are waiting with their boat swinging on the edge of the surf, to be returning to them; plunges into the sea, comes safely through the surf again, and is safely hauled on board, having accomplished a very real and satisfactory bit of service. the story he had to tell the admiral was as we know not a pleasant one --tristan and his men dead, several of bartholomew's force, including the adelantado himself, wounded, and all in a state of panic and fear at the hostile natives. the spaniards would do nothing to make the little fortress safer, and were bent only on escaping from the place of horror. some of them were preparing canoes in which to come out to the ships when the sea should go down, as their one small boat was insufficient; and they swore that if the admiral would not take them they would seize their own caravel and sail out themselves into the unknown sea as soon as they could get her floated over the bar, rather than remain in such a dreadful situation. columbus was in a very bad way. he could not desert bartholomew, as that would expose him to the treachery of his own men and the hostility of the savages. he could not reinforce him, except by remaining himself with the whole of his company; and in that case there would be no means of sending the news of his rich discovery to spain. there was nothing for it, therefore, but to break up the settlement and return some other time with a stronger force sufficient to occupy the country. and even this course had its difficulties; for the weather continued bad, the wind was blowing on to the shore, the sea was--so rough as to make the passage of the bar impossible, and any change for the worse in the weather would probably drive his own crazy ships ashore and cut off all hope of escape. the admiral, whose health was now permanently broken, and who only had respite from his sufferings in fine weather and when he was relieved from a burden of anxieties such as had been continually pressing on him now for three months, fell into his old state of sleeplessness, feverishness, and consequent depression; and it, these circumstances it is not wonderful that the firm ground of fact began to give a little beneath him and that his feet began to sink again into the mire or quag of stupor. of these further flounderings in the quag he himself wrote an account to the king and queen, so we may as well have it in his own words. "i mounted to the top of the ship crying out with a weak voice, weeping bitterly, to the commanders of your majesties' army, and calling again to the four winds to help; but they did not answer me. tired out, i fell asleep and sighing i heard a voice very full of pity which spoke these words: o fool! and slow to believe and to serve him, thy god and the god of all. what did he more for moses? and for david his servant? since thou wast born he had always so great care for thee. when he saw thee in an age with which he was content he made thy name sound marvellously through the world. the indies, which are so rich apart of the world, he has given to thee as thine. thou hast distributed them wherever it has pleased thee; he gave thee power so to do. of the bonds of the ocean which were locked with so strong chains he gave thee the keys, and thou wast obeyed in all the land, and among the christians thou hast acquired a good and honourable reputation. what did he more for the people of israel when he brought them out of egypt? or yet for david, whom from being a shepherd he made king of judea? turn to him and recognise thine error, for his mercy is infinite. thine old age will be no hindrance to all great things. many very great inheritances are in his power. abraham was more than one hundred years old when he begat isaac and also sarah was not young. thou art calling for uncertain aid. answer me, who has afflicted thee so much and so many times--god or the world? the privileges and promises which god makes he never breaks to any one; nor does he say after having received the service that his intention was not so and it is to be understood in another manner: nor imposes martyrdom to give proof of his power. he abides by the letter of his word. all that he promises he abundantly accomplishes. this is his way. i have told thee what the creator hath done for thee and does for all. now he shows me the reward and payment of thy suffering and which thou hast passed in the service of others. and thus half dead, i heard everything; but i could never find an answer to make to words so certain, and only i wept for my errors. he, who ever he might be, finished speaking, saying: trust and fear not, for thy tribulations are written in marble and not without reason." mere darkness of stupor; not much to be deciphered from it, nor any profitable comment to be made on it, except that it was our poor christopher's way of crying out his great suffering and misery. we must not notice it, much as we should like to hold out a hand of sympathy and comfort to him; must not pay much attention to this dark eloquent nonsense--merely words, in which the admiral never does himself justice. acts are his true conversation; and when he speaks in that language all men must listen. chapter iv heroic adventures by land and sea no man ever had a better excuse for his superstitions than the admiral; no sooner had he got done with his vision than the wind dropped, the sun came out, the sea fell, and communication with the land was restored. while he had been sick and dreaming one of his crew, diego mendez, had been busy with practical efforts in preparation for this day of fine weather; he had made a great raft out of indian canoes lashed together, with mighty sacks of sail cloth into which the provisions might be bundled; and as soon as the sea had become calm enough he took this raft in over the bar to the settlement ashore, and began the business of embarking the whole of the stores and ammunition of bartholomew's garrison. by this practical method the whole establishment was transferred from the shore to the ships in the space of two days, and nothing was left but the caravel, which it was found impossible to float again. it was heavy work towing the raft constantly backwards and forwards from the ships to the shore, but diego mendez had the satisfaction of being the last man to embark from the deserted settlement, and to see that not an ounce of stores or ammunition had been lost. columbus, always quick to reward the services of a good man, kissed diego mendez publicly--on both cheeks, and (what doubtless pleased him much better) gave him command of the caravel of which poor tristan had been the captain. with a favourable wind they sailed from this accursed shore at the end of april 1503. it is strange, as winsor points out, that in the name of this coast should be preserved the only territorial remembrance of columbus, and that his descendant the duke of veragua should in his title commemorate one of the most unfortunate of the admiral's adventures. and if any one should desire a proof of the utterly misleading nature of most of columbus's writings about himself, let him know that a few months later he solemnly wrote to the sovereigns concerning this very place that "there is not in the world a country whose inhabitants are more timid; and the whole place is capable of being easily put into a state of defence. your people that may come here, if they should wish to become masters of the products of other lands, will have to take them by force or retire empty-handed. in this country they will simply have to trust their persons in the hands of the savages." the facts being that the inhabitants were extremely fierce and warlike and irreconcilably hostile; that the river was a trap out of which in the dry season there was no escape, and the harbour outside a mere shelterless lee shore; that it would require an army and an armada to hold the place against the natives, and that any one who trusted himself in their hands would share the fate of the unhappy diego tristan. one may choose between believing that the admiral's memory had entirely failed him (although he had not been backward in making a minute record, of all his sufferings) or that he was craftily attempting to deceive the sovereigns. my own belief is that he was neither trying to deceive anybody nor that he had forgotten anything, but that he was simply incapable of uttering the bare truth when he had a pen in his hand. from their position on the coast of veragua espanola bore almost due north; but columbus was too good a seaman to attempt to make the island by sailing straight for it. he knew that the steady west-going current would set him far down on his course, and he therefore decided to work up the coast a long way to the eastward before standing across for espanola. the crew grumbled very much at this proceeding, which they did not understand; in fact they argued from it that the admiral was making straight for spain, and this, in the crazy condition of the vessels, naturally alarmed them. but in his old high-handed, secret way the admiral told them nothing; he even took away from the other captains all the charts that they had made of this coast, so that no one but himself would be able to find the way back to it; and he took a kind of pleasure in the complete mystification thus produced on his fellow-voyagers. "none of them could explain whither i went nor whence i came; they did not know the way to return thither," he writes, somewhat childishly. but he was not back in espanola yet, and his means for getting there were crumbling away beneath his feet. one of the three remaining caravels was entirely riddled by seaworms and had to be abandoned at the harbour called puerto bello; and the company was crowded on to two ships. the men now became more than ever discontented at the easterly course, and on may 1st, when he had come as far east as the gulf of darien, columbus felt obliged to bear away to the north, although as it turned out he had not nearly made enough easting. he stood on this course, for nine days, the west-going current setting him down all the time; and the first land that he made, on may 10th, was the group of islands off the western end of cuba which he had called the queen's gardens. he anchored for six days here, as the crews were completely exhausted; the ships' stores were reduced to biscuits, oil, and vinegar; the vessels leaked like sieves, and the pumps had to be kept going continually. and no sooner had they anchored than a hurricane came on, and brought up a sea so heavy that the admiral was convinced that his ships could not live within it. we have got so accustomed to reading of storms and tempests that it seems useless to try and drive home the horror and terror of them; but here were these two rotten ships alone at the end of the world, far beyond the help of man, the great seas roaring up under them in the black night, parting their worn cables, snatching away their anchors from them, and finally driving them one upon the other to grind and strain and prey upon each other, as though the external conspiracy of the elements against them both were not sufficient! one writes or reads the words, but what does it mean to us? and can we by any conceivable effort of imagination realise what it meant to this group of human beings who lived through that night so many hundred years ago--men like ourselves with hearts to sink and faint, capable of fear and hunger, capable of misery, pain, and endurance? bruised and battered, wet by the terrifying surges, and entirely uncomforted by food or drink, they did somehow endure these miseries; and were to endure worse too before they were done with it. their six days' sojourn amid the queen's gardens, then, was not a great success; and as soon as they were able they set sail again, standing eastward when the wind permitted them. but wind and current were against them and all through the month of may and the early part of june they struggled along the south coast of cuba, their ships as full of holes as a honeycomb, pumps going incessantly, and in addition the worn-out seamen doing heroic labour at baling with buckets and kettles. lee helm! down go the buckets and kettles and out run the wretched scarecrows of seamen to the weary business of tacking ship, letting go, brailing up, hauling in, and making fast for the thousandth time; and then back to the pumps and kettles again. no human being could endure this for an indefinite time; and though their diet of worms represented by the rotten biscuit was varied with cassava bread supplied by friendly natives, the admiral could not make his way eastward further than cape cruz. round that cape his leaking, strained vessels could not be made to look against the wind and the tide. could hardly indeed be made to float or swim upon the water at all; and the admiral had now to consider, not whether he could sail on a particular point of the compass, but whether he could by any means avoid another course which the fates now proposed to him--namely, a perpendicular course to the bottom of the sea. it was a race between the water and the ships, and the only thing the admiral could think of was to turn southward across to jamaica, which he did on june 23rd, putting into puerto bueno, now called dry harbour. but there was no food there, and as his ships were settling deeper and deeper in the water he had to make sail again and drive eastwards as far as puerto santa gloria, now called don christopher's cove. he was just in time. the ships were run ashore side by side on a sandy beach, the pumps were abandoned, and in one tide the ships were full of water. the remaining anchor cables were used to lash the two ships together so that they would not move; although there was little fear of that, seeing the weight of water that was in them. everything that could be saved was brought up on deck, and a kind of cabin or platform which could be fortified was rigged on the highest part of the ships. and so no doubt for some days, although their food was almost finished, the wretched and exhausted voyagers could stretch their cramped limbs, and rest in the warm sun, and listen, from their safe haven on the firm sands, to the hated voice of the sea. thanks to careful regulations made by the admiral, governing the intercourse between the spaniards and the natives ashore, friendly relations were soon established, and the crews were supplied with cassava bread and fruit in abundance. two officials superintended every purchase of provisions to avoid the possibility of any dispute, for in the event of even a momentary hostility the thatched-roof structures on the ships could easily have been set on fire, and the position of the spaniards, without shelter amid a hostile population, would have been a desperate one. this disaster, however, was avoided; but the admiral soon began to be anxious about the supply of provisions from the immediate neighbourhood, which after the first few days began to be irregular. there were a large number of spaniards to be fed, the natives never kept any great store of provisions for themselves, and the spaniards were entirely at their mercy for, provisions from day to day. diego mendez, always ready for active and practical service, now offered to take three men and make a journey through the island to arrange for the purchase of provisions from different villages, so that the men on the ships would not be dependent upon any one source. this offer was gratefully accepted; and mendez, with his lieutenants well supplied with toys and trinkets, started eastward along the north coast of jamaica. he made no mistakes; he was quick and clever at ingratiating himself with the caciques, and he succeeded in arranging with three separate potentates to send regular supplies of provisions to the men on the ships. at each place where he made this arrangement he detached one of his assistants and sent him back with the first load of provisions, so that the regular line of carriage might be the more quickly established; and when they had all gone he borrowed a couple of natives and pushed on by himself until he reached the eastern end of the island. he made friends here with a powerful cacique named amerro, from whom he bought a large canoe, and paid for it with some of the clothing off his back. with the canoe were furnished six indians to row it, and mendez made a triumphant journey back by sea, touching at the places where his depots had been established and seeing that his commissariat arrangements were working properly. he was warmly received on his return to the ships, and the result of his efforts was soon visible in the daily supplies of food that now regularly arrived. thus was one difficulty overcome; but it was not likely that either columbus himself or any of his people would be content to remain for ever on the beach of jamaica. it was necessary to establish communication with espanola, and thence with spain; but how to do it in the absence of ships or even boats? columbus, pondering much upon this matter, one day calls diego mendez aside; walks him off, most likely, under the great rustling trees beyond the beach, and there tells him his difficulty. "my son," says he, "you and i understand the difficulties and dangers of our position here better than any one else. we are few; the indians are many; we know how fickle and easily irritated they are, and how a fire-brand thrown into our thatched cabins would set the whole thing ablaze. it is quite true that you have very cleverly established a provision supply, but it is dependent entirely upon the good nature of the natives and it might cease to-morrow. here is my plan: you have a good canoe; why should some one not go over to espanola in it and send back a ship for us?" diego mendez, knowing very well what is meant, looks down upon the ground. his spoken opinion is that such a journey is not merely difficult but impossible journey in a frail native canoe across one hundred and fifty miles of open and rough sea; although his private opinion is other than that. no, he cannot imagine such a thing being done; cannot think who would be able to do it. long silence from the admiral; eloquent silence, accompanied by looks no less eloquent. "admiral," says mendez again, "you know very well that i have risked my life for you and the people before and would do it again. but there are others who have at least as good a right to this great honour and peril as i have; let me beg of you, therefore, to summon all the company together, make this proposal to them, and see if any one will undertake it. if not, i will once more risk my life." the proposal being duly made to the assembled crews, every one, as cunning mendez had thought, declares it impossible; every one hangs back. upon which diego mendez with a fine gesture comes forward and volunteers; makes his little dramatic effect and has his little ovation. thoroughly spanish this, significant of that mixture of vanity and bravery, of swagger and fearlessness, which is characteristic of the best in spain. it was a desperately brave thing to venture upon, this voyage from jamaica to espanola in a native canoe and across a sea visited by dreadful hurricanes; and the volunteer was entitled to his little piece of heroic drama. while mendez was making his preparations, putting a false keel on the canoe and fixing weather boards along its gunwales to prevent its shipping seas, fitting a mast and sail and giving it a coat of tar, the admiral retired into his cabin and busied himself with his pen. he wrote one letter to ovando briefly describing his circumstances and requesting that a ship should be sent for his relief; and another to the sovereigns, in which a long rambling account was given of the events of the voyage, and much other matter besides, dismally eloquent of his floundering in the quag. much in it--about solomon and josephus, of the abbot joachim, of saint jerome and the great khan; more about the holy sepulchre and the intentions of the almighty in that matter; with some serious practical concern for the rich land of veragua which he had discovered, lest it should share the fate of his other discoveries and be eaten up by idle adventurers. "veragua," he says, "is not a little son which may be given to a stepmother to nurse. of espanola and paria and all the other lands i never think without the tears falling from my eyes; i believe that the example of these ought to serve for the others." and then this passage: "the good and sound purpose which i always had to serve your majesties, and the dishonour and unmerited ingratitude, will not suffer the soul to be silent although i wished it, therefore i ask pardon of your majesties. i have been so lost and undone; until now i have wept for others that your majesties might have compassion on them; and now may the heavens weep for me and the earth weep for me in temporal affairs; i have not a farthing to make as an offering in spiritual affairs. i have remained here on the indian islands in the manner i have before said in great pain and infirmity, expecting every day death, surrounded by innumerable savages full of cruelty and by our enemies, and so far from the sacraments of the holy mother church that i believe the soul will be forgotten when it leaves the body. let them weep for me who have charity, truth and justice. i did not undertake this voyage of navigation to gain honour or material things, that is certain, because the hope already was entirely lost; but i did come to serve your majesties with honest intention and with good charitable zeal, and i do not lie." poor old heart, older than its years, thus wailing out its sorrows to ears none too sympathetic; sad old voice, uplifted from the bright shores of that lonely island in the midst of strange seas! it will not come clear to the head alone; the echoes of this cry must reverberate in the heart if they are to reach and animate the understanding. at this time also the admiral wrote to his friend gaspar gorricio. for the benefit of those who may be interested i give the letter in english. reverend and very devout father: "if my voyage should be as conducive to my personal health and the repose of my house as it seems likely to be conducive to the aggrandisement of the royal crown of the king and queen, my lords, i might hope to live more than a hundred years. i have not time to write more at length. i hope that the bearer of this letter may be a person of my house who will tell you verbally more than can be told in a thousand papers, and also don diego will supply information. i beg as a favour of the father prior and all the members of your religious house, that they remember me in all their prayers. "done on the island of jamaica, july 7, 1503. "i am at the command of your reverence. .s. .s.a.s. xmy xpo ferens." diego mendez found some one among the spaniards to accompany him, but his name is not recorded. the six indians were taken to row the canoe. they had to make their way at first against the strong currents along the northern coast of jamaica, so as to reach its eastern extremity before striking across to espanola. at one point they met a flotilla of indian canoes, which chased them and captured them, but they escaped. when they arrived at the end of the easterly point of jamaica, now known as morant point, they had to wait two or three days for calm weather and a favourable wind to waft them across to espanola, and while thus waiting they were suddenly surrounded and captured by a tribe of hostile natives, who carried them off some nine or ten miles into the island, and signified their intention of killing them. but they began to quarrel among themselves as to how they should divide the spoils which they had captured with the canoe, and decided that the only way of settling the dispute was by some elaborate trial of hazard which they used. while they were busy with their trial diego mendez managed to escape, got back to the canoe, and worked his way back in it alone to the harbour where the spaniards were encamped. the other spaniard who was with him probably perished, for there is no record of what became of him--an obscure life lost in a brave enterprise. one would have thought that mendez now had enough of canoe voyages, but he had no sooner got back than he offered to set out again, only stipulating that an armed force should march along the coast by land to secure his safety until he could stand across to espanola. bartholomew columbus immediately put himself at the head of a large and well-armed party for this purpose, and bartolomeo fieschi, the genoese captain of one of the lost caravels, volunteered to accompany mendez in a second canoe. each canoe was now manned by six spanish volunteers and ten indians to row; fieschi, as soon as they had reached the coast of espanola, was to bring the good news to the admiral; while mendez must go on to san domingo, procure a ship, and himself proceed to spain with the admiral's letters. the canoes were provisioned with water, cassava bread, and fish; and they departed on this enterprise some time in august 1503. their passage along the coast was protected by bartholomew columbus, who marched along with them on the shore. they waited a few days at the end of the island for favourable weather, and finally said farewell to the good adelantado, who we may be sure stood watching them until they were well out of sight. there was not a cloud in the sky when the canoes stood out to sea; the water was calm, and reflected the blistering heat of the sun. it was not a pleasant situation for people in an open boat; and mendez and fieschi were kept busy, as irving says, "animating the indians who navigated their canoes, and who frequently paused at their labour." the poor indians, evidently much in need of such animation, would often jump into the water to escape the intolerable heat, and after a short immersion there would return to their task. things were better when the sun went down, and the cool night came on; half the indians then slept and half rowed, while half of the spaniards also slept and the other half, i suppose, "animated." irving also says that the animating half "kept guard with their weapons in hand, ready to defend themselves in the case of any perfidy on the part of their savage companions"; such perfidy being far enough from the thoughts of the savage companions, we may imagine, whose energies were entirely occupied with the oars. the next day was the same: savage companions rowing, spaniards animating; spaniards and savage companions alike drinking water copiously without regard for the smallness of their store. the second night was very hot, and the savage companions finished the water, with the result that on the third day the thirst became a torment, and at mid-day the poor companions struck work. artful mendez, however, had concealed two small kegs of water in his canoe, the contents of which he now administered in small doses, so that the poor indians were enabled to take to their oars again, though with vigour much abated. presumably the spaniards had put up their weapons by this time, for the only perfidy shown on the part of the savage companions was that one of them died in the following night and had to be thrown overboard, while others lay panting on the bottom of the canoes; and the spaniards had to take their turn at the oars, although they were if anything in a worse case than the indians. late in the night, however, the moon rose, and mendez had the joy of seeing its lower disc cut by a jagged line which proved to be the little islet or rock of navassa, which lies off the westerly end of espanola. new hope now animated the sufferers, and they pushed on until they were able to land on this rock, which proved to be without any vegetation whatsoever, but on the surface of which there were found some precious pools of rain-water. mendez was able to restrain the frantic appetites of his fellow-countrymen, but the savage companions were less wise, and drank their fill; so that some of them died in torment on the spot, and others became seriously ill. the spaniards were able to make a fire of driftwood, and boil some shell-fish, which they found on shore, and they wisely spent the heat of the day crouching in the shade of the rocks, and put off their departure until the evening. it was then a comparatively easy journey for them to cross the dozen miles that separated them from espanola, and they landed the next day in a pleasant harbour near cape tiburon. fieschi, true to his promise, was then ready to start back for jamaica with news of the safe accomplishment of the voyage; but the remnant of the crews, spaniards and savage companions alike, had had enough of it, and no threats or persuasions would induce them to embark again. mendez, therefore, left his friends to enjoy some little repose before continuing their journey to san domingo, and, taking six natives of espanola to row his canoe; set off along the coast towards the capital. he had not gone half-way when he learned that ovando was not there, but was in xaragua, so he left his canoe and struck northward through the forest until he arrived at the governor's camp. ovando welcomed mendez cordially, praised him for his plucky voyage, and expressed the greatest concern at the plight of the admiral; but he was very busy at the moment, and was on the point of transacting a piece of business that furnished a dismal proof of the deterioration which had taken place in him. anacaona--the lady with the daughter whom we remember--was now ruling over the province of xaragua, her brother having died; and as perhaps her native subjects had been giving a little trouble to the governor, he had come to exert his authority. the narrow official mind, brought into contact with native life, never develops in the direction of humanity; and ovando had now for some time made the great discovery that it was less trouble to kill people than to try to rule over them wisely. there had evidently always been a streak of spanish cruelty in him, which had been much developed by his residence in espanola; and to cruelty and narrow officialdom he now added treachery of a very monstrous and horrible kind. he announced his intention of paying a state visit to anacaona, who thereupon summoned all her tributary chiefs to a kind of levee held in his honour. in the midst of the levee, at a given signal, ovando's soldiers rushed in, seized the caciques, fastened them to the wooden pillars of the house, and set the whole thing on fire; the caciques being thus miserably roasted alive. while this was going on the atrocious work was completed by the soldiers massacring every native they could see --children, women, and old men included--and anacaona herself was taken and hanged. all these things diego mendez had to witness; and when they were over, ovando still had excuses for not hurrying to the relief of the admiral. he had embarked on a campaign of extermination against the natives, and he followed up his atrocities at xaragua by an expedition to the eastern end of espanola, where very much the same kind of business was transacted. weeks and months passed in this bloody cruelty, and there was always an excuse for putting off mendez. now it was because of the operations which he dignified by the name of wars, and now because he had no ship suitable for sending to jamaica; but the truth was that ovando, the springs of whose humanity had been entirely dried up during his disastrous reign in espanola, did not want columbus to see with his own eyes the terrible state of the island, and was callous enough to leave him either to perish or to find his own way back to the world. it was only when news came that a fleet of caravels was expected from spain that ovando could no longer prevent mendez from going to san domingo and, purchasing one of them. ovando had indeed lost all but the outer semblance of a man; the soul or animating part of him had entirely gone to corruption. he had no interest in rescuing the admiral; he had, on the contrary, great interest in leaving him unrescued; but curiosity as to his fate, and fear as to his actions in case he should return to espanola, induced the governor to make some effort towards spying cut his condition. he had a number of trained rascals under his command--among them diego de escobar, one of roldan's bright brigade; and ovando had no sooner seen mendez depart on his journey to san domingo than he sent this escobar to embark in a small caravel on a visit to jamaica in order to see if the admiral was still alive. the caravel had to be small, so that there could be no chance of bringing off the 130 men who had been left to perish there; and various astute instructions were given to escobar in order to prevent his arrival being of any comfort or assistance to the shipwrecked ones. and so escobar sailed; and so, in the month of march 1504, eight months after the vanishing of mendez below the eastern horizon, the miserable company encamped on the two decaying ships on the sands at puerto santa gloria descried with joyful excitement the sails of a spanish caravel standing in to the shore. chapter v the eclipse of the moon we must now return to the little settlement on the coast of jamaica --those two wornout caravels, lashed together with ropes and bridged by an erection of wood and thatch, in which the forlorn little company was established. in all communities of men so situated there are alternate periods of action and reaction, and after the excitement incidental to the departure of mendez, and the return of bartholomew with the news that he had got safely away, there followed a time of reaction, in which the spaniards looked dismally out across the empty sea and wondered when, if ever, their salvation would come. columbus himself was now a confirmed invalid, and could hardly ever leave his bed under the thatch; and in his own condition of pain and depression his influence on the rest of the crew must inevitably have been less inspiriting than it had formerly been. the men themselves, moreover, began to grow sickly, chiefly on account of the soft vegetable food, to which they were not accustomed, and partly because of their cramped quarters and the moist, unhealthy climate, which was the very opposite of what they needed after their long period of suffering and hardship at sea. as the days and weeks passed, with no occupation save the daily business of collecting food that gradually became more and more nauseous to them, and of straining their eyes across the empty blue of the sea in an anxious search for the returning canoes of fieschi, the spirits of the castaways sank lower and lower. inevitably their discontent became articulate and broke out into murmurings. the usual remedy for this state of affairs is to keep the men employed at some hard work; but there was no work for them to do, and the spirit of dissatisfaction had ample opportunity to spread. as usual it soon took the form of hostility to the admiral. they seem to have borne him no love or gratitude for his masterly guiding of them through so many dangers; and now when he lay ill and in suffering his treacherous followers must needs fasten upon him the responsibility for their condition. after a month or two had passed, and it became certain that fieschi was not coming back, the castaways could only suppose that he and mendez had either been captured by natives or had perished at sea, and that their fellow-countrymen must still be without news of the admiral's predicament. they began to say also that the admiral was banished from spain; that there was no desire or intention on the part of the sovereigns to send an expedition to his relief; even if they had known of his condition; and that in any case they must long ago have given him up for lost. when the pot boils the scum rises to the surface, and the first result of these disloyal murmurings and agitations was to bring into prominence the two brothers, francisco and diego de porras, who, it will be remembered, owed their presence with the expedition entirely to the admiral's good nature in complying with the request of their brother-in-law morales, who had apparently wished to find some distant occupation for them. they had been given honourable posts as officers, in which they had not proved competent; but the admiral had always treated them with kindness and courtesy, regarding them more as guests than as servants. who or what these porras brothers were, where they came from, who were their father and mother, or what was their training, i do not know; it is enough for us to know that the result of it all had been the production of a couple of very mean scoundrels, who now found an opportunity to exercise their scoundrelism. when they discovered the nature of the murmuring and discontent among the crew they immediately set them to work it up into open mutiny. they represented that, as mendez had undoubtedly perished, there was no hope of relief from espanola; that the admiral did not even expect such relief, knowing that the island was forbidden ground to him. they insinuated that he was as well content to remain in jamaica as anywhere else, since he had to undergo a period of banishment until his friends at court could procure his forgiveness. they were all, said the porras brothers, being made tools for the admiral's convenience; as he did not wish to leave jamaica himself, he was keeping them all there, to perish as likely as not, and in the meantime to form a bodyguard, and establish a service for himself. the porras brothers suggested that, under these circumstances, it would be as well to take a fleet of native canoes from the indians and make their own way to espanola; the admiral would never undertake the voyage himself, being too helpless from the gout; but it would be absurd if the whole company were to be allowed to perish because of the infirmities of one man. they reminded the murmurers that they would not be the first people who had rebelled with success against the despotic rule of columbus, and that the conduct of the sovereigns on a former occasion afforded them some promise that those who rebelled again would receive something quite different from punishment. christmas passed, the old year went out in this strange, unhomelike place, and the new year came in. the admiral, as we have seen, was now almost entirely crippled and confined to his bed; and he was lying alone in his cabin on the second day of the year when francisco de porras abruptly entered. something very odd and flurried about porras; he jerks and stammers, and suddenly breaks out into a flood of agitated speech, in which the admiral distinguishes a stream of bitter reproach and impertinence. the thing forms itself into nothing more or less than a hurried, gabbling complaint; the people are dissatisfied at being kept here week after week with no hope of relief; they accuse the admiral of neglecting their interests; and so on. columbus, raising himself in his bed, tries to pacify porras; gives him reasons why it is impossible for them to depart in canoes; makes every endeavour, in short, to bring this miserable fellow back to his duties. he is watching porras's eye all the time; sees that he is too excited to be pacified by reason, and suspects that he has considerable support behind him; and suggests that the crew had better all be assembled and a consultation held as to the best course to pursue. it is no good to reason with mutineers; and the admiral has no sooner made this suggestion than he sees that it was a mistake. porras scoffs at it; action, not consultation, is what he demands; in short he presents an ultimatum to the admiral--either to embark with the whole company at once, or stay behind in jamaica at his own pleasure. and then, turning his back on columbus and raising his voice, he calls out, "i am for castile; those who choose may follow me!" the shout was a signal, and immediately from every part of the vessel resounded the voices of the spaniards, crying out that they would follow porras. in the midst of the confusion columbus hobbled out of his bed and staggered on to the deck; bartholomew seized his weapons and prepared for action; but the whole of the crew was not mutinous, and there was a large enough loyal remnant to make it unwise for the chicken-hearted mutineers to do more for the moment than shout: some of them, it is true, were heard threatening the life of the admiral, but he was hurried back to his bed by a few of the faithful ones, and others of them rushed up to the fierce bartholomew, and with great difficulty persuaded him to drop his lance and retire to christopher's cabin with him while they dealt with the offenders. they begged columbus to let the scoundrels go if they wished to, as the condition of those who remained would be improved rather than hurt by their absence, and they would be a good riddance. they then went back to the deck and told porras and his followers that the sooner they went the better, and that nobody would interfere with their going as long as they offered no one any violence. the admiral had some time before purchased some good canoes from the natives, and the mutineers seized ten of these and loaded them with native provisions. every effort was made to add to the number of the disloyal ones; and when they saw their friends making ready to depart several of these did actually join. there were forty-eight who finally embarked with the brothers porras; and there would have been more, but that so many of them were sick and unable to face the exposure of the voyage. as it was, those who remained witnessed with no very cheerful emotions the departure of their companions, and even in some cases fell to tears and lamentations. the poor old admiral struggled out of his bed again, went round among the sick and the loyal, cheering them and comforting them, and promising to use every effort of the power left to him to secure an adequate reward for their loyalty when he should return to spain. we need only follow the career of porras and his deserters for the present far enough to see them safely off the premises and out of the way of the admiral and our narrative. they coasted along the shore of jamaica to the eastward as mendez had done, landing whenever they had a mind to, and robbing and outraging the natives; and they took a particularly mean and dirty revenge on the admiral by committing all their robbings and outragings as though under his authority, assuring the offended indians that what they did they did by his command and that what they took he would pay for; so that as they went along they sowed seeds of grievance and hostility against the admiral. they told the natives, moreover, that columbus was an enemy of all indians, and that they would be very well advised to kill him and get him out of the way. they had not managed very well with the navigation of the canoes; and while they were waiting for fine weather at the eastern end of the island they collected a number of natives to act as oarsmen. when they thought the weather suitable they put to sea in the direction of espanola. they were only about fifteen miles from the shore, however, when the wind began to head them and to send up something of a sea; not rough, but enough to make the crank and overloaded canoes roll heavily, for they had not been prepared, as those of mendez were, with false keels and weather-boards. the spaniards got frightened and turned back to jamaica; but the sea became rougher, the canoes rolled more and more, they often shipped a quantity of water, and the situation began to look serious. all their belongings except arms and provisions were thrown overboard; but still, as the wind rose and the sea with it, it became obvious that unless the canoes were further lightened they would not reach the shore in safety. under these circumstances the spaniards forced the natives to leap into the water, where they swam about like rats as well as they could, and then came back to the canoes in order to hold on and rest themselves. when they did this the spaniards slashed at them with their swords or cut off their hands, so that one by one they fell back and, still swimming about feebly as well as they could with their bleeding hands or stumps of arms, the miserable wretches perished and sank at last. by this dreadful expedient the spaniards managed to reach jamaica again, and when they landed they immediately fell to quarrelling as to what they should do next. some were for trying to make the island of cuba, the wind being favourable for that direction; others were for returning and making their submission to the admiral; others for going back and seizing the remainder of his arms and stores; others for staying where they were for the present, and making another attempt to reach espanola when the weather should be more favourable. this last plan, being the counsel of present inaction, was adopted by the majority of the rabble; so they settled themselves at a neighbouring indian village, behaving in: the manner with which we are familiar. a little later, when the weather was calm, they made another attempt at the voyage, but were driven back in the same way; and being by this time sick of canoe voyages, they abandoned the attempt, and began to wander back westward through the island, maltreating the natives as before, and sowing seeds of bitter rancour and hostility against the admiral; in whose neighbourhood we shall unfortunately hear of them again. in the meantime their departure had somewhat relieved the condition of affairs on board the hulks. there were more provisions and there was more peace; the admiral, rising above his own infirmities to the necessities of the occasion, moved unweariedly among the sick, cheering them and nursing them back into health and good humour, so that gradually the condition of the little colony was brought into better order and health than it had enjoyed since its establishment. but now unfortunately the evil harvest sown by the porras gang in their journey to the east of the island began to ripen. the supplies of provisions, which had hitherto been regularly brought by the natives, began to appear with less punctuality, and to fall off both in quantity and quality. the trinkets with which they were purchased had now been distributed in such quantities that they began to lose their novelty and value; sometimes the natives demanded a much higher price for the provisions they brought, and (having by this time acquired the art of bargaining) would take their stores away again if they did not get the price they asked. but even of this device they soon grew weary; from being irregular, the supplies of provisions from some quarters ceased altogether, and the possibilities of famine began to stare the unhappy castaways in the face. it must be remembered that they were in a very weak physical condition, and that among the so-called loyal remnant there were very few who were not invalids; and they were unable to get out into the island and forage for themselves. if the able-bodied handful were to sally forth in search of provisions, the hulks would be left defenceless and at the mercy of the natives, of whose growing hostility the admiral had by this time discovered abundant evidence. thus little by little the food supply diminished until there was practically nothing left, and the miserable company of invalids were confronted with the alternative of either dying of starvation or desperately attempting a canoe voyage. it was from this critical situation that the spirit and resource of columbus once more furnished a way of escape, and in these circumstances that he invented and worked a device that has since become famous--the great eclipse trick. among his small library in the cabin of the ship was the book containing the astronomical tables of regiomontanus; and from his study of this work he was aware that an eclipse of the moon was due on a certain date near at hand. he sent his indian interpreter to visit the neighbouring caciques, summoning them to a great conference to be held on the evening of the eclipse, as the admiral had matters of great importance to reveal to them. they duly arrived on the evening appointed; not the caciques alone, but large numbers of the native population, well prepared for whatever might take place. columbus then addressed them through his interpreter, informing him that he was under the protection of a god who dwelt in the skies and who rewarded all who assisted him and punished all his enemies. he made an effective use of the adventures of mendez and porras, pointing out that mendez, who took his voyage by the admiral's orders, had got away in safety, but that porras and his followers, who had departed in disobedience and mutiny, had been prevented by the heavenly power from achieving their object. he told them that his god was angry with them for their hostility and for their neglect to supply him with provisions; and that in token of his anger he was going to send them a dreadful punishment, as a sign of which they would presently see the moon change colour and lose its light, and the earth become dark. this address was spun out as long as possible; but even so it was followed by an interval in which, we may be sure, columbus anxiously eyed the serene orb of night, and doubtless prayed that regiomontanus might not have made a mistake in his calculations. some of the indians were alarmed, some of them contemptuous; but it was pretty clearly realised on both sides that matters between them had come to a head; and probably if regiomontanus, who had worked out these tables of figures and calculations so many years ago in his german home, had done his work carelessly or made a mistake, columbus and his followers would have been massacred on the spot. but regiomontanus, god bless him! had made no mistake. sure enough, and punctually to the appointed time, the dark shadow began to steal over the moon's disc; its light gradually faded, and a ghostly darkness crept over the face of the world. columbus, having seen that all was right with the celestial machinery, had retired to his cabin; and presently he found himself besieged there in the dark night by crowds of natives frantically bringing what provisions they had and protesting their intention of continuing to bring them for the rest of their lives. if only the admiral would ask his god to forgive them, there was no limit to the amount of provisions that he might have! the admiral, piously thankful, and perhaps beginning to enjoy the situation a little, kept himself shut up in his cabin as though communing with the implacable deity, while the darkness deepened over the land and the shore resounded with the howling and sobbing of the terrified natives. he kept a look-out on the sky; and when he saw that the eclipse was about to pass away, he came out and informed the natives that god had decided to pardon them on condition of their remaining faithful in the matter of provisions, and that as a sign of his mercy he would restore the light. the beautiful miracle went on through its changing phases; and, watching in the darkness, the terrified natives saw the silver edge of the moon appearing again, the curtain that had obscured it gradually rolling away, and land and sea lying visible to them and once more steeped in the serene light which they worshipped. it is likely that christopher slept more soundly that night than he had slept for many nights before. the true story of christopher columbus called the great admiral by elbridge s. {streeter} brooks [this was orginally done on the 400th anniversary of 1492 as was the great columbian exposition in chicago. interesting how our heroes have all been de-canonized in the interest of political correctitude--comments by michael s. hart] preface. this "true story of christopher columbus" is offered and inscribed to the boys and girls of america as the opening volume in a series especially designed for their reading, and to be called "children's lives of great men." in this series the place of honor, or rather of position, is given to columbus the admiral, because had it not been for him and for his pluck and faith and perseverance there might have been no young americans, such as we know to-day, to read or care about the world's great men. columbus led the american advance; he discovered the new world; he left a record of persistence in spite of discouragement and of triumph over all obstacles, that has been the inspiration and guide for americans ever since his day, and that has led them to work on in faith and hope until the end they strove for was won. "the true story of christopher columbus" will be followed by the "true story" of others who have left names for us to honor and revere, who have made the world better because they lived, and who have helped to make and to develop american freedom, strength and progress. it will be the endeavor to have all these presented in the simple, straightforward, earnest way that appeals to children, and shows how the hero can be the man, and the man the hero. e. s. b. the true story of christopher columbus chapter i. boy with an idea. men who do great things are men we all like to read about. this is the story of christopher columbus, the man who discovered america. he lived four hundred years ago. when he was a little boy he lived in genoa. it was a beautiful city in the northwestern part of the country called italy. the mountains were behind it; the sea was in front of it, and it was so beautiful a place that the people who lived there called it "genoa the superb." christopher columbus was born in this beautiful city of genoa in the year 1446, at number 27 ponticello street. he was a bright little fellow with a fresh-looking face, a clear eye and golden hair. his father's name was domenico columbus; his mother's name was susanna. his father was a wool-comber. he cleaned and straightened out the snarled-up wool that was cut from the sheep so as to make it ready to be woven into cloth. christopher helped his father do this when he grew strong enough, but he went to school, too, and learned to read and write and to draw maps and charts. these charts were maps of the sea, to show the sailors where they could steer without running on the rocks and sand, and how to sail safely from one country to another. this world was not as big then as it is now--or, should say, people did not know it was as big. most of the lands that columbus had studied about in school, and most of the people he had heard about, were in europe and parts of asia and africa. the city of genoa where columbus lived was a very busy and a very rich city. it was on the mediterranean sea, and many of the people who lived there were sailors who went in their ships on voyages to distant lands. they sailed to other places on the mediterranean sea, which is a very large body of water, you know, and to england, to france, to norway, and even as far away as the cold northern island of iceland. this was thought to be a great journey. the time in which columbus lived was not as nice a time as is this in which you live. people were always quarreling and fighting about one thing or another, and the sailors who belonged to one country would try to catch and steal the ships or the things that belonged to the sailors or the storekeepers of another country. this is what we call piracy, and a pirate, you know, is thought to be a very wicked man. but when columbus lived, men did not think it was so very wicked to be a sort of half-way pirate, although they did know that they would be killed if they were caught. so almost every sailor was about half pirate. every boy who lived near the seashore and saw the ships and the sailors, felt as though he would like to sail away to far-off lands and see all the strange sights and do all the brave things that the sailors told about. many of them even said they would like to be pirates and fight with other sailors, and show how strong and brave and plucky they could be. columbus was one of these. he was what is called an adventurous boy. he did not like to stay quietly at home with his father and comb out the tangled wool. he thought it would be much nicer to sail away to sea and be a brave captain or a rich merchant. when he was about fourteen years old he really did go to sea. there was a captain of a sailing vessel that sometimes came to genoa who had the same last name--columbus. he was no relation, but the little christopher somehow got acquainted with him among the wharves of genoa. perhaps he had run on errands for him, or helped him with some of the sea-charts he knew so well how to draw. at any rate he sailed away with this captain columbus as his cabin boy, and went to the wars with him and had quite an exciting life for a boy. sailors are very fond of telling big stories about their own adventures or about far-off lands and countries. columbus, listened to many of these sea-stories, and heard many wonderful things about a very rich land away to the east that folks called cathay. if you look in your geographies you will not find any such place on the map as cathay, but you will find china, and that was what men in the time of columbus called cathay. they told very big stories about this far-off eastern land. they said its kings lived in golden houses, that they were covered with pearls and diamonds, and that everybody there was so rich that money was as plentiful as the stones in the street. this, of course, made the sailors and storekeepers, who were part pirate, very anxious to go to cathay and get some of the gold and jewels and spices and splendor for themselves. but cathay was miles and miles away from italy and spain and france and england. it was away across the deserts and mountains and seas and rivers, and they had to give it up because they could not sail there. at last a man whose name was marco polo, and who was a very brave and famous traveler, really did go there, in spite of all the trouble it took. and when he got back his stories were so very surprising that men were all the more anxious to find a way to sail in their ships to cathay and see it for themselves. but of course they could not sail over the deserts and mountains, and they were very much troubled because they had to give up the idea, until the son of the king of portugal, named prince henry, said he believed that ships could sail around africa and so get to india or "the indies" as they called that land, and finally to cathay. just look at your map again and see what a long, long voyage it would be to sail from spain and around africa to india, china and japan. it is such a long sail that, as you know, the suez canal was dug some twenty years ago so that ships could sail through the mediterranean sea and out into the indian ocean, and not have to go away around africa. but when columbus was a boy it was even worse than now, for no one really knew how long africa was, or whether ships really could sail around it. but prince henry said he knew they could, and he sent out ships to try. he died before his portuguese sailors, bartholomew diaz, in 1493, and vasco de gama, in 1497, at last did sail around it and got as far as "the indies." so while prince henry was trying to see whether ships could sail around africa and reach cathay in that way, the boy columbus was listening to the stories the sailors told and was wondering whether some other and easier way to cathay might not be found. when he was at school he had studied about a certain man named pythagoras, who had lived in greece thousands of years before he was born, and who had said that the earth was round "like a ball or an orange." as columbus grew older and made maps and studied the sea, and read books and listened to what other people said, he began to believe that this man named pythagoras might be right, and that the earth was round, though everybody declared it was flat. if it is round, he said to himself, "what is the use of trying to sail around africa to get to cathay? why not just sail west from italy or spain and keep going right around the world until you strike cathay? i believe it could be done," said columbus. by this time columbus was a man. he was thirty years old and was a great sailor. he had been captain of a number of vessels; he had sailed north and south and east; he knew all about a ship and all about the sea. but, though he was so good a sailor, when he said that he believed the earth was round, everybody laughed at him and said that he was crazy. "why, how can the earth be round?" they cried. "the water would all spill out if it were, and the men who live on the other side would all be standing on their heads with their feet waving in the air." and then they laughed all the harder. but columbus did not think it was anything to laugh at. he believed it so strongly, and felt so sure that he was right, that he set to work to find some king or prince or great lord to let him have ships and sailors and money enough to try to find a way to cathay by sailing out into the west and across the atlantic ocean. now this atlantic ocean, the western waves of which break upon our rocks and beaches, was thought in columbus's day to be a dreadful place. people called it the sea of darkness, because they did not know what was on the other side of it, or what dangers lay beyond that distant blue rim where the sky and water seem to meet, and which we call the horizon. they thought the ocean stretched to the end of a flat world, straight away to a sort of "jumping-off place," and that in this horrible jumping-off place were giants and goblins and dragons and monsters and all sorts of terrible things that would catch the ships and destroy them and the sailors. so when columbus said that he wanted to sail away toward this dreadful jumping-off place, the people said that he was worse than crazy. they said he was a wicked man and ought to be punished. but they could not frighten columbus. he kept on trying. he went from place to place trying to get the ships and sailors he wanted and was bound to have. as you will see in the next chapter, he tried to get help wherever he thought it could be had. he asked the people of his own home, the city of genoa, where he had lived and played when a boy; he asked the people of the beautiful city that is built in the sea--venice; he tried the king of portugal, the king of england, the king of france the king and queen of spain. but for a long time nobody cared to listen to such a wild and foolish and dangerous plan--to go to cathay by the way of the sea of darkness and the jumping-off place. you would never get there alive, they said. and so columbus waited. and his hair grew white while he waited, though he was not yet an old man. he had thought and worked and hoped so much that he began to look like an old man when he was forty years old. but still he would never say that perhaps he was wrong, after all. he said he knew he was right, and that some day he should find the indies and sail to cathay. chapter ii. what people thought of the idea. i do not wish you to think that columbus was the first man to say that the earth was round, or the first to sail to the west over the atlantic ocean. he was not. other men had said that they believed the earth was round; other men had sailed out into the atlantic ocean. but no sailor who believed the earth was round had ever yet tried to prove that it was by crossing the atlantic. so, you see, columbus was really the first man to say, i believe the earth is round and i will show you that it is by sailing to the lands that are on the other side of the earth. he even figured out how far it was around the world. your geography, you know, tells you now that what is called the circumference of the earth--that is, a straight line drawn right around it--is nearly twenty-five thousand miles. columbus had figured it up pretty carefully and he thought it was about twenty thousand miles. if i could start from genoa, he said, and walk straight ahead until i got back to genoa again, i should walk about twenty thousand miles. cathay, he thought, would take up so much land on the other side of the world that, if he went west instead of east, he would only need to sail about twenty-five hundred or three thousand miles. if you have studied your geography carefully you will see what a mistake he made. it is really about twelve thousand miles from spain to china (or cathay as he called it). but america is just about three thousand miles from spain, and if you read all this story you will see how columbus's mistake really helped him to discover america. i have told you that columbus had a longing to do something great from the time when, as a little boy, he had hung around the wharves in genoa and looked at the ships sailing east and west and talked with the sailors and wished that he could go to sea. perhaps what he had learned at school--how some men said that the earth was round--and what he had heard on the wharves about the wonders of cathay set him to thinking and to dreaming that it might be possible for a ship to sail around the world without falling off. at any rate, he kept on thinking and dreaming and longing until, at last, he began doing. some of the sailors sent out by prince henry of portugal, of whom i have told you, in their trying to sail around africa discovered two groups of islands out in the atlantic that they called the azores, or isles of hawks, and the canaries, or isles of dogs. when columbus was in portugal in 1470 he became acquainted with a young woman whose name was philippa perestrelo. in 1473 he married her. now philippa's father, before his death, had been governor of porto santo, one of the azores, and columbus and his wife went off there to live. in the governor's house columbus found a lot of charts and maps that told him about parts of the ocean that he had never before seen, and made him feel certain that he was right in saying that if he sailed away to the west he should find cathay. at that time there was an old man who lived in florence, a city of italy. his name was toscanelli. he was a great scholar and studied the stars and made maps, and was a very wise man. columbus knew what a wise old scholar toscanelli was, for florence is not very far from genoa. so while he was living in the azores he wrote to this old scholar asking him what he thought about his idea that a man could sail around the world until he reached the land called the indies and at last found cathay. toscanelli wrote to columbus saying that he believed his idea was the right one, and he said it would be a grand thing to do, if columbus dared to try it. perhaps, he said, you can find all those splendid things that i know are in cathay--the great cities with marble bridges, the houses of marble covered with gold, the jewels and the spices and the precious stones, and all the other wonderful and magnificent things. i do not wonder you wish to try, he said, for if you find cathay it will be a wonderful thing for you and for portugal. that settled it with columbus. if this wise old scholar said he was right, he must be right. so he left his home in the azores and went to portugal. this was in 1475, and from that time on, for seventeen long years he was trying to get some king or prince to help him sail to the west to find cathay. but not one of the people who could have helped him, if they had really wished to, believed in columbus. as i told you, they said that he was crazy. the king of portugal, whose name was john, did a very unkind thing--i am sure you would call it a mean trick. columbus had gone to him with his story and asked for ships and sailors. the king and his chief men refused to help him; but king john said to himself, perhaps there is something in this worth looking after and, if so, perhaps i can have my own people find cathay and save the money that columbus will want to keep for himself as his share of what he finds. so one day he copied off the sailing directions that columbus had left with him, and gave them to one of his own captains without letting columbus know anything about it, the portuguese captain sailed away to the west in the direction columbus had marked down, but a great storm came up and so frightened the sailors that they turned around in a hurry. then they hunted up columbus and began to abuse him for getting them into such a scrape. you might as well expect to find land in the sky, they said, as in those terrible waters. and when, in this way, columbus found out that king john had tried to use his ideas without letting him know anything about it, he was very angry. his wife had died in the midst of this mean trick of the portuguese king, and so, taking with him his little five-year-old son, diego, he left portugal secretly and went over into spain. near the little town of palos, in western spain, is a green hill looking out toward the atlantic. upon this hill stands an old building that, four hundred years ago, was used as a a convent or home for priests. it was called the convent of rabida, and the priest at the head of it was named the friar juan perez. one autumn day, in the year 1484, friar juan perez saw a dusty traveler with a little boy talking with the gate-keeper of the convent. the stranger was so tall and fine-looking, and seemed such an interesting man, that friar juan went out and began to talk with him. this man was columbus. as they talked, the priest grew more and more interested in what columbus said. he invited him into the convent to stay for a few days, and he asked some other people--the doctor of palos and some of the sea captains and sailors of the town--to come and talk with this stranger who had such a singular idea about sailing across the atlantic. it ended in columbus's staying some months in palos, waiting for a chance to go and see the king and queen. at last, in 1485, he set out for the spanish court with a letter to a priest who was a friend of friar juan's, and who could help him to see the king and queen. at that time the king and queen of spain were fighting to drive out of spain the people called the moors. these people came from africa, but they had lived in spain for many years and had once been a very rich and powerful nation. they were not spaniards; they were not christians. so all spaniards and all christians hated them and tried to drive them out of europe. the king and queen of spain who were fighting the moors were named ferdinand and isabella. they were pretty good people as kings and queens went in those days, but they did a great many very cruel and very mean things, just as the kings and queens of those days were apt to do. i am afraid we should not think they were very nice people nowadays. we certainly should not wish our american boys and girls to look up to them as good and true and noble. when columbus first came to them, they were with the army in the camp near the city of cordova. the king and queen had no time to listen to what they thought were crazy plans, and poor columbus could get no one to talk with him who could be of any help. so he was obliged to go back to drawing maps and selling books to make enough money to support himself and his little diego. but at last, through the friend of good friar juan perez of rabida, who was a priest at the court, and named talavera, and to whom he had a letter of introduction, columbus found a chance to talk over his plans with a number of priests and scholars in the city of salamanca where there was a famous college and many learned men. columbus told his story. he said what he wished to do, and asked these learned men to say a good word for him to, ferdinand and isabella so that he could have the ships and sailors to sail to cathay. but it was of no use. what! sail away around the world? those wise men cried in horror. why, you are crazy. the world is not round; it is flat. your ships would tumble off the edge of the world and all the king's money and all the king's men would be lost. no, no; go away; you must not trouble the queen or even mention such a ridiculous thing again. so the most of them said. but one or two thought it might be worth trying. cathay was a very rich country, and if this foolish fellow were willing to run the risk and did succeed, it would be a good thing for spain, as the king and queen would need a great deal of money after the war with the moors was over. at any rate, it was a chance worth thinking about. and so, although columbus was dreadfully disappointed, he thought that if he had only a few friends at court who were ready to say a good word for him he must not give up, but must try, try again. and so he staid in spain. chapter iii. how columbus gained a queen for his friend. when you wish very much to do a certain thing it is dreadfully hard to be patient; it is harder still to have to wait. columbus had to do both. the wars against the moors were of much greater interest to the king and queen of spain than was the finding of a new and very uncertain way to get to cathay. if it had not been for the patience and what we call the persistence of columbus, america would never have been discovered--at least not in his time. he staid in spain. he grew poorer and, poorer. he was almost friendless. it seemed as if his great enterprise must be given up. but he never lost hope. he never stopped trying. even when he failed he kept on hoping and kept on trying. he felt certain that sometime he should succeed. as we have seen, he tried to interest the rulers of different countries, but with no success. he tried to get help from his old home-town of genoa and failed; he tried portugal and failed; he tried the republic of venice and failed; he tried the king and queen of spain and failed; he tried some of the richest and most powerful of the nobles of spain and failed; he tried the king of england (whom he got his brother, bartholomew columbus, to go and see) and failed. there was still left the king of france. he would make one last attempt to win the king and queen of spain to his side and if he failed with them he would try the last of the rulers of western europe, the king of france. he followed the king and queen of spain as they went from place to place fighting the moors. he hoped that some day, when they wished to think of something besides fighting, they might think of him and the gold and jewels and spices of cathay. the days grew into months, the months to years, and still the war against the moors kept on; and still columbus waited for the chance that did not come. people grew to know him as "the crazy explorer" as they met him in the streets or on the church steps of seville or cordova, and even ragged little boys of the town, sharp-eyed and shrill-voiced as all such ragged little urchins are, would run after this big man with the streaming white hair and the tattered cloak, calling him names or tapping their brown little foreheads with their dirty fingers to show that even they knew that he was "as crazy as a loon." at last he decided to make one more attempt before giving it up in spain. his money was gone; his friends were few; but he remembered his acquaintances at palos and so he journeyed back to see once more his good friend friar juan perez at the convent of rabida on the hill that looked out upon the atlantic he was so anxious to cross. it was in the month of november, 1491, that he went back to the convent of rabida. if he could not get any encouragement there, he was determined to stay in spain no longer but to go away and try the king of france. once more he talked over the finding of cathay with the priests and the sailors of palos. they saw how patient he was; how persistent he was; how he would never give up his ideas until he had tried them. they were moved by his determination. they began to believe in him more and more. they resolved to help him. one of the principal sea captains of palos was named martin alonso pinzon. he became so interested that he offered to lend columbus money enough to make one last appeal to the king and queen of spain, and if columbus should succeed with them, this captain pinzon said that he would go into partnership with columbus and help him out when it came to getting ready to sail to cathay. this was a move in the right direction. at once a messenger was sent to the splendid spanish camp before the city of granada, the last unconquered city of the moors of spain. the king and queen of spain had been so long trying to capture granada that this camp was really a city, with gates and walls and houses. it was called santa fe. queen isabella, who was in santa fe, after some delay, agreed to hear more about the crazy scheme of this persistent genoese sailor, and the friar juan perez was sent for. he talked so well in behalf of his friend columbus that the queen became still more interested. she ordered columbus to come and see her, and sent him sixty-five dollars to pay for a mule, a new suit of clothes and the journey to court. about christmas time, in the year 1491, columbus, mounted upon his mule, rode into the spanish camp before the city of granada. but even now, when he had been told to come, he had to wait. granada was almost captured; the moors were almost conquered. at last the end came. on the second of january, 1492, the moorish king gave up the keys of his beloved city, and the great spanish banner was hoisted on the highest tower of the alhambra--the handsomest building in granada and one of the most beautiful in the world. the moors were driven out of spain and columbus's chance had come. so he appeared before queen isabella and her chief men and told them again of all his plans and desires. the queen and her advisers sat in a great room in that splendid alhambra i have told you of. king ferdinand was not there. he did not believe in columbus and did not wish to let him have either money, ships or sailors to lose in such a foolish way. but as columbus stood before her and talked so earnestly about how he expected to find the indies and cathay and what he hoped to bring away from there, queen isabella listened and thought the plan worth trying. then a singular thing happened. you would think if you wished for something very much that you would give up a good deal for the sake of getting it. columbus had worked and waited for seventeen years. he had never got what he wanted. he was always being disappointed. and yet, as he talked to the queen and told her what he wished to do, he said he must have so much as a reward for doing it that the queen and her chief men were simply amazed at his--well, what the boys to-day call "cheek"--that they would have nothing to do with him. this man really is crazy, they said. this poor genoese sailor comes here without a thing except his very odd ideas, and almost "wants the earth" as a reward. this is not exactly what they said, but it is what they meant. his few friends begged him to be more modest. do not ask so much, they said, or you will get nothing. but columbus was determined. i have worked and waited all these years, he replied. i know just what i can do and just how much i can do for the king and queen of spain. they must pay me what i ask and promise what i say, or i will go somewhere else. go, then! said the queen and her advisers. and columbus turned his back on what seemed almost his last hope, mounted his mule and rode away. then something else happened. as columbus rode off to find the french king, sick and tired of all his long and useless labor at the spanish court, his few firm friends there saw that, unless they did something right away, all the glory and all the gain of this enterprise columbus had taught them to believe in would be lost to spain. so two of them, whose names were santangel and quintanilla, rushed into the queen's room and begged her, if she wished to become the greatest queen in christendom, to call back this wandering sailor, agree to his terms and profit by his labors. what if he does ask a great deal? they said. he has spent his life thinking his plan out; no wonder he feels that he ought to have a good share of what he finds. what he asks is really small compared with what spain will gain. the war with the moors has cost you ever so much; your money-chests are empty; columbus will fill them up. the people of cathay are heathen; columbus will help you make them christian men. the indies and cathay are full of gold and jewels; columbus will bring you home shiploads of treasures. spain has conquered the moors; columbus will help you conquer cathay. in fact, they talked to queen isabella so strongly and so earnestly, that she, too, became excited over this chance for glory and riches that she had almost lost, quick! send for columbus. call him back! she said. i agree to his terms. if king ferdinand cannot or will not take the risk, i, the queen, will do it all. quick! do not let the man get into france. after him. bring him back! and without delay a royal messenger, mounted on a swift horse, was sent at full gallop to bring columbus back. all this time poor columbus felt bad enough. everything had gone wrong. now he must go away into a new land and do it all over again. kings and queens, he felt, were not to be depended upon, and he remembered a place in the bible where it said: "put not your trust in princes." sad, solitary and heavy-hearted, he jogged slowly along toward the mountains, wondering what the king of france would say to him, and whether it was really worth trying. just as he was riding across the little bridge called the bridge of pinos, some six miles from granada, he heard the quick hoof-beats of a horse behind him. it was a great spot for robbers, and columbus felt of the little money he had in his traveling pouch, and wondered whether he must lose it all. the hoof-beats came nearer. then a voice hailed him. turn back, turn back! the messenger cried out. the queen bids you return to granada. she grants you all you ask. columbus hesitated. ought he to trust this promise, he wondered. put not your trust in princes, the verse in the bible had said. if i go back i may only be put off and worried as i have been before. and yet, perhaps she means what she says. at any rate, i will go back and try once more. so, on the little bridge of pinos, he turned his mule around and rode back to granada. and, sure enough, when he saw queen isabella she agreed to all that he asked. if he found cathay, columbus was to be made admiral for life of all the new seas and oceans into which he might sail; he was to be chief ruler of all the lands he might find; he was to keep one tenth part of all the gold and jewels and treasures he should bring away, and was to have his "say" in all questions about the new lands. for his part (and this was because of the offer of his friend at palos, captain pinzon) he agreed to pay one eighth of all the expenses of this expedition and of all new enterprises, and was to have one eighth of all the profits from them. so columbus had his wish at last. the queen's men figured up how much money they could let him have; they called him "don christopher columbus," "your excellency" and "admiral," and at once he set about getting ready for his voyage. chapter iv. how the admiral sailed away. the agreement made between columbus and the king and queen of spain was signed on the seventeenth of april, 1492. but it was four months before he was quite ready to sail away. he selected the town of palos as the place to sail from, because there, as you know, captain pinzon lived; there, too, he had other acquaintances, so that he supposed it would be easy to get the sailors he needed for his ships. but in this he was greatly mistaken. as soon as the papers had been signed that held the queen to her promise, columbus set off for palos. he stopped at the convent of rabida to tell the friar juan perez how thankful he was to him for the help the good priest had given him, and how everything now looked promising and successful. the town of palos, as you can see from your map of spain, is situated at the mouth of the river tinto on a little bay in the southwestern part of spain, not far from the borders of portugal. to-day the sea has gone away from it so much that it is nearly high and dry; but four hundred years ago it was quite a seaport, when spain did not have a great many sea towns on the atlantic coast. at the time of columbus's voyage the king and queen of spain were angry with the port of palos for something its people had done that was wrong--just what this was we do not know. but to punish the town, and because columbus wished to sail from there, the king and queen ordered that palos should pay them a fine for their wrong-doing. and this fine was to lend the king and queen of spain, for one year, without pay, two sailing vessels of the kind called caravel's, armed and equipped "for the service of the crown"--that is, for the use of the king and queen of spain, in the western voyage that columbus was to make. when columbus called together the leading people of palos to meet him in the church of st. george and hear the royal commands, they came; but at first they did not understand just what they must do. but when they knew that they must send two of their ships and some of their sailing men on this dreadful voyage far out upon the terrible sea of darkness, they were terribly distressed. nobody was willing to go. they would obey the commands of the king and queen and furnish the two ships, but as for sailing off with this crazy sea captain--that they would not do. then the king's officers went to work. they seized some sailors (impressed is the word for this), and made them go; they took some from the jails, and gave them their freedom as a reward for going; they begged and threatened and paid in advance, and still it was hard to get enough men for the two ships. then captain pinzon, who had promised columbus that he would join him, tried his hand. he added a third ship to the admiral's "fleet." he made big promises to the sailors, and worked for weeks, until at last he was able to do what even the royal commands could not do, and a crew of ninety men was got together to man the three vessels. the names of these three vessels were the capitana (changed before it sailed to the santa maria), the pinta and the nina or baby. captain de la cosa commanded the santa maria, captain martin alonso pinzon the pinta and his brother, captain vincent pinzon, the nina. the santa maria was the largest of the three vessels; it was therefore selected as the leader of the fleet--the flag-ship, as it is called--and upon it sailed the commander of the expedition, the admiral don christopher columbus. when we think of a voyage across the atlantic nowadays, we think of vessels as large as the big three-masted ships or the great ocean steamers--vessels over six hundred feet long and fifty feet wide. but these "ships" of columbus were not really ships. they were hardly larger than the "fishing smacks" that sail up and down our coast to-day. some of them were not so large. the santa maria was, as i have told you, the largest of the three, and she was only sixty-three feet long, twenty feet wide and ten and a half feet deep. just measure this out on the ground and see how small, after all, the admiral's "flag-ship" really was. the pinta was even smaller than this, while the little nina was hardly anything more than a good-sized sail boat. do you wonder that the poor people of palos and the towns round about were frightened when they thought of their fathers and brothers and sons putting out to sea, on the great ocean they had learned to dread so much, in such shaky little boats as these? but finally the vessels were ready. the crews were selected. the time had come to go. most of the sailors were spanish men from the towns near to the sea, but somehow a few who were not spaniards joined the crew. one of the first men to land in america from one of the ships of columbus was an irishman named william, from the county galway. and another was an englishman named either arthur laws or arthur larkins. the spanish names for both these men look very queer, and only a wise scholar who digs among names and words could have found out what they really were. but such a one did find it out, and it increases our interest in the discovery of america to know that some of our own northern blood--the irishman and the englishman--were in the crews of columbus. the admiral columbus was so sure he was going to find a rich and civilized country, such as india and cathay were said to be, that he took along on his ships the men he would need in such places as he expected to visit and among such splendid people as he was sure he should meet. he took along a lawyer to make out all the forms and proclamations and papers that would have to be sent by the admiral to the kings and princes he expected to visit; he had a secretary and historian to write out the story of what he should find and what he should do. there was a learned jew, named louis, who could speak almost a dozen languages, and who could, of course, tell him what the people of cathay and cipango and the indies were talking about. there was a jeweler and silversmith who knew all about the gold and silver and precious stones that columbus was going to load the ships with; there was a doctor and a surgeon; there were cooks and pilots, and even a little fellow, who sailed in the santa maria as the admiral's cabin boy, and whose name was pedro de acevedo. some scholars have said that it cost about two hundred and thirty thousand dollars to fit out this expedition. i do not think it cost nearly so much. we do know that queen isabella gave sixty-seven thousand dollars to help pay for it. some people, however, reckoning the old spanish money in a different way, say that what queen isabella gave toward the expedition was not over three or four thousand dollars of our money. perhaps as much more was borrowed from king ferdinand, although he was to have no share in the enterprise in which queen isabella and columbus were partners. it was just an hour before sunrise on friday, the third of august, 1492, that the three little ships hoisted their anchors and sailed away from the port of palos. i suppose it was a very sorry and a very exciting morning in palos. the people probably crowded down on the docks, some of them sad and sorrowful, some of them restless and curious. their fathers and brothers and sons and acquaintances were going--no one knew where, dragged off to sea by a crazy old italian sailor who thought there was land to be found somewhere beyond the jumping-off place. they all knew he was wrong. they were certain that nothing but dreadful goblins and horrible monsters lived off there to the west, just waiting to devour or destroy the poor sailors when these three little ships should tumble over the edge. but how different columbus must have felt as he stepped, into the rowboat that took him off to his "flag-ship," the santa maria. his dreams had come true. he had ships and sailors under his command, and was about to sail away to discover great and wonderful things. he who had been so poor that he could hardly buy his own dinner, was now called don and admiral. he had a queen for his friend and helper. he was given a power that only the richest and noblest could hope for. but more than all, he was to have the chance he had wished and worked for so long. he was to find the indies; he was to see cathay; he was to have his share in all the wealth he should discover and bring away. the son of the poor wool-weaver of genoa was to be the friend of kings and princes; the cabin boy of a pirate was now admiral of the seas and governor of the colonies of spain! do you wonder that he felt proud? so, as i have told you, just before sunrise on a friday morning in august, he boarded the santa maria and gave orders to his captains "to get under way." the sailors with a "yo heave ho!" (or whatever the spanish for that is) tugged at the anchors, the sails filled with the morning breeze, and while the people of palos watched them from the shore, while the good friar, juan perez, raised his hands to heaven calling down a blessing on the enterprise, while the children waved a last good-by from the water-stairs, the three vessels steered out from palos harbor, and before that day's sun had set, columbus and his fleet were full fifty miles on their way across the sea of darkness. the westward voyage to those wonderful lands, the indies and cathay, had at last begun. chapter v. how they fared on the sea of darkness. did you ever set out, in the dark, to walk with your little brother or sister along a road you did not know much about or had never gone over before? it was not an easy thing to do, was it? and how did your little brother or sister feel when it was known that you were not just certain whether you were right or not? do you remember what the bible says about the blind leading the blind? it was much the same with columbus when he set out from palos to sail over an unknown sea to find the uncertain land of cathay. he had his own idea of the way there, but no one in all his company had ever sailed it, and he himself was not sure about it. he was very much in the dark. and the sailors in the three ships were worse than little children. they did not even have the confidence in their leader that your little brother or sister would probably have in you as you traveled that new road on a dark night. it was almost another case of the blind leading the blind, was it not? columbus first steered his ships to the south so as to reach the canary islands and commence his real westward voyage from there. the canary islands, as you will see by looking in your geography, are made up of seven islands and lie off the northern corner of africa, some sixty miles or so west of morocco. they were named canaria by the romans from the latin canis, a dog, "because of the multitude of dogs of great size" that were found there. the canary birds that sing so sweetly in your home come from these islands. they had been known to the spaniards and other european sailors of columbus's day about a hundred years. at the canaries the troubles of columbus commenced. and he did have a lot of trouble before his voyage was over. while near the island called the grand canary the rudder of the pinta, in which captain alonso pinzon sailed, somehow got loose, then broke and finally came off. it was said that two of the pinta's crew, who were really the owners of the vessel, broke the rudder on purpose, because they had become frightened at the thoughts of the perilous voyage, and hoped by damaging their vessel to be left behind. but columbus had no thought of doing any such thing. he sailed to the island of gomera, where he knew some people, and had the pinta mended. and while lying here with his fleet the great mountain on the island of teneriffe, twelve thousand feet high, suddenly began to spit out flame and smoke. it was, as of course you know, a volcano; but the poor frightened sailors did not know what set this mountain on fire, and they were scared almost out of their wits' and begged the admiral to go back home. but columbus would not. and as they sailed away from gomera some sailors told them that the king of portugal was angry with columbus because he had got his ships from the king and queen of spain, and that he had sent out some of his war-ships to worry or capture columbus. but these, too, columbus escaped, although not before his crews had grown terribly nervous for fear of capture. at last they got away from the canaries, and on sunday, the ninth of september, 1492, with a fresh breeze filling their sails, the three caravels sailed away into the west. and as the shores of ferro, the very last of the canary islands, faded out of sight, the sailors burst into sighs and murmurings and tears, saying that now indeed they were sailing off--off--off--upon the awful sea of darkness and would never see land any more. when columbus thought that he was sailing too slowly--he had now been away from palos a month and was only about a hundred miles out at sea--and when he saw what babies his sailors were, he did something that was not just right (for it is never right to do anything that is not true) but which he felt he really must do. he made two records (or reckonings as they are called) of his sailing. one of these records was a true one; this he kept for himself. the other was a false one; this he kept to show his sailors. so while they thought they were sailing slowly and that the ocean was not so very wide, columbus knew from his own true record that they were getting miles and miles away from home. soon another thing happened to worry the sailors. the pilots were steering by the compass. you know what that is--a sort of big magnet-needle perfectly balanced and pointing always to the north. at the time of columbus the compass was a new thing and was only understood by a few. on the thirteenth of september they had really got into the middle of the ocean, and the line of the north changed. of course this made the needle in the compass change its position also. now the sailors had been taught to believe so fully in the compass that they thought it could never change its position. and here it was playing a cruel trick upon them. we are trapped! they cried. the goblins in this dreadful sea are making our compass point wrong so as to drag us to destruction. go back; take us back! they demanded. but columbus, though he knew that his explanation was wrong, said the compass was all right. the north star, toward which the needle always pointed, had, so he said, changed its position. this quieted the sailors for a while. when they had been about forty days out from palos, the ship ran into what is marked upon your maps as the sargasso sea. this is a vast meadow of floating seaweed and seagrass in the middle of the atlantic; it is kept drifting about in the same place by the two great sea currents that flow past it but not through it. the sailors did not know this, of course, and when the ships began to sail slower and slower because the seaweed was so thick and heavy and because there was no current to carry them along, they were sure that they were somewhere near to the jumping-off place, and that the horrible monsters they had heard of were making ready to stop their ships, and when they had got them all snarled up in this weed to drag them all down to the bottom of the sea. for nearly a week the ships sailed over these vast sea-meadows, and when they were out of them they struck what we call the trade-winds--a never-failing breeze that blew them ever westward. then the sailors cried out that they were in an enchanted land where there was but one wind and never a breeze to blow the poor sailors home again. were they not fearfully "scarey?" but no doubt we should have been so, too, if we had been with them and knew no more than they did. and when they had been over fifty days from home on the twenty-fifth of september, some one suddenly cried land! land! and all hands crowded to the side. sure enough, they all saw it, straight ahead of them--fair green islands and lofty hills and a city with castles and temples and palaces that glittered beautifully in the sun. then they all cried for joy and sang hymns of praise and shouted to each other that their troubles were over. cathay, it is cathay! they cried; and they steered straight for the shining city. but, worst of all their troubles, even as they sailed toward the land they thought to be cathay, behold! it all disappeared--island and castle and palace and temple and city, and nothing but the tossing sea lay all about them. for this that they had seen was what is called a mirage--a trick of the clouds and the sun and the sea that makes people imagine they see what they would like to, but really do not. but after this columbus had a harder time than ever with his men, for they were sure he was leading them all astray. and so with frights and imaginings and mysteries like these, with strange birds flying about the ships and floating things in the water that told of land somewhere about them, with hopes again and again disappointed, and with the sailors growing more and more restless and discontented, and muttering threats against this italian adventurer who, was leading the ships and sailors of the spanish king to sure destruction, columbus still sailed on, as full of patience and of faith, as certain of success as he had ever been. on the seventh of october, 1492, the true record that columbus was keeping showed that he had sailed twenty-seven hundred miles from the canaries; the false record that the sailors saw said they had sailed twenty-two hundred miles. had columbus kept straight on, he would have landed very soon upon the coast of florida or south carolina, and would really have discovered the mainland of america. but captain alonso pinzon saw what looked like a flock of parrots flying south. this made him think the land lay that way; so he begged the admiral to change his course to the southward as he was sure there was no land to the west. against his will, columbus at last consented, and turning to the southwest headed for cuba. but he thought he was steering for cathay. the islands of japan, were, he thought, only a few leagues away to the west. they were really, as you know, away across the united states and then across the pacific ocean, thousands of miles farther west than columbus could sail. but according to his reckoning he hoped within a day or two to see the cities and palaces of this wonderful land. when they sailed from the canaries a reward had been offered to whomsoever should first see land. this reward was to be a silken jacket and nearly five hundred dollars in money; so all the sailors were on the watch. at about ten o'clock on the evening of the eleventh of october, columbus, standing on the high raised stern of the santa maria, saw a moving light, as if some one on the shore were running with a flaming torch. at two o'clock the next morning--friday, the twelfth of october, 1492 the sharp eyes of a watchful sailor on the pinta (his name was rodrigo de triana) caught sight of a long low coastline not far away. he raised the joyful shout land, ho! the ships ran in as near to the shore as they dared, and just ten weeks after the anchors had been hauled up in palos harbor they were dropped overboard, and the hips of columbus were anchored in the waters of a new world. where was it? what was it? was it cathay? columbus was sure that it was. he was certain that the morning sun would shine for him upon the marble towers and golden roofs of the wonderful city of the kings of cathay. chapter vi. what columbus discovered. a little over three hundred years ago there was a pope of rome whose name was gregory xiii. he was greatly interested in learning and science, and when the scholars and wise men of his day showed him that a mistake in reckoning time had long before been made he set about to make it right. at that time the pope of rome had great influence with the kings and queens of europe, and whatever he wished them to do they generally did. so they all agreed to his plan of renumbering the days of the year, and a new reckoning of time was made upon the rule that most of you know by heart in the old rhyme: thirty days hath september, april, june and november; all the rest have thirty-one, excepting february which alone hath twenty-eight--and this, in fine, one year in four hath twenty-nine. and the order of the days of the months and the year is what is called, after pope gregory, the gregorian calendar. this change in reckoning time made, of course, all past dates wrong. the old dates, which were called old style, had to be made to correspond with the new dates which were called new style. now, according to the old style, columbus discovered the islands he thought to be the indies (and which have ever since been called the west indies) on the twelfth of october, 1492. but, according to the new style, adopted nearly one hundred years after his discovery, the right date would be the twenty-first of october. and this is why, in the columbian memorial year of 1892, the world celebrated the four hundredth anniversary of the discovery of america on the twenty-first of october; which, as you see, is the same as the twelfth under the old style of reckoning time. but did columbus discover america? what was this land that greeted his eyes as the daylight came on that friday morning, and he saw the low green shores that lay ahead of his caravels. as far as columbus was concerned he was sure that he had found some one of the outermost islands of cipango or japan. so he dropped his anchors, ordered out his rowboat, and prepared to take possession of the land in the name of the queen of spain, who had helped him in his enterprise. just why or by what right a man from one country could sail up to the land belonging to another country and, planting in the ground the flag of his king, could say, "this land belongs to my king!" is a hard question to answer. but there is an old saying that tells us, might makes right; and the servants of the kings and queens--the adventurers and explorers of old--used to go sailing about the world with this idea in their heads, and as soon as they came to a land they, had never seen before, up would go their flag, and they would say, this land is mine and my king's! they would not of course do this in any of the well-known or "christian lands" of europe; but they believed that all "pagan lands" belonged by right to the first european king whose sailors should discover and claim them. so columbus lowered a boat from the santa maria, and with two of his chief men and some sailors for rowers he pulled off toward the island. but before he did so, he had to listen to the cheers and congratulations of the very sailors who, only a few days before, were ready to kill him. but, you see, this man whom they thought crazy had really brought them to the beautiful land, just as he had promised. it does make such a difference, you know, in what people say whether a thing turns out right or not. columbus, as i say, got into his rowboat with his chief inspector and his lawyer. he wore a crimson cloak over his armor, and in his hand he held the royal banner of spain. following him came captain alonso pinzon in a rowboat from the pinta, and in a rowboat from the nina captain vincent pinzon. each of these captains carried the "banner of the green cross" on which were to be seen the initials of the king and queen of spain. as they rowed toward the land they saw some people on the shore. they were not dressed in the splendid clothes the spaniards expected to find the people of cathay wearing. in fact, they did not have on much of anything but grease and paint. and the land showed no signs of the marble temples and gold-roofed palaces the sailors expected to find. it was a little, low, flat green island, partly covered with trees and with what looked like a lake in the center. this land was, in fact, one of the three thousand keys or coral islands that stretch from the capes of florida to the island of hayti, and are known as the bahama islands. the one upon which columbus landed was called by the natives guanahani, and was either the little island now marked on the map as cat island or else the one called watling's island. just which of these it was has been discussed over and over again, but careful scholars have now but little doubt that it was the one known to-day as watling's island. to see no sign of glittering palaces and gayly dressed people was quite a disappointment to columbus. but then, he said, this, is probably the island farthest out to sea, and the people who live here are not the real cathay folks. we shall see them very soon. so with the royal banner and the green-cross standards floating above him, with his captains and chief officers and some of the sailors gathered about him, while all the others watched him from the decks of his fleet, columbus stepped upon the shore. then he took off his hat, and holding the royal banner in one hand and his sword in the other he said aloud: i take possession of this island, which i name san salvador,(*) and of all the islands and lands about it in the name of my patron and sovereign lady, isabella, and her kingdom of castile. this, or something like it, he said, for the exact words are not known to us. (*) the island of san salvador means the island of the holy saviour. columbus and the spanish explorers who followed him gave bible or religious names to very much of the land they discovered. and when he had done this the captains and sailors fell at his feet in wonder and admiration, begging him to forgive them for all the hard things they had said about him. for you have found cathay, they cried. you are our leader. you will make us rich and powerful. hurrah for the great admiral! and when the naked and astonished people of the island saw all this--the canoes with wings, as they called the ships, the richly-dressed men with white and bearded faces, the flags and swords, and the people kneeling about this grand-looking old man in the crimson cloak--they said to one another: these men are gods; they have come from heaven to see us. and then, they, too, fell on the ground and worshiped these men from heaven, as they supposed columbus and his sailors to be. and when they found that the men from heaven did not offer to hurt them, they came nearer; and the man in the crimson cloak gave them beads and pieces of bright cloth and other beautiful things they had never seen before. and this made them feel all the more certain that these men who had come to see them in the canoes with wings must really be from heaven. so they brought them fruits and flowers and feathers and birds as presents; and both parties, the men with clothes and the men without clothes, got on very well together. but columbus, as we know, had come across the water for one especial reason. he was to find cathay, and he was to find it so that he could carry back to spain the gold and jewels and spices of cathay. the first thing, therefore, that he tried to find out from the people of the island--whom he called "indians," because he thought he had come to a part of the coast of india was where cathay might be. of course they did not understand him. even louis, the interpreter, who knew a dozen languages and who tried them all, could not make out what these "indians" said. but from their signs and actions and from the sound of the words they spoke, columbus understood that cathay was off somewhere to the southwest, and that the gold he was bound to find came from there. the "indians" had little bits of gold hanging in their ears and noses. so columbus supposed that among the finer people he hoped soon to meet in the southwest, he should find great quantities of the yellow metal. he was delighted. success, he felt, was not far off. japan was near, china was near, india was near. of this he was certain; and even until he died columbus did not have any idea that he had found a new world--such as america really was. he was sure that he had simply landed upon the eastern coasts of asia and that he had found what he set out to discover--the nearest route to the indies. the next day columbus pulled up his anchors, and having seized and carried off to his ships some of the poor natives who had welcomed him so gladly, he commenced a cruise among the islands of the group he had discovered. day after day he sailed among these beautiful tropic islands, and of them and of the people who lived upon them he wrote to the king and queen of spain: "this country excels all others as far as the day surpasses the night in splendor. the natives love their neighbors as themselves; their conversation is the sweetest imaginable; their faces smiling; and so gentle and so affectionate are they, that i swear to your highness there is not a better people in the world." does it not seem a pity that so great a man should have acted so meanly toward these innocent people who loved and trusted him so? for it was columbus who first stole them away from their island homes and who first thought of making them slaves to the white men. chapter vii. how a boy brought the admiral to grief. columbus kept sailing on from one island to another. each new island he found would, he hoped, bring him nearer to cathay and to the marble temples and golden palaces and splendid cities he was looking for. but the temples and palaces and cities did not appear. when the admiral came to the coast of cuba he said: this, i know, is the mainland of asia. so he sent off louis, the interpreter, with a letter to the "great emperor of cathay." louis was gone several days; but he found no emperor, no palace, no city, no gold, no jewels, no spices, no cathay--only frail houses of bark and reeds, fields of corn and grain, with simple people who could tell him nothing about cathay or cipango or the indies. so day after day columbus kept on his search, sailing from island to island, getting a little gold here and there, or some pearls and silver and a lot of beautiful bird skins, feathers and trinkets. then captain alonso pinzon, who was sailing in the pinta, believed he could do better than follow the admiral's lead. i know, he said, if i could go off on my own hook i could find plenty of gold and pearls, and perhaps i could find cathay. so one day he sailed away and columbus did not know what had become of him. at last columbus, sailing on and troubled at the way captain alonso pinzon had acted, came one day to the island of hayti. if cuba was cathay (or china), hayti, he felt sure, must be cipango (or japan). so he decided to sail into one of its harbors to spend christmas day. but just before christmas morning dawned, the helmsman of the santa maria, thinking that everything was safe, gave the tiller into the hands of a boy--perhaps it was little pedro the cabin boy--and went to sleep. the rest of the crew also were asleep. and the boy who, i suppose, felt quite big to think that he was really steering the admiral's flagship, was a little too smart; for, before he knew it, he had driven the santa maria plump upon a hidden reef. and there she was wrecked. they worked hard to get her off but it was no use. she keeled over on her side, her seams opened, the water leaked in, the waves broke over her, the masts fell out and the santa maria had made her last voyage. then columbus was in distress. the pinta had deserted him, the santa maria was a wreck, the nina was not nearly large enough to carry all his men back to spain. and to spain he must return at once. what should he do? columbus was quick at getting out of a fix. so in this case he speedily decided what to do. he set his men at work tearing the wreck of the santa maria to pieces. out of her timbers and woodwork, helped out with trees from the woods and a few stones from the shore, he made quite a fort. it had a ditch and a watch-tower and a drawbridge. it proudly floated the flag of spain. it was the first european fort in the new world. on its ramparts columbus mounted the cannons he had saved from the wreck and named the fort la navidad--that is, fort nativity, because it was made out of the ship that was wrecked on christmas day-the day of christ's nativity, his birthday. he selected forty of his men to stay in the fort until he should return from spain. the most of them were quite willing to do this as they thought the place was a beautiful one and they would be kept very busy filling the fort with gold. columbus told them they must have at least a ton of gold before he came back. he left them provisions and powder for a year, he told them to be careful and watchful, to be kind to the indians and to make the year such a good one that the king and queen of spain would be glad to reward them. and then he said good-by and sailed away for spain. it was on the fourth of january, 1493, that columbus turned the little nina homeward. he had not sailed very far when what should he come across but the lost pinta. captain alonso pinzon seemed very much ashamed when he saw the admiral, and tried to explain his absence. columbus knew well enough that captain pinzon had gone off gold hunting and had not found any gold. but he did not scold him, and both the vessels sailed toward spain. the homeward voyage was a stormy and seasick one. once it was so rough that columbus thought surely the nina would be wrecked. so he copied off the story of what he had seen and done, addressed it to the king and queen of spain, put it into a barrel and threw the barrel overboard. but the nina was not shipwrecked, and on the eighteenth of february columbus reached the azores. the portuguese governor was so surprised when he heard this crazy italian really had returned, and was so angry to think it was spain and not portugal that was to profit by his voyage that he tried to make columbus a prisoner. but the admiral gave this inhospitable welcomer the slip and was soon off the coast of portugal. here he was obliged to land and meet the king of portugal--that same king john who had once acted so meanly toward him. king john would have done so again had he dared. but things were quite different now. columbus was a great man. he had made a successful voyage, and the king and queen of spain would have made it go hard with the king of portugal if he dared trouble their admiral. so king john had to give a royal reception to columbus, and permit him to send a messenger to the king and queen of spain with the news of his return from cathay. then columbus went on board the nina again and sailed for palos. but his old friend captain alonso pinzon had again acted badly. for he had left the admiral in one of the storms at sea and had hurried homeward. then he sailed into one of the northern ports of spain, and hoping to get all the credit for his voyage, sent a messenger post-haste to the king and queen with the word that he had returned from cathay and had much to tell them. and then he, too, sailed for palos. on the fifteenth of march, 1493, just seven months after he had sailed away to the west, columbus in the nina sailed into palos harbor. the people knew the little vessel at once. and then what a time they made! columbus has come back, they cried. he has found cathay. hurrah! hurrah! and the bells rang and the cannons boomed and the streets were full of people. the sailors were welcomed with shouts of joy, and the big stories they told were listened to with open mouths and many exclamations of surprise. so columbus came back to palos. and everybody pointed him out and cheered him and he was no longer spoken of as "that crazy italian who dragged away the men of palos to the jumping-off place." and in the midst of all this rejoicing what should sail into the harbor of palos but the pinta, just a few hours late! and when captain alonso pinzon heard the sounds of rejoicing, and knew that his plans to take away from columbus all the glory of what had been done had all gone wrong, he did not even go to see his old friend and ask his pardon. he went away to his own house without seeing any one. and there he found a stern letter from the king and queen of spain scolding him for trying to get the best of columbus, and refusing to hear or see him. the way things had turned out made captain alonso pinzon feel so badly that he fell sick; and in a few days he died. but columbus, after he had seen his good friend juan perez, the friar at rabida, and told him all his adventures, went on to barcelona where king ferdinand and queen isabella were waiting for him. they had already sent him letters telling him how pleased they were that he had found cathay, and ordering him to get ready for a second expedition at once. columbus gave his directions for this, and then, in a grand procession that called everybody to the street or window or housetop, he set off for barcelona. he reached the court on a fine april day and was at once received with much pleasure by the king and queen of spain. columbus told them where he had been and what he had seen; he showed them the gold and the pearls and the birds and curiosities he had brought to spain as specimens, of what was to be found in cathay; he showed them the ten painted and "fixed-up" indians he had stolen and brought back with him. and the king and queen of spain said he had done well. they had him sit beside them while he told his story, and treated this poor italian wool-weaver as they would one of their great princes or mighty lords. they told him he could put the royal arms alongside his own on his shield or crest, and they bade him get together at once ships and sailors for a second expedition to cathay--ships and sailors enough, they said, to get away up to the great cities of cathay, where the marble temples and the golden palaces must be. it was their wish, they said, to gain the friendship of the great emperor of cathay, to trade with him and get a good share of his gold and jewels and spices. for, you see, no one as yet imagined that columbus had discovered america. they did not even know that there was such a continent. they thought he had sailed to asia and found the rich countries that marco polo had told such big stories about. columbus, you may be sure, was "all the rage" now. wherever he went the people followed him, cheering and shouting, and begging him to take them with him on his next voyage to cathay. he was as anxious as any one to get back to those beautiful islands and hunt for gold and jewels. he set to work at once, and on the twenty-fifth of september, 1493, with a fleet of seventeen ships and a company of fifteen hundred men, columbus the admiral set sail from cadiz on his second voyage to cathay and cipango and the indies. and this time he was certain he should find all these wonderful places, and bring back from the splendid cities unbounded wealth for the king and queen of spain. chapter viii. trying it again. do you not think columbus must have felt very fine as he sailed out of cadiz harbor on his second voyage to the west? it was just about a year before, you know, that his feeble fleet of three little ships sailed from palos port. his hundred sailors hated to go; his friends were few; everybody else said he was crazy; his success was very doubtful. now, as he stood on the high quarter-deck of his big flag-ship, the maria galante, he was a great man. by appointment of his king and queen he was "admiral of the ocean seas" and "viceroy of the indies." he had servants, to do as he directed; he had supreme command over the seventeen ships of his fleet, large and small; fifteen hundred men joyfully crowded his decks, while thousands left at home wished that they might go with him, too. he had soldiers and sailors, horsemen and footmen; his ships were filled with all the things necessary for trading with the indians and the great merchants of cathay, and for building the homes of those who wished to live in the lands beyond the sea. everything looked so well and everybody was so full of hope and expectation that the admiral felt that now his fondest dreams were coming to pass and that he was a great man indeed. this was to be a hunt for gold. and so sure of success was columbus that he promised the king and queen of spain, out of the money he should make on this voyage, to, himself pay for the fitting out of a great army of fifty thousand foot soldiers and four thousand horsemen to drive away the pagan turks who had captured and held possession of the city of jerusalem and the sepulcher of christ. for this had been the chief desire, for years and years, of the christian people of europe. to accomplish it many brave knights and warriors had fought and failed. but now columbus was certain he could do it. so, out into the western ocean sailed the great expedition of the admiral. he sailed first to the canary isles, where he took aboard wood and water and many cattle, sheep and swine. then, on the seventeenth of october, he steered straight out into the broad atlantic, and on sunday, the third of november, he saw the hill-tops of one of the west india islands that he named dominica. you can find it on your map of the west indies. for days he sailed on, passing island after island, landing on some and giving them names. some of them were inhabited, some of them were not; some were very large, some were very small. but none of them helped him in any way to find cathay, so at last he steered toward hayti (or hispaniola, as he called it) and the little ship-built fortress of la navidad, where his forty comrades had been left. on the twenty-seventh of november, the fleet of the admiral cast anchor off the solitary fort. it was night. no light was to be seen on the shore; through the darkness nothing could be made out that looked like the walls of the fort. columbus fired a cannon; then he fired another. the echoes were the only answer. they must be sound sleepers in our fortress there, said the admiral. at last, over the water he heard the sound of oars--or was it the dip of a paddle? a voice called for the admiral; but it was not a spanish voice. the interpreter--who was the only one left of those ten stolen indians carried by columbus to spain--came to the admiral's side; by the light of the ship's lantern they could make out the figure of an indian in his canoe. he brought presents from his chief. but where are my men at the fort? asked the admiral. and then the whole sad story was told. the fort of la navidad was destroyed; the spaniards were all dead; the first attempt of spain to start a colony in the new world was a terrible failure. and for it the spaniards themselves were to blame. after columbus had left them, the forty men in the fort did not do as he told them or as they had solemnly promised. they were lazy; they were rough; they treated the indians badly; they quarreled among themselves; some of them ran off to live in the woods. then sickness came; there were two "sides," each one jealous of the other; the indians became enemies. a fiery war-chief from the hills, whose name was caonabo, led the indians against the white men. the fort and village were surprised, surrounded and destroyed. and the little band of "conquerors"--as the spaniards loved to call themselves--was itself conquered and killed. it was a terrible disappointment to columbus. the men in whom he had trusted had proved false. the gold he had told them to get together they had not even found. his plans had all gone wrong. but columbus was not the man to stay defeated. his fort was destroyed, his men were killed, his settlement was a failure. it can't be helped now, he said. i will try again. this time he would not only build a fort, he would build a city. he had men and material enough to do this and to do it well. so he set to work. but the place where he had built from the wreck of the unlucky santa maria his unlucky fort of la navidad did not suit him. it was low, damp and unhealthy. he must find a better place. after looking about for some time he finally selected a place on the northern side of the island. you can find it if you look at the map of hayti in the west indies; it is near to cape isabella. he found here a good harbor for ships, a good place on the rocks for a fort, and good land for gardens. here columbus laid out his new town, and called it after his friend the queen of spain, the city of isabella. he marked out a central spot for his park or square; around this ran a street, and along this street he built large stone buildings for a storehouse, a church and a house for himself, as governor of the colony. on the side streets were built the houses for the people who were to live in the new town, while on a rocky point with its queer little round tower looking out to sea stood the stone fort to protect the little city. it was the first settlement made by white men in all the great new world of america. you must know that there are some very wise and very bright people who do not agree to this. they say that nearly five hundred years before columbus landed, a norwegian prince or viking, whose name was leif ericsson, had built on the banks of the beautiful charles river, some twelve miles from boston, a city which he called norumbega. but this has not really been proved. it is almost all the fancy of a wise man who has studied it out for himself, and says he believes there was such a city. but he does not really know it as we know of the city of isabella, and so we must still say that christopher columbus really discovered america and built the first fort and the first city on its shores--although he thought he was doing all this in asia, on the shores of china or japan. when columbus had his people nearly settled in their new city of isabella, he remembered that the main thing he was sent to do was to get together as much gold as possible. his men were already grumbling. they had come over the sea, they said, not to dig cellars and build huts, but to find gold--gold that should make them rich and great and happy. so columbus set to work gold-hunting. at first things seemed to promise success. the indians told big stories of gold to be found in the mountains of hayti; the men sent to the mountains discovered signs of gold, and at once columbus sent home joyful tidings to the king and queen of spain. then he and his men hunted everywhere for the glittering yellow metal. they fished for it in the streams; they dug for it in the earth; they drove the indians to hunt for it also until the poor redmen learned to hate the very sound of the word gold, and believed that this was all the white men lived for, cared for or worked for; holding up a piece of this hated gold the indians would say, one to another: "behold the christian's god!" and so it came about that the poor worried natives, who were not used to such hard work, took the easiest way out of it all, and told the spaniards the biggest kind of lies as to where gold might be found--always away off somewhere else--if only the white men would go there to look for it. on the thirteenth of january, 1494, columbus sent back to spain twelve of his seventeen ships. he did not send back in them to the king, and queen, the gold he had promised. he sent back the letters that promised gold; he sent back as prisoners for punishment some of the most discontented and quarrelsome of his colonists; and, worst of all, he sent to the king and queen a note asking, them to permit him to send to spain all the indians he could catch, to be sold as slaves. he said that by doing this they could make "good christians" of the indians, while the money that came from selling the natives would buy cattle for the colony and leave some money for the royal money-chests. it is not pleasant to think this of so great a man as columbus. but it is true, and he is really the man who, started the slave-trade in america. of course things were very different in his time from what they are to-day, and people did not think so badly of this horrible business. but some good men did, and spoke out boldly against it. what they said was not of much use, however, and slavery was started in the new world. and from that act of columbus came much sorrow and trouble for the land he found. even the great war between the northern and southern sections of our own united states, upon one side or the other of which your fathers, or your grandfathers perhaps, fought with gun and sword, was brought about by this act of the great admiral columbus hundreds of years before. so the twelve ships sailed back to spain, and columbus, with his five remaining ships, his soldiers and his colonists, remained in the new city of isabella to keep up the hunt for gold or to become farmers in the new world. chapter ix. how the troubles of the admiral began. both the farmers and the gold hunters had a hard time of it in the land they had come to so hopefully. the farmers did not like to farm when they thought they could do so much better at gold hunting; the gold hunters found that it was the hardest kind of work to get from the water or pick from the rocks the yellow metal they were so anxious to obtain. columbus himself was not satisfied with the small amount of gold he got from the streams and mines of hayti; he was tired of the wrangling and grumbling of his men. so, one day, he hoisted sail on his five ships and started away on a hunt for richer gold mines, or, perhaps, for those wonderful cities of cathay he was still determined to find. he sailed to the south and discovered the island of jamaica. then he coasted along the shores of cuba. the great island stretched away so many miles that columbus was certain it was the mainland of asia. there was some excuse for this mistake. the great number of small islands he had sailed by all seemed to lie just as the books about cathay that he had read said they did; the trees and fruits that he found in these islands seemed to be just the same that travelers said grew in cathay. to be sure the marble temples, the golden-roofed palaces, the gorgeous cities had not yet appeared; but columbus was so certain that he had found asia that he made all his men sign a paper in which they declared that the land they had found (which was, as you know, the island of cuba) was really and truly the coast of asia. this did not make it so, of course; but it made the people of spain, and the king and queen, think it was so. and this was most important. so, to keep the sailors from going back on their word and the statement they had signed, columbus ordered that if any officer should afterward say he had been mistaken, he should be fined one hundred dollars; and if any sailor should say so, he should receive one hundred lashes with a whip and have his tongue pulled out. that was a curious way to discover cathay, was it not? then columbus, fearing another shipwreck or another mutiny, sailed back again to the city of isabella. his men were discontented, his ships were battered and leaky, his hunt for gold and palaces had again proved a failure. he sailed around jamaica; he got as far as the eastern end of hayti, and then, just as he was about to run into the harbor of isabella, all his strength gave out. the strain and the disappointment were too much for him; he fell very, very sick, and on the twenty-ninth of september, 1494, after just about five months of sailing and wandering and hunting, the nina ran into isabella harbor with columbus so sick from fever that he could not raise his hand or his head to give an order to his men. for five long months columbus lay in his stone house on the plaza or square of isabella a very sick man. his brother bartholomew had come across from spain with three supply ships, bringing provisions for the colony. so bartholomew took charge of affairs for a while. and while columbus lay so sick, some of the leading men in the colony seized the ships in which bartholomew columbus had come to his brother's aid, and sailing back to spain they told the king and queen all sorts of bad stories about columbus. they were spaniards. columbus was an italian. they were jealous of him because he was higher placed and had more to say than they had. they were angry to think that when he had promised to bring them to the gorgeous cities and the glittering gold mines of cathay he had only landed them on islands which were the homes of naked savages, and made them work dreadfully hard for what little gold they could find. he had promised them power; they went home poorer than when they came away. so they were "mad" at columbus--just as boys and girls are sometimes "mad" at one another; and they told the worst stories they could think of about him, and called him all sorts of hard names, and said the king and queen of spain ought to look out for "their great admiral," or he would get the best of them and keep for himself the most of whatever he could find in the new lands. at last columbus began to grow better. and when he knew what his enemies had done he was very much troubled for fear they should get the king and queen to refuse him any further aid. so, just as soon as he was able, on the tenth of march, 1496, he sailed home to spain. how different was this from his splendid setting out from cadiz two years before. then everything looked bright and promising; now everything seemed dark and disappointing. the second voyage to the indies had been a failure. so, tired of his hard work in trying to keep his dissatisfied men in order, in trying to check the indians who were no longer his friends, in trying to find the gold and pearls that were to be got at only by hard work, in trying to make out just where he was and just where cathay might be, columbus started for home. sick, troubled, disappointed, threatened by enemies in the indies and by more bitter enemies at home, sad, sorry and full of fear, but yet as determined and as brave as ever, on the tenth of march, 1496, he went on board his caravels with two hundred and fifty homesick and feversick men, and on the eleventh of june his two vessels sailed into the harbor of cadiz. the voyage had been a tedious one. short of food, storm-tossed and full of aches and pains the starving company "crawled ashore," glad to be in their home land once more, and most of them full of complaints and grumblings at their commander, the admiral. and columbus felt as downcast as any. he came ashore dressed, not in the gleaming armor and crimson robes of a conqueror, as on his first return, but in the garb of what was known as a penitent--the long, coarse gown, the knotted girdle and peaked hood of a priest. for, you see, he did not know just what terrible stories had been told by his enemies; he did not know how the king and queen would receive him. he had promised them so much; he had brought them so little. he had sailed away so hopefully; he had come back humbled and hated. the greatest man in the world, he had been in 1492; and in 1496 he was unsuccessful, almost friendless and very unpopular. so you see, boys and girls, that success is a most uncertain thing, and the man who is a hero to-day may be a beggar to-morrow. but, as is often the case, columbus was too full of fear. he was not really in such disgrace as he thought he was. though his enemies had said all sorts of hard things against him, the king--and especially the queen--could not forget that he was, after all, the man who, had found the new land for spain; they knew that even though he had not brought home the great riches that were to have been gathered in the indies, he had still found for spain a land that would surely, in time, give to it riches, possessions and power. so they sent knightly messengers to columbus telling him to come and see them at once, and greeting him with many pleasant and friendly words. columbus was, as you must have seen, quick to feel glad again the moment things seemed to turn in his favor; so he laid aside his penitent's gown, and hurried off to court. and almost the first thing he did was to ask the king and queen to fit out another fleet for him. six ships, he said he should want this time; and with these he was certain he could sail into the yet undiscovered waters that lay beyond hayti and upon which he knew he should find cathay. i am afraid the king and queen of spain were beginning to feel a little doubtful as to this still undiscovered cathay. at any rate, they had other matters to think of and they did not seem so very anxious to spend more money on ships and sailors. but they talked very nicely to columbus; they gave him a new title (this time it was duke or marquis); they made him a present of a great tract of land in hayti, but it was months and months before they would help him with the ships and money he kept asking for. at last, however, the queen, isabella, who had always had more interest in columbus and his plans than had the king, her husband, said a good word for him. the six ships were given him, men and supplies were put on board and on the twentieth of may, 1498, the admiral set out on his third voyage to what every one now called the indies. there was not nearly so much excitement among the people about this voyage. cathay and its riches had almost become an old story; at any rate it was a story that was not altogether believed in. great crowds did not now follow the admiral from place to place begging him to take them with him to the indies. the hundreds of sick, disappointed and angry men who had come home poor when they expected to be rich, and sick when they expected to be strong, had gone through the land, and folks began to think that cathay was after all only a dream, and that the stories of great gold and of untold riches which they had heard were but "sailors' yarns" which no one could believe. so it was hard to get together a crew large enough to man the six vessels that made up the fleet. at last, however, all was ready, and with a company of two hundred men, besides his sailors, columbus hoisted anchor in the little port of san lucar just north of cadiz, near the mouth of the guadalquivir river, and sailed away into the west. this time he was determined to find the continent of asia. even though, as you remember, he made his men sign a paper saying that the coast of cuba was asia, he really seems to have doubted this himself. he felt that he had only found islands. if so, he said, cathay must be the other side of those islands; and cathay is what i must find. so, with this plan in mind, he sent three of his ships to the little settlement of isabella, and with the other three he sailed more to the southwest. on the first of august the ships came in sight of the three mountain peaks of the large island he called trindad, or trinity. look on your map of south america and you will see that trinidad lies almost in the mouth of the orinoco, a mighty river in the northern part of south america. columbus coasted about this island, and as he did so, looking across to the west, he saw what he supposed to be still another island. it was not. it was the coast of south america. for the first time, but without knowing it, columbus saw the great continent he had so long been hunting for, though he had been seeking it under another name. so you see, the story of columbus shows how his life was full of mistakes. in his first voyage he found an island and thought it was the mainland of the eastern hemisphere; in his third voyage he discovered the mainland of the new world and thought it only an island off the coast of the old world. his life was full of mistakes, but those mistakes have turned out to be, for us, glorious successes. chapter x. from paradise to prison. if you know a boy or a girl whose mind is set on any one thing, you will find that they are always talking about that thing. is not this so? they have what people call a "hobby" (which is a kind of a horse, you know), and they are apt, as we say, to "ride their hobby to death." if this is true of certain boys and girls, it is even more true of men and women. they get to be what we call people of one idea, and whatever they see or whatever they do always turns on that one idea. it was so with columbus. all his life his one idea had been the finding of asia--the indies, or cathay, as he called it--by sailing to the west. he did sail to the west. he did find land. and, because of this, as we have seen, all his voyaging and all his exploring were done in the firm belief that he was discovering new parts of the eastern coast of asia. the idea that he had found a new world never entered his head. so, when he looked toward the west, as he sailed around the island of trinidad and saw the distant shore, he said it was a new part of asia. he was as certain of this as he had before been certain that cuba was a part of the asiatic mainland. but when he sailed into the mouth of the great orinoco river he was puzzled. for the water was no longer salt; it grew fresher and fresher as he sailed on. and it rushed out so furiously through the two straits at the northern and southern ends of trinidad (which because of the terrible rush of their currents he called the lion's mouth and the dragon's mouth) that he was at first unable to explain it all. then he had a curious idea. columbus was a great reader of the bible; some of the bible scholars of his day said that the garden of eden was in a far eastern land where a mighty river came down through it from the hills of paradise; as columbus saw the beautiful land he had reached, and saw the great river sending down its waters to the sea, he fitted all that he saw to the bible stories he knew so well, and felt sure that he had really discovered the entrance to the garden of eden. he would gladly have sailed across the broad bay and up the great river to explore this heavenly land; but he was ill with gout, he was nearly blind from his sore eyes, his ships were shaky and leaky, and he felt that he ought to hurry away to the city of isabella where his brothers, bartholomew and diego, were in charge of affairs and were, he knew, anxiously waiting for him to come back. so at last he turned away from the lovely land that he thought must be paradise and steered toward hayti. on the nineteenth of august he arrived off the coast of hayti. he sent a messenger with news of his arrival, and soon greeted his brother bartholomew, who, when he heard of the admiral's arrival, sailed at once to meet him. bartholomew columbus had a sad story to tell his brother christopher. things had been going badly in hayti, and the poor admiral grew sicker and sicker as he listened to what bartholomew had to tell. you have heard it said that there are black sheep in every flock. there were black sheep in this colony of columbus. there were lazy men and discontented men and jealous men, and they made great trouble, both in the city of isabella and in the new town which bartholomew bad built in another part of the island and called santo domingo. such men are sure to make mischief, and these men in hayti had made a lot of it. columbus had staid so long in spain that these men began to say that they knew he was certainly in trouble or disgrace there, that the king and queen were angry with him, and that his offices of viceroy and admiral were to be taken away from him. if this were so, they were going to look out for themselves, they said. they would no longer obey the commands of the admiral's brothers, bartholomew and diego, whom he had left in charge. so they rose in rebellion, and made things so uncomfortable for the two brothers that the colony was soon full of strife and quarreling. the leader of this revolt was one of the chief men in the colony. his name was roldan. when columbus and bartholomew sailed into the harbor of santo domingo, on the thirtieth of august, they found that roldan and his followers had set up a camp for themselves in another part of the island, and given out that they were determined never to have anything more to do with the three columbus brothers. this rebellion weakened the colony dreadfully. things looked desperate; so desperate indeed that columbus, after thinking it all over, thought that the only way to do was to seem to give in to roldan and patch up some sort of an agreement by which they could all live together in peace. but all the same, he said, i will complain to the king and have this rebel roldan punished. so the admiral wrote roldan a letter in which he offered to forgive and forget all that he had done if he would come back and help make the colony strong and united again. roldan agreed to do this, if he could have the same position he held before, and if columbus would see that his followers had all the land they wanted. columbus agreed to this and also gave the rebels permission to use the poor natives as slaves on their lands. so the trouble seemed to be over for a while, and columbus sent two of his ships to spain with letters to the king and queen. but in these letters he accused roldan of rebellion and tried to explain why it was that things were going so badly in hayti. but when these ships arrived in spain the tidings they brought and the other letters sent by them only made matters worse. people in spain had heard so many queer things from across the sea that they were beginning to lose faith in columbus. the men who had lost health and money in the unlucky second voyage of the admiral were now lazy loafers about the docks, or they hung about the court and told how columbus had made beggars of them, while they hooted after and insulted the two sons of columbus who were pages in the queen's train. they called the boys the sons of "the admiral of mosquitoland." then came the ships with news of roldan's rebellion, but with little or no gold. and people said this was a fine viceroy who couldn't keep order among his own men because, no doubt, he was too busy hiding away for his own use the gold and pearls they knew he must have found in the river of paradise he said he had discovered. then came five shiploads of indian slaves, sent to spain by columbus, and along with them came the story that columbus had forgiven roldan for his rebellion and given him lands and office in hayti. king ferdinand had never really liked columbus and had always been sorry that he had given him so much power and so large a share in the profits. the queen, too, began to think that while columbus was a good sailor, he was a very poor governor. but when she heard of the shiploads of slaves he had sent, and found out that among the poor creatures were the daughters of some of the chiefs, or caciques, of the indians, she was very angry, and asked how "her viceroy" dared to use "her vassals" so without letting her know about it. things were indeed beginning to look bad for columbus. the king and queen had promised that only members of the admiral's family should be sent to govern the island; they had promised that no one but himself should have the right to trade in the new lands. but now they began to go back on their promises. if columbus cannot find us gold and spices, they said, other men can. so they gave permission to other captains to explore and trade in the western lands. and as the complaints against the admiral kept coming they began to talk of sending over some one else to govern the islands. more letters came from columbus asking the king and queen to let him keep up his slave-trade, and to send out some one to act as a judge of his quarrel with roldan. then the king and queen decided that something must be done at once. the queen ordered the return of the slaves columbus had sent over, and the king told one of his officers named bobadilla to go over to hayti and set things straight. and he sent a letter by him commanding columbus to talk with him, to give up all the forts and arms in the colony and to obey bobadilla in all things. bobadilla sailed at once. but before he got across the sea matters, as we know, had been straightened out by the admiral; and when bobadilla reached hayti he found everything quiet there. columbus had made friends with roldan (or made believe that he had), and had got things into good running order again. this was not what bobadilla had reckoned upon. he had expected to find things in such a bad way that he would have to take matters into his own hand at once, and become a greater man than the admiral. if everything was all right he would have his journey for nothing and everybody would laugh at him. so he determined to go ahead, even though there was no necessity for his taking charge of affairs. he had been sent to do certain things, and he did them at once. without asking columbus for his advice or his assistance, he took possession of the forts and told every one that he was governor now. he said that he had come to set things straight, and he listened to the complaints of all the black sheep of the colony--and how they did crowd around him and say the worst things they could think of against the admiral they had once been so anxious to follow. bobadilla listened to all their stories. he proceeded to use the power the king and queen had given him to punish and disgrace columbus--which was not what they meant him to do. he moved into the palace of the admiral; he ordered the admiral and his brothers to come to him, and when they came expecting to talk things over, bobadilla ordered that they be seized as prisoners and traitors, that they be chained hand and foot and put in prison. columbus's saddest day had come. the man who had found a new world for his king and queen, who had worked so hard in their service and who had meant to do right, although he had made many mistakes, was thrust into prison as if he were a thief or a murderer. the admiral of the ocean seas, the viceroy of the indies, the grand man whom all spain had honored and all the world had envied, was held as a prisoner in the land he had found, and all his powers were taken by a stranger. he was sick, he was disappointed, he was defeated in all his plans. and now he was in chains. his third voyage had ended the worst of all. he had sailed away to find cathay; he had, so he believed, found the garden of eden and the river of paradise. and here, as an end to it all, he was arrested by order of the king and queen he had tried to serve, his power and position were taken from him by an insolent and unpitying messenger from spain; he was thrown into prison and after a few days he was hurried with his brothers on board a ship and sent to spain for trial and punishment. how would it all turn out? was it not a sad and sorry ending to his bright dreams of success? chapter xi. how the admiral came and went again. i suppose you think bobadilla was a very cruel man. he was. but in his time people were apt to be cruel to one another whenever they had the power in their own hands. the days in which columbus lived were not like these in which we are living. you can never be too thankful for that, boys and girls. bobadilla had been told to go over the water and set the columbus matters straight. he had been brought up to believe that to set matters straight you must be harsh and cruel; and so he did as he was used to seeing other people in power do. even queen isabella did not hesitate to do some dreadful things to certain people she did not like when she got them in her power. cruelty was common in those days. it was what we call the "spirit of the age." so you must not blame bobadilla too much, although we will all agree that it was very hard on columbus. so columbus, as i have told you, sailed back to spain. but when the officer who had charge of him and whose name was villijo, had got out to sea and out of bobadilla's sight, he wanted to take the chains off. for he loved columbus and it made him feel very sad to see the old admiral treated like a convict or a murderer. let me have these cruel chains struck off, your excellency, he said. no, no, villijo, columbus replied. let these fetters remain upon me. my king and queen ordered me to submit and bobadilla has put me in chains. i will wear these irons until my king and queen shall order them removed, and i shall keep them always as relics and memorials of my services. it always makes us sad to see any one in great trouble. to hear of a great man who has fallen low or of a rich man who has become poor, always makes us say: is not that too bad? columbus had many enemies in spain. the nobles of the court, the men who had lost money in voyages to the indies, the people whose fathers and sons and brothers had sailed away never to return, could not say anything bad enough about "this upstart italian," as they called columbus. but to the most of the people columbus was still the great admiral. he was the man who had stuck to his one idea until he had made a friend of the queen; who had sailed away into the west and proved the sea of darkness and the jumping-off place to be only fairy tales after all; who had found cathay and the indies for spain. he was still a great man to the multitude. so when on a certain october day, in the year 1500, it was spread abroad that a ship had just come into the harbor of cadiz, bringing home the great admiral, christopher columbus, a prisoner and in chains, folks began to talk at once. why, who has done this? they cried. is this the way to treat the man who found cathay for spain, the man whom the king and the queen delighted to honor, the man who made a procession for us with all sorts of birds and animals and pagan indians? it cannot be. why, we all remember how he sailed into palos harbor eight years ago and was received like a prince with banners and proclamations and salutes. and now to bring him home in chains! it is a shame; it is cruel; it is wicked. and when people began to talk in this way, the very ones who had said the worst things against him began to change their tone. as soon as the ship got into cadiz, columbus sent off a letter to a friend of his at the court in the beautiful city of granada. this letter was, of course, shown to the queen. and it told all about what columbus had suffered, and was, so full of sorrow and humbleness and yet of pride in what he had been able to do, even though he had been disgraced, that queen isabella (who was really a friend to columbus in spite of her dissatisfaction with the things he sometimes did) became very angry at the way he had been treated. she took the letter to king ferdinand, and at once both the king and the queen hastened to send a messenger to columbus telling him how angry and sorry they were that bobadilla should have dared to treat their good friend the admiral so. they ordered his immediate release from imprisonment; they sent him a present of five thousand dollars and asked him to come to court at once. on the seventeenth of december, 1500, columbus came to the court at granada in the beautiful palace of the alhambra. he rode on a mule. at that time, in spain, people were not allowed to ride on mules, because if they did the spanish horses would not be bought and sold, as mules were so much cheaper and were easier to ride. but columbus was sick and it hurt him to ride horseback, while he could be fairly comfortable on an easy-going mule. so the king and queen gave him special permission to come on mule-back. when columbus appeared before the queen, looking so sick and troubled, isabella was greatly affected. she thought of all he had done and all he had gone through and all he had suffered, and as he came to the steps of the throne the queen burst into tears. that made columbus cry too, for he thought a great deal of the queen, and he fell at her feet and told her how much he honored her, and how much he was ready to do for her, if he could but have the chance. then the king and queen told him how sorry they were that any one should have so misunderstood their desires and have treated their brave and loyal admiral so shamefully. they promised to make everything all right for him again, and to show him that they were his good friends now as they always had been since the day he first sailed away to find the indies for them and for spain. of course this made columbus feel much better. he had left hayti in fear and trembling. he had come home expecting something dreadful was going to happen; he would not have been surprised at a long imprisonment; he would not even have been surprised if he had been put to death--for the kings and queens and high lords of his day were very apt to order people put to death if they did not like what had been done. the harsh way in which bobadilla had treated him made him think the king and queen had really ordered it. perhaps they had; and perhaps the way in which the people cried out in indignation when they saw the great admiral brought ashore in chains had its influence on queen isabella. king ferdinand really cared nothing about it. he would gladly have seen columbus put in prison for life; but the queen had very much to say about things in her kingdom, and so king ferdinand made believe he was sorry and talked quite as pleasantly to columbus as did the queen. now columbus, as you must have found out by this time, was as quick to feel glad as he was to feel sad. and when he found that the king and queen were his friends once more, he became full of hope again and began to say where he would go and what he would do when he went back again as viceroy of the indies and admiral of the ocean seas. he begged the queen to let him go back again at once, with ships and sailors and the power to do as he pleased in the islands he had found and in the lands he hoped to find. they promised him everything, for promising is easy. but columbus had once more to learn the truth of the old bible warning that he had called to mind years before on the bridge of pinos: put not your trust in princes. the king and queen talked very nicely and promised much, but to one thing king ferdinand had made up his mind--columbus should never go back again to the indies as viceroy or governor. and king ferdinand was as stubborn as columbus was persistent. not very much gold had yet been brought back from the indies, but the king and queen knew from the reports of those who had been over the seas and kept their eyes open that, in time, a great deal of gold and treasure would come from there. so they felt that if they kept their promises to columbus he would take away too large a slice of their profits, and if they let him have everything to say there it would not be possible to let other people, who were ready to share the profits with them, go off discovering on their own hook. so they talked and delayed and sent out other expeditions and kept columbus in spain, unsatisfied. another governor was sent over to take the place of bobadilla, for they soon learned that that ungentlemanly knight was not even so good or so strict a governor as columbus had been. almost two years passed in this way and still columbus staid in spain. at last the king and queen said he might go if he would not go near hayti and would be sure to find other and better gold lands. columbus did not relish being told where to go and where not to go like this; but he promised. and on the ninth of may, 1502, with four small caravels and one hundred and fifty men, christopher columbus sailed from cadiz on his fourth and last voyage to the western world. he was now fifty-six years old. that is not an age at which we would call any one an old man. but columbus had grown old long before his time. care, excitement, exposure, peril, trouble and worry had made him white-haired and wrinkled. he was sick, he was nearly blind, he was weak, he was feeble--but his determination was just as firm, his hope just as high, his desire just as strong as ever. he was bound, this time, to find cathay. and he had one other wish. he had enemies in hayti; they had laughed and hooted at him when he had been dragged off to prison and sent in chains on board the ship. he did wish to get even with them. he could not forgive them. he wanted to sail into the harbor of isabella and santo domingo with his four ships and to say: see, all of you! here i am again, as proud and powerful as ever. the king and queen have sent me over here once more with ships and sailors at my command. i am still the admiral of the ocean seas and all you tried to do against me has amounted to nothing. this is not the right sort of a spirit to have, either for men or boys; it is not wise or well to have it gratified. forgiveness is better than vengeance; kindliness is better than pride. at any rate, it was not to be gratified with columbus. when his ships arrived off the coast of hayti, although his orders from the king and queen were not to stop at the island going over, the temptation to show himself was too strong. he could not resist it. so he sent word to the new governor, whose name was ovando, that he had arrived with his fleet for the discovery of new lands in the indies, and that he wished to come into santo domingo harbor as one of his ships needed repairs; he would take the opportunity, he said, of mending his vessel and visiting the governor at the same time. now it so happened that governor ovando was just about sending to spain a large fleet. and in these ships were to go some of the men who had treated columbus so badly. bobadilla, the ex-governor, was one of them; so was the rebel roldan who had done so much mischief; and there were others among the passengers and prisoners whom columbus disliked or who hated columbus. there was also to go in the fleet a wonderful cargo of gold--the largest amount yet sent across to spain. there were twenty-six ships in all, in the great gold fleet, and the little city of santo domingo was filled with excitement and confusion. we cannot altogether make out whether governor ovando was a friend to columbus or not. at any rate, he felt that it would be unwise and unsafe for columbus to come into the harbor or show himself in the town when so many of his bitter enemies were there. so he sent back word to columbus that he was sorry, but that really he could not let him come in. how bad that must have made the old admiral feel! to be refused admission to the place he had found and built up for spain! it was unkind, he said; he must and would go in. just then columbus, who was a skillful sailor and knew all the signs of the sky, and all about the weather, happened to notice the singular appearance of the sky, and saw that there was every sign that a big storm was coming on. so he sent word to governor ovando again, telling him of this, and asking permission to run into the harbor of santo domingo with his ships to escape the coming storm. but the governor could not see that any storm was coming on. he said: oh! that is only another way for the admiral to try to get around me and get me to let him in. i can't do it. so, he sent back word a second time that he really could not, let columbus come in. i know you are a very clever sailor, he said, but, really, i think you must be mistaken about this storm. at any rate, you will have time to go somewhere else before it comes on, and i shall be much obliged if you will. now, among the twenty-six vessels of the gold fleet was one in which was stored some of the gold that belonged to columbus as his share, according to his arrangement with the king and queen. if a storm came on, this vessel would be in danger, to say nothing of all the rest of the fleet. so columbus sent in to governor ovando a third time. he told him he was certain a great storm was coming. and he begged the governor, even if he was not allowed to come up to santo domingo, by all means to keep the fleet in the harbor until the storm was over. if you don't, there will surely be trouble, he said. and then he sailed with his ships along shore looking for a safe harbor. but the people in santo domingo put no faith in the admiral's "probabilities." there will be no storm, the captains and the officers said. if there should be our ships are strong enough to stand it. the admiral columbus is getting to be timid as he grows older. and in spite of the old sailor's warning, the big gold fleet sailed out of the harbor of santo domingo and headed for spain. but almost before they had reached the eastern end of the island of hayti, the storm that columbus had prophesied burst upon them. it was a terrible tempest. twenty of the ships went to the bottom. the great gold fleet was destroyed. the enemies of columbus--bobadilla, roldan and the rest were drowned. only a few of the ships managed to get back into santo domingo harbor, broken and shattered. and the only ship of all the great fleet that got safely through the storm and reached spain all right was the one that carried on board the gold that belonged to columbus. was not that singular? then all the friends of columbus cried: how wonderful! truly the lord is on the side of the great admiral! but his enemies said: this genoese is a wizard. he was mad because the governor would not let him come into the harbor, and he raised this storm in revenge. it is a dangerous thing to interfere with the admiral's wishes. for you see in those days people believed in witches and spells and all kinds of fairy-book things like those, when they could not explain why things happened. and when they could not give a good reason for some great disaster or for some stroke of bad luck, they just said: it is witchcraft; and left it so. chapter xii. how the admiral played robinson crusoe. while the terrible storm that wrecked the great gold fleet of the governor was raging so furiously, columbus with his four ships was lying as near shore as he dared in a little bay farther down the coast of hayti. here he escaped the full fury of the gale, but still his ships suffered greatly, and came very near being shipwrecked. they became separated in the storm, but the caravels met at last after the storm was over and steered away for the island of jamaica. for several days they sailed about among the west india islands; then they took a westerly course, and on the thirtieth of july, columbus saw before him the misty outlines of certain high mountains which he supposed to be somewhere in asia, but which we now know were the coast range mountains of honduras. and honduras, you remember, is a part of central america. just turn to the map of central america in your geography and find honduras. the mountains, you see, are marked there; and on the northern coast, at the head of a fine bay, you will notice the seaport town of truxillo. and that is about the spot where, for the first time, columbus saw the mainland of north america. as he sailed toward the coast a great canoe came close to the ship. it was almost as large as one of his own caravels, for it was over forty feet long and fully eight feet wide. it was paddled by twenty-five indians, while in the middle, under an awning of palm-thatch sat the chief indian, or cacique, as he was called. a curious kind of sail had been rigged to catch the breeze, and the canoe was loaded with fruits and indian merchandise. this canoe surprised columbus very much. he had seen nothing just like it among the other indians he had visited. the cacique and his people, too, were dressed in clothes and had sharp swords and spears. he thought of the great galleys of venice and genoa; he remembered the stories that had come to him of the people of cathay; he believed that, at last, he had come to the right place. the shores ahead of him were, he was sure, the coasts of the cathay he was hunting for, and these people in "the galley of the cacique" were much nearer the kind of people he was expecting to meet than were the poor naked indians of hayti and cuba. in a certain way he was right. these people in the big canoe were, probably, some of the trading indians of yucatan, and beyond them, in what we know to-day as mexico, was a race of indians, known as aztecs, who were what is called half-civilized; for they had cities and temples and stone houses and almost as much gold and treasure as columbus hoped to find in his fairyland of cathay. but columbus was not to find mexico. another daring and cruel spanish captain, named cortez, discovered the land, conquered it for spain, stripped it of its gold and treasure, and killed or enslaved its brave and intelligent people. after meeting this canoe, columbus steered for the distant shore. he coasted up and down looking for a good harbor, and on the seventeenth of august, 1502, he landed as has been told you, near what is now the town of truxillo, in honduras. there, setting up the banner of castile, he took possession of the country in the name of the king and queen of spain. for the first time in his life columbus stood on the real soil of the new world. all the islands he had before discovered and colonized were but outlying pieces of america. now he was really upon the american continent. but he did not know it. to him it was but a part of asia. and as the main purpose of this fourth voyage was to find a way to sail straight to india--which he supposed lay somewhere to the south--he set off on his search. the indians told him of "a narrow place" that he could find by sailing farther south, and of a "great water." beyond it. this "narrow place" was the isthmus of panama, and the "great water" beyond it was, of course, the pacific ocean. but columbus thought that by a "narrow place" they meant a strait instead of an isthmus. if he could but find that strait, he could sail through it into the great bay of bengal which, as you know and as he had heard, washes the eastern shore of india. so he sailed along the coasts of honduras and nicaragua trying to find the strait he was hunting for. just look at your map and see how near he was to the way across to the pacific that men are now digging out, and which, as the nicaragua canal, will connect the atlantic and the pacific oceans. and think how near he was to finding that pacific ocean over which, if he could but have got across the isthmus of panama, he could have sailed to the cathay and the indies he spent his life in trying to find. but if he had been fortunate enough to get into the waters of the pacific, i do not believe it would have been so lucky for him, after all. his little ships, poorly built and poorly provisioned, could never have sailed that great ocean in safety, and the end might have proved even more disastrous than did the atlantic voyages of the admiral. he soon understood that he had found a richer land than the islands he had thus far discovered. gold and pearls were much more plentiful along the honduras coast than they were in cuba and hayti, and columbus decided that, after he had found india, he would come back by this route and collect a cargo of the glittering treasures. the land was called by the indians something that sounded very much like veragua. this was the name columbus gave to it; and it was this name, veragua, that was afterward given to the family of columbus as its title; so that, to-day, the living descendant of christopher columbus in spain is called the duke of veragua. but as columbus sailed south, along what is called "the mosquito coast," the weather grew stormy and the gales were severe. his ships were crazy and worm-eaten; the food was running low; the sailors began to grumble and complain and to say that if they kept on in this way they would surely starve before they could reach india. columbus, too, began to grow uneasy. his youngest son, ferdinand, a brave, bright little fellow of thirteen, had come with him on this voyage, and columbus really began to be afraid that something might happen to the boy, especially if the crazy ships should be wrecked, or if want of food should make them all go hungry. so at last he decided to give up hunting for the strait that should lead him into the bay of bengal; he felt obliged, also, to give up his plan of going back to the honduras coast for gold and pearls. he turned his ships about and headed for hayti where he hoped he could get governor ovando to give him better ships so that he could try it all over again. here, you see, was still another disappointing defeat for columbus. for after he had been on the american coast for almost a year; after he had come so near to what he felt to be the long-looked-for path to the indies; after most wonderful adventures on sea and land, he turned his back on it all, without really having accomplished what he set out to do and, as i have told you, steered for hayti. but it was not at all easy to get to hayti in those leaky ships of his. in fact it was not possible to get there with them at all; for on the twenty-third of june, 1503, when he had reached the island of jamaica he felt that his ships would not hold out any longer. they were full of worm-holes; they were leaking badly; they were strained and battered from the storms. he determined, therefore, to find a good harbor somewhere on the island of jamaica and go in there for repairs. but he could not find a good one; his ships grew worse and worse; every day's delay was dangerous; and for fear the ships would sink and carry the crews to the bottom of the sea, columbus decided to run them ashore anyhow. this he did; and on the twelfth of august, 1503, he deliberately headed for the shore and ran his ships aground in a little bay on the island of jamaica still known as sir christopher's cove. and there the fleet was wrecked. the castaways lashed the four wrecks together; they built deck-houses and protections so as to make themselves as comfortable as possible, and for a whole year columbus and his men lived there at sir christopher's cove on the beautiful island of jamaica. it proved anything but beautiful for them, however. it makes a good deal of difference, you know, in enjoying things whether you are well and happy. if you are hungry and can't get anything to eat, the sky does not look so blue or the trees so green as if you were sitting beneath them with a jolly picnic party and with plenty of lunch in the baskets. it was no picnic for columbus and his companions. that year on the island of jamaica was one of horror, of peril, of sickness, of starvation. twice, a brave comrade named diego mendez started in an open boat for hayti to bring relief. the first time he was nearly shipwrecked, but the second time he got away all right. and then for months nothing was heard of him, and it was supposed that he had been drowned. but the truth was that governor ovando, had an idea that the king and queen of spain were tired of columbus and would not feel very bad if they never saw him again. he promised to send help, but did not do so for fear he should get into trouble. and the relief that the poor shipwrecked people on jamaica longed for did not come. then some of the men who were with columbus mutinied and ran away. in fact, more things happened during this remarkable fourth voyage of columbus than i can begin to tell you about. the story is more wonderful than is that of robinson crusoe, and when you are older you must certainly read it all and see just what marvelous adventures columbus and his men met with and how bravely the little ferdinand columbus went through them all. for when ferdinand grew up he wrote a life of his father, the admiral, and told the story of how they all played robinson crusoe at sir christopher's cove. at last the long-delayed help was sent by governor ovando, and one day the brave diego mendez came sailing into sir christopher's cove. and columbus forgave the rebels who had run away; and on the twenty-eighth of june, 1504, they all sailed away from the place, that, for a year past, had been almost worse than a prison to them all. on the fifteenth of august, the rescued crews sailed into the harbor of santo domingo. the governor, ovando, who had reluctantly agreed to send for columbus, was now in a hurry to get him away. whether the governor was afraid of him, or ashamed because of the way he had treated him, or whether he felt that columbus was no longer held so high in spain, and that, therefore, it was not wise to make much of him, i cannot say. at any rate he hurried him off to spain, and on the twelfth of september, 1504, columbus turned his back forever on the new world he had discovered, and with two ships sailed for spain. he had not been at sea but a day or two before he found that the ship in which he and the boy ferdinand were sailing was not good for much. a sudden storm carried away its mast and the vessel was sent back to santo domingo. columbus and ferdinand, with a few of the men, went on board the other ship which was commanded by bartholomew columbus, the brother of the admiral, who had been with him all through the dreadful expedition. at last they saw the home shores again, and on the seventh of november, 1504, columbus sailed into the harbor of san lucar, not far from cadiz. he had been away from spain for fully two years and a half. he had not accomplished a single thing he set out to do. he had met with disappointment and disaster over and over again, and had left the four ships that had been given him a total wreck upon the shores of jamaica. he came back poor, unsuccessful, unnoticed, and so ill that he could scarcely get ashore. and so the fourth voyage of the great admiral ended. it was his last. his long sickness had almost made him crazy. he said and did many odd things, such as make us think, nowadays, that people have, as we call it, "lost their minds." but he was certain of one thing--the king and queen of spain had not kept the promises they had made him, and he was determined, if he lived, to have justice done him, and to make them do as they said they would. they had told him that only himself or one of his family should be admiral of the ocean seas and viceroy of the new lands; they had sent across the water others, who were not of his family, to govern what he had been promised for his own. they had told him that he should have a certain share of the profits that came from trading and gold hunting in the indies; they had not kept this promise either, and he was poor when he was certain he ought to be rich. so, when he was on land once more, he tried hard to get to court and see the king and queen. but he was too sick. he had got as far as beautiful seville, the fair spanish city by the guadalquivir, and there he had to give up and go to, bed. and then came a new disappointment. he was to lose his best friend at the court. for when he had been scarcely two weeks in spain, queen isabella died. she was not what would be considered in these days either a particularly good woman, or an especially good queen. she did many cruel things; and while she talked much about doing good, she was generally looking out for herself most of all. but that was not so much her fault as the fault of the times in which she lived. her life was not a happy one; but she had always felt kindly toward columbus, and when he was where he could see her and talk to her, he had always been able to get her to side with him and grant his wishes. columbus was now a very sick man. he had to keep his bed most of the time, and this news of the queen's death made him still worse, for he felt that now no one who had the "say" would speak a good word for the man who had done so much for spain, and given to the king and queen the chance to make their nation great and rich and powerful. chapter xiii. the end of the story. any one who is sick, as some of you may know, is apt to be anxious and fretful and full of fears as to how he is going to get along, or who will look out for his family. very often there is no need for this feeling; very often it is a part of the complaint from which the sick person is suffering. in the case of columbus, however, there was good cause for this depressed and anxious feeling. king ferdinand, after queen isabella's death, did nothing to help columbus. he would not agree to give the admiral what he called his rights, and though columbus kept writing letters from his sick room asking for justice, the king would do nothing for him. and when the king's smile is turned to a frown, the fashion of the court is to frown, too. so columbus had no friends at the king's court. diego, his eldest son, was still one of the royal pages, but he could do nothing. without friends, without influence, without opportunity, columbus began to feel that he should never get his rights unless he could see the king himself. and sick though he was he determined to try it. it must have been sad enough to see this sick old man drag himself feebly to the court to ask for justice from the king whom he had enriched. you would think that when king ferdinand really saw columbus at the foot of the throne, and when he remembered all that this man had done for him and for spain, and how brave and persistent and full of determination to do great things the admiral once had been, he would at least have given the old man what was justly due him. but he would not. he smiled on the old sailor, and said many pleasant things and talked as if he were a friend, but he would not agree to anything columbus asked him; and the poor admiral crawled back to his sick bed again, and gave up the struggle. i have done all that i can do, he said to the few friends who remained faithful to him; i must leave it all to god. he has always helped me when things were at the worst. and god helped him by taking him away from all the fret, and worry, and pain, and struggle that made up so much of the admiral's troubled life. on the twentieth of may, 1506, the end came. in the house now known as number 7 columbus avenue, in the city of valladolid; in northern spain, with a few faithful friends at his side, he signed his will, lay back in bed and saying trustfully these words: into thy hands, o lord, i commit my spirit! the admiral of the ocean seas, the viceroy of the indies, the discoverer of a new world, ended his fight for life. christopher columbus was dead. he was but sixty years old. with tennyson, and whittier, and gladstone, and de lesseps living to be over eighty, and with your own good grandfather and grandmother, though even older than columbus, by no means ready to be called old people, sixty years seems an early age to be so completely broken and bent and gray as was he. but trouble, and care, and exposure, and all the worries and perils of his life of adventure, had, as you must know, so worn upon columbus that when he died he seemed to be an old, old man. he was white-haired, you remember, even before he discovered america, and each year he seemed to grow older and grayer and more feeble. and after he had died in that lonely house in valladolid, the world seems for a time to have almost forgotten him. a few friends followed him to the grave; the king, for whom he had done so much, did not trouble himself to take any notice of the death of his admiral, whom once he had been forced to honor, receive and reward. the city of valladolid, in which columbus died, was one of those fussy little towns in which everybody knew what was happening next door, and talked and argued about whatever happened upon its streets and in its homes; and yet even valladolid hardly seemed to know of the presence within its gates of the sick "viceroy of the indies." not until four weeks after his death did the valladolid people seem to realize what had happened; and then all they did was to write down this brief record: "the said admiral is dead." to-day, the bones of columbus inclosed in a leaden casket lie in the cathedral of santo domingo. people have disputed about the place where the discoverer of america was born; they are disputing about the place where he is buried. but as it seems now certain that he was born in genoa, so it seems also certain that his bones are really in the tomb in the old cathedral at santo domingo, that old haytian city which he founded, and where he had so hard a time. at least a dozen places in the old world and the new have built monuments and statues in his honor; in the united states, alone, over sixty towns and villages bear his name, or the kindred one of columbia. the whole world honors him as the discoverer of america; and yet the very name that the western hemisphere bears comes not from the man who discovered it, but from his friend and comrade americus vespucius. like columbus, this americus vespucius was an italian; like him, he was a daring sailor and a fearless adventurer, sailing into strange seas to see what he could find. he saw more of the american coast than did columbus, and not being so full of the gold-hunting and slave-getting fever as was the admiral, he brought back from his four voyages so much information about the new-found lands across the sea, that scholars, who cared more for news than gold, became interested in what he reported. and some of the map-makers in france, when they had to name the new lands in the west that they drew on their maps--the lands that were not the indies, nor china, nor japan--called them after the man who had told them so much about them--americus vespucius. and so it is that to-day you live in america and not in columbia, as so many people have thought this western world of ours should be named. and even the titles, and riches, and honors that the king and queen of spain promised to columbus came very near being lost by his family, as they had been by himself. it was only by the hardest work, and by keeping right at it all the time, that the admiral's eldest son, diego columbus, almost squeezed out of king ferdinand of spain the things that had been promised to his father. but diego was as plucky, and as brave, and as persistent as his father had been; then, too, he had lived at court so long--he was one of the queen's pages, you remember that he knew just what to do and how to act so as to get what he wanted. and at last he got it. he was made viceroy over the indies; he went across the seas to hayti, and in his palace in the city of santo domingo he ruled the lands his father had found, and which for centuries were known as the spanish main; he was called don diego; he married a high-born lady of spain, the niece of king ferdinand; he received the large share of "the riches of the indies" that his father had worked for, but never received. and the family of christopher columbus, the genoese adventurer--under the title of the dukes of veragua--have, ever since don diego's day, been of what is called "the best blood of spain." if you have read this story of christopher columbus aright, you must have come to the conclusion that the life of this italian sea captain who discovered a new world was not a happy one. from first to last it was full of disappointment. only once, in all his life, did he know what happiness and success meant, and that was on his return from his first voyage, when he landed amid cheers of welcome at palos, and marched into barcelona in procession like a conqueror to be received as an equal by his king and queen. except for that little taste of glory, how full of trouble was his life! he set out to find cathay and bring back its riches and its treasures. he did not get within five thousand miles of cathay. he returned from his second voyage a penitent, bringing only tidings of disaster. he returned from his third voyage in disgrace, a prisoner and in chains, smarting under false charges of theft, cruelty and treason. he returned from his fourth voyage sick unto death, unnoticed, unhonored, unwelcomed. from first to last he was misunderstood. his ideas were made fun of, his efforts were treated with contempt, and even what he did was not believed, or was spoken of as of not much account. a career that began in scorn ended in neglect. he died unregarded, and for years no one gave him credit for what he had done, nor honor for what he had brought about. such a life would, i am sure, seem to all boys and girls, but a dreary prospect if they felt it was to be theirs or that of any one they loved. and yet what man to-day is more highly honored than christopher columbus? people forget all the trials and hardships and sorrows of his life, and think of him only as one of the great successes of the world--the man who discovered america. and out of his life of disaster and disappointment two things stand forth that all of us can honor and all of us should wish to copy. these are his sublime persistence and his unfaltering faith. even as a boy, columbus had an idea of what he wished to try and what he was bound to do. he kept right at that idea, no matter what might happen to annoy him or set him back. it was the faith and the persistence of columbus that discovered america and opened the way for the millions who now call it their home. it is because of these qualities that we honor him to-day; it is because this faith and persistence ended as they did in the discovery of a new world, that to-day his fame is immortal. other men were as brave, as skillful and as wise as he. following in his track they came sailing to the new lands; they explored its coasts, conquered its red inhabitants, and peopled its shores with the life that has made america today the home of millions of white men and millions of free men. but columbus showed the way. chapter xiv. how the story turns out. whenever you start to read a story that you hope will be interesting, you always wonder, do you not, how it is going to turn out? your favorite fairy tale or wonder story that began with "once upon a time," ends, does it not, "so the prince married the beautiful princess, and they lived happy ever after?" now, how does this story that we have been reading together turn out? you don't think it ended happily, do you? it was, in some respects, more marvelous than any fairy tale or wonder story; but, dear me! you say, why couldn't columbus have lived happily, after he had gone through so much, and done so much, and discovered america, and given us who came after him so splendid a land to live in? now, just here comes the real point of the story. wise men tell us that millions upon millions of busy little insects die to make the beautiful coral islands of the southern seas. millions and millions of men and women have lived and labored, died and been forgotten by the world they helped to make the bright, and beautiful, and prosperous place to live in that it is to-day. columbus was one of these millions; but he was a leader among them and has not been forgotten. as the world has got farther away from the time in which he lived, the man columbus, who did so much and yet died almost unnoticed, has grown more and more famous; his name is immortal, and to-day he is the hero columbus--one of the world's greatest men. we, in america, are fond of celebrating anniversaries. i suppose the years that you boys and girls have thus far lived have been the most remarkable in the history of the world for celebrating anniversaries. for fully twenty years the united states has been keeping its birthday. the celebration commenced long before you were born, with the one hundredth anniversary of the battle of lexington (in 1875). it has not ended yet. but in 1892, we celebrated the greatest of all our birthdays--the discovery of the continent that made it possible for us to be here at all. now this has not always been so with us. i suppose that in 1592 and in 1692 no notice whatever was taken of the twelfth day of october, on which--one hundred and two hundred years before--columbus had landed on that flat little "key" known as watling's island down among the west indies, and had begun a new chapter in the world's wonderful story. in 1592, there was hardly anybody here to celebrate the anniversary--in fact, there was hardly anybody here at all, except a few spanish settlers in the west indies, in mexico, and in florida. in 1692, there were a few scattered settlements of frenchmen in canada, of englishmen in new england, dutchmen in new york, swedes in delaware, and englishmen in maryland, virginia and the carolinas. but none of these people loved the spaniards. they hated them, indeed; for there had been fierce fighting going on for nearly a hundred years between spain and england, and you couldn't find an englishman, a dutchman or a swede who was willing to say a good word for spain, or thank god for the man who sailed away in spanish ships to discover america two hundred years before. in 1792, people did think a little more about this, and there were a few who did remember that, three hundred years before, columbus had found the great continent upon which, in that year 1792, a new republic, called the united states of america, had only just been started after a long and bloody war of rebellion and revolution. we do not find, however, that in that year of 1792 there were many, if any, public celebrations of the discovery of america, in america itself. a certain american clergyman, however, whose name was the rev. elhanan winchester, celebrated the three hundredth anniversary of the discovery of america by columbus. and he celebrated it not in america, but in england, where he was then living. on the twelfth of october, 1792, winchester delivered an address on "columbus and his discoveries," before a great assembly of interested listeners. in that address he said some very enthusiastic and some very remarkable things about the america that was to be: "i see the united states rise in all their ripened glory before me," he said. "i look through and beyond every yet peopled region of the new world, and behold period still brightening upon period. where one contiguous depth of gloomy wilderness now shuts out even the beams of day, i see new states and empires, new seats of wisdom and knowledge, new religious domes spreading around. in places now untrod by any but savage beasts, or men as savage as they, i hear the voices of happy labor, and see beautiful cities rising to view. i behold the whole continent highly cultivated and fertilized, full of cities, towns and villages, beautiful and lovely beyond expression. i hear the praises of my great creator sung upon the banks of those rivers now unknown to song. behold the delightful prospect! see the silver and gold of america employed in the service of the lord of the whole earth! see slavery, with all its train of attendant evils, forever abolished! see a communication opened through the whole continent, from north to south and from east to west, through a most fruitful country. behold the glory of god extending, and the gospel spreading through the whole land!" of course, it was easy for a man to see and to hope and to say all this; but it is a little curious, is it not, that he should have seen things just as they have turned out? in mr. winchester's day, the united states of america had not quite four millions of inhabitants. in his day virginia was the largest state--in the matter of population--pennsylvania was the second and new york the third. philadelphia was the greatest city, then followed new york, boston, baltimore and charleston. chicago was not even thought of. to-day, four hundred years after columbus first saw american shores, one hundred and sixteen years after the united states were started in life by the declaration of american independence, these same struggling states of one hundred years ago are joined together to make the greatest and most prosperous nation in the world. with a population of more than sixty-two millions of people; with the thirteen original states grown into forty-four, with the population of its three largest cities--new york; philadelphia and chicago--more than equal to the population of the whole country one hundred years ago; with schools and colleges and happy homes brightening the whole broad land that now stretches from ocean to ocean, the united states leads all other countries in the vast continent columbus discovered. still westward, as columbus led, the nation advances; and, in a great city that columbus could never have imagined, and that the prophet of one hundred years ago scarcely dreamed of, the mighty republic in 1892 invited all the rest of the world to join with it in celebrating the four hundredth anniversary of the discovery of america by columbus the admiral. and to do this celebrating fittingly and grandly, it built up the splendid white city by the great fresh water sea. columbus was a dreamer; he saw such wonderful visions of what was to be, that people, as we know, tapped their foreheads and called him "the crazy genoese." but not even the wildest fancies nor the most wonderful dreams of columbus came anywhere near to what he would really have seen if--he could have visited the exposition at chicago, in the great white city by the lake--a "show city" specially built for the world's fair of 1893, given in his honor and as a monument to his memory. why, he would say, the cathay that i spent my life trying to find was but a hovel alongside this! what would he have seen? a city stretching a mile and a half in length, and more than half a mile in breadth; a space covering over five hundred acres of ground, and containing seventeen magnificent buildings, into any one of which could have been put the palaces of all the kings and queens of europe known to columbus's day. and in these buildings he would have seen gathered together, all the marvelous and all the useful things, all the beautiful and all the delightful things that the world can make to-day, arranged and displayed for all the world to see. he would have stood amazed in that wonderful city of glass and iron, that surpassingly beautiful city, all of purest white, that had been built some eight miles from the center of big and busy chicago, looking out upon the blue waters of mighty lake michigan. it was a city that i wish all the boys and girls of america--especially all who read this story of the man in whose honor it was built, might have visited. for as they saw all its wonderful sights, studied its marvelous exhibits, and enjoyed its beautiful belongings, they would have been ready to say how proud, and glad, and happy they were to think that they were american girls and boys, living in this wonderful nineteenth century that has been more crowded with marvels, and mysteries, and triumphs than any one of the arabian nights ever contained. but, whether you saw the columbian exhibition or not, you can say that. and then stop and think what a parrot did. that is one of the most singular things in all this wonder story you are reading. do you not remember how, when columbus was slowly feeling his way westward, captain alonso pinzon saw some parrots flying southward, and believing from this that the land they sought was off in that direction, he induced columbus to change his course from the west to the south? if columbus had not changed his course and followed the parrots, the santa maria, with the pinta and the nina, would have sailed on until they had entered the harbor of savannah or charleston, or perhaps the broad waters of chesapeake bay. then the united states of to-day would have been discovered and settled by spaniards, and the whole history of the land would have been quite different from what it has been. spanish blood has peopled, but not uplifted, the countries of south america and the spanish main. english blood, which, following after--because columbus had first shown the way--peopled, saved and upbuilt the whole magnificent northern land that spain missed and lost. they have found in it more gold than ever columbus dreamed of in his never-found cathay; they have filled it with a nobler, braver, mightier, and more numerous people than ever columbus imagined the whole mysterious land of the indies contained; they have made it the home of freedom, of peace, of education, of intelligence and of progress, and have protected and bettered it until the whole world respects it for its strength, honors it for its patriotism, admires it for its energy, and marvels at it for its prosperity. and this is what a flying parrot did: it turned the tide of lawless adventure, of gold-hunting, of slave-driving, and of selfish strife for gain to the south; it left the north yet unvisited until it was ready for the strong, and sturdy, and determined men and women who, hunting for liberty, came across the seas and founded the colonies that became in time the free and independent republic of the united states of america. and thus has the story of columbus really turned out. happier than any fairy tale, more marvelous than any wonder book, the story of the united states of america is one that begins, "once upon a time," and has come to the point where it depends upon the boys and girls who read it, to say whether or not they shall "live happily ever after." the four hundred years of the new world's life closed its chapter of happiness in the electric lights and brilliant sunshine of the marvelous white city by lake michigan. it is a continued story of daring, devotion and progress, that the boys and girls of america should never tire of reading. and this story was made possible and turned out so well, because of the briefer, but no less interesting story of the daring, the devotion and the faith of the determined genoese sailor of four hundred years ago, whom men knew as don christopher columbus, the admiral of the ocean seas. proofreading team at https://www.pgdp.net the son of columbus by molly elliot seawell author of "the lively adventures of gavin hamilton" "the rock of the lion" "a virginia cavalier" etc. illustrated harper _&_ brothers publishers new york and london mcmxii copyright, 1912, by harper & brothers printed in the united states of america published september, 1912 [illustration: then, rising, the admiral took his son in his arms] [see page 205 contents chap. page i. looking seaward 1 ii. the dawning of the light 24 iii. the castle of langara 49 iv. the last sigh of the moor 72 v. the splendor of the dawn 102 vi. the harbor bar is passed 134 vii. the joyous hearts of youth 160 viii. sunrise off the bar of saltes 191 ix. gloria 214 illustrations then, rising, the admiral took his son in his arms _frontispiece_ fray piña glanced within the room and thought they were making acquaintance very fast _facing p._ 4 garcilosa suddenly gave his antagonist a thrust upon the sword-arm " 94 the signing of the documents of agreement " 126 author's note very few liberties have been taken with history, and these few are merely of detail. the signing of the final pact with the spanish sovereigns by columbus really took place on the plains of santa fé, outside of granada, but it is represented, for dramatic effect, as taking place in the alhambra. also, the celebrated order of columbus directing his captains, after sailing seven hundred and fifty leagues due west, to make no more sail after midnight was given at the canaries instead of at palos. irving's _life of columbus_, the best yet written, has been strictly followed in dates. m. e. s. the son of columbus i looking seaward on a bright october noon in 1491 two lads sat in a small tower room in the monastery of la rabida, talking together with that profound interest which two human beings feel, who have recently met and whose lives will be closely united for some time to come. one of them was don felipe de langara y gama, already, at sixteen, the head of one of the greatest ducal families in castile. the other was diego, the eldest son of the genoese navigator and map-maker, by name, christopher columbus, or, as the spaniards called him, christobal colon. the lads were fine types of two extremes of station. diego was a model of sturdy strength for his age. he inherited the piercing blue eyes of the genoese navigator--those commanding eyes, once seen, were unforgettable. his fair skin was freckled by living much in the open, and his wide, frank mouth expressed resolution as well as a charming gaiety of heart. diego, however, could be serious enough when occasion required. he had known more in his short life of the rubs of fortune, of hope deferred, of splendid dreams and heartbreaking disappointments, of courts, of camps, of penury, of luxury, than many men know in the course of a long span of years. don felipe, born in a palace and knowing that at sixteen he would inherit the wealth and splendid honors of his dead father, the duke de langara y gama, was yet all simplicity and good sense. his slight figure was more muscular than it appeared, and the softness of his black eyes belied the firmness of his character. both lads alike were dressed with extreme plainness, the grandee of spain wearing no better clothes than the son of the genoese captain. they were so absorbed in each other that they had no eyes for the glowing scene visible through the iron-studded door, open wide upon the parapet. below them lay the green gardens and orchards of the monastery. beyond, stretched the town and the port of palos, where the masts and hulls of the caravels and other vessels of the time were outlined against the deep sea and blue sky. some of these vessels were unloading, and others were taking on their cargoes, the sailors singing cheerfully as they worked. farther off still, the "white horses" of the blue atlantic dashed wildly over the bar of saltes, the sun glittering upon the crested waves. over the whole of the andalusian coast and the rolling hills beyond was that atmosphere of peace and plenty which made andalusia to be called the granary, the wine cellar, the gold purse, and the garden of spain. the two lads were quite oblivious of all this, and even of the nearness of their instructor, fray piña, the young ecclesiastic who had charge of them, and who was at that moment leaning over the parapet outside the open door. fray piña glanced within the room; he could not hear what diego and don felipe were saying, but it was evident from their attitudes--both leaning eagerly across the rough table, strewn with writing implements and the manuscript books of the period--that they were deeply interested in each other. "they are making acquaintance very fast," thought fray piña to himself. "it is best to leave them alone. don felipe needs the companionship of just such a boy as diego, and diego needs the companionship of just such a boy as don felipe." it was this very point which the boys were discussing. "and so," don felipe was saying, "my mother, doña christina, who is obliged to be much at court, because she is a lady-in-waiting to queen isabella, said the court was not a good place in which a youth should be wholly brought up, especially a faithless youth like me. nor does my mother think it well to have my sister, doña luisita, at court yet, as she is but fourteen; so luisita remains with her governess at the castle of langara when my mother attends the queen. and my mother asked fray piña to take charge of me for a year, with another youth of my age, and without rank; and we should be schooled together, and dress plainly, and be disciplined." [illustration: fray piña glanced within the room and thought they were making acquaintance very fast] "i think fray piña is the man for discipline," replied diego, laughing. "and i suppose your lady mother knew that fray piña would treat us exactly alike--you, a grandee of spain, and i, the son of the genoese navigator, christobal colon, as the spaniards call my father. but look you, don felipe, i am the son of the greatest man who ever trod spanish earth, and some day the world will know my father to be that man." as diego said this he straightened up and looked don felipe in the eye; he expected his statement to be questioned. don felipe, however, surprised him by saying, quietly: "so fray piña told doña christina, my mother." a flush of gratified pride shone in diego's frank face. "my father will still be the bravest navigator that ever lived, even if he never returns from his voyage," continued diego, proudly. "all the other navigators in the world have been satisfied to creep along the shores, never going out of sight of land. my father means to steer straight into the uncharted seas, sailing due west. he will have but two nautical instruments, a compass and an astrolabe, but he will have the stars by night and the sun by day, and god's hand to help him--for my father is a man who fears god and nothing else. he will steer due west, and will come to a great continent with vast ranges of mountains, superb rivers, larger and longer than any we know, huge bodies of water, mines of gold and silver and minerals of all sorts, strange birds, animals, and peoples--everything far more splendid than this old europe. all the seafaring men believe in my father--far more than the learned men do--because the sailors know that my father understands more about the seas than any living man. already, although my father is not an admiral, the captains and the pilots and the sailors at palos call him the admiral. every mariner in the port of palos bows low to my father." "but he will be an admiral before he sails," said don felipe, catching diego's enthusiasm. "yes," answered diego, "he demands that he shall become the admiral of the ocean seas, viceroy and captain-general over all the lands he discovers. and also my father asks, if he goes on this great errand for spain, that i shall be taken to the court with you and become a page-in-waiting to prince juan, the heir to the thrones of arragon and castile. is that much to ask? well, my father will do ten thousand times more for spain." "perhaps," said don felipe, after a pause, "that is why we are to be schooled together and then go to court together. are you frightened at the thought of the court?" "no," answered diego, sturdily. "i never heard," said don felipe, "of a foreigner and the son of a man without rank being page to a royal prince." "it is the first time," said diego, calmly, "and it will not often be repeated. if the other pages, sons of the greatest nobles of castile and arragon, dare to say anything to me about it i have my answer ready. i will say, 'i am the son of a man who never said or did a base thing in his life, who is courteous to a beggar, and not abashed in the presence of kings and queens--for i have seen my father in the presence of king ferdinand and queen isabella--who honors god, and who is the very boldest man that ever sailed blue water." "that is right," said don felipe, "but i can tell you, diego, there are a great many things at court that are not pleasant. you think fray piña is strict. he is not half as strict as the master of the pages at court. for when anything goes wrong fray piña will listen to an excuse, but the master of the pages listens to no excuses. the pages of honor are required to be on duty long hours and are not permitted to read or do anything except to watch their royal masters and mistresses. they must rise early and stay up late. they can have no games or amusements except those which are permitted the royal princes. i warrant, diego, there will be many times when you will long for the fields and orchards of la rabida, the fishing in the summer, and being able to play with any boy you may like, and to read a pleasant book when so inclined." "that may be true," replied diego, stoutly, "but we shall have the horse exercise and the sword exercise; we shall see much of soldiers, and we shall enjoy living like men instead of like boys. but, after all," he cried, laughing, "i am not yet at court. the king and queen are still considering whether they shall help my father. only of one thing i am certain--that my father will one day be a great discoverer." "i know it, too," said don felipe, with boyish confidence. "the very first time i beheld your father i felt as i never did toward any man before. i watched him, and listened to him, thinking to myself, 'when i am an old man the boys will ask me, "tell me when did you first see the great admiral?"' and i want you to tell me how you first came to this place." "i remember it all well enough, although i was but a little lad of seven--just as old as my little brother fernando is now. i even remember things before that--the life i led with my father, going from place to place on foot, sleeping at the humblest inns and in the huts of peasants, nobody willing to listen to my father. then my father made for the sea, there to take ship for england, and when we reached the monastery gate i was half dead, i was so hungry and tired. my father rang the bell and asked a little milk for me. it was brought me by brother lawrence, the lay brother here; he was a young man then. oh, you will like brother lawrence--he is here still. while i was drinking the milk, the prior, juan perez, passed through the courtyard where we sat and stopped and spoke to my father. i tell you this, don felipe, no matter whether people believed in my father or not in those days, they always treated him with personal respect. the prior got in conversation with my father, and in a little while told brother lawrence to take care of me. oh, what a happy day that was! all day brother lawrence took care of me, playing ball in the orchard and teaching me to fish in the fish-pond, and at night he put me to bed on a little pallet in a room where my father was to sleep. all day the prior had been with my father, and i recollect that i was waked by my father coming into the room, and the prior followed him. it was as if he could not leave my father. then i went off to sleep, and in the middle of the night i again waked, and my father and the prior were still bending over the maps and talking. i remember, however, i was such a little boy, that i thought we should have to leave that happy place at daybreak and take the road once more in weariness. but in the morning my father asked me: "'diego, do you like this place?' "and i said yes, and i was so sorry we were going away, and he said: "'we shall remain here some days, my little diego.' "that made me so happy! we stayed here fourteen days. i played all day long in the orchard and by the fish-pond with brother lawrence. and then there were other boys, the two pinzons, martin and alonzo, and the son of the physician dr. garcia, and the sons of the pilot fernando rodriguez." diego suddenly stopped talking. he had the instinctive good sense not to talk too much about himself. "go on," cried don felipe, "i want to know every word about your father, everything that happened, so when i am an old man i shall be able to tell people about the great admiral." diego's eyes shone, and he kept on. "all the seafaring men in palos, especially the great ship-owners the pinzons and the pilot rodriguez, were called to the monastery by the prior, and they all listened to my father and wondered and admired, and told the prior my father was right and by sailing to the westward he would discover land. so, then, the prior wrote a letter to the great queen isabella, whom he knew, and sent it to her by rodriguez the pilot. rodriguez came back saying the queen commanded my father to come to her at cordova. he went to cordova, and took me along. i was sorry to leave brother lawrence and the boys i played with every day. i do not recollect much about cordova, i was such a little lad. i thought i should see the great queen isabella with her crown on and king ferdinand with his scepter, and how surprised i was when i saw only a gentle lady, very simply dressed, sitting with the king in a small room. they were, however, on a dais, and i sat down on the steps. presently i fell asleep, and when i waked up my head was on the queen's knee, and she was looking down at me with smiling eyes. i do not remember my own mother; but when i looked into the eyes of queen isabella i knew what a mother's eyes were like. she was ever kind to me later, in all the many times that my father wearily went to court and followed the king and queen about, even when encamped with their soldiers." "when will your father return?" asked don felipe. "i do not know; but it will be soon, i think." as diego spoke there was a sound of clattering hoofs on the stones of the courtyard. "that is my father!" said diego. at that moment fray piña turned from the parapet and entered the room. instantly both lads bent over their books as if they had no thought but study. fray piña smiled slightly; they had not looked at a book since their tutor had been out of the room. fray piña took up a treatise on mathematics and began to question the two boys. neither of them did very well, their thoughts being with the admiral in the courtyard and the news he might bring from granada, where the siege of the moorish city was in progress, and the success he might have had with the spanish sovereigns. but fray piña went on relentlessly. diego felt as if he could scarcely remain in his seat; and don felipe's eyes wandered everywhere, his wits going with his eyes. at last a knock was heard at the door, and the ruddy, good-natured, boyish face of brother lawrence, the young lay brother who worked in the garden and milked the cows and attended to the mules, appeared at the door. "his excellency christobal colon," he said, giving columbus the name the spaniards called him, "has arrived, and begs fray piña to excuse diego for an hour." "you are excused," said fray piña; and the next moment was heard the sound of diego's footsteps as he rushed down the stone stairs, two at a time, and dashed into the sunny courtyard. standing in the courtyard talking with the prior, juan perez, was columbus. from him had diego inherited the tall, slim, but muscular figure. the hair of the great admiral was quite white; his complexion was weather-beaten; his eyes were the eyes of a man born a captain. all masters of men have the indomitable eye--the eye whose glance conveys the command of a master before the lips can speak the word. in columbus the power to command was writ large all over him--not only to command others, but to command himself. suddenly the little fernando, seven years old, led by brother lawrence, came into the courtyard and ran forward, and at the same moment diego appeared. instantly the admiral's stern face softened. he took the little boy in his arms, kissing and blessing him, and then clasped diego to his breast. diego caught his father in a strong embrace, and rubbed his smooth, boyish cheek against the admiral's bronzed face. the admiral, as he was already popularly called, returned warmly the boy's caress, and then, holding him off at arm's length, said to him: "how have you behaved since last i saw you?" "not very well," answered diego, candidly, looking into his father's eyes. "it is so hard to study in sunny weather, and don felipe and i went fishing and overstayed our time twice." the admiral said nothing; and the prior, a grave, handsome man, but not unkindly in his aspect, looked hard at diego. "then," said diego, after a pause, and forcing himself to speak, "the first day don felipe came i found the prior's mule at large, and don felipe and i got fray piña's mule out of the stable and ran races until we were caught and stopped." "and punished," added the prior, quietly. "but there has been no lying or deceit or anything base in the conduct of your son, christobal colon." "then," answered the admiral, "the rest is easily forgiven. return now to your studies, and when i have finished my conversation with the prior, and when fray piña will give you leave, then will i speak with you at length." the admiral was more indulgent to the little fernando, who remained, clinging to his father's hand. diego returned to the tower room quickly. he might have lagged, but he knew that the admiral's silent watchfulness followed him. when he sat down again at the table he made an honest effort to concentrate his mind on what fray piña was saying, and managed to do so until the mathematical lesson was over. then was it time to go to the refectory for dinner. the refectory was a large, bare room except for a long table at which the monks dined. at the farther end sat the prior with the admiral, as the guest of honor, on his right. no conversation was allowed, and after grace was said one of the monks at a reading-desk read aloud from the scriptures while the simple meal went on. diego heard not one word of what was being read. he could only fix his eyes upon his father, across whose gray head a beam of sunlight shone like an aureole. the admiral, however, put strict attention to the reading. it was as if his extraordinary mind, like everything about him, were under the control of his will and, as a revolving light, could be turned at pleasure upon any subject. when dinner was over, the two youths expected, as usual, to be given an hour's recreation in the sunny orchard in which was a fish-pond, that was diego's delight. but he was bitterly disappointed when fray piña said to him: "it was this day a week ago that you and don felipe raced the mules. let us go up to the study now and spend that wasted hour in mathematics." diego and don felipe exchanged rueful glances, but said nothing. fray piña had a deadly ingenuity in paying off for all their pranks, and had no doubt waited for this day when the orchard and the fish-pond and the blue sky called to the lads, "come and be happy." instead, however, of talking and fishing and frolicking, as they usually did at that hour, the two lads spent the time being put through their paces by fray piña. by the time they had answered one question another was propounded, and the blackboard in the tower room was covered with figures. it was a sort of mental exercise for fray piña himself, and when the hour was over diego and don felipe were thoroughly tired out with hard work and incessant figuring. fray piña himself looked weary, and his black hair lay damp upon his forehead under his skull-cap. "you have both done well," he said, "and showed more proficiency than i expected. you may now have two hours' recreation instead of one. the prior's mule and mine are both in the stable, but i apprehend they are both safe." diego and don felipe hung their heads at this, but were glad to rush into the fresh, bright air once more. in the kitchen garden, next the orchard, they found brother lawrence, of whom both were fond. one of their favorite amusements was to engage in wrestling bouts with brother lawrence. diego was strong for his age, and don felipe was a skilful wrestler; but they were no match for the brawny lay brother, who, with his cassock tucked up, laid the two youths out on the grass at his pleasure. at last came the message for which diego had been longing, to go to his father in the admiral's room. diego first ran to the little room which he occupied with don felipe, and washed off the stains he had encountered with the green earth, and put on a collar of clean linen--the admiral was irreproachably neat and always rebuked sternly the least untidiness on the part of diego. in a few minutes diego found himself in the guest-chamber with a window looking seaward. the admiral was gazing out toward the atlantic with an expression of concentration. his eyesight was extraordinarily strong and clear, and at fifty-three he could see farther than diego's young eyes. he turned as diego entered and clasped the boy in his arms. grave as was the great admiral, no man had more in him of tenderness. the admiral seated himself in a great chair, and diego, drawing up a stool, put his arm about his father's neck and prepared to listen. "the time has come, diego," said the admiral, "when king ferdinand and queen isabella will redeem their promise. they told me that when the end of the war to drive the moors from spain was in sight, they would then provide me with ships for my enterprise. the moors are now in their death struggle in the city of granada, their last stronghold. the city is encompassed on every side; every gate is commanded and no provisions can enter. nor can the moors make any sortie beyond the vega, because the armies of castile and arragon are encamped about them, and the town of santa fé stands guard over the main gate of granada, called the gate of justice. the moors cannot hold out longer than the first of the year, and i think it well to be upon the spot to remind the king and the queen of their promise. i have seen and talked with doña christina de langara y gama, the mother of don felipe. she is a woman of wisdom and good heart, and she thinks it will be well to have don felipe and you go to santa fé. it will be a lesson in learning and valor to you both and will give you the opportunity of seeing great events and greater persons. if my request is granted, that you be made a page of honor to prince juan, i would wish that you should see something first of the persons to whom you may be attached. i have great confidence in doña christina, who has promised to take an interest in you while i am on my voyage. it is arranged that fray piña and don felipe shall spend some weeks at the castle of langara, and doña christina has asked that you remain there while i go on to santa fé. i shall go to santa fé alone, not knowing what my plans are until i have an audience with the king and the queen. doña christina is now at langara, but after some days she will proceed to santa fé to attend the queen." diego could scarcely believe his ears for joy. in an instant he realized the splendid prospect: he was to go to granada, to witness the end of the siege, to see the king and the queen, soldiers and statesmen--it seemed like a glorious dream to a spirited and imaginative boy. his face glowed so that his father smiled. "does don felipe know?" gasped diego. "i do not know," answered the admiral, smiling; "but i do know that you long to tell him. i had many other things to say to you; but i have not the heart to keep you. go--" before the admiral could finish his sentence diego had darted out of the room. he caught sight, as he passed a window, of don felipe sitting on a bench near the fish-pond reading a book in the waning afternoon light. the first thing don felipe knew diego had dashed upon him, snatched the book from his hand, and was saying, joyfully: "don felipe! don felipe! we are to go to granada to see the end of the siege! we may see fighting--think of it, don felipe! we shall see soldiers, don felipe! and make a fine journey! and my father says your mother, doña christina, has asked that we may stay some weeks at the castle of langara, don felipe!" the admiral, passing the same window through which diego had seen don felipe, glanced out and saw the two lads dancing wildly, their arms about each other, don felipe's cap, with the insignia of his rank, on diego's head, and diego's cap, with no design at all, on don felipe's head. the sight brought a smile to the admiral's face. ii the dawning of the light soon it was time for supper, and all assembled once more in the great, bare refectory. diego and don felipe felt as if they were in a dream, so dazzled were they by the prospect before them. they had known what the admiral had demanded, and with the sanguine nature of youth they thought that all the admiral asked would be conceded, and already reckoned the great voyage to have been accomplished. but to go to granada, to see the close of the stupendous struggle, to be present in the hour of victory, was more than they had dreamed. nevertheless, though lost in rosy visions, they did not forget to eat their simple supper. when it was over and they went out into the courtyard, the admiral passed them, holding by the hand the little fernando. "go now," said the admiral to the child, "and find brother lawrence, that he may put you to bed, where you must sleep soundly until the birds call you in the morning." the child, used to prompt obedience, went away; and then the admiral said to the two youths: "come, don felipe and diego, and walk with me to the seashore, and i will tell you some of the wonderful things of the sea." don felipe's heart throbbed with pleasure. he felt a strange sense of being honored when he was treated as a son by the admiral. it was then about six o'clock on a warm october evening. not yet was the sun gone, and the western sky was all opal and gold and crimson. the rosy light reddened the far-off sea, and the white billows gleamed with an opaline light. the admiral walked between the two lads along the sandy road to the little town of palos. softly the bells of the little church of st. george were ringing, their mellow music mingling with the distant echo of waves beating the bar off the harbor. as the sound of bells reached them the admiral remained silent; diego knew that his father was making a silent prayer, a thing he often did. presently he spoke: "i love to hear the melody of church bells mingling with the sound of the sea, for the sea has a majestic voice like the voice of god." then the admiral began telling them some of the marvels of the sea, speaking in plain and sailor-like language. soon they entered the one long street of the town of palos. the day's labor was over for all, except the crews of some neapolitan vessels loading in haste in order to catch the tide that would take them over the bar, the sailors working cheerfully, singing as they toiled. the women were standing at their doorways, their children about them, while the workmen were returning from their labors. many were seafaring men who had made many voyages. they all turned and looked curiously after the admiral, every one saluting him with respect. when his back was turned some smiled; and some predicted evil, saying: "that man will take away with him some of the best mariners of palos, and they will never be seen again." others said: "we shall try to go upon that bold voyage." the admiral returned all salutations with dignity and courtesy. then, with the two lads, he entered the church of st. george, which was already dark. before the altar burned the undying sanctuary lamp. an old priest was leaving the altar, followed by a small fisher-boy not much bigger than the little fernando and wearing a white surplice over a scarlet cassock. when they were gone the admiral and diego and don felipe were in the church alone. the admiral knelt, as did the two youths, the admiral kneeling so long that diego and don felipe began to look with yearning toward the open door of the church, through which the cheerful sounds of evening floated. the voice of the night watchman calling the hour was heard as he marched up and down the street carrying a lantern on a pole. sounds of music and dancing rang from the courtyard of a little tavern near by, where a pack-train of mules had just arrived and the muleteers were making merry. the two youths were not often allowed out of the monastery at that hour, and they longed with the longing of boyhood to see the life and the gaiety of the town. a half-hour passed, and diego and felipe had remained admirably quiet; but now the limit of boyish endurance was reached. don felipe began to cough, and diego knocked over a footstool which made a fearful clatter in the stillness of the darkened church. the admiral rose and walked out, followed by diego and don felipe. never had the little seaport looked gayer or more picturesque. from many balconies and casements came the sounds of singing, and a handsome cavalier in a velvet mantle was coming down the street strumming his guitar and rehearsing the song he intended to sing under the window of his lady-love. on the quay some sailors were dancing to their own singing. all these sights and sounds were delightful to diego and don felipe; and the admiral, who had not forgotten that he was once a boy himself, indulged them in watching these pleasant sights. a number of fishwives, their skirts tucked up about their hips, stood watching the dancing sailors and laughing. diego, moved by a sudden impulse, ran up to a fat old fishwife, and seizing her by the hand rushed into the middle of the dancers and began the fandango. at that even the grave admiral laughed. don felipe made no move to join the dancers; but another fishwife, much stouter than the friend of diego, suddenly made a dash for him, crying: "come along, you pretty boy, and dance with me like a gentleman!" don felipe, with perfect grace and politeness, gave the fishwife his hand as though she were a court lady, and danced the fandango well and gracefully. the admiral, leaning against a stone wall, watched the merry scene. he was too wise to check the effervescent spirits of the two lads, and waited with as much patience for them to finish their frolic as they had waited for him to finish his prayers in the church. after half an hour, however, when the church bells chimed seven o'clock, the admiral turned and walked away from the town toward the shore, where there were only a few fishermen's huts. by the time he was clear of the quays he heard footsteps behind him, and diego and don felipe were running at top speed to join him. "i hope," said the admiral, turning pleasantly to the two youths, "that you enjoyed your dancing. when i was your age i did the same thing; i grew sober at an early age, but i do not like too much sobriety in early youth." "but, my father," said diego, taking his father affectionately by the arm, "you gave up dancing very early; but did you give up the love of fighting quite so soon? i have heard something about the time you tried to provoke a fight with the florentine fleet and dashed among them shouting, 'viva san giorgione!' the battle-cry of the genoese." "it was a rash and foolish thing," replied the admiral; "but i did many rash and foolish things in my youth. genoa seemed then on the verge of war with florence, and i was in command of a decked vessel in the genoese fleet, under the command of my uncle giovanni. we were going up the mediterranean with a fair wind when we discovered the florentine fleet of nine vessels coming down toward us on the same tack. my vessel, the san giorgione, was a fast sailer both on and off the wind and answered the helm beautifully. it came into my head that it would be a good thing for the cause of my country if we could destroy the florentine fleet then and there; but we could not attack them without provocation. like a rash young man, i thought it would be well to give the florentines provocation enough to attack us; so, knowing well the capacity of my vessel, i steered directly under the quarter of the florentine flag-ship. the florentine admiral was standing on the poop as we brushed past; when we came abreast of him i shouted, 'viva san giorgione!' as if the battle were on, and expected an answering cry from the florentines. but, mark you, the admiral was a steady man, not to be provoked by a wild young captain such as i was then. he raised his cap to me and shouted back, smiling, 'viva san giorgione!' with the greatest politeness. it was the last thing i expected, and disconcerted me much. i have often admired the coolness and restraint of the florentine admiral who would not allow himself to be moved by a piece of boyish insolence. after all, there was no outbreak of war between the two governments; but there might have been if the florentine admiral had not been so wise and master of himself." don felipe had never seen diego and his father together before, and diego's affectionate familiarity with the admiral impressed don felipe deeply. his first feeling toward the admiral had been one of awe, for there was a dignity and majesty in his bearing that struck all who saw him. but also there was a gentle unbending and sympathy with youth. don felipe soon felt no more afraid of the admiral than did diego, and when the admiral stopped and gazed out toward the ocean, leaning an arm upon the shoulder of each of the youths, don felipe felt his heart swell with gratification and affection. don felipe asked the admiral many questions, to which he responded and told them things of the deepest interest. the monastery of la rabida closed its gates at half-past eight o'clock, and a few minutes before the closing the admiral and diego and don felipe walked under the gray archway. the two lads went immediately to the small, bare room which they shared together, and each was soon in his hard little bed. but neither could sleep. both were excited by the thought of their coming journey; and don felipe was eager to see his mother, doña christina, and his young sister, doña luisita. "is the castle of langara very grand?" asked diego, in a whisper. "not very," answered don felipe, who was too sensible to boast of the splendors to which he was accustomed. "but i love to be there, because the life is very quiet and pleasant. my sister luisita and i spent all our childhood there. i long to see my sister--the sweetest sister in the world. she is not kept so close with her governess as most girls, and we are much together when i am at home. oh, you will like luisita!" diego said nothing. don felipe was his comrade; but he realized that don felipe's sister was a young lady of high rank, and he felt a natural delicacy in speaking of her. "fray piña is to go with us," diego whispered, after a while, in a slightly complaining whisper. "then we shall have to work at our books," promptly whispered back don felipe. "all that i fear is that the siege of granada may be over before we get there." next morning preparations were begun for the journey to the castle of langara, in the sierra nevada mountains, and later, to granada. on the following morning, in the cool, sweet october dawn, the cavalcade set forth. first rode the admiral and fray piña, with the good prior, juan perez, who was to ride one stage of the journey with them. all were mounted on the steady and sure-footed mules which were ordinarily used for traveling. diego and don felipe were also on mule-back. soon the sea was left behind, and the party began to mount the foothills. they traveled steadily, and did not draw rein, except to breathe the mules, until nearly eleven o'clock. then, in a glade a little way off from the highroad, they stopped for rest and their midday meal. when it was over, their elders talked gravely together before the prior returned to la rabida. diego and don felipe were left to themselves. they had no notion of resting quietly, and wandered about the forest, their arms entwined, putting into words their splendid dreams of adventure, which they were careful not to let their elders overhear. don felipe was talking of the prospect of once more seeing his mother, doña christina, and his sister, doña luisita. "how glad luisita will be to see me again!" he cried, a dozen times. "you see, luisita leads a very retired life; she has not so many things to interest her as i have, and, although i love her just as much as she loves me, i think she is lonelier without me than i am without her." "i wonder," said diego, "if we will find at the castle your cousin, don tomaso de gama, the daredevil knight of whom you have so often told me? i should like to meet him, you may depend upon it." "i hope we shall," cried don felipe. "he is the finest knight in the world, and so gay and handsome--oh, everybody likes don tomaso!" presently they were called to make their respects to the prior, who was returning to la rabida; this they did with much politeness. they loved the good prior; but they were glad they were not going back with him. at three o'clock they resumed their journey. they traveled all the afternoon, the road ever rising. at nightfall they stopped at a humble inn, only frequented by the poorest class of travelers; but there was nothing better in the neighborhood. diego thought the supper the worst he had ever tasted, the small, close rooms dark and dirty, and he felt inclined to speak of these discomforts. everything at la rabida was plain, but clean and wholesome. but he noticed that the admiral and fray piña made no complaint, and don felipe, accustomed to the splendors of a court and a castle, said no word showing dissatisfaction; and diego was shamed into keeping silence. next morning they resumed their journey. it was but three days to granada; but the castle of langara lay a long distance to the northward, and it was a good four days' journey to reach it. the weather remained beautifully clear, although the autumn air grew sharp as they climbed farther into the mountains. diego and don felipe enjoyed every step they traveled, and when they reached another bad inn, the second night, were secretly delighted that there was no room for them, so they had to sleep, rolled in their cloaks and blankets, on a little balcony open to the sky, with the quiet stars shining down upon them. the third night the two lads again slept out, this time in the courtyard of an inn. it was expected that they would reach the castle of langara by six o'clock on the fourth evening. they were now well into the sierra nevada mountains and were climbing a rocky road which led to a plateau upon which the castle stood. the trees were quite leafless, and they could see at intervals the great gray mass of the castle, which seemed much nearer than it was by road, as the highway ran around the base of the plateau and was ever on the rise. the daylight was not quite gone, and a crescent moon hung in the heavens, while a rosy glow flooded the western sky, and a band of gold on the horizon marked the departure of the royal sun. as the travelers rode steadily on they heard upon the stony path ahead the clatter of a horse's iron-shod hoofs coming at a hard gallop, and in a few minutes a cavalier came into view and rode straight for the admiral. "it is my cousin, don tomaso de gama, called by some the daredevil knight," whispered don felipe to diego. the appearance of don tomaso was most attractive to young eyes. he was extremely handsome, with a sparkle in his eyes; his horsemanship was superb, and his manner, in speaking to the admiral, graceful, though somewhat more debonair than was usual with those who addressed him. don tomaso, pulling up his horse, a powerful chestnut, bowed politely to the admiral, and said: "i believe i am addressing admiral christobal colon. i come from the noble lady doña christina, who sends me in advance to say that she is expecting with much eagerness you and your party, and that the castle and all that is in it are at your disposal. oh! hulloa! yonder is little felipe! how are you, lad?" the admiral bowed and smiled, while don felipe was secretly anxious for fear don tomaso had not treated the admiral with the deference to which he was accustomed. having been introduced to the rest of the party, don tomaso rode beside the admiral and entered into conversation with him. all, including diego and don felipe, noticed a marked change that came over don tomaso as he conversed with the admiral. the somewhat saucy manner of the daredevil knight grew every moment more respectful and he finally brought a smile to the admiral's grave face by frankly saying: "i do not wonder that you can treat with kings and princes as an equal. you are the first man i ever met of whom i was really afraid--but i grew afraid of you before you had spoken three times to me!" the party now entered a narrow road, leading by many windings to the castle gates. it was very dark and overhung with rocks and trees and capable of being defended. when they came out upon an open place in front of the fortress-like castle and faced the drawbridge, which was down, don tomaso took from his doublet a silver trumpet and gave three ringing blasts upon it. a warder on the tower of the main gateway replied with a single loud trumpet-call. lights were moving in the castle, and upon the highest point of the parapet there were figures faintly seen in the fast-falling darkness. "i see my mother and luisita on the parapet!" cried don felipe, seizing diego's arm. once inside the gateway the party dismounted, their tired mules were led away, and they crossed on foot a splendid courtyard with majestic piles of buildings all around it. diego had never seen anything so fine in his life. they entered the castle by a low and heavy archway with swinging lanterns overhead, while servants carried torches on the tips of long pikes. there, standing under the central lantern, stood the duchess de langara y gama. diego's first impression of her was of a mingling of dignity with kindness, grace with stateliness. she was still beautiful, although no longer young, and the resemblance of don felipe to her was marked. her dress was of dark-blue velvet, and her hair was adorned with jewels. next her stood doña luisita, a charming young girl of fourteen, the image of don felipe, with soft dark eyes and a skin like ivory. over her rich black hair was a thin white veil that fell to the edge of her white gown. as doña luisita stood under the mellow light of lanterns and torches, her white gown and flowing veil showing against the dark background, her hands clasped as she gazed toward don felipe, she seemed to diego like an angel, all whiteness and purity. don felipe, standing next to diego, held his arms out wide to his sister. the two could scarcely keep apart while their elders made ceremonious greetings. "welcome," said doña christina to the admiral, adding the picturesque spanish phrase: "my house and all that is in it are yours." the admiral bowed profoundly and kissed doña christina's hand and that of doña luisita, who was introduced to him. then don felipe advanced and was folded in the arms of his mother and sister. the rest of the party were introduced, don felipe saying, as the admiral presented diego: "this is my good friend and comrade, diego." nothing could exceed the kindness of doña christina's manner to diego; and doña luisita made him a low bow in return for his. doña christina, turning to the admiral, said: "my son is now the head of the house, and must take his father's place. he is inexperienced; but, like me, he feels honored by your presence under our roof. i know very well the high esteem in which the queen holds you and wishes all to hold you." the admiral expressed his thanks, and then, doña christina leading the way, they ascended a wide stone stair, and still another stair, where the apartments for the admiral and fray piña were prepared. "you are to sleep in the same room with me," whispered don felipe in diego's ear. "i asked my mother to arrange it so." after saying that supper would be served as soon as the travelers were refreshed, doña christina went to her own part of the castle. doña luisita had mysteriously disappeared. don felipe threaded his way through many halls and corridors, all very splendid, past sumptuous chambers, until he came to a large room with many small windows. it was comfortably furnished, but without luxury. "this was my room always," said don felipe. "there is a room next it where i studied, and my sister often studied there with me. below are my mother's apartments and my sister's. it is surprising how fast my sister is becoming a woman." diego said nothing of doña luisita, rather to don felipe's surprise. as soon as the lads were washed and dressed, after their long day's travel, they were summoned to supper. it was served in a splendid hall, hung with armor and with tapestries. the table was long, for the household was large. at the head of the table sat doña christina, with the admiral on her right and doña luisita on her left. next doña luisita sat her governess, whose name, señora julia enriquez, don felipe whispered to diego. she was very grave in manner and appearance, but not unhandsome. don felipe, taking the seat of his dead father, was at the foot of the table, and fray piña was placed on his right. the supper was sumptuous and ceremonious. doña christina was all kindness to the admiral, and her good sense and dignity were displayed in her conversation. when supper was over doña christina retired to her apartment; and don felipe, after seeing that all his guests were comfortable in their rooms, went to his own, where he found diego. "i think," said diego, gravely, "that señora julia is the sternest and severest lady i ever saw. she must be worse than fray piña." don felipe laughed aloud at this. "señora julia takes it out in looking stern. she is the mildest creature on earth. my mother says the only fault to be found with her is that she is too easy, and, especially, has ever let me torment her, poor lady, and has returned it with kindness. i will say, though, that i should not have been so tormenting to her if i had not loved her and did not know that she has loved me from a child. if she had told my mother of some of my pranks--well, it would have gone hard with me! now i am going to my mother, who has sent for me. go you with me to the library, where you will find many books and manuscripts--for i know that you love books almost as well as adventure." don felipe then took diego to a library, large for those days. it was lighted with lamps hung from the ceiling. "here," said don felipe, handing diego a small manuscript volume of verse, "are the works of your italian poet, petrarca. i know you know italian better than spanish." "yes," replied diego, seizing the little book. "just as you know spanish better than italian--because it is your native tongue." don felipe went off, leaving diego in the dim library. diego looked about him in delight. never had he seen so many books together in his life. he began to read the volume of poems and grew so absorbed that he did not hear don felipe open the door, and only knew of his presence when don felipe, slapping him on the shoulder, cried: "come out of the clouds, diego! my mother wishes to speak with you. she has something to tell us both." diego went willingly enough. in a small, high-ceiled room close by was doña christina with doña luisita and señora julia. "i hope you will be happy while you are here," said doña christina to diego. "i have talked with the admiral, your father, and he tells me that he must depart to-morrow to seek the king and the queen at santa fé. after considering it, as i shall not be obliged to attend the queen for a month, the admiral and i have agreed that it is better for you and don felipe to remain here with me during that month. then we can travel to santa fé together." the first sensation of diego and don felipe was one of disappointment; their dream was to see the fall of the city of granada. doña christina, however, unconsciously reconciled them to this delay by adding: "all the information we have from granada shows that the city can scarcely be finally reduced before december, and during that long time both of you will be better off here than at santa fé." it was not so bad after all--that was the unspoken thought in the minds of diego and don felipe, and the meaning of the exchange of glances. doña christina talked to diego, telling him many interesting things concerning the castle, and was pleased with his admiration of the library. then she rose, saying: "i have many matters to attend to even at this hour, and i will leave you with señora julia." as soon as doña christina left the room señora julia sustained the reputation don felipe had given her. don felipe inquired concerning a certain old gentleman in the neighborhood who was supposed to admire señora julia very much. the poor lady was deeply embarrassed, and doña luisita came to the rescue by saying: "do not mind my brother, dear señora julia. he only says such things because they make you blush. do not pay the least attention to him." in spite of her ferocious appearance, señora julia proved no restraint on the three young people, who laughed and talked merrily together, señora julia joining with them. diego had never before been thrown with a girl of doña luisita's rank, and he was surprised and charmed at her gentle and unassuming manner. she was full of curiosity about the great voyage the admiral wished to take, and was well informed on the geography of the world as it was then known. several times señora julia said it was time for her to take doña luisita to her apartment; but every time don felipe, with much impudence but great affection, held her by force and would not let her rise from her chair. at last señora julia said, in consternation: "this is the hour that doña christina always comes to this room to say good night to doña luisita." this was enough. don felipe and diego scampered off as fast as they could run to their own room. iii the castle of langara the admiral was to start early in the morning, and diego and don felipe earnestly hoped that fray piña would accompany him. but to their secret chagrin they found that fray piña was to remain at the castle with them. they knew very well the meaning of this--hard study during many hours of the day, while the woods and mountains called to them to be explored, while the fish in the streams remained unmolested. there would be little hunting or fishing, and not much time to spend over the books of poetry and romance in the library. in addition, don tomaso de gama was to travel with the admiral to santa fé, from whence he had only been absent a short time. both youths bitterly regretted his departure, and that they would not have the delight of listening to his tales of adventure, his merry songs, nor enjoy his gallant and dashing manners and company. by daybreak diego and don felipe were up and dressed. already, below in the courtyard, they could hear the tramping of the travelers' mules. diego went to the admiral's room, and with him descended to the courtyard. early as it was, doña christina was present to say farewell to her guests. the admiral thanked her with his usual grave courtesy for her hospitality and, especially, her kindness in asking diego to remain and share don felipe's studies with fray piña. don tomaso, his foot in his stirrup, cried: "what a happy time you will have, diego and don felipe--no distractions from study--history, geography, astronomy, and mathematics in the morning, and mathematics, astronomy, geography, and history in the afternoon! now, at santa fé, i shall have a very hard time--watching the besieged city of granada, making sorties against the gates, living in a tent, jousting with other knights by way of pastime, riding in the tilt-yard--all the hardships and the pleasures of a soldier's life." don tomaso, laughing at the long faces of diego and don felipe, flung himself joyously on his horse. the admiral kissed and blessed both of the youths, and said, by way of consolation: "all will not be over at granada in one short month." then the cavalcade rode off. diego and don felipe were in terror for fear fray piña would call them to their studies at once; but even the stern instructor had a little mercy on them for two days, in which they were quite free. the two lads started out on foot in the clear october sunrise to climb the near-by mountains, to ford the streams, to enjoy themselves in that expenditure of energy which is the glorious patrimony of youth. don felipe had to show all of his haunts to diego, and together the two boys climbed and walked and slid down steep places and waded mountain streams, with the utmost enjoyment to themselves. both knew something about plants, thanks to fray piña, and they were surprised and delighted to find some beautiful pink orchids having their second blooming of the year. diego gathered them, roots and all, carefully, with much earth, saying: "these will i take to doña christina." "and i will take some to my sister, for her garden. you should see luisita's garden. she loves it well." they did not return to the castle until near sunset, and were tired, hungry, and dirty, but very happy. don felipe led the way to the back of the castle, where, sheltered from the north by high stone walls, was a warm spot, in which a formal little italian garden was laid out. here was doña christina with doña luisita and señora julia. luisita ran forward to greet them and at once noticed the plants diego was so carefully carrying. "i never saw that flower bloom in the autumn!" she cried. diego had the readiness to offer her some at once, saying: "the rest are for the noble lady, doña christina." then he won for himself the undying esteem of señora julia by presenting her with one of the plants. doña christina, who was very observant, thought well of diego for remembering the old governess, and as the three young people were busily planting the flowers, she said to señora julia: "the youth diego is well mannered. he knows how to behave to his elders." "truly he is," replied señora julia. "no youth can be called well mannered who does not observe politeness to the old and the obscure." soon it was time for supper; and diego and don felipe, washed and dressed and combed, were ready for it. the meal was not splendid and ceremonious as the night before, only the family being present, except diego and fray piña; but diego thought it one of the pleasantest hours he had ever passed. family life was unknown to him; the recollection of his mother, of his early childhood in lisbon, of the modest home in which the great admiral toiled to support his wife and child, and to assist from his narrow means his venerable father, and to help in the education of his younger brothers, was, to diego, like a faint and far-off dream. he had known many phases and vicissitudes of life in his short span of years, and had not been unhappy on the whole. but this sweet domestic life, the society of ladies at meals, the gentle restraint of their presence, was wholly new and delightful to him. the conversation was chiefly in the hands of doña christina, señora julia, fray piña, and the chaplain, with two or three other persons, officers of the great household maintained by the family of de langara y gama. occasionally doña christina referred courteously to diego or don felipe; but they were for the most part quiet listeners to the intelligent conversation of their elders, doña luisita too, being attentive to all that was said. after supper diego and don felipe had a delicious hour in the library, diego reading with don felipe his newly found treasure, the poems of petrarca. don felipe was glad to improve his italian by this reading, but laughed at diego for being so passionately fond of the sonnets. then came an hour most delightful of all to diego, motherless and homeless as he had long been. don felipe and he were summoned to the room of doña christina. there, every night, it was doña christina's practice to spend an hour with her children, and diego was included with the utmost kindness in this little family circle. doña christina's kind heart was touched at the thought of diego's lack of home life and home affection; fray piña had given her an excellent impression of the boy, and with the generosity of a warm heart doña christina wished to make diego happy and good, as she desired to make her own children. she therefore treated him as a son, and diego responded with the depth of gratitude and affection of a strong nature. doña christina encouraged the lads to talk freely of their hopes and plans, doña luisita listening intently. diego did not lose doña christina's respect by his high anticipations, his firm confidence that his father was about to make the greatest discoveries the world has ever known. "i have but one thing of which to be proud," said diego, frankly, to doña christina; "that is my father. i am not of great family like don felipe. i am the son of a poor man. i am not old enough to have done anything on my own account. but when i think of my father--his courage, his perseverance during nearly eighteen years, of his knowledge--for fray piña says my father is the ablest mathematician in spain--of the way my father commands the respect of all, from the great queen isabella down to brother lawrence, the servant--my heart swells so with pride my breast can hardly hold it." "that is the right kind of pride," quietly responded doña christina. "i know what the great queen thinks of the admiral, your honored father. i was proud to have a man of so much learning, courage, and virtue under my roof." then began for diego a time of new and unusual happiness, for it was more than mere pleasure. he was very sanguine, as the young must be, of the success of his father at court. king ferdinand and queen isabella had promised that as soon as the fearful struggle with the moors was over they would redeem the promise they had made and provide the admiral with the vessels and men he had asked for his voyage--a force so pitifully small for an enterprise so great that it staggered the imagination. and already it was known that the city of granada was unable to hold out longer than the first of the year. diego and don felipe gloried in the prospect of seeing the great military pageants that would mark the fall of the moorish power in spain; and diego was enough of a spaniard to feel a patriotic pride in the thought of driving the foreign invaders from the soil of spain. so they had splendid dreams of what they would see at santa fé, the city built in a day, as it were, across the narrow valley from granada and commanding its main gates, and where the armies of castile and arragon were encamped. meanwhile was a month of joy which was not seriously impaired by the fact that the two lads spent their mornings in hard study under the iron rule of fray piña. after twelve o'clock they were free to explore the mountains, to hunt, to follow the streams--all the healthy pleasures of an outdoor life. their respect for fray piña was increased by the vast knowledge he had of plants and animals, of sports and of the history of the region. sometimes they rode, sometimes they walked, always they enjoyed themselves. in the evening, when they returned, after they had made themselves presentable, they had the pleasant family supper in the great hall. afterward they went to the library and read for a while, and then doña christina would have them in her private room, where, with doña luisita and señora julia, fray piña and the chaplain, they had a delightful hour of conversation and reading. often doña christina would ask fray piña to read to them some interesting book. fray piña was well informed on astronomy, and on clear nights would give diego and don felipe lessons in the science of the stars. doña luisita was also a pupil in these lessons. doña christina and the chaplain became so interested that they too would join the group, of whom doña luisita and señora julia were a part, on the highest point of the main tower of the castle. there, in the sharp autumn nights, they would assemble, warmly wrapped in heavy riding cloaks, and listen to the mellow voice of fray piña explaining the mysteries of the palpitating stars and the serene planets that made the dark-blue sky radiant. often in after life and among different scenes the memory came back to diego of those hours spent on the tower by night, when earth seemed far away and doña luisita's eyes, so softly bright, shone like stars. when, at last, late in november, the day of departure from the castle of langara came and diego and don felipe were to take the road to granada, diego was amazed to find that he was sorry to leave. doña christina was going with them to begin her tour of duty as lady-in-waiting to queen isabella. doña luisita was to remain at the castle for the present in care of señora julia and the chaplain. on the last of their pleasant evenings doña luisita was very sad; and when they took their last lesson in astronomy, and were all together for the last time, tears dropped from doña luisita's dark eyes. all tried to comfort her, because it was not pleasant to be left behind. "never mind, doña luisita," said diego, "we will not forget you, don felipe and i, and, if doña christina will let us, we will put a little line at the foot of her letters--and i will try and make you some pictures of granada, although i cannot draw and paint as well as don felipe." don felipe, too, made many promises; and doña luisita submitted patiently, for doña christina, being a wise woman, was accustomed to exact prompt and uncomplaining obedience from both doña luisita and don felipe. on the cold, dark morning they rode away doña luisita showed a brave spirit and kept back her tears with smiles. doña christina and two of her waiting women were to travel on the sure-footed mules, as ladies did in those times. besides fray piña and diego and don felipe, there went for protection, six men armed with harquebuses and mounted, and the chief steward and his assistant. these last rode ahead to secure accommodations for the party, as they would be four nights upon the road. when the moment of farewell came in the gray of the early morning, diego felt strangely sad. doña luisita was clasped first in her mother's arms and then in don felipe's. diego made bold to kiss her hand. as the party clattered across the drawbridge, which was hauled up after them, and watched the lowering of the flag on the keep, signifying that the head of the house was absent, diego turned and gave a last look at the spot in which he had been so happy. "you look as if you did not want to see the fall of granada," said don felipe. "after all, we shall have many more pleasant days together at langara." "i hope so," replied diego, from the bottom of his heart. diego carried in the breast of his leathern jacket a treasure which had been given him by doña christina as a souvenir of his happy hours in the library of the castle. this was the little manuscript volume of petrarca, which diego had read for the first time with so much delight at langara. the party traveled on slowly but steadily. after a while the dark morning brightened and the sun shone gloriously. it is a privilege of youth to rally quickly from sadness. so it was that after a while diego's heart was light again, and he began to enjoy already, in anticipation, a return some day to the castle. don felipe's good spirits were contagious. the two youths were full of health, and of eager and ardent soul, each with a good horse under him, and traveling toward a scene of splendid adventures. diego surprised himself by bursting into a song, with a refrain: merrily, merrily we go, my steed and i, soon will we return, we will return, we will return! at every stage of their journey they were met with news of the impending triumph of the spanish arms. the country was ablaze with patriotism. for nearly eight hundred years the moors had occupied spanish territory, had built great cities and fortresses, and had maintained a great court at granada, in the magnificent palace of the alhambra, grander than that of the spanish sovereigns themselves. the moors were aliens and of another race; they had a different civilization, oriental in character and totally unlike the christian civilization. never, during all these eight hundred years, had there been peace in spain; nor would there ever be peace until the foreign invaders were driven out. gradually they had been hemmed in, their large cities taken, their fortresses forced to surrender, until now, under boabdil, a weak and effeminate king, granada alone remained to them. this had been invested on every side, no provisions had been carried to the city and garrison for many months, and it was only a question of a few weeks when it must surrender. the spanish sovereigns did not intend to carry the city by assault, not wishing to injure the women and children or to endanger the city by fire, but to reduce it by steady and incessant attacks. that hour was near at hand. the castilian army had borne its share in the campaign and siege, and its queen, isabella of castile, who had administered the civil government of arragon as well as castile while king ferdinand was in the field, was to join him at granada. the party from the castle of langara reached the neighborhood of santa fé early in the morning of the day queen isabella was to arrive, and thus were to witness the meeting between the queen of castile and the king of arragon; for, although they were husband and wife, they were independent sovereigns, and met first as such. early in the bright november morning, upon the last stage of their journey, the party from the castle was met by the admiral coming from santa fé to greet them. they met in the narrow pass of pinos, about six miles from santa fé. already the highway was crowded with the advance-guard of queen isabella's party, together with the great concourse which always flocks toward the scene of coming exciting events. the admiral was accompanied by don tomaso de gama and alonzo de quintanilla, an accountant to queen isabella, and who was the steady friend of the admiral. as soon as they met doña christina they all dismounted and respectfully greeted her. then the admiral embraced diego; and when greetings with all were exchanged they set forward briskly. doña christina wished to reach santa fé and put on the splendid attire of a court lady, in which to greet her queen. don tomaso, too, must return quickly, as well as alonzo de quintanilla. the admiral decided to return with them, so that diego and don felipe, with fray piña alone, standing on a rocky height directly overlooking the road, witnessed the splendid pageant of the meeting of the sovereigns. the multitude of persons was very great and of all sorts, from peasants to great nobles with their long trains of attendants. none suspected that the fair-haired and blue-eyed youth standing by the grave young ecclesiastic was the son of the man most talked of in spain at that moment, for the whole country was awake and alive to the projects of the admiral, who was derided by some, denounced by others, strongly supported by a few, and eagerly discussed by all. nor was it known that the slim, handsome, black-eyed lad was one of the first grandees of spain, inheritor of a great dukedom with all its wealth, honors, and responsibilities. on every hand the sights and sounds were enchanting to diego and don felipe. before them rose the splendid walled city of granada, the moorish flag with its silver crescent floating from the highest point of the citadel. the gilded domes and minarets of the doomed city glittered in the noonday light. on one side the ground fell away abruptly into a long, narrow gorge, through which the little river xeni flowed, bridged in many places. on the opposite heights the improvised city of santa fé stretched away, grimly watchful of the moorish stronghold. beyond that still were the long lines of the encamped armies of castile and arragon. all the troops were under arms to greet the queen. in a large open space between the armies was a splendid pavilion, of painted linen outside and luxuriously equipped inside, which king ferdinand had caused to be prepared for his queen. over it hung the gonfalon, the gorgeous banner of the two kingdoms, bearing on one side the castilian coat-of-arms and on the other that of arragon. from this camp first came a vast cavalcade of royal princes, nobles, knights, and soldiers, halberdiers and harquebusiers to meet the queen and her party. among them rode a number of ladies, of whom doña christina was one. as the procession wound its way over the plain toward the narrow road that led from the plateau into the lower country, music rang out, flags and banners fluttered gaily, and the armored knights seemed clad in gold, as the sunlight gleamed upon their coats of chain mail. first came a band of musicians playing the national hymns, followed by the trumpeters with their silver trumpets. then came the heralds in their gorgeously embroidered coats, followed by a group of the chief officers of state and the highest nobles in spain, all superbly mounted. next came the ecclesiastics, headed by the great cardinal pedro gonzalez de mendoza, afterward the firm friend of the admiral. in an open space, surrounded by the princes of his house, rode king ferdinand, a man of splendid appearance, a soldier as well as a statesman. he rode a magnificent charger and was all smiles, bowing to the applause of the thousands of spectators. after him rode prince juan, who, to diego and don felipe, was so far the most interesting person who had yet appeared. he was about their own age, extremely handsome, with an expression the most winning, a true son of his mother, the great queen isabella. diego thought it would not be hard to serve so gallant and so gentle a young man. behind them came a guard of honor, consisting of the foremost knights in spain. toward the end rode three young knights abreast who deeply interested diego. the first was his friend, don tomaso de gama, looking every inch a knight. on one side rode a dark young man, not handsome, but with a soldier's eye. this was gonzalez de cordova, afterward the celebrated general who won deathless glory in italy. on the other side rode the most beautiful knight diego had ever seen. he looked the embodiment of beauty, such as the greek sculptors gave to their young gods. it was ponce de leon, later on to discover porto rico and florida in his search for the fabled bimini--the fountain of perpetual youth. it was don felipe who gave diego the names of these and many others in the gorgeous cavalcade. when the procession reached the edge of the plateau it halted, the music was hushed, and a deep silence of expectancy followed. presently, from the narrow gorge beneath, floated the sweet sound of the silver trumpets, which was the signal of the queen's approach. instantly from the brazen throats of the king's trumpets came a joyous response. soon the head of the queen's procession came into view. it was as splendid, though not so large, as that of the king. the queen, after the fashion of the time, was mounted on a mule, splendidly caparisoned. queen isabella wore a superb riding costume of black velvet with a hat and feathers, and across her breast and on her slender arms was a delicate gold chain armor, showing that this great and noble queen, this tender wife and devoted mother, was also a warrior and a sovereign. on her right, similarly mounted, was the princess katharine, afterward the noble and unfortunate wife of the eighth henry of england. when queen isabella reached the plateau king ferdinand spurred his charger forward, but stopped when about twenty yards off and dismounted, approaching his wife with deep respect. although devotedly attached to each other, king ferdinand and queen isabella were yet independent sovereigns, and the great queen was the last person in the world to abate any of the honors and dignity due to her country and herself as its queen. prince juan and every one else dismounted. the king, first taking off his plumed helmet and sweeping the ground with it, bowed low to his wife. queen isabella, who had also dismounted, removing her hat from her head, revealed her beautiful chestnut hair, coifed with jewels, and returned the king's bow ceremoniously. then walking toward each other, they met, and the king kissed the queen formally on the cheek, as one sovereign kisses another on meeting. when that was over, however, the king and queen embraced and kissed heartily as husband and wife. prince juan, after ceremoniously saluting his mother, was also kissed and embraced. the young princess katharine was then clasped in the arms of her father and her brother. then, again remounting, the two processions united and took their way toward santa fé. the loud acclaims increased as the joint armies of castile and arragon beheld the queen whom they both adored; and, long after the procession had become a mere moving speck in the distance, the far-off sound of cheers and of swords drawn and driven back to their scabbards still floated across the little plain. the sight of ferdinand in all his splendor impressed diego deeply; but when his young eyes fell upon queen isabella a feeling of reverence stole into his heart which could only be compared with what he felt for his father. here was a woman, a queen, a saint, a gentlewoman, the soul of courtesy, the model of integrity, proud where she should be proud, meek where she should be meek, nobly ambitious for her country, the mother of her people, ready to lead her soldiers in battle like a king, and then kneeling by them and binding up their wounds as would a mother--diego's mind was lofty enough to render full tribute to this queen, one of the most glorious women who ever lived. iv the last sigh of the moor the short november afternoon was melting into twilight when diego and don felipe, with fray piña, took their way on horseback across the plateau to the town of santa fé. the plain was still thronged with persons going homeward after the great spectacle of the day, and with those who dwelt in santa fé or were encamped outside. the admiral had engaged lodgings for the party in a tall, old house, one of those in the original small town where he himself lodged. it was in a crooked and retired street, but diego and don felipe were delighted to find that one window of the room which they shared together, under the roof, looked toward the plain upon which were encamped the armies of castile and arragon, while another gave a view of the deep and narrow valley that lay between santa fé and the beleaguered city of granada. directly before them lay the "gate of justice," one of the main gates of the city, and from its towers they could hear, in the clear november air, the shrill cry of the muezzin, the moslem call to prayer. "prayer is better than sleep--than sleep--than sleep." after the traveler's supper, at which were present the admiral and his friend, alonzo de quintanilla, diego and don felipe were willing enough to go to their room. they felt as if they were living under a spell of enchantment. the splendid personages they had seen, the great events of which they were to be spectators, the pomp and glory of war, impressed their young imaginations powerfully. although tired with their long day of travel and excitement, they could not sleep. so an hour passed. they rose at last, and, as they were gazing out of the window toward the camp, at ten o'clock they noticed in the middle of the camp, lying a mile away, a great mass of flame shoot skyward. instantly the camp was roused, and there was a great commotion in the town. de quintanilla ran out of the house and, mounting his horse, still standing at the door, galloped away toward the camp. the fire, though violent, soon burned itself out, and in an hour de quintanilla returned with the news that the beautiful tents erected by the king for queen isabella, the princess katharine, and their suites, had mysteriously caught fire while the queen was at prayer in the tent arranged as a chapel. she had made an almost miraculous escape, and by her courage and presence of mind not a life had been lost, although the splendid row of tents, hung with rich brocades and gorgeously furnished, were only a heap of ashes. "the queen," said de quintanilla, to the listening group, "showed as ever the spirit of ten men-at-arms, being composed and even smiling, and saying that the humblest tent in the army is enough to shelter her, for she is a soldier like the rest of the army." the next morning diego and don felipe were not surprised when fray piña began at once the same routine that had been followed at la rabida and at the castle of langara. it was irksome to them and tantalizing to be held down to books and studies in their narrow little room, while living in the midst of a great camp with all its charms and fascinations for brave and imaginative boys. but they knew too much to appeal against it, for fray piña's stern rule was upheld by the admiral and by doña christina. still they enjoyed their new life and felt as if they were living every minute of it. the arrival of queen isabella had put new vigor into everything. the armies were impatient to take the city of granada by storm; but king ferdinand, a capable soldier, would not consider this. from spies and the moorish prisoners occasionally captured, both the king and the queen knew that there was utter demoralization within the walls of granada. the weak and effeminate spirit of the moorish king, boabdil, would not listen to the counsels of those who were willing to die with honor in an attempt to break out of the city. his eldest son, a boy of seven, had been captured by the spaniards when an effort was made secretly to transport the child to the coast. this had broken the heart of boabdil. he had no idea of civilized warfare, and would not believe the messages sent him that the boy was well cared for, and queen isabella charged herself with his welfare. the word "kismet"--"it is fate," paralyzed king boabdil. he waited where his ancestors had fought boldly and had taken desperate chances with unshaken courage. although there was still hard fighting to be done, the presence of the queen and her ladies led to many splendid entertainments, jousts, and tilts. neither diego nor don felipe, nor any of their party, saw anything of these brilliant gaieties. the admiral lived in retirement, except when he went to attend men in power, whose understanding and approval of his plans he wished to secure before making his final appeal to the sovereigns after the city should have fallen. he soon found that, although king ferdinand was not averse to the enterprise, he was quite willing to let the money for the expedition come out of the coffers of castile instead of arragon, and that the ships should be named by castilians. alonzo de quintanilla was a hard-working accountant who went to his daily labor early and remained late. in the evening he, and the admiral, fray piña, and the two lads, supped together; their talk was not of festivals, but of the chances of the great voyage of the admiral. sometimes, however, the party was increased by the presence of luis de st. angel, also an accountant of the queen, and father diego de deza, tutor to prince juan and one of the most scientific men of the age. to him, in later life, the admiral bore tribute in writing as one of the two men without whom he could never have got the support of the court of spain in his enterprise. the second man so immortalized was juan perez. with the two ecclesiastics and alonzo de quintanilla the admiral held long conferences, not only on scientific subjects, but on the best method of urging his plan upon the king and the queen when the time should be ripe. it was plain to the quick intelligence of diego and don felipe that the two ecclesiastics, both of them able mathematicians and astronomers, frankly conceded the superiority in mathematics and astronomy to the admiral, and their faith in his ideas was strengthened continually by the evidences of his extraordinary attainments, as well as his great natural powers and lofty and unsullied character. there were two others who sometimes joined this circle of remarkable men. one was don tomaso, who brought with him the beautiful knight, ponce de leon. in spite of his surpassing good looks, ponce de leon was an intelligent man, and had, for his own pleasure, studied navigation. he would talk much with the admiral and fray piña, studying maps and making astronomical calculations, while the daredevil knight, twirling his mustaches, clanking his sword, and rattling his great spurs, would charm diego and don felipe with stories of jousts at arms, for the favor of the ladies, and splendid balls at which those same ladies danced with gallant gentlemen. doña christina was in attendance upon queen isabella, who, with the king, lived in the midst of the camp in tents almost as splendid as those which had been destroyed by fire the first night of the queen's arrival. it was arranged that don felipe should visit his mother once a week; and the first visit he paid doña christina he asked permission to bring diego, which was granted. this gave diego great joy. not only did he wish to see the kind and gentle doña christina, but he longed ardently to see the splendid encampment, and the great queen, for whom he had a reverence and affection dating back to the days of his first visit to la rabida, and to whom he looked as the one person who would open the way of glory to his father. on the appointed day the two youths, with fray piña, set out on foot for the camp. they were both dressed alike, suitably, but with much simplicity. as the two started off from the door of their lodgings diego looked back, and a sudden pang went to his heart. his father, who stood watching him, was shabbily dressed, although with that extraordinary neatness which always distinguished him. it suddenly came home to diego the patient sacrifices made for him by his father, and a passionate desire welled up in his heart that some day he might repay that father, so noble in every way, and yet with the tenderness of a woman. but more cheerful thoughts filled diego's ardent young mind as he and don felipe, with fray piña, passed through the great encampment and finally came to the tents occupied by the queen and her ladies. doña christina received them with the greatest kindness, making courteous inquiries of the admiral and expressing much satisfaction when fray piña told her of the good conduct of don felipe and diego. "you shall be rewarded," said doña christina. "in an hour the queen sets forth to review the castilian troops, and, if fray piña will permit, you may both see that splendid sight." the heart of diego leaped with joy, and he and don felipe exchanged delighted glances. it was not doña christina's duty to attend the queen that day. when the blowing of the silver trumpets in the clear december noon announced that the queen was about to issue from her tent, fray piña and the two lads went out and stood at a respectful distance watching the splendid sight. the queen's charger, a superb war horse, was led out, and a brilliant array of knights and the gorgeous body-guard awaited her. queen isabella issued from her tent escorted by her ladies. she wore a handsome but simple riding costume and the same light but beautiful corselet and arm-pieces of glittering chain mail. on her delicate, fair head was a small and resplendent casque with purple plumes. she was that day the sovereign and the soldier. as she caught sight of fray piña she bowed to him courteously and spoke a word to doña christina, who beckoned to fray piña and the two youths. diego could have shouted for joy when he found himself approaching the queen. she spoke first to fray piña, and then to don felipe, saying: "i am pleased to hear, don felipe, that your conduct is good and that you have learned how to obey, which is a necessary thing for all who wish to live creditably in the world." then, turning to diego, she said, sweetly: "and this is diego, the son of the great captain whom i esteem highly. i remember this youth as a little lad when first his father came to me at cordova seven years ago." then the remembrance of diego falling asleep on the steps of the dais came to the queen, and she smiled, saying: "you were but a little lad then, and fell asleep with your head upon my knee. all youths of your age are dear to me, for in them i see the hope of spain." with that the great queen bowed in dismissal, and, mounting, showed perfect horsemanship as she put her horse to the gallop and rode off, followed by her retinue. the two boys, with fray piña, scampered through the camp and were able to reach a point where they had a full view of the castilian troops drawn up in splendid order upon the open plain. the queen's appearance was greeted with thundering cheers, with the clash of lances in the bright air, the joyous rattling of swords in their scabbards and salvos of artillery, and the playing of the national hymn. queen isabella rode up and down the ranks inspecting everything with a keen eye and sharp judgment, questioning the officers with the knowledge of a king as well as of a queen. when the inspection was over, the troops marched past, saluting their sovereign; and the queen, with the great standard of castile held above her, gracefully acknowledged every salute. the march-past over, the queen then visited the sick quarters of the camp, going through the hospital tents, cheering and encouraging the poor inmates. when this was over and the queen, with her retinue, returned to the royal tents, it was late in the afternoon. fray piña and the two lads were already in doña christina's tent to see the queen dismount. doña christina, within the tent, opened the door. she held by the hand a little black-eyed, dark-skinned, sad-looking boy about the age of little fernando. "this," she said, to fray piña, in spanish, which the child did not understand, "is the son of king boabdil, held as a hostage. every day the queen has the little boy brought to her, or visits him privately to show him some kindness. to-day she will come into this tent to speak to him." in another minute the queen entered unceremoniously from the adjoining tent. the little boy's sad face brightened as he saw her, and, letting go of doña christina's hand, he went willingly to the queen and respectfully kissed her hand. the queen, putting her arm around his shoulder, gave him a little toy, a horse, carved and painted, and said to him a few words in the moorish tongue. the boy, silent and undemonstrative, was yet not unfeeling, and his face showed a faint pleasure. the queen then entered into a short conversation with fray piña. she was fond of the society of learned men, and always treated them with much respect. fray piña, with quick art, brought in the name of the admiral, saying that father de deza and himself profited much by the admiral's superior scientific knowledge. "we are but postulants, madam," he said, "in mathematics and astronomy when compared with the genoese navigator. this father de deza and i often say to each other." the queen looked fixedly at fray piña, showing herself impressed by such words from such men. then, in a few moments, she left the tent, accompanied by doña christina, who still held the little prisoner by the hand. diego and don felipe then walked back through the sharp december afternoon to their lodgings in the town. the brilliant military spectacle they had seen made them long for more of the same kind. they were at the age when they chafed for action, not realizing how little prepared they were for it and that the stern rule under which they lived was the best school for them. still, so strong was the pressure brought to bear upon them by fray piña and by the admiral that they did well at their studies. meanwhile, they were not the only ones whose patience was painfully tried. the admiral had the promise of the king and the queen that as soon as the struggle with the moors was over they would arrange for the great voyage. it was only a question of time now when the city of granada must surrender. the arrival of the queen had put new force into an attack already vigorous. the spaniards gave the moors no rest by day or night. first at one gate and then at another, they made desperate assaults, overwhelming the moorish troops and driving them back with terrible loss into the city. the admiral, hoping that his sublime projects would immediately follow the fall of granada, was eager to make his arrangements that he might begin his voyage early in the summer. but at the moment when, after eighteen years of desperate and determined struggle, the dayspring of hope was at hand, an unexpected difficulty arose. fernando de talavera, archbishop of toledo, who was destined to be the first archbishop of granada, a man of honesty, but without enthusiasm, who had heretofore befriended the admiral, strongly opposed the honors which the admiral claimed in the event of his success. diego and don felipe knew this, not from the mouth of the admiral, who scorned to make any complaint, but from the conversation of those around them. diego saw his father go forth every day to wait in the anterooms of the great, who seemed to have no time to listen to him. the events passing before them were so brilliant and dazzling that they put off the more stupendous thing, the discovery of a new world. every day, in the evening, when the admiral returned, he showed unbroken patience; but diego knew that no progress had been made. once he heard his father say to fray piña: "i will wait here patiently until the fall of the city. if then no one will listen to me, i shall leave spain, and another country shall have the glory of my discoveries." all through december the cordon was tightened around the city, the loss inflicted on the moors greater, their sorties more desperate and more disastrous. it was hoped that by christmas the standard of the cross would float over the great mosque in the alhambra; but still the city held out desperately. on christmas day, however, an adventure happened that thrilled diego and don felipe and all who saw it. on that day the fighting had been unusually severe all around the city of granada, except on the plateau of the gate of justice, which faced santa fé. at midday, as the admiral, with fray piña and diego and don felipe, stood at an open window watching the fighting, they saw three carts, apparently loaded with provisions, steal out of a small ravine close to the gate of justice, and then trot rapidly to the gate. the carts were evidently seen and their burdens noted, for the postern-gate was instantly opened. the first cart entered and became at once wedged in such a manner that the gate could not be shut. suddenly a knight clad in a light and glittering chain armor and mounted on a superb black horse dashed up the acclivity, followed by fifteen other knights, all picked men. the admiral and fray piña recognized the leader, the gallant hernando perez del pulgar, a cousin of the prior, juan perez, and a man renowned for his daring even among the fearless and brilliant knights of spain. he carried on his lance-head a fluttering piece of linen; and, dashing at the narrow opening, his horse leaped over the cart, and was followed by another knight, whom diego and don felipe saw was don tomaso de gama. fourteen other knights rode into the gateway and disappeared. "what does it mean?" said diego, turning to fray piña. "it means, i fear," replied fray piña, "that those sixteen gallant gentlemen are lost to spain; they will never return." "i think they will," replied the admiral. "hernando perez del pulgar is a daring man, but prudent withal. he has not entered the moorish city to be trapped along with his companions; some of them will return." as the admiral spoke they saw the carts push slowly through the gateway and become strongly jammed with each other. "see," said the admiral, "the gate remains open. there is a stratagem, you may depend." by that time the word had sped from mouth to mouth through the town of santa fé and among the encamped soldiers of what was going on, and, like the admiral, all saw that the postern-gate was purposely blocked and kept open by the supposed food-carts. thus all eyes were fixed upon the open gateway, visible in the bright noon. the king and the queen had been informed, and had come from their tents, surrounded by the court, to watch the exciting event happening before their eyes. ten minutes passed, ten minutes of agonized tension and breathless anxiety, and then the black charger of del pulgar appeared before the open gate, and, making a magnificent leap over the carts, which acted as a wedge in the gate, the knight appeared shouting the battle-cry of spain: "santiago for spain!" he still carried his lance; but the fluttering piece of white linen was no longer there. he dashed down the declivity, followed by the fifteen knights, their numbers counted by tens of thousands of anxious eyes. as the last of the sixteen men leaped the cart a great cry went up from the city and camps of santa fé: "santiago, santiago for spain!" burst from the watching multitudes. many of the women were weeping with excitement and triumph. as the sixteen men disappeared in the valley don felipe found himself clasping diego, both of them shouting in their high, boyish voices: "santiago, santiago for spain!" at that moment alonzo de quintanilla burst into the room with the great news. "the brave knight, del pulgar," he said, "meaning to do honor to christ on this christmas day, had a christian prayer painted on a piece of linen to nail upon the doors of the great mosque in granada. he arranged a stratagem by which a gate of the city should be open, and then, riding in with his companions, he galloped up to the door of the great mosque and nailed upon it with his dagger the christian prayer. the moors were so taken by surprise that they could not stop him. not one of the sixteen knights received a scratch." the eyes of the admiral shone bright. he loved deeds of valor, and the daring of the young knights pleased him well. while the elders of the party were discussing the splendid dash of del pulgar and the possibilities of the siege, diego, who was standing at the open window, silently motioned to don felipe to join him. they saw a moorish officer ride out from the gate of justice and walk his horse up and down the plateau of the vega. he wore the heavy turban, under which the moors had a small steel skull-cap, and he had on a breastplate and his arm-pieces of solid armor. he carried no lance or shield, but only a great curved sword, such as the moors used. his horse was a milk-white arabian with a long and flowing mane and tail, dyed purple at the ends. from the horse's tail floated, tied with bands of red and yellow, the spanish colors, a piece of white linen. a cry of rage and horror went up from the watching multitudes of santa fé; it was the christian prayer that had been nailed to the door of the mosque by hernando perez del pulgar, and which the moorish warrior had torn down and was dragging at his horse's heels in full sight of the christian city and armies. the admiral and fray piña and alonzo de quintanilla turned to the window and saw what was happening. great crowds were already assembled, and the streets of santa fé and the walls of granada were black with people. the moorish warrior passed slowly toward the edge of the valley, or rather ravine, and, reining up his horse, dashed an iron glove as far as he could throw it toward santa fé. the challenge did not remain long unanswered. across the bridge of the xeni and up the rocky roadway a spanish cavalier was seen urging his horse. "that is manuel garcilosa," said alonzo de quintanilla. "i know him well. he is not of noble birth; but, by heaven! he will be ennobled if he rescues the christian prayer from the moor." garcilosa, like the moor, had neither lance nor shield, but a sword, which, like most of the spanish swords, was a toledo blade, made of the finest strength and temper. arrived on the plateau, garcilosa stopped to breathe his horse, a noble chestnut. man and horse stood motionless, as if cast in bronze. the moor advanced warily, his horse at the trot. garcilosa, his sword in rest, seemed waiting for the onslaught. when the moorish warrior was within twenty yards of garcilosa, he gave his horse the spur, and the chestnut sprang forward like an arrow released from the bow. the moor also put spurs to his horse to meet the shock, but garcilosa was too quick for him. the arabian horse swerved a little, answering a touch of the bridle; but the chestnut, dashing full at him, man and horse were ridden down. the white horse had fallen upon his master; but with the intelligence of the arabian he struggled to his feet in an instant. the moorish warrior rose, too, as garcilosa dismounted. then followed a desperate combat on foot. the moor was the heavier man; the spanish gentleman the more active. they fought in a narrow circle, the clashing of their swords ringing out in the clear december air. blood streamed from the faces of both, and presently the moor was seen to stagger. garcilosa suddenly gave his antagonist a thrust upon the sword-arm which brought him to the ground. then, running to the arabian, which stood perfectly still, garcilosa, first tearing away the christian prayer and putting it in his breast, took his toledo blade and cut off the flowing tail of the arabian horse. cries resounded from the people on the walls of the city. the horse was of the breed of the prophet mohammed, and to cut off his tail was reckoned sacrilege. the moor still lay insensible on the ground; and garcilosa, vaulting into the saddle upon the white horse, gave his own chestnut steed a thwack with the sword, which sent him flying back down the road he knew, followed by his master on the arabian steed, hard galloping. once more shouts and cries of "santiago, santiago for spain!" rent the air. [illustration: garcilosa suddenly gave his antagonist a thrust upon the sword-arm] when garcilosa rode into santa fé he was met by a messenger from the king and the queen. with del pulgar he received the thanks of both and the cheers of the men and the tears of the women. that day garcilosa was ennobled, becoming don garcilosa del vega, in commemoration of the spot on which he fought his gallant fight. on january 1, 1492, the offer of surrender was made by king boabdil. the following day the moorish king and all his followers passed out of granada and left spain free from the foreign invaders after nearly eight hundred years. the joy and triumph of the day inspired every heart, even the torturing soul of the great admiral, who was forgotten and overlooked in the universal excitement. all the highest nobles and grandees of spain--the warriors, the statesmen, the scholars, all that made spain great--were assembled on that january day to see the surrender of boabdil. only one man, and he the greatest of them all, was not provided with a place and a position. that was the admiral, christobal colon. diego, however, sharing as he did everything with don felipe, was enabled by the thoughtfulness of doña christina to see the inspiring spectacle. the surrender of king boabdil to the spanish sovereigns was to take place near a little stone building, until that time a mohammedan mosque. on that day it had been consecrated as a christian chapel, the chapel of san sebastian. early in the morning the two lads, with fray piña, walked through the town, which was wild with jubilation, down the rocky path to the place assigned for them. already vast crowds of persons were assembled. the spaniards had taken possession of the city the day before, and fernando de talavera had been created archbishop of granada. to him was allotted the honor of raising the standard of spain over the great mosque, now to become a christian cathedral. some expressed pity for the unfortunate moorish king; but fray piña, a man of lion heart, had only contempt for him. "he has no courage," said fray piña, to the two lads, watching the enormous concourse coming together and the marching across the plain of the armies of castile and arragon. "instead of showing his people an example of fortitude in adversity, he mounted his mule and rode all through the streets of granada beating his breast and tearing his beard and wailing: 'woe is me! woe is me!' and inciting the people to shrieks and bewailing. do you think our great queen isabella in the place of the moorish king would have so acted? no; she would have met disaster with the same calmness that she meets triumph. no cry would have come from her lips, no beating of the breast, no tearing of the hair. she would have been the same great queen in defeat as well as in triumph." every moment in the bright january day the multitude grew larger and more brilliant. the sound of martial music filled the air as the victorious armies assembled and the sun glittered upon the casques, the shining arms, and the splendid standards. presently the royal procession appeared. the king and the queen, with their son, prince juan, and their daughter, the princess katharine, all superbly mounted and surrounded by a magnificent train of nobles, knights, and ecclesiastics, rode across the plain toward the little chapel by the side of the rocky road. as diego and don felipe were watching the glorious sight they heard doña christina's voice close by them. she was leaning out of a closed litter, with the curtains slightly drawn back. within the litter a glimpse could be caught of the little moorish boy, the son of king boabdil. fray piña, with don felipe and diego, obeying a signal from doña christina, advanced to the litter. "the queen," whispered doña christina, "directed that the little boy be brought here, so at the moment of king boabdil's surrender the poor king may have a moment's joy in seeing his child alive and well. remain by me until the queen calls for me." the king and the queen were now approaching very near. the face of king ferdinand shone with triumph; and queen isabella, although calmness and dignity itself, had a glorious light in her eyes and a flush in her cheek deeper than any one had ever seen there before. her patriotism as a castilian, her pride as a sovereign, her earnestness as a christian, were all exalted by the driving forth from her kingdom of the enemies of the people and of the christian religion. it was, indeed, a stupendous event for spain. the sound of music, the cheering, and all excited conversation quickly ceased, as from the gate of justice of the city on the heights came forth a cavalcade. a silence like death seemed to fall upon the world, which was broken by a sudden, loud crash of masonry. at the request of king boabdil, the gate behind him had been forever closed by the destruction of the towers of masonry on each side of the gateway, thus blocking it up forever. every heart was thrilled by the sound, preternaturally loud in the clear january day. the procession of the conquered wound its slow way down the hillside, across the bridge, and up again, until it reached the spanish sovereigns. then boabdil, a miserable, downcast object, without dignity or fortitude, slipped from his horse and would have prostrated himself upon the ground and kissed the hand of king ferdinand; but this the king magnanimously forbore, himself dismounting as did the queen, out of courtesy to the fallen monarch. at the same time the moorish vizier handed to king ferdinand the keys of the city of granada. the king passed them to queen isabella, as granada was in the territory claimed by castile. these the queen in turn gave to prince juan, heir to the thrones of castile and arragon, who handed them in his turn to the count de tendila, the new spanish governor of the city of granada. at that moment doña christina, slipping from the litter and holding by the hand the little moorish prince, led him to the queen and placed his hand in hers. as king boabdil made his obeisance to her, queen isabella placed the hand of the child in that of the father. the little boy gave a sharp cry of joy, and the poor weeping boabdil caught his son to his breast. then, in the midst of a death-like silence, every eye saw rising slowly over the citadel of granada the red and yellow standard of spain, the gonfalon, until it floated over the flag of the crescent, which came down quickly. a great shout that seemed to shake the earth, a crashing of music, a roaring of artillery, broke forth as if the whole world rejoiced. the king and the queen, going into the christian chapel of san sebastian, until that morning a moorish mosque, fell on their knees and gave thanks to god for the liberation of their country from the invader and for the triumph of the christian religion. the event was up to that time the most glorious in the history of spain and the most important. but a day was about to dawn for spain more brilliant, more imposing, more full of triumph than any country on the globe has ever known, a day never yet surpassed in all the countries upon which the sun has risen since. v the splendor of the dawn the spanish court, the army, and the whole nation gave itself up to gladness at the driving from spanish soil of the moorish invaders. the city of granada had to be invested, its government established, the people who remained provided for, and all of the vast details settled of a new acquisition. the court remained at santa fé, although often giving audiences and holding splendid functions in the magnificent palace of the alhambra in the city of granada. there were great reviews of troops, receptions of ambassadors, gorgeous religious ceremonials in the consecration of the moorish mosques into christian churches. through it all diego and don felipe pursued their quiet, studious life under the stern rule of fray piña. every day the admiral went upon his usual round, visiting those persons who were interested in his scheme and those in power whom he hoped to interest in it. father diego de deza and alonzo de quintanilla remained his steadfast friends. at last, one day, a fortnight after the surrender of granada, de quintanilla brought the joyful news that the king and the queen were prepared to redeem their promise to the admiral, that when the war with the moors had reached a conclusion they would assist him in his enterprise. diego and don felipe were wild with delight. to them it seemed as if the voyage were already made and concluded, the admiral returning loaded with honors and diego made a grandee of spain. they watched the admiral set forth, plainly but suitably dressed, and with that incomparable air of dignity and composure that always made him a marked man. all during the morning fray piña found his pupils inattentive and more disposed to reverie than work; but under his sharp admonition they were compelled to pay attention. it was a little after noon when the sound of steps was heard upon the stairs, and the admiral and alonzo de quintanilla entered the room. de quintanilla appeared deeply agitated, and for the first time there were indications of subdued anger on the admiral's part; but his voice, in speaking, was composed. "all is over," he said to fray piña; "i have appeared for the last time before the great council. they recognize the value of my enterprise; but under the leadership of fernando de talavera, the archbishop of granada, an honest man but narrow, they declare that my claims are extravagant and should not be allowed. i, in my turn, declared that if i return i shall give to spain far more than what i claim--the title of admiral of the ocean seas and viceroy and captain-general of all the lands i discover, and my son diego to be page-in-waiting to prince juan in my absence and to become a grandee of spain if i return successful. if the spirit of pride be in this, it is a just and honorable pride. i ask only what i shall acquire by my own strength. those things have been refused me in advance. now, after nine years of effort, i shall make no further appeal to the court of spain. perhaps the king of france will be as generous and more just than the sovereigns of spain." the shock of painful surprise kept all silent until fray piña spoke in a low voice. "this is indeed a calamitous decision for spain." "true," said alonzo de quintanilla, "but i will say that the admiral's course is but just. he treated with the representatives of the king and the queen with a noble haughtiness, proving himself their equal, and demanded firmly, as they recognized the magnificence of his scheme, that he, at least, should have those honors which must go to some one. shall he, the discoverer, be under the authority of a viceroy or another admiral? they thought he would be intimidated, that in his anxiety to carry the matter through he would yield what he thought his due; but he would not." and then, growing scarlet in the face, de quintanilla suddenly brought his fist down on the table and shouted: "upon the heads of those persons, and especially upon the archbishop of granada, will lie the loss of a new world to spain!" the admiral remained silent for a moment, and then with his usual calmness began to make arrangements for his immediate departure with diego for france. diego and don felipe were stunned. they knew not until the moment of separation came how quickly and strongly the bond of brotherhood had been forged between them. their elders left them alone, the admiral telling diego to pack at once his few books and clothes, as they were to mount and ride within three hours. it took but a short time to collect diego's books and clothes, don felipe helping, and neither lad saying much. it seemed to them an eternal separation, and it was indeed doubtful if they would ever meet again. don felipe drew from his finger a little ring made of two hoops entwined. he took them apart and, placing one on diego's finger, he put the other back on his own. "as long as we wear each the half of this ring," he said, "we shall be friends still, no matter how far separated." at last, with his small belongings packed in a portmanteau and his cloak around him, diego with don felipe went down the stair, their arms entwined about each other's shoulders. at the door stood a horse for the admiral and another for diego, both equipped for hard travel. there were but three persons to say farewell to the admiral--fray piña, alonzo de quintanilla, and luis de st. angel, controller of the ecclesiastical revenues. all showed marks of the deepest grief and chagrin at the loss of the honor and glory for which they had hoped for their country. no word of remonstrance was said, however, as the admiral made his farewells. no one could have judged from his composure that this meant the wreck and ruin of eighteen years of constant and earnest effort, nine of which had been spent in spain. the farewells were soon said, diego and don felipe kissing each other on the cheek silently. as diego flung himself into the saddle and rode off, tears were dropping upon his face; but he said no word. they rode rapidly in the cold january afternoon and were soon clear of the town. many persons recognized the admiral and looked after him curiously, not understanding the meaning of his sudden departure. when the admiral and diego reached the highroad they rode still faster. the sky was overcast, and a fine, small rain began to fall. they met few travelers, and those mostly seeking shelter. when they had ridden nearly an hour and were nearing the pass at the foot of the mountain of elvira, where many desperate battles had been fought between the moors and the christians, the tears were still dropping upon diego's face; the whole world seemed dark to him. the admiral then said to him, gently: "i see you have a good heart, for you are still grieving for don felipe." "yes," answered diego, "and for you, my father." "it is as god wills," replied the admiral, upon whose lips those words were often heard. the gorge grew dark in the winter twilight, and the rough road was slippery with rain and snow. they had just crossed the bridge of pinos when behind them they heard the clattering of horses' hoofs coming at a sharp gallop. neither the admiral nor diego turned to see who was coming. suddenly, the rider, on his steaming horse, came alongside and, laying a bold hand upon the admiral's bridle, brought the horse back on his haunches. in the gloom of the evening the daredevil knight, don tomaso de gama, was recognized. "i come, christobal colon, with the command of her majesty, the queen, that you are to turn about and ride back to santa fé with me--now--this instant--in the present moment." even as don tomaso spoke he turned the head of the admiral's horse around; but the admiral checked him. "i honor and respect her majesty, the queen," he said, sharply; "but i owe her no allegiance. i was born a subject of the duke of genoa, and i am a naturalized subject of the king of portugal." "that is all very well, christobal colon, born a subject of the duke of genoa and a naturalized subject of the king of portugal, but i have ten good men-at-arms within a stone's throw, and if you will not ride back with me holding the reins in your own hand you shall ride back with your hands tied behind your back and a man-at-arms on each side of you holding your bridle." at that diego heard what he had known but seldom in his life, a clear laugh from the grave admiral. the impudence of the young knight, the threat of force against a man accustomed to command all, like the admiral, could not but move to laughter. don tomaso, suiting the action to the word, gave the admiral's horse a sharp cut, and before they knew it all three were trotting rapidly back across the bridge. the admiral held the reins in his own hands; but the daredevil knight kept a firm grip upon the bridle. "and for what does her majesty, the queen, wish me to return?" asked the admiral. "i do not know," responded don tomaso. "i have not been accustomed to ask the king and the queen their reasons; but i know that luis de st. angel went straight to her majesty, queen isabella, and told her plainly that she was throwing away the greatest honor and glory that ever awaited any sovereign and any country in not granting you the terms to which you were justly entitled, and that you must be brought back to santa fé by force, if necessary. he was reinforced by that stern tutor of prince juan, father de deza. after a short conference with the queen, st. angel and de quintanilla ran to me and said: "'go you and fetch christobal colon back, and tell him all shall be as he wishes. we send you, knowing you to be a daring fellow, and not to be overawed by christobal colon, as most men are.' so here i am, carrying back the admiral of the ocean seas, the viceroy and captain-general of all the lands you discover, and your son, don diego, grandee of the first rank in spain." diego listened, almost dazed by don tomaso's words. presently the admiral spoke as the horses kept up their sharp trot through the pass, growing darker every moment. "where are your ten men-at-arms, don tomaso?" "i have no men-at-arms," answered don tomaso, coolly, "but i have a good harquebus; if you ask for my order, this shall be my order." at that don tomaso drew his harquebus and leveled it straight at the admiral, who laughed again and put it aside. "i wish you were a seaman, don tomaso," he said. "i should make you my first lieutenant." after riding for nearly an hour in the darkness they saw the lights of santa fé, and soon they were clattering through the streets. the admiral was about to take the way to his lodgings when the daredevil knight again laid his hand upon the bridle. "no," he said, "we cross the vega and ride straight to the queen's pavilion, where her majesty awaits you." then, having assumed the direction of the admiral, the daredevil knight also gave orders to diego. "go you," he said, "back to your lodgings. your father will return sometime before midnight--perhaps." diego leaned over and caught his father's hand and kissed it. he had no words in which to express the tumult of joy and pride in his soul. ten minutes afterward he dismounted from his spent and dripping horse in front of the lodgings he had left only a few hours before. the next moment he was dashing up the long, dark, narrow stairs. he stopped for a moment outside the door of the little room in which he had lived and studied for many weeks with don felipe and softly opened the door. don felipe sat at the table, upon which a rushlight burned, making a little glow in the darkness. he was neither reading nor writing, but leaning his head upon his hands, looking the image of forlornness. diego slipped in softly and threw himself upon don felipe. "all is as we wished!" he shouted. "it is glorious, glorious, i tell you! when the queen heard my father was indeed gone she sent don tomaso galloping after him, who brought him back. the queen will do for my father all he asks. he is now on his way to the queen, and you and i, don felipe, are here together once more!" in one day the whole face of the world seemed to have changed for diego. the admiral, who, but a little while before, could count on only a few steady friends like alonzo de quintanilla and luis de st. angel, both accountants to the queen, and father de deza, was now treated with the greatest outward respect by all. fernando de talavera, archbishop of granada, withdrew his opposition to the admiral, which had been based solely upon what he considered too high honors to be demanded in the event of success. he believed in the admiral as a great navigator and looked for the success of the expedition. one of the points tenaciously upheld by the admiral was that certain honors should be given his sons, especially diego, as the elder. that the enterprise would result in immortal glory for himself the admiral never doubted; but with the passionate love of his children was the natural desire that they should have a place and a degree of consideration. for this reason, after many long consultations with father de deza, tutor to prince juan, the admiral had required that diego should be ennobled by the title of don and should be made a page-in-waiting to prince juan. it was by this steadfast maintenance of the dignity of his position that the admiral, a foreigner and penniless but for the queen's pension, made it apparent that he understood in advance the enormous gift he was about to make to spain. all he asked for diego was conceded to him at once on his return to santa fé. at any other time the thought of the singular change in his life from poverty and uncertainty into a footing of equality with the grandees of spain would have impressed diego more deeply; but the thought uppermost in his mind was the great voyage upon which his father was to set forth. everything seemed small beside it. it seemed to diego and don felipe as if they had entered upon a new world since the pleasant autumn days at la rabida. they had witnessed one of the greatest and most splendid events of the age in the driving-out of the moors from spain, and they were brought close to the contemplation of an enterprise so vast that the imagination was bewildered. in the midst of it they lived the ordinary life of youths of their age under a strict master and stern discipline, but they saw and heard men and things that fall to the lot of few young souls. the winter passed like a dream. everywhere was the coming voyage of the admiral talked of, and the king and the queen supported him loyally. especially was this true of queen isabella, whose lofty and resolute character made her very steadfast in all her undertakings. diego saw but little of his father in those fleeting months between january and april. once it had been difficult for the admiral to obtain audiences of those in power; now he could not see all who flocked to his plain lodgings. it was then expected that he would be able to collect his squadron and sail before the first of june. on a glorious april day the king and the queen were to sign the agreement between themselves as independent sovereigns and the genoese captain, to whom they were to give the noble title of admiral of the ocean seas, and viceroy and captain-general of all lands to the westward. the great event was to take place at the alhambra, in granada, and it was on that day that diego and don felipe first saw the dazzling and overwhelming beauty of the palace of the moorish kings. the splendor of the "red palace," as the alhambra means, the glory of its architecture, the magnificence of its halls and courts and fountains, the treasures of gold and silver and jewels used in decorating its vaulted ceilings and marble walls, amazed all who saw them, from the king and the queen down to the private soldiers and servants. on this spring morning, april 17, 1492, diego and don felipe were to be of the group that was to accompany the admiral into the presence of the king and the queen, where the agreements were to be formally signed and sealed. the queen, with characteristic delicacy, had advanced a sum of money to the admiral which enabled him to make a good appearance for himself and for diego. gorgeous dress would have been out of place upon columbus, whose personality made all accessories appear trivial. on that day he wore a plain costume of black satin with a small collar of lace and a cloak of black cloth. at his side was a plain sword. diego and don felipe were dressed alike in dark-blue cloth with handsome shoes of cordovan leather and black satin cloaks. the prior of la rabida, juan perez, the first friend the admiral had found in spain and the most devoted, was to be present on this great day, which was one of triumph to him. with him he was to bring the little fernando, in the care of brother lawrence. the party from la rabida reached santa fé on the night of april 16th, and were joyfully greeted. fernando was delighted to see his father and brother again, and was charmed with the sight of the knights and soldiers. at ten o'clock next morning, when diego and don felipe were ready to start, they were sent for to go to the admiral's room. on the table lay two swords with sword-belts. "don felipe and my son," said the admiral, "the time has now come when you must wear swords, not as boys, but as men. i give you these praying you to consider the solemn meaning of a sword. a sword means courage, truth, and honor. courage is the greatest virtue in the world, for on it all other virtues are built. it does not avail a man to love the truth unless he has the courage to speak it. the beginning of lying is cowardice. sin has many tools; but a lie is the handle that fits them all. so must you ever be ready to draw your swords in the cause of truth. a man should reverence his sword as a symbol of his honor. when he is disgraced his sword is taken from him and broken, signifying that he has no more honor. do you understand this?" "yes," instantly and clearly replied both youths. the admiral then, taking the first sword, clasped it around the waist of don felipe, who, drawing it from its scabbard, kneeled and kissed it reverently. then, the admiral belting the second sword around diego's body, diego, too, kneeled and kissed the sword. both were vividly impressed with the admiral's words and the deep meaning he had attached to them. "it is a good thing, though not of obligation," said the admiral, "that when a young man receives his sword he shall take it to the church and, laying it on the altar, shall spend the night in prayer and contemplation, asking the help and guidance of god in his future life." "that will we do, my father," answered diego. "this very night," added don felipe. the gift of the swords seemed at once to make men of the two youths. they were too intelligent not to understand the full meaning of what they had received. below in the street well-caparisoned horses were awaiting them. the admiral, accompanied by his unfailing friends, de quintanilla and luis de st. angel and juan perez, the prior of la rabida, rode in advance. behind him came fray piña, while brother lawrence, mounted on a steady mule, carried in his arms the little fernando. diego and don felipe brought up the rear. the eyes of the curious crowd of soldiers and citizens were turned upon the cavalcade. they no longer ridiculed the admiral, but regarded him with fear, as a person likely to draw to him many ardent souls in his voyage into the unknown. many remarked, however, upon the beauty of the little fernando and the manly and noble appearance of diego. they rode through the town of santa fé, across the bridge of the xeni, and climbed the broad acclivity down which the abject moorish king had traveled on a january day. neither diego nor don felipe had been within the walls of granada, and they were deeply interested in the strange and gorgeous architecture of the city, the barred windows of the women's quarters, and the mosques, now converted into christian churches. at the gate of the pomegranates the alhambra really begins, that marvel of beauty, palace and citadel in one, with walls a mile in circumference, and containing within itself wonderful varieties of loveliness. at this gate the party dismounted and proceeded on foot through the gardens and courtyards leading to the hall of ambassadors, where the king and the queen in state would pledge themselves to the admiral and sign and seal their agreements. never had any of them seen anything like the splendors of the glorious courts and superb corridors. the gardens were blooming in all the beauty of the late april, and in the trees and shrubbery were the rare birds caught and tamed for the pleasure of the moorish kings. through long, arched colonnades of gleaming malachite they passed; through the exquisite gardens watered by the icy waters of the darro, trickling in silver streams or in crystal waterfalls. in every beautiful courtyard great fountains played, making showers of diamonds in the april sun of andalusia. the air was drenched with the perfume of violets and hyacinths, jasmine and myrtle blooming in splendid profusion. at the entrance to the magnificent court of the lions they were met by a brilliant group of court officials, and passed from one superb apartment to another until they reached the splendid hall of ambassadors. the scene was worthy of the stupendous event that was to take place in it. the walls of polished marble, inlaid with arabesques, its graceful columns, its lofty and beautiful ceilings, its riot of color, was overwhelming in its beauty. here had the moorish kings exercised their despotic power; here had they treated with haughty contempt the ambassadors of the christian nations. upon this glorious throne-room had been spent the vast sums wrung from the toilers of the land and sea, the money gained by piracy, robbery, and the ransom of christian captives. driven forth at last from it, their places had been taken by great and enlightened christian monarchs. ferdinand of arragon was a brilliant soldier, a statesman, shrewd in affairs, and of enlightened views according to his time. the name of isabella of castile makes a blaze of splendor upon the page of history. not less desirous than ferdinand for the glory and material welfare of her country, isabella had a loftier mind, a nobler conception of all things, than any monarch of the age. she looked to the spread of the christian religion, to the civilization of the new peoples in those far lands which columbus might discover. it was her great and magnanimous mind which caused the introduction into the compact with columbus of that clause providing that the inhabitants of the new world to be discovered should have the same protection of law as the spaniards themselves. at the farther end of the hall of ambassadors, upon the great gilded throne of the moorish kings, sat in throne chairs king ferdinand and queen isabella, prince juan and princess katharine seated below them, and surrounded by a huge company of officials, statesmen, soldiers, and ecclesiastics. at the steps of the throne was a small table with pens and inkhorns and a great document inscribed upon many leaves of parchment. it was the agreement between the courts of arragon and castile with columbus, and it was in that hour to be signed by king ferdinand and queen isabella and the great admiral. it is the prerogative of men of the first order of genius that those nearest to them, who see them oftenest, should have greater reverence for them than those who do not know them so well. so it was with columbus. never had those who had been associated with him through his eighteen years of toil, poverty, disappointment, broken hopes, and baffled plans admired him so much as at the moment when he entered the great hall. the friends who escorted him fell back. columbus, taking the hand of the little fernando, placed it in that of diego and advanced alone to the foot of the throne, where he knelt respectfully. all present, from the king and the queen down to diego and don felipe, showed a visible agitation and tremulous emotion at what was about to take place, except one person; that was the great admiral himself. he, a man of the people, a foreigner without fortune, with no endowment but his genius, his courage, his virtue, was about to be invested, in case of his successful return, with honors and dignities that dwarfed those of the highest nobles present and placed him one step in advance of all of them. king ferdinand's keen face wore an expression of triumph he could not conceal. the cost of the expedition was small, and the king had become convinced that the chances of a stupendous return were very great. queen isabella was inspired with a profound and noble enthusiasm; she had eagerly offered to pledge her jewels, and on this offer the amount of money had been raised necessary for the expedition. the queen's face was unusually pale; but her eyes, of a dark and beautiful blue, were shining, and she leaned forward in her chair, returning with a deep bow the reverence made her by the admiral. he alone was perfectly composed, and gave no sign either of triumph or of nervousness. when he rose from his knees, a chair was placed for him, and then luis de st. angel read in a loud voice the terms of the agreement which was to be signed. these were as follows: 1. that columbus should have for himself during his life, and his heirs and successors forever, the office of admiral in all the lands and continents which he might discover or acquire in the ocean, with similar honors and prerogatives to those enjoyed by the high admiral of castile in his district. 2. that he should be viceroy and governor-general over all the said lands and continents, with the privilege of nominating three candidates for the government of each island or province, one of whom should be selected by the sovereigns. 3. that he should be entitled to reserve for himself one-tenth of all pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices, and all other articles and merchandise, in whatever manner found, bought, bartered, or gained within his admiralty, the costs being first deducted. 4. that he, or his lieutenant, should be the sole judge in all causes and disputes arising out of traffic between those countries and spain, provided the high admiral of castile had similar jurisdiction in his district. 5. that he might then, and at all times, contribute an eighth part of the expenses in fitting out vessels to sail on this enterprise and receive an eighth part of the profits. [illustration: the signing of the documents of agreement] splendid, indeed, were these terms, but all present knew that the great admiral would accept nothing less; and they respected him the more for his steady defense of his rights. when the reading was over, luis de st. angel, taking the copies in duplicate, ascended the steps of the throne and laid them first before king ferdinand, who signed them. he then handed them to queen isabella, who also signed them, after which she clasped her hands and engaged a moment in silent prayer. then the documents were handed to columbus, and he, in his turn, signed them. a tremor ran through the whole of the great company; the tension was relaxed. the king and the queen descended from the throne and, followed by prince juan and princess katharine and a splendid train, passed out of the hall. luis de st. angel made a sign to columbus, who remained standing as did the rest of the company. in a minute or two st. angel returned, and speaking a word to columbus, the admiral motioned to diego, who followed his father and st. angel. they crossed the vast hall and entered a small, high-ceiled room where the king and the queen awaited them with fernando de talavera, archbishop of granada, and doña christina, as lady-in-waiting to the queen. there were also present prince juan and princess katharine. the admiral, on being greeted by the king and the queen, expressed in a few words his deep sense of gratitude. the queen then said: "we are now prepared to fulfil the request you made of us some months ago, and to issue letters patent giving your eldest son the title of don, and making him a page-in-waiting to our son, prince juan, and granting him an allowance for his maintenance. i, myself, christobal colon, will not forget your son during your absence and will keep informed of his conduct and progress in study. doña christina will represent me. for your younger son we shall also provide suitably, though he is not of an age to be at court." "i earnestly thank your majesties," replied the admiral, "especially for the gracious offer you make of keeping informed concerning my son's conduct and progress. it shall be my constant prayer and hope that my son may never be unworthy of your majesties' kindness. and my thanks are also made to the noble lady, doña christina." diego then advanced and made his obeisance to the sovereigns, queen isabella giving him her hand to kiss. nobility of soul and kindness of heart radiated from the queen, and diego felt that he would be ten times a traitor if he did not do his best to deserve her good opinion. the king and queen then engaged in earnest conversation with the admiral, and diego had time to observe prince juan at closer range than ever before. he was a handsome, slender youth, strongly resembling his illustrious mother in the frankness and nobility of his countenance; but his slenderness and delicacy foreboded that his life would not be long, although he lived to be knighted upon the field of battle by his father. the princess katharine, destined also for a tragic fate as the wife of the eighth henry of england, though then but fourteen years of age, also resembled the queen, and had a dignity and a fearlessness of character that was to sustain her through her stormy and unfortunate life. diego felt all confidence when he looked into the honest and kindly eyes of prince juan, and thought to himself: "this must be a noble prince, being the son of his mother." after a short conference the admiral was dismissed, and in a little while diego had rejoined don felipe and fray piña and brother lawrence with the little fernando. leaving the splendid palace, they rode back through the soft, bright april noon to their lodgings in santa fé. diego said nothing of what had passed until he found himself alone in the small, plain room he shared with don felipe. then he told don felipe all. "if i should ever forget the kindness of the great queen, or fail to live as she expects me to, i think i should have the blackest heart in the world," he said. "besides giving me honors and money, she gave me kindness, and your mother, doña christina, has said that she will have a care for me as for you. what a good woman your mother must be, don felipe!" "the best on earth," answered don felipe. "as good as queen isabella." diego then unbuckled his sword and laid it on the table, and don felipe did the same. then came a long pause before diego spoke. "this is the first day," he said, "that we have worn swords as men. ought we not to consecrate them with prayer as knights do?" "yes," answered don felipe. "my mother has told me that my father, when first he was girt with a sword, spent the night in prayer on his knees before the altar of the cathedral of seville." "then," replied diego, gravely, "let us ask that we may lay our swords upon the altar of san sebastian this night and pray earnestly that we may be worthy to wear our swords in honor." that night at ten o'clock diego and don felipe walked through the quiet streets of santa fé, the darkness lighted only by the watchmen's lanterns and the watch fires of the sleeping camp, and the silence broken only by the warders' call and the sentries' challenge. the night was illuminated by a great white moon hanging high in the blue heavens and making the world all white except for the black shadows of the rocks and hills and forests. the two youths soon reached the narrow road that led to the little stone chapel, so lately converted from a mohammedan mosque into a place of christian worship. they were expected, and at the tap on the door from the hilt of diego's sword the door was quickly opened from within and closed after them, leaving them alone in the solemn darkness of the little church, lighted only by the faint glow of the sanctuary lamp. diego and don felipe, advancing reverently, drew their swords and laid them on the altar steps, and then, retiring to a little distance, knelt with reverence. through the long hours of the night they remained on their knees, their minds filled with solemn and glorious thoughts, striving to understand their obligations to god and men, and fortifying their souls with good and honorable resolutions. the hours slipped by with strange quickness. a deep and subtle change was taking place in the heart of each. in those hours they became men. when, at last, the darkness gave place to the pallid dawn, they rose from their knees and passed silently out of the church. as they breathed the fresh april air and saw the sky, flushed with the sudden glory of the sunrise, a new life seemed infused into their bodies and their souls. they swung rather than walked up the steep roadway. they felt capable of all things. vi the harbor bar is passed the days that followed were crowded with events for all. even fray piña was forced to suspend the studies of diego and don felipe, that he might act as secretary to the admiral. he, the man once avoided, was sought by all. many adventurous souls, like ponce de leon, wished to sail upon the great voyage; but the admiral was careful in making his choice, not taking all who applied. as in all enterprises of the sort, men of the higher grades were found; but the admiral feared difficulties in getting foremast men, the sailors to do the actual work of the promised vessels. this problem was postponed until the vessels were purchased and the enlistments were to be made at palos and huelva, places renowned for producing a race of hardy mariners. every day the admiral held long conferences with the king and the queen and their advisers. the high respect with which the sovereigns, and especially queen isabella, treated the admiral won for him that kind of popularity which follows the favor of the great. all who pretended to be scientists or mathematicians were eager to be seen in the company of the admiral. but columbus knew human nature too well to value highly this kind of favor and maintained an equal behavior to all. only those were admitted to his confidence whom he knew well, like juan perez, father de deza, alonzo de quintanilla, luis de st. angel, and a few others equally sincere. among the great dignitaries of the court the cardinal pedro gonzalez de mendoza had always shown a profound esteem for the character and attainments of the admiral, and to him and certain other learned men the admiral felt deeply grateful. the admiral worked hard at his plans, and every facility was now afforded him. on may 8, 1492, queen isabella redeemed her promise concerning diego by appointing him a page-in-waiting to prince juan, giving him the title of don, and at the same time providing a modest pension for his maintenance at court. thenceforth diego was don diego. also don felipe, by virtue of his rank and age, was made a page-in-waiting to prince juan. the admiral, who was to leave granada in four days, and who then expected to sail within a fortnight, asked that diego be allowed to remain with him until his departure. to this the queen readily assented, and don felipe, who earnestly desired to witness the sailing of the admiral, was also permitted to return to la rabida with diego. both youths were to report at the same time to the court. while not yet in attendance upon prince juan, diego and don felipe often saw him. he seemed to them the embodiment of honor, courtesy, and modesty. although left more to themselves than they had ever dreamed possible, diego and don felipe observed their hours of study without any compulsion. so inspiring is the association with noble characters that young minds thrown with these lofty types of men insensibly become lofty-minded too. it is true that the two youths did not make the same progress in their studies as when regularly schooled; many of their hours were passed in those brilliant dreams of the future which are a part of the heritage of youth. but both became deeply interested in astronomy and mathematics, sciences of which they heard much in those days of preparation, and really did well at them. that which was best, however, was their voluntary regulation of their lives, according to their accustomed rules, when there was no one to compel them. on the twelfth day of may, 1492, diego once more crossed the bridge of pinos on his way to palos; but in very different case from that in which he had crossed it on the january night when the admiral was halted and turned back by the daredevil knight, don tomaso de gama. don tomaso was with them now, as he ardently wished to witness the departure of the admiral, which it was supposed then to be a matter of a few days. alonzo de quintanilla went as the representative of the sovereigns, and fray piña acted as secretary to the admiral. little fernando and brother lawrence completed the party. both diego and don felipe had hoped for a stop, if of a night only, at the castle of langara, where doña luisita had remained in the care of señora julia. but as it was out of the direct route to palos, no one thought of it except the two youths. after the sailing of the ships, they were to join the court wherever it might be; and then doña luisita, being now fifteen, was to be with doña christina at court. the may day was bright and beautiful, and all were in high spirits, even the admiral's grave face showing a new animation, and his piercing eyes radiated light. as for diego and don felipe, they could scarcely forbear caroling aloud as they trotted along on their spirited horses in the golden morning. the little fernando, whom brother lawrence held before him upon his sturdy mule, laughed, talked, and sung incessantly without being checked by any one. diego's confidence that his father would return triumphant became more than ever a fixed conviction. the thought of the separation gave him pain; but the pain was compensated by the anticipation of the glory that awaited the admiral's return. diego had hung at his saddle-bow the little manuscript volume of the poems of petrarca, which had been given him by doña christina. as he rode along he read the soft lines to don felipe, who did not understand italian so well as diego, whose native tongue it was. diego became so absorbed in his reading that he let the reins lie upon his horse's neck, while don felipe, equally careless, leaned over, taking one foot out of the stirrup in order to look at the page diego was reading. suddenly, don felipe's horse stepped into a deep mud-puddle in the road and came down on his knees. the next thing don felipe knew he was floundering in the puddle. meanwhile, diego's horse made a spring to cross the puddle, and diego, quite unprepared for it, slipped off and went down, even more ignominiously than don felipe, on his back with his heels in the air. in an instant both scrambled to their feet, their faces scarlet with mortification, but so covered with mud that their color was unknown. the horses stood still, as if pitying them, and the whole party, led by the daredevil knight, burst into laughter at their predicament. their chagrin was increased by the daredevil knight sarcastically advising them to change their horses for old steady-going mules such as ladies rode in traveling. in vain diego and don felipe strove to get the mud off their faces, out of their hair, and from their clothes. their bath in the mud-puddle by no means improved their appearance. they mounted and rode on, therefore, unable to reply to the jokes and good-natured taunts of the rest of the party. they were exceedingly careful after that and were not again unhorsed, nor did diego again tie the book of his favorite poet to his saddle-bow. every moment of the journey was enjoyed, however, by the two youths, in spite of their misadventure in the mud-puddle. they liked the rapid travel in the soft may air, and at night, instead of sleeping at the inns like their elders, they wrapped themselves in their blankets and cloaks and slept in the open under the palpitating stars. they talked of many things in those two quiet nights spent on the road. they were studying astronomy, and they pictured to themselves the ship of the admiral ploughing its way along into the wide, unknown ocean, and guided by the planets in their courses. they mutually resolved that when the admiral went upon his second voyage they would take no denial and would go with him. at last, at nightfall on a warm may evening, they reached la rabida. once more diego and don felipe slept in the little tower room and recalled, before they slept, the great and exciting events which had happened since they left that quiet place seven months back. in the morning they waked early, because on that day at ten o'clock proclamation was to be made from the steps of the church of st. george in palos of the commands of king ferdinand and queen isabella concerning the voyage. by sunrise the whole of palos, of the neighboring towns of moguer and huelva, and the country-side with its towns and villages, was astir, palpitating with excitement. for them the voyage meant much. each family feared and dreaded that some of the adventurous spirits among them would want to go upon the expedition. it was expected that the ships would be found and manned and made ready to sail within a fortnight. the seafaring people of the andalusian coast were brave and adventurous; but the proposed voyage appalled them. never in the history of the world had anything been known like it. the mariners could face ordinary and even extreme danger: but to set forth into the boundless wastes of unknown seas; to meet mysterious dangers, perhaps to be engulfed in great abysses; or to sail on and on until they died of thirst and starvation; to find land, it might be, peopled with savages who would murder them on landing; to encounter frightful monsters on land and sea which might devour them--these and many other horrors terrified the souls of the bravest sailors of the time. only once in a great period of time a man is born with the stupendous courage of christopher columbus. the whole population of the region had begun pouring into palos very early in the morning. all classes were represented--mariners and peasants, cavaliers on horseback, great nobles with their retinues, merchants and ecclesiastics on mule-back--all eager to hear the royal proclamation. it was known that the sovereigns had given orders to impress men and ships, and no man knew whether he or some of his family might not be impressed for the voyage or be compelled to furnish the ships or any part of their equipment. at half-past nine in the brilliant may morning the cavalcade was to set forth from la rabida; but long before that diego and don felipe, with brother lawrence carrying the little fernando, had started for palos and had taken their places on the porch of the little stone church of st. george. diego held the little fernando's hand with a feeling in his heart that for the first time he was to take his father's place toward the little lad. the vast and excited multitudes that thronged about the church and crowded all the streets leading to it were in themselves a great picture. a strange hush fell upon all when the head of the cavalcade from la rabida appeared at the top of the street leading to the church. first rode the admiral, wearing the costume of black satin with the black cloak in which he had attended the queen, and with his sword at his side. on his right rode alonzo de quintanilla, the queen's accountant, who was to make the proclamation in the name of king ferdinand and queen isabella. on the admiral's left rode his steady friend, juan perez, prior of the monastery. behind them rode other persons of distinction, including the three pinzon brothers, wealthy ship-owners, dr. garcia, and the pilot rodriguez, who had been the messenger sent by juan perez to queen isabella more than nine years before. the admiral and his friends dismounted, and were received by the mayor and other officials of the little town of palos. they then took their places upon the porch of the church; a fanfare of trumpets rang out; and the mayor, commanding silence in the great multitude, ordered attention and obedience to the orders of their majesties king ferdinand and queen isabella, to be read by alonzo de quintanilla, their deputy on that occasion. then de quintanilla, standing next the admiral, read in a ringing voice the commands of king ferdinand and queen isabella. the authorities of palos were to have two caravels ready for sea within ten days after this notice, and to place them and their crews at the disposal of columbus, who was empowered to procure and fit out a third vessel. the crews of all three were to receive the ordinary wages of seamen employed in armed vessels and to be given four months' pay in advance. they were to sail in such direction as columbus, under the royal authority, should command, and were to obey him in all things, with merely one stipulation, that neither he nor they were to go to st. george la mina, on the coast of guinea, nor any other of the lately discovered possessions of portugal. a certificate of their good conduct, signed by columbus, was to be the discharge of their obligation to the crown. orders were likewise read, addressed to the public authorities and the people of all ranks and conditions in the maritime borders of andalusia, commanding them to furnish supplies and assistance of all kinds at reasonable prices for the fitting out of the vessels; and penalties were denounced on such as should cause any impediment. no duties were to be exacted for any articles furnished to the vessels; and all civil and criminal processes against the person or property of any individual engaged in the expedition were to be suspended during his absence and for two months after his return. when the reading was finished it was received with a deep and awful silence by the listening throngs. the mayor of palos broke this stillness by making the usual official announcement of his readiness to obey the orders of the king and the queen. then, with ceremonious farewells, the admiral and his party, joined by diego and don felipe and brother lawrence with the little fernando, set out toward la rabida. as they passed through the crowded streets they could not but observe the fear and dismay which had taken possession of the people. not until then had they fully realized the desperate nature of the proposed voyage, and the knowledge that force would be used if necessary in order to provide vessels and crews made each one fear that he might be obliged to go upon this appalling voyage. the men of palos, moguer, and huelva, and indeed all that part of the andalusian coast, were among the boldest mariners of their day; but it was given to but one man, and that man columbus, to advance without fear into the trackless and unknown ocean. the time, ten days, seemed frightfully short, and had been made so purposely that the people should not have time to become panic-stricken. but panic-stricken they were; and at the first moment of triumph to columbus, when he stood, in the may morning, on the steps of the church of st. george, began for him another period of new and dreadful trial which lasted almost three months. never had diego understood the unparalleled steadfastness of his father as in those trying days of la rabida. every day some new difficulty arose. vessels suitable for the service mysteriously disappeared. the sailors and seafaring people of the coast said: "we are not cowards, but we are not bold enough to sail where no keel has ever before floated, where we know neither winds nor tides nor the country for which we are steering, except that it is on the other end of the world. we can die but once, and we would rather die at home." the feeling against columbus grew so strong that when he appeared in the streets of palos the people fled from him. even on those rare occasions when diego and don felipe had the privilege of walking in the town in the evening with the admiral, and on the seashore, diego was pointed at, the people saying: "poor lad; little good will it do him to be a royal page at court for a while! he is already an orphan, and so will the little boy be fatherless, and he only seven years old." but a handful of brave and intelligent men remained staunch to the admiral, especially the pinzons, the prior, juan perez, the pilot rodriguez, and dr. garcia. they had not the power, however, to compel compliance with the commands of the spanish sovereigns. when the july days came there were still neither ships nor men provided, and instead of being able to start early and to return before the winter set in, as the admiral confidently hoped, it looked as if the whole summer would be gone before the little squadron could be assembled. early in july queen isabella, hearing of the difficulties in the way, sent an officer of her household, juan de peñalosa, with still more peremptory orders; but these were no better obeyed than the first. then martin alonzo pinzon and his brothers, vicente and francisco, all experienced seamen and wealthy ship-owners, accepted an offer to go as commanders under the admiral and to furnish a share of the equipment. this had some effect in overcoming the fear and opposition, and at last three small vessels were secured--the santa maria, which the admiral chose for his flag-ship, the pinta, and the niña. two of these were caravels, open boats with a high poop and stern, and only one of the vessels was decked. even then there were fresh perplexities. the calkers among the impressed crews did the work badly of calking the ships, and when they were ordered to do it over again they deserted in a body. the pinzons and a few other high-hearted men were inspired by the dauntless courage of the admiral; and by almost superhuman efforts, through wearisome nights and days, the three vessels were put in readiness and a hundred and twenty men all told, including a royal notary, a physician, and a surgeon, were secured by the first of august. in all the anxieties of those terrible preceding months diego and don felipe had apparently led the same secluded and studious life which they had begun in the autumn, for they had resumed their studies under fray piña; but they lived in a tumult of soul which nothing but strong wills and a stern discipline could have controlled. each morning they saw persons coming to the monastery to confer with the admiral, to protest, to complain, to deceive him, and to defy him. each evening they saw him weary, but not discouraged; saddened, but unshaken of soul. the two youths, from the door of the tower room opening upon the parapet, could see much of what was passing, and it was of a kind to excite and agitate them. they came to feel even a sort of gratitude to fray piña for the hours of study so rigidly maintained, in which they could for a little while forget some of the painful things surrounding them. a change was perceptible after the pinzons took the matter in hand; but there was only a melancholy acquiescence, a dogged submission, in the faces of those who were forced to go upon the voyage of deathless glory, so little do men know where honor lies. the admiral had fixed upon wednesday, the first of august, as the day to sail; but on that day it fell dead calm, and there was no prospect of going to sea. on thursday it remained calm until late in the afternoon, when a breeze sprung up that grew stronger as night fell and gave promise of continuance. then the admiral sent forth the order that the ships, which lay outside the bar of saltes would sail on friday morning, half an hour before sunrise. many of the sailors were superstitious about sailing on the friday; but the admiral's strong soul was above such petty and groundless fears, and his order was that every man of the crews should report on board by daybreak. all through that agitating day diego did not see the admiral except when they supped together in the refectory, where no word was spoken, as usual, during the meal, except for the reading of the scriptures. never had the admiral appeared calmer or more unshaken. when the simple meal was over and all were leaving the refectory, the admiral called diego and said: "my son, to-night at nine o'clock come to me in my chamber. there will i speak with you." all through that day diego had felt as if he were in a dream. he had not the least doubt of his father's return, but when the moment of parting came he felt all the sharpness of its pain. not even don felipe could comfort him then. he spent the time from supper until nine o'clock sitting on the parapet outside the tower room, his eyes fixed upon the far-off ocean, illuminated by a great white moon. don felipe sat within the room, his heart full of sympathy for diego, who said nothing to him; but when his eye fell upon his friend a little sense of comfort stole into his heart. it was don felipe who came out upon the parapet and said: "diego, it is close to nine o'clock." diego rose and went down the long corridor to his father's room and knocked at the door, which the admiral immediately opened. the room was in a corner of the monastery, and through its four small windows the moon made patches of white light upon the stone floor. on a little pallet by the admiral's bed the little fernando slept peacefully. diego sat down on a bench beside his father, his arm around the admiral's neck, and he was not ashamed of the tears that dropped upon his cheeks. "what i have to say to you is brief," said the admiral, "but never to be forgotten, whether i return or not. first, it is that you shall be a christian; that includes everything--honor, probity, all that makes a man, and especially courage, for god hates a coward. then i confide to you your brother. you are to set him an example in every way and to be tender with him, remembering that he is so young a child. in my absence he is to remain here under the charge of the prior, and good brother lawrence to take care of him. the noble lady, doña christina, has promised to keep informed concerning the child, and if he should be ill to take care of him. the prior is to communicate with her as often as possible concerning the child. the noble lady and the prior will have a care for the child; but to you, his brother, i intrust him in the end." "i swear to you, my father," answered diego, "to do as you have commanded by my brother, and i will try to live so that when we next meet, whether it be in this world or in the other, i can look you in the eye, as i do now, and say i have kept my word to you." "there speaks my son," replied the admiral. "now, concerning to-morrow, the most important day in my life. i shall confess myself this night to the prior, and i desire you to do the same, and hope that don felipe may do likewise. at daybreak, in the church of st. george, i desire that you receive holy communion with me and with all those who sail with me. we go not as unbelievers, but as men humbly asking god's help in crossing his oceans, guided by his stars by night and his sun by day, and sustained by his protecting hand. go now and sleep." "give me your blessing, and i will go," replied diego. then, kneeling by little fernando's pallet, the admiral blessed both his sons, a hand upon the head of each. diego rose, soothed and comforted. he felt that he must show the same cool courage as his father, and the admiral's words "god hates a coward" remained fixed in his mind. diego returned to the parapet outside of the tower room, from which he watched the far-off sea. there was little sleep in the monastery or in palos that night. the wind still held, and the august night grew chill; but diego did not know it. don felipe, however, brought his cloak and wrapped it around him. the moon swung high in the dark-blue sky and made a path of glory across the sea that reached to heaven. as diego heard the chime of the midnight bell of the monastery he saw a dark figure come out of the iron gate and walk quickly down the white road toward the little town. it was the admiral, who spent the night on his knees in the church of st. george. at daybreak diego and don felipe, with fray piña, the prior, and all of the monks of the monastery, including the lay brothers, brother lawrence carrying the little fernando in his arms, walked in the cool, sweet dawning to palos and into the church. every one of the one hundred and twenty men of all classes who were to sail upon the great voyage was in the church, which was also filled with their relatives and friends, even the church porch being crowded and the narrow street packed with persons. a deep and solemn silence pervaded. the wives and families of the officers, especially the pinzons, showed calmness and courage in order to sustain the more ignorant and timid. the prior, juan perez, from the steps of the altar within the church, spoke with deep and solemn feeling to those who were to sail within an hour. the admiral, taking diego by the hand, advanced at the proper time to the communion rail, where he received the blessed sacrament, as did all of his men and many other persons, with the deepest reverence, including diego and don felipe. when the short religious service was over the men filed out of the church and, after a last farewell to their families and friends, marched straight to the shore; the admiral wished to make those last painful moments as brief as possible. the vessels were lying in midstream off the bar of saltes, and their boats were at the quay ready to take the crews out. hundreds of other boats lay in the stream to accompany them a short distance to sea. the admiral, on reaching the quay where his own boat awaited him, was surrounded by his captains, martin alonzo pinzon and vicente pinzon, and his three pilots, sancho ruiz, pedro alonzo niño, and bartolomeo roldan. every eye was fixed upon the admiral. all realized that upon him, upon his courage, his science, and his judgment, rested the lives and fortunes of every man with him. never had the admiral appeared so serenely great. fortified by a deep religious faith, conscious of his own powers, he faced the unknown with an indomitable courage. none who beheld him on that day doubted that this man, columbus, was born a captain. "here," said he, to his companions and pilots, in a clear voice that made itself heard afar, "do i give you my order as your admiral, and it is to be strictly obeyed. if you should become separated from me and beyond the reach of signals, lay your course due west, and when you have sailed seven hundred and fifty leagues from this port make no more sail after midnight, for there will be land off your quarter. do you understand?" "and we will obey," shouted the captains and the pilots, led by the strong voice of martin pinzon. the boldness of this stern order thrilled and captivated the awed and sullen throngs, and an involuntary cheer broke from them. the admiral smiled and raised his hat in salute. he stepped into his boat, followed by diego and the little fernando, and led the procession down the bright river to the vessels tugging at their anchors off the bar. as the admiral's boat reached the side of the santa maria the admiral stood up and, taking the little fernando in his arms, kissed and blessed him. then he clasped diego in his arms, kissing and blessing him likewise, without agitation on either side. diego felt as if the wine of courage were pouring into his veins. he was so quiet, so smiling, so at ease, that he seemed worthy to be the son of his father. the little fernando wept when the admiral, from the santa maria's poop, waved his hand back at the child; but diego, taking the boy in his arms, said cheerfully: "do not weep, fernando. our father will return, bringing you wonderful things never seen before in spain, and he will at once ask if you have been good and brave. if you weep you will be neither good nor brave." the little boy was soothed by diego's calmness, and waved his small hand cheerfully back at his father. the boats returned to the quays, which were crowded with a multitude of persons, who made way respectfully for the sons of the admiral. the ships then hoisted their sails, and with a fair wind slipped out into the open sea. the sky was glowing, and the earth and sea basked in a rose-red light shot with gold. as the three little vessels became white specks upon the horizon, where the blue sea met the bluer sky, the great sun suddenly burst forth in splendor; the vessels disappeared in the golden light which flooded the world with glory. vii the joyous hearts of youth "diego, diego, wake up! suppose you should be caught napping like this; you would have a hard time with the master of the pages, i can tell you!" diego opened his eyes, sprang to his feet, assumed a military attitude, and was all awake in a moment. it was don felipe who spoke, and they were in a splendid corridor of the palace at barcelona. it was magnificently carpeted from the looms of granada; and long, narrow windows let in a flood of sunshine upon splendid pictures on the walls, which were decorated with trophies of arms, the great curved simitars of the moors with jeweled handles, moorish shields and breastplates cunningly wrought with gold, and marvelous daggers and other arms. white statues gleamed against the dark-red walls, and everywhere were the beauty and splendor of a royal palace. as don felipe spoke the great carved doors at the farther end of the corridor were thrown wide, and queen isabella, with a glittering suite of ladies and gentlemen in attendance, was seen about to enter. at the threshold, however, the queen paused. the great cardinal, pedro gonzalez de mendoza, the first subject in spain, appeared, followed by his secretary. the cardinal saluted the queen with profound respect, who engaged in conversation with him. both diego and don felipe recognized the cardinal at once, a tall, handsome man of commanding appearance, wearing a black robe edged with scarlet and a black and scarlet skull-cap, while around his neck hung a gold chain from which depended a superb cross of jewels. diego and don felipe, standing side by side, their right hands upon their sword-hilts, their left hands raised at the salute, could yet talk without being heard by the queen and her train at the end of the long corridor. "i told you," said don felipe, in a whisper, without turning his head, "that you would find the master of the pages a much more difficult person than fray piña. suppose you had been caught asleep while waiting for the queen?" "i should have been mortified beyond words," whispered diego, as motionless as don felipe. "but the truth is that, with rising at four o'clock and having the horse exercise and the sword exercise and then studying and standing many hours and doing many errands and sitting up late at night, i am sometimes half dead for want of sleep." "it is not an easy business, being at court," was don felipe's answer. then, as they saw the queen advancing, they remained respectfully silent. the queen was dressed as usual with quiet splendor, but wearing few jewels. she wore a robe of crimson cloth, and her beautiful auburn hair was as usual coifed with pearls. doña christina walked a short distance behind the queen. as she approached, talking in a low voice with the cardinal, who walked by her side, and followed by doña christina and a number of ladies and gentlemen of the court, the queen was so absorbed in what she was saying that she did not observe either diego or don felipe. her voice was pitched low, almost a whisper; but both youths heard her say distinctly to the cardinal: "and so, my lord cardinal, the rumor has come from portugal that the caravels were seen entering the tagus on the fourth day of march. it is unconfirmed, and in some respects improbable. why should the admiral land in portugal before coming to spain?" "he may have put in by stress of weather or for repairs, madam," the cardinal replied, in a low and earnest voice. "many unforeseen things might induce the admiral to make the first port possible if, indeed, he has returned from that strange voyage." the queen glanced backward and seemed to grow suddenly conscious of the presence of diego and don felipe. diego's ruddy face had turned deadly pale, although he still maintained his rigid military attitude. "come here, don diego," said the queen, stopping, "and you, don felipe. tell me when does the exercise in the manège begin for prince juan and the pages?" "in half an hour, madam," responded diego, advancing and bowing low as the queen spoke. "then we shall have the pleasure of seeing the exercises in the manège," said the queen, in her usual gracious manner. "doña christina, will you say to the princess katharine and to doña luisita that they may be present to see the exercises in the manège?" the queen resumed her earnest conversation with the cardinal, and the rest of the suite passed on. when the great doors at the other end of the corridor had closed after the royal train, don felipe said to diego: "you heard the queen's words, and what the cardinal replied?" "yes," answered diego. "it seemed as if my heart stopped beating. now it thumps hard enough, i can tell you." "but there is no time to count heart-beats," said don felipe. "we have not a moment to spare if we are to be ready in half an hour for the manège." without another word both ran the long length of the corridor, through various winding passages, and up a narrow stairway until they came to the rooms of prince juan, where diego knocked. prince juan, who was alone, himself opened the door. he inherited his mother's noble simplicity of character, and, while fully understanding the duties of his position, he treated his pages, all youths of his own age, like companions of his own rank. "the queen and her ladies will be present in the manège," breathlessly burst out don felipe, "and we thought your highness would wish to know it." "certainly i should. many thanks, felipe," cried prince juan. "when the queen honors our exercises we must show at our best." prince juan ran down the stairs, breakneck, followed by diego and don felipe, through the winding passages, across the wide courtyard, into a long colonnade that led to the great circular riding-school. it was an immense space covered with tan-bark, with galleries for spectators. adjoining it was a large room surrounded with alcoves, in which the arms and riding paraphernalia were kept. this room was soon filled with the pages, twenty youths, all lithe, active, and eager to show their accomplishments before the queen. all, including prince juan, disappeared within their alcoves, where there were valets to assist them in changing their clothes. they kept up, meanwhile, much talk and laughter, prince juan joining as an equal in their merry preparation. one only, don diego de colon, usually the merriest of them all, was silent. in a few minutes they trooped out, dressed in leather surcoats and riding-breeches and boots with huge spurs, and wearing light helmets. prince juan was dressed exactly like the others, except that on his helmet was engraved a small crown, and on the breast of his jacket of cordovan leather was also a small crown embroidered in gold. the young prince noticed the silence and pallor of diego, and, going up to him, put his arm kindly within diego's, saying: "what is the matter, don diego? you are as solemn as an owl." "there is a report abroad, so i heard her majesty the queen say to the cardinal de mendoza, that the ships of my father, the admiral, had been seen in the tagus. that is enough to make one silent, is it not, your highness?" "indeed it is," replied prince juan. "for my part, i often dream at night that the admiral has returned and has discovered a new world for spain. ah, don diego, what a great day that will be for spain!" there was no time to say more as the trumpet-call sounded for the riding-hall, into which the pages now marched. the grooms were bringing in the chargers, the finest breeds of andalusia, celebrated for its horses, their coats like satin, their muscles like steel, their hoofs black and polished. the horses knew well enough for what they were brought, and were keen for the sport. before mounting, don tomaso de gama, the daredevil knight, reckoned the most accomplished horseman in spain and master of the riding-school, appeared. he, too, wore riding-dress and a glittering casque. he gave the order at once to mount, that they might have a warming-up canter before the queen and her ladies arrived. then began a quick gallop around the circular space, the horses' hoofs sounding softly on the tan-bark. in a few minutes the signal was given to retire, and the young horsemen all filed out through an arched gateway into the great courtyard of the stables beyond. at this moment the queen, preceded and followed by her ladies and attended by several gentlemen and escorted by the cardinal, entered the ladies' gallery. the queen sat with doña christina on one side of her and the cardinal on the other. many ladies were sitting on chairs behind her, and on the step below the queen's chair the princess katharine and doña luisita sat on silken cushions. doña luisita looked no longer a child, but a charming young lady. four trumpeters with silver trumpets were stationed at the farther side of the great circular hall, and at a signal from the queen played a fanfare. at that the doors under the archway were flung open, and the long line of pages entered headed by prince juan. as he dashed through the great archway, sitting square and steady upon a splendid black horse, the queen's eyes lighted up with pleasure at the appearance of this gallant youth. when prince juan came abreast of the queen's gallery, he pulled up quickly, the horse rising for a moment on his haunches and then standing like a statue, as prince juan saluted first the queen and then the other ladies present. the same thing was done by each of the twenty pages, every charger acting with an intelligence almost human. when the daredevil knight, the master of riding, brought up the rear of the line, his horse, too--a sinewy chestnut charger--stood on his haunches and then came down gracefully on his knees as if making an obeisance to the queen, then rose and stood as still as a bronze horse. the queen was charmed with this pretty trick of horsemanship, and, leaning over, bowed and smiled and waved her hand to the daredevil knight. then the exercises began, prince juan always riding first and the daredevil knight last. they galloped around the ring twice to show their manner of ordinary riding. then the grooms brought four rings, which they hung at the four quarters of the circle; and the pages, with glittering lances, rode around, taking the rings as they went. some took all the rings, while others took only three or sometimes two. next a stuffed horse with a manikin mounted on him was rolled in; and each young horseman, galloping by at full speed, had to knock off the manikin's head with a single blow of the sword, and again passing it had to dismount at full speed, taking up the head, and mount again. this was most exciting, and some of the pages failed to get the head. prince juan, however, succeeded in getting it each time. there were various other tricks of horsemanship shown which amused and delighted the queen and her ladies, especially the princess katharine and doña luisita. in one of the feats, prince juan galloping past the gallery, his horse apparently shied and unseated him. a cry of dismay went up which changed to a burst of applause when prince juan sprang back and stood up on his horse's back, galloping around the tan-bark in that fashion, followed by all the other pages. all through diego and don felipe acquitted themselves with credit. it was usually the pleasantest hour of the day with them all, this hour in the manège, and when there were no spectators it was a time of jokes and merriment. but diego felt as if he were in another world. he went through his part well, but mechanically, and his look was so grave that doña luisita whispered to the princess katharine: "what can be the matter with don diego to-day? his body may be here, but his mind is somewhere else." when all was over the queen sent for don tomaso and questioned him upon the proficiency of her son and his companions. the daredevil knight, who was as frank as he was brave, assured the queen that prince juan was an admirable horseman, but there were several of the pages who surpassed him. don felipe he considered the best horseman of them all. "i believe what you tell me," replied queen isabella, "for i see that you tell the truth and are no flatterer and do not tell me that my son excels all, although i see that he does well." the nobility of the queen was such that all about her were encouraged to tell the truth, and not to seek to deceive by flattery and falsehood. it was nearly six o'clock when the pages left the riding-hall, and in a half-hour they were washed and dressed in their ordinary clothes and were seated at supper at the long table in their dining-hall. everything was good but plain, as it was the wish of the king and the queen to bring prince juan up as a soldier rather than a courtier. at one end of the table sat the great duke of medina coeli, governor of the pages; and at the other end sat don tomaso de gama, the daredevil knight. the duke was a rigid governor, and made no difference in his discipline between prince juan and any of the other youths under his charge. the sovereigns interfered in no way with this discipline, and prince juan had to ask permission from the stern duke for everything he wished to do, as much as any of his attendant pages. nevertheless, the governor had a kindly heart. he encouraged the pages to talk at their meals, using this as a means of discovering their natural temper and disposition. they often spoke with the enthusiastic hopes of boyhood of the return of the admiral; their patriotism was aroused in his favor; and they looked forward with eager confidence to the day when he would add a magnificent empire to the kingdom of spain. this had secured for diego perfect good-will among his companions, none of whom had ever taunted him with his humble origin or had spoken of his father except with the highest respect. on this evening a singular silence prevailed at the pages' supper. the young men spoke in undertones among themselves, and diego was conscious that strange looks were cast upon him. when supper was over and the pages, with prince juan, retired to their study-hall, where they had an hour of study, diego found out the cause of the silence and suppressed excitement. the pages crowded around him; and prince juan, acting as spokesman, said: "two reports have come this day, diego; one that captain martin alonzo pinzon has landed at bayonne, and the other that your father, the admiral, has returned in a caravel which is anchored in the tagus. i do not know who was the messenger that brought the letter from captain pinzon, nor the person who brought the news from portugal." "but it is true, my prince!" shouted diego, raising his arms in triumph above his head. "i know it, i feel it! for a fortnight past i have had the feeling that my father was nearing land. the stories of the dreadful storms and tempests have not frightened me. each day my father has been in my mind, and i dream every night of him. ah, my prince, it is true!" then, seizing don felipe in his strong arms, the two youths hugged each other and rubbed their cheeks together in a rapture of boyish affection. their companions around them broke into an involuntary cheer, led by prince juan. they were young and sanguine, and found it easy to believe in anything which redounded to the glory and honor of their country. over the noise a ringing voice was heard at the door, that of the daredevil knight. "the presence of don diego de colon is required by the governor of the pages." an instant silence fell upon the shouting and cheering youths. they could see through the open door the soldierly figure of the governor, who in general permitted no noisy outbreaks; but to-night he said no word and uttered no rebuke. the door closed immediately after diego, and the duke said to him: "come with me at once, don diego, to the presence of her majesty." diego followed the duke and don tomaso as they rapidly walked through the halls and corridors of the palace toward the wing occupied by the queen and the king. nothing was said except a brief inquiry made by the duke of don tomaso as to when king ferdinand might be expected to return from a hunting expedition upon which he had that day started. "in five days the king will return," was don tomaso's reply. when they reached the door of the queen's private apartments it was opened at once by doña christina. the queen was alone except for her favorite lady-in-waiting and cardinal mendoza. for the first time in all the years that diego had seen the queen, she showed deep agitation. usually of calm demeanor, she was that night extremely restless, sometimes sitting in her stately chair, again rising and walking about the small but richly furnished room lighted with silver lamps. as soon as diego entered, the queen spoke to him kindly, saying to the duke: "tell don diego what we have heard." then the duke spoke. "a portuguese merchant has just arrived, reporting that on the third of march, the weather off the mouth of the tagus being very wild and stormy, a caravel was seen in great distress. the tempest continued very violent all that day, and the caravel was in great danger of being dashed to pieces on the rock of cintra. the people watched it all day, making many prayers for the mariners in such peril, but unable to be of any assistance to them. the storm continued the best part of the night, but subsided, and the next morning broke fair and sunny. the caravel had survived and was entering the mouth of the tagus with a fair wind. it was said to be the niña with the admiral, your father, in command, and several men of a strange race on board with animals and objects hitherto unknown. the merchant says that a large portuguese ship-of-war, commanded by don alonzo d'acunha, one of the greatest captains in portugal, was anchored in the tagus, and that don alonzo sent a boat to the caravel commanding that her captain report on board the portuguese ship to give an account of himself. the caravel's commander refused to go, sending word in reply that he outranked don alonzo d'acunha, being under letters patent of the king of arragon and the queen of castile, admiral of the ocean seas, viceroy and captain-general of all lands to the westward. he therefore desired that don alonzo d'acunha, as his inferior in rank, should pay him a visit of ceremony." "that was my father!" cried diego, forgetful of all etiquette, his soul in a tumult of pride and joy. the queen, who was walking about the room restlessly while the duke spoke, instead of rebuking the lad, came up to him and, laying a hand upon his shoulder, said, smiling proudly: "and there your father showed the true and lofty spirit of a spanish admiral. small might be his ship, but great must be his soul. happy am i in having an admiral who knows so well how to maintain the honor of his flag." the queen sat down, her face aglow, her eyes sparkling; and, turning to doña christina, she put her hand in that of her lady-in-waiting and said: "we are but women; but we have hearts like men." diego stood throbbing and palpitating and longing to hear more. the duke continued quickly: "the merchant left portugal soon after this happened. there are, however, some discrepancies in his story. he says that the caravel was the niña, while the admiral sailed in the santa maria. the merchant also says that the caravel's commander was to proceed to lisbon instead of coming direct to a spanish port. again, at almost the same moment the portuguese merchant appeared, a messenger came bearing a letter from captain martin alonzo pinzon, at the port of bayonne, saying that land was found to the westward; but that he was separated from the admiral many weeks ago and knows not if he still survives. all might be explained except the persistence with which the portuguese merchant insists that the commander of the caravel was undoubtedly going to lisbon, and that he saw, before leaving, the preparations to travel thence by land." then the cardinal said: "if the king of portugal commanded the admiral to come to lisbon, he could scarcely refuse. and, in that event, how poignant must be the regret of the king of portugal, who abandoned the glorious project offered him by the admiral and left it to your majesty and king ferdinand to reap the glory of it." "ah!" cried the queen. "once more have you, my lord cardinal, spoken words of wisdom. one thing seems certain, two of the ships have returned. how unfortunate it is the king is not here! however, if more definite news comes, i will send messengers for the king. you may go now, don diego. i will send a messenger to la rabida telling the prior, juan perez, of what we have heard." then diego's soul became possessed with courage. he went up to the queen's chair and, kneeling on one knee, said: "will your majesty pardon me for what i am about to ask? may i go with that messenger to la rabida? my father gave his word that unless driven elsewhere by stress of weather he would make his first landing in spain at the port of palos. i saw him depart, my queen, and a voice like the voice of god spoke in my heart, saying, 'he will return with immortal glory.' his first thought next his sovereigns will be for his sons, for me and my little brother. if my father lands at palos and i am not there, it will give him a pang, for my father loves his children with all his heart. may i go, my queen? oh, let me go, let me go, my queen!" diego, in his eagerness, had laid his hand upon the queen's robe. her eyes, ever kind, grew more kindly; but while maintaining her own authority well she never forgot the authority of others. she turned to the duke and said, smiling: "my lord duke, can you spare this young man from his duties and studies for a little while. it is an occasion which so far has never arisen but this once in the life of a royal page." "if your majesty requests it," replied the duke, "leave shall be given to don diego, and i agree with your majesty that the occasion is so great that don diego may well be excused." diego, overjoyed, kissed the queen's hand and thanked the duke. the queen nodded by way of dismissal. it was then obviously time for diego to retire; but he stood irresolutely glancing toward the door, but apparently unwilling to leave. he looked imploringly at doña christina, who, smiling, went toward him. the next moment the duke smiled and the queen laughed outright as they heard diego say to doña christina, in a loud whisper: "oh, how much would don felipe like to see the caravel come in!" "i am sure he would," responded don felipe's mother, amused at diego's straight-forward simplicity. then diego, looking around and seeing only smiling faces, went and knelt before the queen. "your majesty," he said, "together don felipe and i saw the caravel depart. don felipe believed in my father as much as i do, and if he had not we should not have been like brothers, but we should have fought like tigers. don felipe was ever good to me from the beginning. he was a grandee of spain, and i was the son of a poor genoese navigator; but don felipe never let me feel the difference between us. he has ever been the best of friends and comrades to me, and now for me to see the caravel come in and don felipe not to--" diego sighed heavily, while the queen and all present could not forbear smiling. "could you, my lord duke, grant the request of this young man?" asked the queen. the duke hesitated a moment, and diego thought he would be refused. he rose, the picture of dejection, and, hanging his head, said mournfully: "poor, poor felipe!" the queen at that laughed once more. diego, turning to doña christina, said sadly: "madam, i would ask you to plead for don felipe with the duke; but if the duke will not grant the queen's request i am afraid he will not listen to any one else." "but i shall obey the queen's wishes," said the duke. "i will give don felipe leave also; but you are to start upon your return two days after the caravel arrives." a thrill ran through diego, his eyes shone, his mouth opened wide with delight; and queen isabella, who understood youth well, nodded to him again as a sign of dismissal. diego retained his senses enough to make an obeisance to the queen and low bows to the cardinal, the duke, and doña christina. then, slipping out of the door, he ran like a deer back to the hall of the pages. as he entered it prince juan sprang forward and, clasping him around the neck, shouted: "tell us all, all, all!" the other pages, with don felipe, clustered around; and diego, with prince juan's arm about his neck, poured forth the story told by the portuguese merchant, and also the news that the pinta had arrived at bayonne. "and the duke has given me leave, and don felipe, too, to go to palos immediately to see the caravel come in. i knew that it would be so hard for him to stay here when i went to palos and saw all the people crowding the quays and shores and the caravel come sailing in with my father on the poop." "and why," cried prince juan, shaking diego, "cannot i see that glorious sight as well as you and don felipe?" "because your highness is a royal prince," answered diego. "your highness cannot run about the country as we do. we are not heirs to thrones, we are not so important, and so we have more liberty." the door opened, and father de deza, tutor to prince juan and master of studies, entered. instantly all sat down and took their books, prince juan with the others, but the minds of all were elsewhere speculating upon the glorious discovery, the gain of new worlds for spain. it was the way of the duke to act quickly, and the next day by noon diego and don felipe were starting off with a party consisting of don tomaso de gama, alonzo de quintanilla, the queen's accountant, and a dozen men-at-arms. de quintanilla was to make official records of the return of the ship, to take charge of important papers, and carried a letter from queen isabella to the admiral. as the cavalcade trotted out of the courtyard of the palace, prince juan, watching from a window and surrounded by all the pages, wore a melancholy countenance; he longed to be of the travelers. from another window on a level with the heads of diego and don felipe watched doña christina and doña luisita. the last picture impressed upon diego's mind, as he rode out of the courtyard in the cavalcade, was doña luisita's soft and beautiful eyes gazing after him. but his absence was not likely to be longer than eight or ten days, and never did a young man set out on a journey which meant more of hope and happiness than did diego. the return of his father not only meant the sight of the best and tenderest of fathers returning from a long and hazardous voyage, but it meant a triumph for the admiral so great that diego was dazzled as he contemplated it. how insignificant appeared the greatest title by that of the admiral of the ocean seas, viceroy and captain-general of all lands to the westward! it meant unending fame for the admiral and splendor for all his descendants. diego remained silent as they passed through the narrow streets of the town of barcelona, skirted the harbor, bright in the spring sun, and the blue mediterranean beyond. soon they were in the open country. it was the ninth day of march, and the vegetation in the sunny climate of southern spain was already well advanced. when they struck the highway through the forests there was a faint, delicate green upon the trees, and the sweet and pungent odor of the coming leaves perfumed the air. in the fields the peasants tilled the rich earth and laughed and sang as they toiled. don tomaso was the leader likely to be most popular with youths of the age of diego and don felipe. he rode ahead, trolling in his rich voice the canzonets and popular ballads of the day--all relating to love and war. his famous chestnut horse seemed proud of being bestridden by so superb a horseman, and whinnied with delight and caracoled as they traveled rapidly along the highway. at evening the daredevil knight scorned inns and castles, saying: "let us sleep like soldiers in our cloaks, and not seek soft beds like ladies and carpet knights." diego and don felipe were willing enough for this, and their supper around the campfire seemed to them the most delicious meal they had ever eaten. the daredevil knight, whose flow of spirits and energy seemed inexhaustible, told them stories of his adventures in camps and in the tilt-yard and in tournaments in france as well as in spain. when they at last settled to sleep, wrapped in their cloaks and blankets, diego put a stick of wood under his head by way of being more comfortable. the daredevil knight, seeing this, rose and kicked the log away, crying indignantly: "you are too fond of luxury, don diego, if you cannot sleep without a pillow under your head; you are not fit for a soldier." diego remained meekly silent; and don felipe, who was reaching out for another stick of wood to use for the same purpose, withdrew his hand and appeared to be sleeping soundly. neither slept much, however; their veins throbbed with excitement; and, as they watched the quiet stars overhead, the thought of the story told by those stars to the admiral on the trackless ocean thrilled them both. they were late in falling asleep, and slept so soundly that they were only awakened by don tomaso's kicks and reproaches for being such sluggards. the sun was just rising, their morning meal was prepared, their horses groomed, and everything ready for their departure. mindful of his father's habits of singular neatness, diego boldly said: "before we start i must wash in yonder brook." "i washed half an hour ago," replied the daredevil knight. "if we had depended on you and don felipe an enemy might have come and surprised us all and carried you both off without waking you, i suppose. oh, very enterprising knights will you and don felipe make!" neither diego nor don felipe minded don tomaso's jokes; but they privately arranged to be up in advance of him next morning. that day was a repetition of the rapid and joyous travel of the day before. they were passing through the richest parts of spain, with many castles and splendid residences in sight, and they encountered noblemen and gentlemen upon the road who urged don tomaso to stop at least for dinner or supper in their houses. but to each one don tomaso gave courteously the same reply: "i travel on urgent business for her majesty the queen, and i cannot stop except for needed rest and refreshment." he made no mention of the names of either diego or don felipe, not wishing any one to suspect his errand in advance. that night they slept again in the open on the banks of the guadalquivir, which narrowed suddenly at that point. next morning, by break of day diego and don felipe were awake and, rising noiselessly, were careful not to disturb any of the other sleepers; and, going to the banks of the river, a short distance off, had a bath so cold it made them shiver, but soon brought a warm glow to their healthy young bodies. when they returned to their companions all were up and awake except don tomaso, to the great joy of diego and don felipe. the daredevil knight lay snoozing peacefully. they even ate their morning meal without awaking him, and at last, when alonzo de quintanilla called to don tomaso, diego and don felipe were sitting on their horses as if ready to start. don tomaso sprang up in great confusion and made a hurried toilet and a still more hurried breakfast. when they finally started off in the glorious spring sunrise, don tomaso said, laughing, to diego and don felipe: "you have once caught me napping; i predict that i will catch each of you a thousand times." that day they drew near the coast, and on the next, about four o'clock, when the afternoon sun was at its richest, they caught the far-off gleam of the blue atlantic. viii sunrise off the bar of saltes the sight of the monastery and the thought of seeing his little brother and the good prior and fray piña filled the heart of diego with joy. he had an imaginative mind, and he lived over in thought and spoke to don felipe of the extraordinary change that had taken place in his fortunes since the day, nearly eight years before, when his father, a poor and unhonored and unsuccessful applicant at the courts of kings, jeered at and disbelieved, and diego, himself a little ragged and barefooted boy, had stopped at la rabida to ask for a dole of bread. now, he was returning as don diego, a page-in-waiting to the heir to the thrones of arragon and castile; his father returning as admiral of the ocean seas and viceroy and captain-general of all lands to the westward, a title far transcending that of any grandee of spain and second only to the title of royalty, the arrival of this great man breathlessly awaited not only by kings and queens, but by the whole spanish people. no more amazing picture of the vicissitudes of fortune had ever been presented to the human mind. the party pushed on rapidly to the monastery and drew up before the courtyard within half an hour. there, all was placid; no hint of the return of the admiral's caravel or that of captain martin alonzo pinzon had reached the neighborhood of palos. diego, looking about the silent old stone building, the orchard, and the fish-pond basking in the afternoon glow, and the monks at their business of work or prayer, felt that a thunderbolt was to fall among them. the prior, juan perez, came out at once when he heard the clattering of the horses' hoofs. one glance at diego's radiant face and de quintanilla's look of triumph aroused a strong hope in the prior's heart. the daredevil knight flung himself off his horse and, courteously greeting the prior, drew him aside and told in a whisper the news they had heard, and that they had come to await the arrival of the caravel at palos, which might be expected at any moment. juan perez, a man of deep and sincere piety as well as of strong understanding, fell on his knees in the courtyard and gave loud and fervent thanks to god for the news that had been brought. when he arose he sent for fray piña, who came quickly; and to him the great event was confided. diego and don felipe were glad to see their old instructor once more, and actually had the grace to thank him for his strictness and sternness. they had learned some courtly ways from being at court. alonzo de quintanilla, a prudent man, seizing juan perez by the arm, said: "but no word of this must get abroad in palos; it would excite the people too much. i bear letters to the families of the three pinzon brothers telling them of the safe arrival of captain martin alonzo pinzon at bayonne; but that is to be kept secret for the present. i shall not go to the houses of the pinzons to give their families the joyful news until nightfall, so that i may not be recognized and thereby the whole coast be aroused and excited." "then," said juan perez, "you will have time to go with me and the brothers to the chapel, where we shall give thanks to god for the success of this great enterprise." diego asked that the little fernando be sent for, and soon the boy was seen running along, his little hand within brother lawrence's big paw. diego took the child in his arms, and kissed him with a heart overflowing with tenderness. he felt then more like a father to little fernando than an elder brother. the admiral had never ceased to impress upon diego his sense of responsibility toward his younger brother, and diego, whose heart was naturally tender, glowed with affection for the child. fernando's first question was: "diego, when will our father come back?" "very soon," whispered diego, "and he will bring you, fernando, beautiful play-things and strange little animals for pets unlike any you have ever seen before." the prior directed brother lawrence to ring the great courtyard bell that all the brothers might assemble in the chapel. when the solemn call of the bell was heard the monks, in their coarse robes and sandals, left their work and marched silently into the little stone chapel where don tomaso and diego, with little fernando, and don felipe and de quintanilla and the men-at-arms were already assembled. the prior, speaking from the altar steps, said simply that he had heard good news of great import to spain, and he desired all to unite in thanks to god for what had been vouchsafed them. diego joined with a sense of deep gratitude in these thanksgivings; and little fernando, his hands clasped, whispered in diego's ear: "i prayed every night and morning that our father would return, and now he is coming, so i shall thank god just as you do." the quiet monastery was thrilled with subdued excitement; but nothing passed beyond its stone walls. de quintanilla waited until the darkness fell before leaving on foot to visit the families of the pinzons. diego and don felipe were given the same little tower room in which they had last slept almost a year and a half before. they were no longer pupils of fray piña; but they had learned to regard his stern justice with respect. "he was very hard with us," said don felipe; "but not so hard as the master of the pages." "no, he was not," said diego, laughing. the last night they had spent together at the monastery diego had slept scarcely at all, and the long night hours had passed in watching the moonlit sea upon which his father was to set forth at sunrise. this night, too, he spent huddled in his cloak on the parapet. don felipe, also wrapped in a long and heavy mantle--for the spring night was sharp--sat with him. the beautiful afternoon had been succeeded by a lowering night in which low-lying black clouds scurried across a pale night sky, veiling the moon and the stars. as the dawn approached, however, the sky cleared beautifully. diego, going within the room, waked the little fernando, and with his own hands, willing but awkward, washed and dressed the little boy, saying: "fernando, we must go to the seashore now and watch for our father's vessel." something within diego seemed driving him to the seashore. as soon as the little boy was dressed diego said to don felipe: "come with me, felipe, and do not leave me during this day, for i feel that great glory for my father and great happiness for my brother and me are impending, and i want to have you near me." the two youths, diego holding the little fernando by the hand, passed out of the monastery gates just as the pearl and amethyst of the dawn was turning to rose and gold. they walked rapidly, too rapidly for the little boy, whom diego took in his arms and carried. the town of palos was awaking, and workmen and sailors were appearing upon the streets, and women were opening their houses. as diego passed a house a woman recognized him and, pointing to him, cried out angrily: "there goes the son of colon, the genoese who feared neither god nor the devil, and sailed away into the unknown seas taking with him my husband and my brother." as she spoke she burst into loud weeping. the passers-by, startled by her passionate sobbing, stopped and gathered about her. not one consolatory or encouraging word was uttered, and lowering and menacing looks were cast on diego. an old man cried out, fiercely: "yes! colon the foreigner, colon the genoese adventurer, came to this town of palos, and to moguer and to huelva, and by force took away more than a hundred men from us to be lost in an unknown ocean. my son--my only son--was taken. never shall i see him again!" others joined in the imprecations upon the admiral. diego, putting down little fernando on the ground, stood and with crossed arms boldly faced the excited and angry people in the street. "yes!" he shouted, in a ringing voice. "the devil is not feared by my father, because my father is an upright man and a christian; nor does he fear the sea, because he is the boldest and most expert seaman that ever sailed the ocean floors. he fears god alone. he will return, and that soon, with the greatest honor and glory the world has ever seen; and you, men of palos, who might have gone with him and did not, will regret it all your lives; and the women and the children of palos and moguer and huelva will live to boast that it was these towns chiefly that supplied those who sailed with christobal colon, admiral of the ocean seas and viceroy and captain-general of all lands to the westward. do you remember that when my father sailed, he gave the order that when the ships had sailed seven hundred and fifty leagues to the westward no sail should be made after midnight, knowing that land would then be off their quarter? they were the words of a captain who knew how to lay his course and what he should find at the end of it. look you, i and my brother would not change places to-day with the sons of the greatest man in spain, for it will soon be seen that we are the sons of the greatest and boldest man in the world!" as diego proceeded, his voice grew firmer. a deep enthusiasm possessed his soul; his words, rapid and vehement, cut the air like swords. the people, astounded at such language from a beardless youth, remained silent. after a deep pause diego added: "watch then, you men and women of palos, the bar of saltes this day; and when you see my father's ship standing up the river, go down on your knees and ask pardon for all you have said against my father." then don felipe shouted in a loud voice: "you who revile and execrate the name of christobal colon to-day, to-morrow will hail him as the greatest man in the world. for my part i, don felipe langara y gama, grandee of spain of the first rank, reckon it an honor to call the son of christobal colon my friend." with that don felipe threw his arm around diego's neck, and the two marched defiantly down the street, little fernando walking in front of them. diego hugged don felipe openly, and rubbed his cheek against that of his friend. the people of palos, used to the distinction of rank, were impressed by don felipe's words, and gazed curiously but silently at the two youths. when they reached the waterside diego said, with a strange look in his eyes, to don felipe: "i have often thought as i lay in my bed at night, or as i attended the prince in the palace, or sat at meat with other pages, or worked at my books, 'at this moment my father is watching for sight of land. if it be daylight his eyes are fixed upon the horizon, watching for the dark line of the land to appear. if it be night-time he is standing on the poop watching, watching, watching for a light on shore.' and so i shall watch all day for the sight of my father's ship, and when night comes i will stay upon the quay still watching for him." as diego spoke the sky, which had been rosy red, grew blue and brilliant as the sun suddenly burst out in great magnificence; the world seemed bathed in the golden glory. diego had not once taken his eyes from the blue billows of the atlantic rushing in over the bar of saltes. and then--and then, he saw a speck upon the horizon, a vessel carrying all hard sail and standing straight for the bar. diego's heart almost leaped out of his body. he seized don felipe and shouted: "is that a caravel i see?" then the little fernando began to jump about and dance, shouting: "that is my father's ship!" diego stood as if turned to stone, his eyes fixed upon the advancing vessel. it could not be distinguished from any other vessel of its class; but when it reached the bar of saltes it came about, for the water was low on the bar. and far down the river diego saw, as did don felipe and little fernando, the great gonfalon, the crimson and yellow standard of spain, flung to the breeze, which blew it out bravely so that all could see the sign of glory. then, over the crystal water, came a single loud gun, the signal for a pilot to come aboard. it was as if the breaking out of the great standard and the boom of the solitary gun waked the whole of andalusia. instantly the entire population of palos, of moguer, of huelva, and the country-side seemed rushing to the seashore and watching in the glorious sunrise the banner of spain flying from the caravel. it was all so rapid that diego was stunned by it, the excited crowds of people, the sudden presence of juan perez and de quintanilla, the surging multitudes cheering, weeping, laughing, the women shrieking with joy and falling into each other's arms, the men mad with excitement, every pilot of palos running for his boat to have the honor of bringing the caravel up the river. men and women whose names diego did not know embraced him, and would have shoved him into a boat to go to meet his father; but diego, although his soul was in a tumult, retained his outward calmness. he would meet his father on spanish soil and would see that glorious landing. the boats, some under sail and others with rowers, sped down the river and swarmed about the caravel; but none was allowed to board her except the pilot, sebastian rodriguez, one of the admiral's earliest and most steadfast friends. to rodriguez was given the honor of bringing the caravel over the bar. the cheers and cries of the people echoed down the river, and the wind brought back the shouts from the boats surrounding the immortal ship. the tide came in slowly, and it was not until high noon that rodriguez was able to take the vessel over the bar. it was a wait of six hours in the clear march sunshine; but to the assembled multitudes it seemed a mere fragment of time. every hour added to the cheering and excited crowds that thronged the shore. the church bells over the whole district rang joyously, salutes were fired, and bands of musicians played and sang religious and patriotic hymns. diego, holding his little brother by the hand, and with don felipe next him, watched the caravel as it came slowly up the river in the midst of a universal joy and applause that echoed to the deep-blue sky above them. on the poop, under the royal standard, stood the admiral splendidly dressed in crimson, his attitude calm and unmoved, but full of that sublime dignity which had ever marked him. the boat of the pilot rodriguez, which was towing astern, was brought alongside and the admiral, with rodriguez and the queen's notary, came over the side and were pulled to the shore. the crowd fell back, leaving the sons of columbus to meet him first. a profound and solemn silence fell upon them as the admiral, when his foot touched spanish earth, kneeled down and kissed the ground and gave thanks to god. the vast multitude followed his example, diego and the little fernando being the first to kneel. then, rising, the admiral took his sons in his arms and kissed and blessed them. next he embraced the prior, juan perez, and de quintanilla. both were strong men; but they wept freely. the admiral did not forget don felipe. the men from the niña had poured ashore, and were greeted with tears and cries and wild embraces as men returning from the dead. a procession was rapidly formed, headed by the mayor and the officials of the town of palos and the ecclesiastics, to escort columbus and his men to the church of st. george, where a solemn te deum was to be sung. the procession was preceded by a beautiful youth in a red cassock and a white surplice bearing a great glittering cross. he was followed by the ecclesiastics in their robes and by the officials. then came the admiral holding with his right hand diego and with his left the little fernando, and escorted by alonzo de quintanilla, the queen's representative, on one side, and juan perez on the other. behind them stretched thousands of persons, only a few of whom could get into the little church. the multitudes crowding about it fell on their knees and joined in the singing of the solemn hymn of thanks. a supernatural joy filled every heart; in that of the admiral the humble thanksgiving of a christian took precedence of the stupendous triumph of the greatest discovery the world had ever known. a scant forty-eight hours was allowed diego before beginning the return journey to barcelona. it was the shortest two days diego had ever known. apart from the deep and penetrating joy of seeing his father and the splendid glow of pride which naturally filled diego's heart, he, like don felipe, was consumed with curiosity concerning the strange new lands to the west, the men of a race never before seen in europe, whom the admiral had brought back, the specimens of birds, plants, minerals, and animals hitherto unknown. but there was little time for that. the whole of spain seemed roused in a single day, and the admiral was overwhelmed with throngs of great people coming and sending to him and the enthusiasm of vast numbers of people half crazed with joy and pride in the man whom they had opposed and thwarted and whose sublime purpose they had tried in every way to defeat. the great and magnanimous soul of the admiral could easily ignore the past; he made no reproaches and bore his stupendous honors with the same dignity he had borne contumely, neglect, and treachery. at the end of the second day couriers traveling at full speed by night and by day, and with frequent relays of horses, brought the admiral a letter from the sovereigns. it was addressed to "don christobal de colon, our admiral of the ocean seas, viceroy and captain-general of all lands to the westward." in it, after expressions of fervent gratitude the king and the queen desired the admiral to take time to refresh himself before attending the sovereigns, who would await at barcelona his convenience. on the second night after the arrival of the admiral, he had his first long conversation with diego, who was leaving at daybreak with don tomaso and don felipe. the admiral questioned diego closely as to his life at court. diego was able to answer satisfactorily. his conduct had not been perfect, but it was not stained by a single act of baseness. at saying good night, the admiral said: "remember, do not on your return appear puffed up with pride and make your companions smile by references to your father, and otherwise comport yourself with pride, which is folly." "but, my father," answered diego, "do you think that i am not, after all, human, and that i am not filled with pride at the thought of being your son? i will try not to show it too much; but i have ever told all my companions, and said it before prince juan, that my father, the genoese navigator, would one day be acclaimed not only the greatest man in spain, but the greatest man in all the world. i think i have been very modest in claiming so little." diego spoke with such fire and earnestness, and with so much of boyish simplicity, that even the grave admiral was forced to smile at the boy's idea of modesty. "take pattern," he said, "by don felipe. that youth has always had everything that the highest rank, the greatest fortune, could confer, yet see how little boastful he is." "but don felipe's father was not to be named in the same breath with my father," replied diego, sturdily, and wagging his head. "very well," said the admiral, still smiling, "if you grow too boastful and self-conscious, i think i can depend upon your young companions to bring you to your proper senses." "yes," replied diego, after a pause, and looking with a clear, frank gaze into the eyes of the admiral. "and another thing will make me guard my behavior and control my tongue, which will be this: that my father has done so much, not only for spain, but for the whole world, that the discovery is so vast, it means so much to mankind, that for me, the son of the discoverer, to be boastful would be mean beyond comparison. i have learned much, my father, in the time that i have lived at court. i have heard the conversation of the great queen with mighty men like the cardinal pedro gonzalez de mendoza and the duke of medina coeli, and with statesmen and great generals and admirals and learned men. i have been under the care of the duke de medina coeli, a man reckoned fit to train the heir to the throne, and with the nineteen other royal pages, all selected for their character and intelligence. the queen does not value rank exclusively, and means that the companions of prince juan shall all be worthy of his friendship. when you sailed away, my father, i was a boy; now i am a man, i think as a man and feel as a man, and i hope i shall be able to act as a man. i cannot help feeling in my heart that i am the son of the greatest man in the world; but i know that i, myself, have done nothing; i have only reaped the benefit of what you have done, beginning, even before i was born, those eighteen years of eternal struggle, of heartbreaking disappointments. do you think that in this triumphant hour i have forgotten the days so far away now when i was a little ragged, barefoot boy holding your hand and toiling along the country roads as well as i could, and when i was tired and footsore being carried in your arms? you were often tired and footsore, too, were you not? and so in my mind i have a pride in you such as no son ever felt before in a father, and a deep joy, and it only makes me feel my own nothingness, the only way i can ever prove myself worthy of being your son is by good conduct, and in that i will ever do my best." the admiral listened with amazement as diego proceeded. here indeed was the transition in the mind and heart of a boy to the dignity of a man. diego was no longer a mere lad to be guided and instructed. much, it is true, was still for him to learn as men of intelligence learn from the beginning to the end of life; but his character was now fixed. he could stand alone, confident of his own integrity, looking boldly at the world around him, able to retrieve his own mistakes and to extricate himself from the perplexities of life and to protect himself amid its dangers. something of this the admiral said to him, clasping diego to his breast. the father and the son, looking into each other's eyes, so much alike, understood each other perfectly. "i have never left any place so unwillingly in my life as i shall leave here to-morrow," said diego; "but i will not say one word of complaint, and i shall be ready to mount before any of those who return with me." "that shows that you have become indeed a man," replied the admiral. "it is the mark of manhood to do promptly and uncomplainingly the necessary and painful things of life. boys and weaklings complain and protest and disobey; men obey silently and immediately if they are fit to be called men." diego was as good as his word, and at daylight on the march morning he was on horseback before any of the party, even the daredevil knight. some secondary thoughts came to console him. he had seen those strange beings, those wonderful productions, those birds and animals of the new world, and could tell prince juan and the pages of honor all about them. this natural feeling was shared by don felipe, who whispered to him, as they stood in the courtyard ready to depart: "i have drawn pictures of the indians to show prince juan, and also pictures of all the strange animals of which i could get sight." diego was charmed at this. don felipe drew well, while diego was but an indifferent hand at it; and it had not occurred to him to make any pictures. he had, however, some little plants from the new world, which were meant for doña luisita's garden at the castle of langara. ix gloria the party started off joyously; don tomaso was always joyous, but even the sober alonzo de quintanilla was full of gaiety. it was found impossible to prevent the people knowing that one of the two young men with don tomaso's party was the son of the immortal man with whose fame the world was ringing. in every town through which they passed multitudes collected, wild with curiosity and enthusiasm, and eager to see not only the son of the admiral, but the men who had seen and talked with those who had returned from the marvelous voyage. along the highways crowds assembled, made up of all classes of persons, from the great nobles down to the humblest muleteer or peasant; all were filled with an overwhelming sense of what the great discovery meant, not only to spain, but to the whole world. so large were these concourses that travel became exceedingly slow; and don tomaso wished it to be as rapid as possible. he managed, however, to make up for the delays by traveling at night and resting only a few brief hours. to diego and don felipe and all it seemed possible to do without sleep. as the party neared the splendid city of barcelona the crowds and enthusiasm seemed, if possible, to increase. foreseeing what their entrance into barcelona by daylight might be, don tomaso determined to steal into the city by night. accordingly, on that last night they prepared as usual to bivouac at sunset, that they might get rid of the surging people for a little while. about nine o'clock the party quietly rose and slipped away upon the dark and silent highroad. the night was gloomy and the darkness impenetrable, but that best suited the purposes of the travelers. the road was straight and level; and, giving their horses the rein, they rode steadily until they reached the outlying gardens and villas of barcelona. soon they stood before the main gate of the city. don tomaso, riding up to the postern-gate, rapped gently with the hilt of his sword. the warder in the tower asked his name and business. "i am," replied don tomaso, "don tomaso de gama, and i bear a letter for their majesties the king and the queen. open the small gate; we will dismount to enter." the warder came hastily down and, removing the bolts, chains, and bars from the small postern-gate, the party dismounted, and, leading their horses, entered the silent city. the warder, like all the people of spain, was eager to know something of the wonderful rumors that agitated barcelona. "is it true, sir," he asked of don tomaso, who, once inside the walls, was preparing to mount, "that the genoese captain has returned after finding a new world?" "as true as my sword, which is of the best steel made in toledo, and never misses fire," answered don tomaso, flinging himself upon his horse and galloping off. the echo of iron hoofs upon the stones of the street waked the whole city. the minds of men were at a tension, and every sound startled them. when the horsemen reached the palace, lights were still burning in the queen's apartments, although it was past midnight. the sound of arriving horsemen aroused the whole palace. the gate was immediately opened, and don tomaso and his party, dismounting, entered. in the corridors they were met by all the officers of the palace, none of them fully dressed, some putting on their clothes and shoes, others barefooted and wrapped in blankets. none dared to stop them, because don tomaso was making direct for the queen's part of the palace. when they reached the queen's anteroom, guarded by halberdiers, the door opened and doña christina appeared. in place of her usual splendid and correct costume she wore a short black silk petticoat, while a large shawl wrapped around her concealed other deficiencies of her toilet. she was too much agitated to do more than to give a hasty greeting to don felipe and diego, and in her excitement called diego, felipe, and felipe, diego. "her majesty has sent for the king," she said to don tomaso, "and desires that you will come in immediately. you bear a letter, i suppose, from the admiral?" all then entered the queen's room, while doña christina disappeared for a moment. she came back saying: "the queen desires to see you, don tomaso, and señor de quintanilla in private. don diego and don felipe may retire to bed." diego and don felipe looked at each other in silent chagrin; but knew better than to protest. they had hoped to be present at the interview of don tomaso and alonzo de quintanilla with the sovereigns, and were disappointed at being sent to bed, as it were. nevertheless, their return was not without triumph. as they walked down the long corridor, now full of persons, for the palace was thoroughly aroused, they were stopped at every moment by eager questioners. diego until then had been merely an object of curiosity, and even of prejudice on the part of some. many persons of rank treated him haughtily and disapproved the conferring of the title of "don" upon the son of an obscure italian and putting him upon an equality with the greatest nobles of spain. now, they regarded him with extraordinary interest and respect. this youth, closely resembling his father, would one day inherit all the titles and dignities of the greatest man in the world at that time. diego subtly realized this, and, instead of dazzling and unsettling him, gave him a better poise and a more sensible view of honors and distinctions. midway of the crowd in the corridor they met the duke de medina coeli, governor of the pages. although stern in discipline, he was strictly just, and had never made the smallest distinction between diego and the other pages, and was always careful to give him the title of "don." as diego and don felipe stopped and respectfully saluted him, the duke spoke kindly to diego, congratulating him upon the glorious achievement of his father and hoping that diego would prove worthy of him. "i thank you, sir," responded diego, with a low bow, "and i shall try by my conduct not to discredit my honored father." don felipe, who was really more courageous with the duke than diego, whispered a request into his ear. the duke smiled, and answered: "you may go to prince juan's room if you wish. no doubt he is awake like every one else in the palace. if he chooses to go with you to the dormitory of the pages to see what you have to show, i shall make no objection." the duke passed on, and diego and don felipe made straight for the apartments of prince juan. the prince was under military discipline, and had no more privileges in regard to leaving his room than had any of the pages. diego knocked at the prince's door, and it was opened, not by an attendant, but by prince juan himself. he caught diego in his arms and hugged him, boy fashion, and then hugged don felipe. "i have scarcely slept since the great news came!" cried prince juan. "never did any country receive so great a gift as your father, don diego, has made my country. tell me all, all, all, that you have seen and heard." "the governor bade me say that if your highness wished to go into the pages' dormitory he would permit it, and there we can show the pictures and tell the story as we have heard it," said don felipe. prince juan had in him that fine quality of wishing to share his pleasures with others. the thought of being surrounded by his friends and young companions while the story was told delighted him. he, with diego and don felipe, rushed pell-mell into the long dormitory, simple as a barrack, where the pages slept on their hard, narrow beds. but they were not sleeping. they were gathered in groups at the narrow windows trying to make out from the commotion in the courtyard what had happened. when the door opened the dormitory was quite dark, but prince juan, seizing with his own hands a lamp that hung from the wall outside, carried it into the large, bare room. the three were greeted with shouts of delight, for when alone with prince juan, he was treated as a friend and comrade rather than a prince. prince juan, putting the lamp on the table, and with the twenty pages around it, began to examine the pictures that don felipe had drawn and painted, and to listen breathlessly to the story of what they had seen. when the gray dawn crept in at the windows they were still gathered around the table, although the lamp had long since burnt itself out. then, however, they scampered back to their beds, and prince juan ran to his apartment, for in a little while it would be time for the governor of the pages to glance in prince juan's room and inspect the dormitory. although it was still march, and the admiral was not expected to arrive at barcelona until the middle of april, preparations for his reception were already begun. as the magnitude of the discovery of a new world grew more apparent the people seemed to be more and more dazzled by the great event. it not only meant an incalculable increase of power, territory, and wealth for spain, but it was of great import to science and learning of all sorts. geography had to be reconstructed, and astronomy would make a tremendous advance. the strange phenomenon of the variation of the compass excited all europe, and the discovery of the trade-winds by the admiral was of enormous benefit to commerce. it was indeed the revelation of a new and stupendous world to the old world. there were two persons, however, who, without forgetting the vast material and scientific value of the discovery, fixed their minds upon a nobler ideal, the taking to the new world the christian religion and civilization. these two were the admiral himself and the great queen isabella. daily letters were exchanged between these two lofty and kindred spirits, who could rise above the consideration of earthly grandeur, and who cherished splendid dreams of the reclamation and civilization of the unknown lands. when it became known that the admiral was to be received at barcelona by their majesties about the middle of april, all spain, italy, and france were aroused, for the event had so stirred men's minds that it was communicated with unheard-of rapidity; even far-off england and germany were thrilled to the centre. the king and the queen, to do honor to the admiral, determined to receive him in full sight of the people instead of in the palace. a huge temporary saloon open to the air was built in the great plaza opposite the cathedral. it was carpeted with magnificent moorish carpets and blazed with cloth of gold and gorgeous tapestries brought from the spanish palaces. at the end a magnificent throne was erected with three chairs upon it, two throne chairs and one for the admiral, who was to receive an honor never before granted to any but reigning sovereigns, to sit upon the throne with the king and the queen. a grand te deum was to be sung, and all the greatest singers in spain flocked to barcelona that they might take part in the music. the streets became so crowded that it was difficult to make progress, and the country round about was converted into a camp by a tented army of travelers who could get no accommodations in the city. through it all diego felt as if he were in a splendid dream. his heart swelled with joy; his prayers were all thanksgivings; but his mind remained steady and his conduct modest. to have shown a haughty and vainglorious spirit he felt would degrade him more than anything else in the world. his own sound sense and his father's counsels prevented him from being unbalanced by the flatterers who surrounded him. those who had jeered at him as being an upstart and a foreigner were now the ones who paid him court, as if he were a man grown, who could not meet him without linking their arms in his, and who embarrassed him by the urgency of their invitations to banquets and feasts and jousts at arms and in the tilt-yard. diego in his heart scornfully contrasted them with those of his friends like don felipe and the other pages who had treated him always with friendliness; with the daredevil knight, who had made no difference between the son of the genoese captain and don felipe, heir to the honors of the house of langara y gama; of doña christina, who had shown him unvarying sweetness; and doña luisita, whose soft eyes had always smiled on him from the night he had first seen her, in her white gown and veil, standing in the archway of the castle of langara, the light from the silvery lamp falling upon her slender white figure. but above all was the great queen unchanged, because she had ever been the soul of gentleness and kindness to the motherless diego. it was a time of brilliant happiness for all, but to the son of the great admiral it was a time of joy deeper than he had ever dreamed. four days before the arrival of the admiral, who was making his way amid acclamations from cordova to barcelona, juan perez, the prior of la rabida, arrived with fray piña and brother lawrence, bringing the little fernando. it was the wish of the admiral that both of his sons and his tried and true friends should be present in his hour of unprecedented triumph. lodgings were prepared in the palace for the party from la rabida. the palace was already crowded with members of the royal family and their attendants. the pages had to find quarters where best they could, their dormitory being given up to the great nobles in attendance on royalty. diego and don felipe were glad of a little room to themselves, with a pallet on the floor for little fernando, whom brother lawrence still faithfully attended. "it is no use to find a sleeping place for me," said brother lawrence to diego, "for no one can sleep until the admiral comes. i ever believed in your father, and when i saw the prior with his head bending down over the maps for hours and days with the admiral, i said to myself, 'that genoese captain will find something yet.'" as brother lawrence could neither read nor write, his views on geography were not particularly valuable; but his faithfulness and devotion to diego in his childhood, and to little fernando now, made him a prized though humble friend. fray piña was perfectly unchanged, being the same calm, polished and somewhat stern young man; but diego and don felipe had learned to understand and admire his justice and even his sternness, for he was no sterner with others than with himself. "i should not be surprised," said diego to don felipe, on the night of the fourteenth of april, as they lay in their beds watching the stars shining through the window, the little fernando sleeping on the floor, and brother lawrence snoring loudly on a bench outside the door--"i should not be surprised if fray piña were to send us word the first thing in the morning that he is prepared to give us a lesson in astronomy to-morrow instead of watching the great procession." "it would be exactly like him," replied don felipe, laughing; "but for once i would not obey him." half the night the two youths watched the night sky, dreading that clouds and storms might mar the most glorious day that had ever dawned for spain. but the stars shone from a clear sky, and the april morning broke as beautiful as that august morning when the santa maria, the pinta, and the niña slipped away into the sunlit ocean, or on that glorious march day when the niña passed the bar of saltes, the great standard of spain floating in triumph from her peak. scarcely an eye closed that night in barcelona. not only was every street, window, and balcony filled, but the roofs were black with persons passionately anxious to see the great pageant. the sun shone with unclouded splendor, and soft airs from the blue and glittering mediterranean gently moved the flags and banners that were clustered thick over city and harbor. a great collection of vessels from every adjacent port and country made the spacious harbor of barcelona a forest of shipping and extended in long lines on both sides of the coast. the entrance of the admiral was to take place at ten o'clock in the morning. at that hour all was arranged in the great plaza of the city. the king and the queen, wearing their royal robes and mantles, and with crowns upon their heads, were seated on the throne in their great gilded chairs. behind the king's chair stood prince juan; and behind the queen were grouped the princess katharine and the other royal children. of the ladies-in-waiting of the queen, doña christina held the place of honor, and among the young ladies of the highest rank was seated doña luisita. she was dressed in white and silver, and was in clear view of diego, who, with little fernando, was given a seat next the steps of the throne. the robes, jewels, and plumes of the ladies made a splendid glow of color. the cardinals, headed by the great cardinal pedro gonzalez de mendoza, the firm friend of the admiral, made a blaze of glory in their scarlet robes, while all the bishops and archbishops of spain in purple robes and white capes, their glittering mitres and crosiers shining in the april sun, with their train-bearers and attendants, were seated next the cardinals. among the ecclesiastics there were two plain, black-gowned figures, those of juan perez, prior of la rabida, and father de deza, tutor to prince juan, the two friends of whom the admiral in life and in his will after his death spoke with gratitude which has immortalized them. others who had stood by the admiral, like alonzo de quintanilla and luis de st. angel, were given places of honor. the nobles, wearing their robes of state, the knights, resplendent in flashing armor, added magnificence to the scene. a solemn hush was upon the great company. all excitement and jubilation subsided as the deep and tremendous meaning of the day made itself felt. all was in readiness by half-past nine o'clock; but long before that came from afar off a deep murmur like the distant roar of breakers on the seashore as the admiral approached the gates of the city. the murmur grew, never loud, but deep, because it came from the hearts of the people. it seemed to rise from the earth and the sea and to extend to the limits of the horizon. presently, in the glowing april morning, the head of the advancing procession was seen as it entered the spacious plaza. then it parted to the right and the left, and the figure of the admiral, mounted on a stately black horse, was seen advancing, while immediately behind him rode a color-bearer carrying the great gonfalon of spain that columbus himself carried ashore and planted upon the soil of the new world. at sight of him, suddenly the silence was broken with a clashing of joy bells, the salvos of artillery, the solemn thunder of cathedral chimes, and the shrill acclaims of trumpets and clarions. the tongues of the people were unloosed, and a storm of applause that began in the plaza of barcelona and reached for leagues beyond on land and sea rose to heaven. this lasted until the admiral reached the foot of the broad, red-carpeted stairs that led to the great platform. there he dismounted and ascended the stairs. never had this majestic man appeared so majestic. his tall and stately figure, his hair already white, his carriage full of grace and dignity, would have made him a marked man among other men under any circumstances; but, above all, his eyes, gravely triumphant, introspective, of unshakable steadiness, proclaimed him as a master of men, born a captain, and designed for command. well might it be believed that this man stood ready to sail into the perilous and uncharted seas, to meet unknown dangers and horrors, to face and subdue mutineers who would have thrown him into the ocean and dared not, though they were many and he was but one, who kept his course due west, when even the hearts of his captains and his pilots fainted within them, remaining unshaken when the north star seemed to tremble in its orbit. brave and skilful mariners had there been before, but he was the bravest and the most skilful man who had ever sailed blue water. these thoughts surged through the hearts of all who saw the immortal admiral as he mounted the steps of the great platform, where was assembled the authority, the learning, the piety, the chivalry, and the beauty of spain to do him honor--honor to him who for eighteen years had borne, with sublime courage and infinite patience, disappointment, contumely, treachery, and ignominy. now, at his approach, all rose, and every head was uncovered. the loftiest height of glory was his; and yet he remained undazzled, with a just pride before men, but with humility before god, for columbus was, first of all, a christian. this man columbus, a foreigner and penniless, had, by his stupendous genius and matchless courage, made spain in one hour the greatest and most powerful nation in the world. the boundless territory and the incalculable riches with which columbus had endowed the country brought with them new duties, new problems, vast responsibilities, and novel relations with all the countries of the known world. the more this amazing discovery of columbus was analyzed the greater and deeper it appeared. not only spain, but the future of the human race, was powerfully and inevitably affected by the revelation of a new and mysterious world. these thoughts produced not only a sublime exaltation, but a solemn and sobering effect upon the vast multitudes assembled in barcelona on that unforgettable day. especially was this true of the rulers of spain. the expulsion of the moorish invaders from spanish soil had been justly regarded as a splendid national triumph and a great step forward in christian civilization. to this was added a triumph greater than any known to ancient rome, beside which all the acquisition of territory, all conquests of the world appeared trivial. it was this sublime thought that paled the cheeks of the great queen isabella, who, with eyes downcast upon her clasped hands, moved her lips continually in silent prayer. king ferdinand, soldier and statesman, but cold and crafty, saw the vast achievement of columbus from a nobler point of view than ever before. prince juan, true son of his mother, was, like her, pale and concentrated. it was more than the brilliant sunrise of spanish glory; it was the greatest earthly event the world had ever known. in the midst of a breathless silence columbus advanced slowly and with dignity. when he reached the foot of the throne he stopped, modestly waiting for an invitation from his sovereigns to proceed further. the queen, in her eagerness, moved forward and, stooping, held out her hand. columbus ascended the throne and kneeled before the sovereigns. the queen, her hand still extended, raised him, saying: "welcome, don christobal colon, our admiral of the ocean seas, and viceroy and captain-general of all lands to the westward. we give you our thanks. so does all spain." columbus bowed low, and king ferdinand repeated the words of the queen. then, at a signal, the te deum burst forth, singers and instruments in a glorious outburst of music, the great organ from the open doors of the cathedral swelling out in melodious thunder. the king and the queen and columbus fell upon their knees, as did all present, and the multitudes and throngs in the streets and the watchers and listeners on land and sea. all remained kneeling while the majestic hymn of thanksgiving was sung. when a solemn silence succeeded, queen isabella, in a clear voice, gave thanks to god for the great discovery and asked the blessing of the almighty upon the new lands to the westward. a deep and heartfelt amen surged from the lips and hearts of tens of thousands of persons. the queen and the king, and all present, then rose from their knees and seated themselves, columbus taking the seat of honor prepared for him by the side of queen isabella. the king and the queen, after thanking him formally, desired him to give an account of his voyage, which he modestly recounted. when this was over, the procession passed before the sovereigns of those who had been upon the voyage, the indians that had been brought back, the strange birds and animals and plants, columbus briefly explaining them. it was long past noon before the great ceremonies were finished, and the glittering assemblage rose to attend the magnificent banquet to be given in honor of columbus at the royal palace. as diego walked along, holding the hand of his little brother, his heart was almost oppressed with the glory he had seen. he felt as if he had been lifted into another and higher world for a time, and he yearned for the simple and familiar things of life. when he passed don felipe in the orderly assemblage, he looked toward his friend imploringly. don felipe slipped his arm within that of diego. then diego, glancing up, saw the beautiful dark eyes of doña luisita fixed upon him with soft brilliance. the tempest in his heart was calmed, his soul was soothed. after all that he had known of distresses and of triumphs, of miseries and of splendors, of poverty and of riches, of ignominy and of glory in his short life, he had never lacked for love or friendship. could they remain his, life would be a glorious conflict, a splendid struggle to the last, ending with the hope of love eternal. the end transcriber's note: minor changes have been made to regularize hyphenation and to correct obvious typesetters' errors; variant spellings have been retained. words and phrases that were typeset in the original book have been shown with an underscore (_) before and after. true stories of great americans christopher columbus by mildred stapley whatever can be known of earth we know, sneered europe's wise men, in their snail shells curled; no! said one man in genoa, and that no out of the dark created the new world. --james russell lowell contents chapter i columbus befriended by royalty chapter ii the youth of columbus chapter iii "lands in the west" chapter iv the sojourn in madeira chapter v a season of waiting chapter vi a ray of hope chapter vii isabella decides chapter viii off at last! chapter ix "land! land!" chapter x natives of the new land chapter xi the return in the _nina_ chapter xii days of triumph chapter xiii preparing for a second voyage chapter xiv finding new islands chapter xv on a sea of troubles chapter xvi the third voyage chapter xvii a return in disgrace chapter xviii public sympathy chapter xix the last voyage chapter xx the courage of diego mendez chapter xxi "into port" christopher columbus chapter i columbus befriended by royalty spain, as every one knows, was the country behind the discovery of america. few people know, however, what an important part the beautiful city of granada played in that famous event. it was in october, 1492, that columbus first set foot on the new world and claimed it for spain. in january of that same year another territory had been added to that same crown; for the brave soldier-sovereigns, ferdinand and isabella, had conquered the moorish kingdom of granada in the south and made it part of their own country. nearly eight hundred years before, the dark-skinned moors had come over from africa and invaded the european peninsula which lies closest to the straits of gibraltar, and the people of that peninsula had been battling fiercely ever since to drive them back to where they came from. true, the moor had brought arabian art and learning with him, but he had brought also the mohammedan religion, and _that_ was intolerable not only to the spaniards but to all europeans. no christian country could brook the thought of this asiatic creed flourishing on her soil, so spain soon set to work to get rid of it. this war between the two religions began in the north near the bay of biscay whither the christians were finally pushed by the invaders. each century saw the moors driven a little farther south toward the mediterranean, until granada, where the lovely sierra nevadas rise, was the last stronghold left them. small wonder, then, that when granada was finally taken the spanish nation was supremely happy. small wonder that they held a magnificent fete in their newly-won city in the "snowy mountains." the vanquished moorish king rode down from his mountain citadel and handed its keys to ferdinand and isabella. bells pealed, banners waved, and the people cheered wildly as their victorious sovereigns rode by. and yet, so we are told by a writer who was present, in the midst of all this rejoicing one man stood aside, sad and solitary. while all the others felt that their uttermost desire had been granted in acquiring the moorish kingdom, _he_ knew that he could present them with a far greater territory than granada if only they would give him the chance. what were these olive and orange groves beside the tropic fertility of the shores he longed to reach, and which he would have reached long ere this, he told himself regretfully, if only they had helped him! what was the christianizing of the few moors who remained in spain compared with the christianizing of all the undiscovered heathen across the atlantic! and so on that eventful january 2, 1492, when a whole city was delirious with joy, "there was crying in granada when the sun was going down, some calling on the trinity- some calling on mahoun. here passed away the koran--there in the cross was borne- and here was heard the christian bell- and there the moorish horn." on that great day of jubilee one man, a stranger, but as devout a christian as any of the conquerors, stood apart downcast, melancholy, saddened by years of fruitless waiting for a few ships. that man was christopher columbus. when you know that columbus was present by special invitation, that a friend of the queen's had secured him the promise of an interview with full consideration of his plans just as soon as the city surrendered, you may think he should have looked happy and hopeful with the rest; but the fact was, that for nearly seven years the monarchs had been holding out promises, only to put him off, until his faith in princes had dwindled to almost nothing. but, as it happened, they really meant it this time. moreover, it is only fair to ferdinand and isabella to believe that they had always meant it, but they had been so preoccupied with the enormous task of welding poor spain, long harassed by misrule and war, into a prosperous nation, that they had neither time nor money for outside ventures. certain it is that when granada was really conquered and they had their first respite from worry, the man who was known at court as the "mad genoese" was summoned to expound his plan of sailing far out into the west where he was certain of finding new lands. where this meeting took place is not known positively, but probably it was in the palace called the alhambra, a marvelous monument of arabian art which may be visited to-day. columbus stood long in the exquisite audience chamber, pleading and arguing fervently; then he came out dejected, mounted his mule, and rode wearily away from spain's new city; for spain, after listening attentively to his proposals, had most emphatically refused to aid him. it was surely a sorry reward, you will say, for his six years' waiting. and yet the man's courage was not crushed; he started off for france, to try his luck with the french king. this is what had happened at the spanish court. the great navigator talked clearly and convincingly about the earth being round instead of flat as most people still supposed; and how, since europe, asia, and africa covered about six sevenths of the globe's surface, and the atlantic ocean the remaining seventh (here he quoted the prophet esdras), [footnote: "upon the third day thou didst command that the waters should be gathered in the seventh part of the earth. six parts hast thou dried up and kept them to the intent that of these some being planted of god and tilled might serve thee.... upon the fifth day thou saidst unto the seventh part where the waters were gathered that it should bring forth living creatures, fowls and fishes, and so it came to pass." apocrypha, 2 esdras vi. 42, 47.] any one by sailing due west must surely come to land. so clear was his own vision of this land that he almost saw it as he spoke; and his eloquence made his hearers almost see it too. one after another they nodded their approval, and approval had never before been won when he addressed a spanish audience. but when archbishop talavera, who was spokesman for king ferdinand, asked the would-be discoverer what reward he expected in case his voyage was successful, the answer was so unexpected that nearly every man in the room was indignant. this answer is worth looking into carefully if one is to understand why the spanish nobility thought that columbus drove a hard bargain. he demanded of their highnesses, _first_: that he should be made admiral over all seas and territories he might discover, the office to continue for life and to descend to his heirs forever, with all its dignities and salaries. _second_: that he should be made viceroy and governor-general of all new territories, and should name the officers under him. _third_: that he should have one tenth part of all merchandise, pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, or spices acquired by trade, discovery, or any other method. _fourth_: that if any controversy or lawsuit should arise over such goods, he or his officer should be the only judge in the matter. _fifth_: that in fitting out all expeditions for trade or discovery he should be allowed to furnish one eighth of the cost and receive one eighth of the profit. on these conditions and no others would christopher columbus undertake his perilous journey into unknown seas; and the grandees of spain walked indignantly away from him. "lord high admiral!" murmured one. "an office second only to royalty! this foreigner demands promotion over us who have been fighting and draining our veins and our purses for spain this many a year!" "governor-general with power to select his own deputies!" murmured another. "why, he would be monarch absolute! what proof has he ever given that he knows how to govern!" "one tenth of all goods acquired by trade _or any other method_," protested still another. "what other method has he in mind?--robbery, piracy, murder, forsooth? and then, when complaints of his 'other method' are made, he alone is to judge the case! a sorry state of justice, indeed!" now, when you see this from the spaniards' point of view, can you not understand their indignation? yet columbus, too, had cause for indignation. true, these soldiers of spain had risked much, but on land, and aided by powerful troops. _he_ was offering to go with a few men on a small ship across a vast unexplored sea; and that seemed to him a far greater undertaking than a campaign against the moors. his position was much like that of the modern inventor who resents having the greater part of the profits of his invention given to those who promote it. columbus's friends, the few men who had encouraged him and believed in him ever since he came to spain, begged him to accept less, but he was inflexible. he was prepared to make the biggest journey man had ever dreamed of, and not one iota less would he take for it. but no such rewards would talavera promise, and thus ended the interview for which columbus had waited nearly seven years! and so he rode away from the lovely moorish city, weary and dejected, yet hoping for better treatment when he should lay his plans before the french king. his ride took him across the fertile vega (plain) of granada and into a narrow mountain pass where the bleak elvira range towers three thousand feet above the road. but smiling plain and frowning mountain were alike to the brooding traveler. he noticed neither; nor, when he started across the ancient stone bridge of pinos, did he notice that horsemen were galloping after him. they were queen isabella's messengers sent to bid the bold navigator return. they overtook him in the middle of the bridge, and then and there his trip to france ended. the queen, they told him, would accept his terms unconditionally. and isabella kept her word. the next time christopher columbus rode forth from granada it was not with bowed head and heavy heart, but with his whole soul rejoicing. we may be sure that he turned back for a last affectionate look at the lovely mountain city; for it had given him what historians now call "the most important paper that ever sovereign put pen to, "--a royal order for the long-desired ships and men with which to discover "lands in the west." chapter ii the youth of columbus having seen how that great event in spanish history, the fall of granada, set the date for the discovery of america, let us see how it was that a humble italian sailor came to be present among all those noble spanish soldiers and statesmen. let us see why he had brought to spain the idea of a round world, when most spaniards still believed in a flat one; and why his round world was perfectly safe to travel over, even to its farthest point, while their flat one was edged with monsters so terrible that no man had ever sought their evil acquaintance. [illustration: from "the story of columbus" by elizabeth l. seelys, courtesy of d. appleton and company. the genoa home] the amount of really reliable information which we possess concerning the childhood of christopher columbus could be written in a few lines. we do not know accurately the date of his birth, though it was probably 1451. sixteen italian cities have claimed him as a native; and of these genoa in northern italy offers the best proofs. papers still exist showing that his father owned a little house there. men who have studied the life of columbus, and who have written much about him, say that he was born in the province, not the city, of genoa; but columbus himself says in his diary that he was a native of genoa city; and present-day genoese have even identified the very street where he was born and where he played as a child--the vico dritto di ponticello. in the wall of the house in which he is believed to have lived is placed an iron tablet containing an inscription in latin. it tells us that "no house is more to be honored than this, in which christopher columbus spent his boyhood and his early youth." more important than the exact spot of his birth would be a knowledge of the sort of childhood he passed and of the forces that molded his character. to learn this we must look into the condition of civilization, and particularly of italian civilization, in the middle sixteenth century. columbus was born in a brilliant period known now as the renaissance--a french word meaning re-birth--which marks the beginning of modern history. it followed a long, painful period known to us as the dark ages, or middle ages, namely, the period between ancient and modern times. in the middle ages humanity was very ignorant, hampered by all sorts of evil superstitions; while the daily life of the people was miserable and without comforts, lacking many things which we consider necessities. yet even in those far-away days things were improving, because man has always felt the desire to make his lot better; and the constant effort of these people of the middle ages led to that beautiful awakening which we call the renaissance. one of the first glimmers of this new life may be said to have come from the crusades. the europeans who had journeyed down into asia to drive the mohammedans, or saracens, out of the holy land, came back impressed with the fact that these infidel asiatics had more refinement and courtesy than christian europe knew. the returning crusaders introduced some of this refinement into their own countries, and it caused people to abandon some of their rude ways. of course there were many more influences working toward the great awakening, principally the growth of commerce. all europe became alive with the desire for progress; many new things were invented, many old ones perfected; and before the renaissance ended it had given us some wonderful discoveries and achievements--paper and printing; the mariner's compass; an understanding of the solar system; oil painting, music, and literature; and lastly, the new world. why, then, if it brought all these arts and inventions and discoveries, do we not call it the birth, instead of the _re_-birth? because many of the beautiful elements of the renaissance, such as art, science, and poetry, enjoyment of life, freedom to investigate and study nature-all these had existed in the days of ancient greece and rome; but after the fall of roman civilization it took the barbarian peoples of other portions of europe a long, long time to grow civilized, and to establish some sort of order out of their jumbled affairs; and while they were slowly learning lessons of government and nationality, the culture of the antique world was lost sight of. when it was found again, when young men wished to learn latin and greek so that they could read the longneglected books and poetry of the ancients, human life was made much richer and happier. this desire came first to the people of italy. it was very natural, for ancient rome, where great learning had last flourished, was in italy; furthermore, the italian peninsula, jutting out into the much-navigated mediterranean, was full of seaports, to which came vessels with the merchandise, the language, and the legends of other countries; and when we learn of other countries, we broaden our ideas. add to italy's favorable geographical position the fact that her people were unusually quick of intellect, and were gifted with great imagination, and you will see how natural it was that the renaissance should have started there. also, you will see why the great discoverer was a very natural product of italy and its renaissance. * * * * * genoa, like other large italian cities, was teeming with this new spirit of investigation and adventure when cristoforo colombo (in his native land his name was pronounced cristof'oro colom'bo) was born there or first came there to live. long before, genoa had taken an active part in the crusades, and every genoese child knew its story. it had carried on victorious wars with other italian seaports. it had an enormous commerce. it had grown rich, it was so full of marble palaces and churches, and it had such a glorious history, that its own people loved to call it _genova la superba_ (superb genoa). although cristoforo's family were humble people of little or no education, the lad must have had, or made, many opportunities for acquiring knowledge. probably he _made_ them; for, as a boy in those days generally followed his father's trade, cristoforo must have spent a good deal of time in "combing" wool; that is, in making the tangled raw wool ready for weaving. perhaps he was sent to school, the school supported by the "weavers' guild." but between working at home and going to school, he evidently made many little trips down to the busy wharves. was there ever any spot more fascinating than the wharves in olden days --in that far-off time when there were no books to read, and when a boy's only chance of hearing about other countries was to go and talk to the crew of each vessel that came into port? the men to whom our lad talked had sailed the whole length and breadth of the biggest body of explored water, the mediterranean. some had gone farther east, into the black sea; and still others--bravest of all--had passed beyond the straits of gibraltar and out on to the great unknown ocean. it was to these last, we may be sure, that the adventurous boy listened most eagerly. those hardy sailors were the best possible professors for a boy who intended to follow the sea. they were, doubtless, practical men who never talked much about the sea-monsters and other nonsense that many landsmen believed in; nor did they talk of the world being flat, with a jumping-off place where the sun set. that belief was probably cherished by men of book-learning only, who lived in convents and who never risked their lives on the waves. good men these monks were, and we are grateful to them for keeping alive a little spark of learning during those long, rude middle ages; but their ideas about the universe were not to be compared in accuracy with the ideas of the practical mariners to whom young cristoforo talked on the gay, lively wharves of _genova la superba_. many years after columbus's death, his son fernando wrote that his father had studied geography (which was then called _cosmogony_) at the university of pavia. columbus himself never referred to pavia nor to any other school; nor was it likely that poor parents could afford to send the eldest of five children to spend a year at a far-off university. certain it is that he never went there after his seafaring life began, for from then on his doings are quite clearly known; so we must admit that while he may have had some teaching in childhood, what little knowledge he possessed of geography and science were self-taught in later years. the belief in a sphere-world was already very ancient, but people who accepted it were generally pronounced either mad or wicked. long before, in the greek and roman days, certain teachers had believed it without being called mad or wicked. as far back as the fourth century b.c. a philosopher named pythagoras had written that the world was round. later plato, and next aristotle, two very learned greeks, did the same; and still later, the romans taught it. but greece and rome fell; and during the dark ages, when the greek and roman ideas were lost sight of, most people took it for granted that the world was flat. after many centuries the "sphere" idea was resurrected and talked about by a few landsmen, and believed in by many practical seamen; and it is quite possible that the young cristoforo had learned of the theory of a sphere-world from genoese navigators even before he went to sea. wherever the idea originated is insignificant compared with the fact that, of all the men who held the same belief, columbus alone had the superb courage to sail forth and prove it true. columbus, writing bits of autobiography later, says that he took to the sea at fourteen. if true, he did not remain a seafarer constantly, for in 1472-73 he was again helping his father in the weaving or woolcombing business in genoa. until he started on his famous voyage, columbus never kept a journal, and in his journal we find very little about those early days in genoa. while mentioning in this journal a trip made when he was fourteen, columbus neglects to state that he did not definitely give up his father's trade to become a sailor until 1475. meanwhile he had worked as clerk in a genoese bookshop. we know he must have turned this last opportunity to good account. printing was still a very young art, but a few books had already found their way to genoa, and the young clerk must have pored over them eagerly and tried to decipher the latin in which they were printed. at any rate, it is certain that in 1474 or 1475 cristoforo hired out as an ordinary sailor on a mediterranean ship going to chios, an island east of greece. in 1476 we find him among the sailors on some galleys bound for england and attacked by pirates off the portuguese cape st. vincent. about columbus's connection with these pirates much romance has been written,--so much, indeed, that the simple truth appears tame by comparison. one of these two pirates was named colombo, a name common enough in italy and france. both pirates were of noble birth, but very desperate characters, who terrorized the whole mediterranean, and even preyed on ships along the atlantic coast. columbus's son, fernando, in writing about his father, foolishly pretended that the discoverer and the noble-born corsairs were of the same family; but the truth is, one of the corsairs was french and the other greek; they were not italians at all. fernando further says that his father was sailing under them when the battle off cape st. vincent was fought; that when the vessels caught fire, his father clung to a piece of wreckage and was washed ashore. thus does fernando explain the advent of columbus into portugal. but all this took place years before fernando was born. what really appears to have happened is that columbus was in much more respectable, though less aristocratic, company. it was not on the side of the pirates that he was fighting, but on the side of the shipowner under whom he had hired, and whose merchandise he was bound to protect, for the genoese galleys were bound for england for trading purposes. some of the galleys were destroyed by the lawless colombo, but our colombo appears to have been on one that escaped and put back into cadiz, in southern spain, from which it later proceeded to england, stopping first at lisbon. this is a less picturesque version, perhaps, than fernando's, but certainly it shows columbus in a more favorable light. late the next year, 1477, or early in 1478, cristoforo went back to lisbon with a view to making it his home. besides this battle with corsairs, columbus had many and varied experiences during his sea trips, not gentle experiences either. even on the huge, palatial steamships of to-day the details of the common seaman's life are harsh and rough; and we may be sure that on the tiny, rudely furnished, poorly equipped sailboats of the fifteenth century it was a thousand times harsher and rougher. then, too, the work to be done in and around the mediterranean was no occupation for children; it quickly turned lads into men. carrying cargo was the least of a shipowner's business; he was more often hiring out vessels and crews to warring kings, to portuguese who carried on a slave trade, or to fight pirates, the dread of the mediterranean. slaves rowed the mediterranean galleys, and in the bow stood a man with a long lash to whip the slaves into subjection. with all these matters did christopher columbus become acquainted in the course of time, for they were everyday matters in the maritime life of the fifteenth century; but stern though such experiences were, they must have developed great personal courage in christopher, a quality he could have none too much of if he was to lead unwilling, frightened sailors across the wide unknown sea. chapter iii "lands in the west" by moving from genoa to lisbon, columbus found himself in a much better atmosphere for developing into a discoverer. the genius of a discoverer lies in the fact that he yearns for the unknown; and portugal faced the atlantic ocean, that immense unexplored "sea of darkness" as it was then called. italy, as we know, was the greater country, but it faced the mediterranean, and every nook and corner of the mediterranean were known and explored. for any man thirsting to learn more about geography and exploration, there was no more vital spot in europe than lisbon in the fifteenth century. why it was so is such an interesting story that it must be told. we have read how zealously the spaniards had been striving for centuries to drive out the moors, whom they considered the arch enemies of christian europe. portugal, being equally near to africa, was also overrun by moors, and for ages the portuguese had been at war with them, finally vanquishing them early in columbus's century. a wise portuguese prince then decided on a scheme for breaking their power utterly; and that was to wrest from them their enormous trade with arabia and india; for their trade made their wealth and their wealth was their power. this trade was known as the indian trade, and was carried on by overland caravans up through asia and northern africa to the mediterranean coasts. the goods brought into europe by this means--gold, pearls, spices, rare woods--naturally set europe to thinking that the lands producing them must be the most favored part of the world, and "the indies" stood for wealth of all kinds. no one knew precisely where "the indies" lay; no one knew about the indian ocean or the shape of southern africa; "the indies" was simply an indefinite term for the rich and mysterious regions from which the caravans came. the old maps of the fifteenth century show three different countries of this name--far india, beyond the ganges river; middle india, between the ganges and the indus; and lesser india, including both sides of the red sea. on the african side of the red sea was located the legendary kingdom of a great monarch known as prester john. _prester_ is a shortening of presbyter, for this john was a christian priest as well as a king. ever since the twelfth century there had been stories circulated through europe about the enormously wealthy monarch who ruled over a vast number of christians "in the indies." at first prester john's domain was supposed to be in asia; later the legends shifted it over to africa, abyssinia probably; and it was with this division of "india" that the portuguese prince henry hoped to establish a trade; not, at first, by rounding africa and sailing up its east coast to abyssinia, but by merely cruising down the coast of western africa till abyssinia's atlantic shores were reached; for so vague was the geography of that far-away day that abyssinia was supposed to stretch from ethiopia to the atlantic. "if," reasoned prince henry, "my sailors can feel their way down africa till they come to prester john's territory, not only could our nation secure the rich trade which now goes to the moors, but we could form a treaty with the african christians and ask them to come to europe and help us should the moors ever again advance against us." this plan was approved by pope nicholas v., who sanctioned prince henry's enterprise in the hope of "bringing the people of india, who are reputed to honor christ, to the aid of european christians against saracens and other enemies." this projected exploration of the african coast by "henry the navigator" was the whole foundation for the _mistaken statements that christopher columbus was trying to find "a sea route to india_." prince henry was trying to find a sea route to an african india which he supposed lay about where guinea lies; and as for christopher, he never undertook to find either this african india, nor the true asiatic india; _he only promised the spanish sovereigns that he would find "lands in the west_." having straightened out the long-lived confusion about "the short route to india," let us see how prince henry went to work. northern or mediterranean africa was well known to europe, but not the atlantic coast. there was an ancient belief that ships could not enter tropic seas because the intensely hot sun drew up all the water and left only the slimy ooze of the bottom of the ocean. cape nun, of morocco, was the most southerly point of africa yet reached; and about it there was a discouraging saying, "who pass cape nun must turn again or else be gone." prince henry, who was called the "protector of studies in portugal," did not believe that rhyme, and determined to show how foolish and untrue it was. his first step was to establish an observatory and a school for navigation at cape st. vincent, the most westerly point of europe and the most southwesterly point of portugal. to this observatory the prince invited the most learned astronomers, geographers, and instrument-makers then living, that they might all work together with him; and from the little fishing village of sagres, close to his great observatory, he sent out sailors who, according to an old writer, "were well taught in all rules which sailors ought to know, and provided with the best instruments for navigation." these expeditions began fifty years before columbus came to lisbon. most of them sailed south; out there had always been legends of lands in the west, so westward some of them sailed and found the azores and the madeira islands. these last had been known to english navigators more than a century before, but as england sent no people to occupy and claim them, portugal took possession of them. how the ownership of all newly-found portions of the globe came to be determined is worth looking into. ever since the time of the crusades it was recognized as right that any european christian ruler might seize the land and property of any asiatic infidel. if two or three christian rulers united to seize mohammedan territory and were victorious, the pope was to decide which one should own it. but the crusades were unsuccessful, and so the question of ownership of land outside of europe never came up until prince henry sent out his discoverers. then, in order to make portugal's claim very sure to whatever she might find, pope martin v. issued an order that all land which might be discovered between cape bojador (on the most southerly point of the morocco coast) and the indies should belong to portugal, no matter what navigator discovered it. this was in 1479. naturally, when his turn came to navigate, columbus would not be interested in taking the portuguese path, since, by papal order, he would have to turn over to portugal whatever he might discover. but to return to prince henry. his successes began in 1422 when a portuguese captain pushed past the high promontory of cape nun and did not "turn again" till he had gone far enough to see that the southern atlantic was as full of water as the northern. after that these brave people kept sailing farther and farther south, down past guinea and the mouth of the congo, always asking for the india of prester john; but the savage blacks at whose coasts they touched had never heard of it. finally bartholomew dias rounded the cape of good hope and proved that the african india had no atlantic coast; and he also proved that there existed a southern hemisphere of great possibilities. then the question of reaching asiatic india by sea loomed large in the portuguese mind. vasco da gama, following dias around the cape of good hope, crossed the indian ocean and at last cast anchor in the dazzlingly rich city of calcutta, the real india. this last did not happen, however, till 1498, six years after columbus discovered america. long before this time the good prince henry had died; and though he did not live to learn of this sea route to india, he died knowing that the madeiras and the azores existed out in the open sea, while africa stretched far south of the equator. his devotion to navigation had imbued his countrymen with great enthusiasm, and placed little portugal at the head of european nations in maritime matters. not only did she discover how to sail to india, but to siam, java, china, and japan as well. from prince henry's day, lisbon became the city where all men interested in the fascinating study of geography wished to dwell, in order that they might exchange ideas with navigators and get employment under the crown. we can readily understand why lisbon was a magnet to the ambitious christopher columbus; and we may feel sure that had the brave, intelligent "protector of studies in portugal" been still alive when columbus formed his plan for discovery, the intrepid discoverer would have been spared those weary years of waiting. he would have found america ten years sooner, and it would have been the portuguese, and not the spanish, flag that he would have carried westward to the new world. our young genoese is supposed to have sailed to iceland and even farther into the polar regions, probably after continuing that trip to bristol which the pirates interrupted off cape st. vincent. many writers consider that it was in iceland where he heard rumors of "land in the west." if the iceland trip really was made, christopher may indeed have heard the story; for long before, icelanders, and norsemen also, had discovered america. these discoveries, as we now believe, took place in the far-away eleventh century; but they made no impression on europeans of that time, because iceland and scandinavia were not in touch with other european countries. civilization then had the mediterranean for its center, and no one in southern europe ever heard of what the icelanders or the norsemen were doing. but these northern peoples did not entirely lose sight of their discoveries, for they sang about them from century to century in quaint and beautiful ballads called sagas. it was not until after columbus revealed the west to european eyes that these sagas were published; nevertheless, it is not improbable that, if columbus landed in iceland, some inhabitant who knew the story of the far western country told it to him. he never refers to it in his writings, however, and one cannot help thinking that, if it really was true, he would have mentioned it, at least to those whom he was trying to persuade to help him. the only reference he ever made to the northern voyage is when writing his journal in 1492, where he states, "i have seen all the levant (where the sun rises); and the ponent (where the sun sets); i have seen what is called the northern way, and england; and i have sailed to guinea." columbus's elder brother, bartholomew, who was a map-maker and a serious student of geography, also settled in lisbon. the two either opened a book-and-map shop, or at least they worked in one at odd times, christopher acting as a draftsman; for, as he himself quaintly expressed it, "god had endowed me with ingenuity and manual skill in designing spheres, and inscribing upon them in the proper places cities, rivers and mountains, isles and ports." he appears to have tried to earn a little money by commerce as well as by map-making. we have no exact record of this, but it is thought that he borrowed capital for trading purposes from rich genoese merchants settled in lisbon, and lost it. this we conclude because, in his will, he ordered certain sums to be paid to these merchants, without mentioning why. that he tried to add to the small profits of map-making by trading with sea captains is not surprising. we can only be sorry that he did not make a handsome profit out of his ventures, enough for himself and for those who lent him capital. we have mentioned that all the men who had a scientific interest in navigation tried to get to lisbon. among those whom columbus may have met there, was the great german cosmographer from nuremburg, martin behaim. martin helped to improve the old-fashioned astrolabe, an instrument for taking the altitude of the sun; more important still, toward the end of 1492 he made the first globe, and indicated on it how one might sail west and reach asiatic india. this is the first record of that idea which was later attributed to columbus, but which columbus himself, until his return from his first voyage of discovery, never even mentioned. whether he and martin behaim talked together about the route to india we shall never know. probably they did not; for when christopher importuned later for ships, it was only for the purpose of discovering "lands in the west" and not for finding a short route to india. columbus, though he knew how to draw maps and design spheres, really possessed but little scientific knowledge. intuition, plus tenacity, always did more for him than science; and so it is likely that he talked more with sailors than with scientists. while he may have known the learned behaim, certain it is that, from his earliest days in lisbon, he sought the society of men who had been out to the azores or to madeira; men who told him the legends, plentiful enough on these islands, of lands still farther out toward the setting sun, that no one had yet ventured to visit. chapter iv the sojourn in madeira columbus had not been very long in lisbon when he met, at church, a girl named felipa monez perestrello. felipa was of noble birth; christopher was not; but he was handsome--tall, fair-haired, dignified,--and full of earnestness in his views of life. felipa consented to marry him. felipa must have been a most interesting companion for a man who loved voyaging, for she had been born in the madeiras. her father, now dead, had been appointed governor, by prince henry, of a little island called porto santo, and felipa and her mother (with whom the young couple went to live) had many a tale to tell about that far outpost of the atlantic. this is probably what set christopher yearning for the sea; and so, about 1479, he and his wife and her mother, senora perestrello, all sailed off for porto santo. the senora must have liked her new son-inlaw's enthusiasm for the sea, for she gave him the charts and instruments that had belonged to her husband; but as governor perestrello had never been a navigator, these could not have been either very numerous or very helpful. from porto santo, columbus made a voyage to guinea and back; and after that he and his family went to live on the larger island of madeira. there, according to many men who knew columbus well, the following event happened. one day a storm-tossed little caravel, holding four sick, battered, portuguese sailors and a spanish pilot, all of them little more than living skeletons, was blown on the madeira shore near where christopher dwelt. their tale was a harrowing one. they had started, they said, months before from the canaries for the madeiras, but had been blown far, far, far, to the west; and then, when the wind quieted down so that they could try to get back, their ship became disabled and their food gave out. starvation and exposure had nearly finished them; four, in fact, died within a day or two; but the spanish pilot, the one who had kept his strength long enough to steer toward madeira, lived longer. the kind-hearted christopher, who was devoured with curiosity, had had the poor fellow carried to his own home. he and felipa did all they could for him, but their nursing could not restore him. the pilot, seeing that he would never be able to make another voyage, added a last detail to the story he first told; namely, that his ship had actually visited a new land hundreds of miles out in the atlantic ocean! a proof of christopher's own suspicions! can you not see him, the evening after his talk with the pilot, standing at sunset on some high point of madeira, and looking wistfully out over the western water, saying, "i _must_ sail out there and find those lands. i know i can do it!" so he went back to lisbon to try. certain it is that columbus's absorbing interest in the unknown, mysterious west dates from his returning to lisbon to live. not only did he talk earnestly with men who had interests in the atlantic isles, he studied all the available geographical works. before the time came to leave for spain he had read the wonderful "relation" (or narrative) of marco polo; the "imago mundi" (image of the world) by cardinal d'ailly; the "historia rerum" (history of things) by pope pius ii.; and he had studied ptolemy's "geography." from this small library came all the scientific knowledge, true and false, that christopher ever had. from these he built up whatever theories of the universe he may have laid before the sovereigns of spain. marco polo, the venetian, had traveled, as every one knows, across asia to cathay (china) in the thirteenth century and had visited the great khan or emperor. on his return he wrote the "relation," a most exaggerated but fascinating account of the wealth of that remote land and of cipango (japan) also, which the chinese had told him about. the "imago mundi" was certainly better reading for him, because less exaggerated; whatever myths and fables it contained, it was not the sort of book to turn a young man's thoughts toward amassing wealth. instead, its author had gathered together all that was known or seriously argued concerning this world. on this curious old volume christopher pinned his entire faith. it became his bedside companion; and his copy of it, full of notes in his own handwriting and in that of his brother bartholomew as well, may be seen to-day in the columbian library in sevilla. for centuries it has been asserted by men who have written about columbus that the most important event during his lisbon days was his correspondence with a learned astronomer named paolo toscanelli. columbus, they argue, having formed the plan of sailing west to discover a route to the indies (which columbus never thought of doing at that early day), wrote to ask toscanelli's advice, and the wise florentine approved most heartily. it appears from the astronomer's letter that he never dreamed, any more than did columbus, that a whole continent lay far off in the unexplored western ocean. he supposed the world to be much smaller than it really is, with the ocean occupying only a seventh of it; and that if one sailed three or four thousand miles west, he would surely come to the islands of cipango (pronounced in italian tchipango), or japan, lying off the mainland of cathay or china. toscanelli, like columbus, had read all about the far east in marco polo's book, and was convinced that if the venetian had reached it by going east overland, some one else might reach it by going west oversea. accordingly he encouraged the aspiring young explorer. he told columbus, furthermore, that he had talked with an ambassador from the far east who came to the court of pope eugenius iv. "i was often in the ambassador's company," he wrote, "and he told me of the immense rivers in his country, and of two hundred cities with marble bridges upon the banks of a single river." of cipango he wrote, "this island contains such an abundance of precious stones and metals that the temples and royal palaces are covered with plates of gold!" the toscanelli letter is dated 1474, and begins: "to christopher columbus, paul the physician, health: i see thy noble and great desire to go there where grow the spices." but the strange thing is that columbus never made use of it in pleading before kings, nor did he even mention toscanelli and the route to india. neither in all his writings can the name of toscanelli be found; and it was not till after columbus's death (and toscanelli's), when others began to write history, that the document was made public. most columbian scholars therefore doubt its genuineness, and think it was not written by toscanelli in 1474, but by some one in lisbon long after columbus had actually made his discovery. in any case, the pilot's story was a far more likely factor in sending christopher west. nor is it to his discredit that he was willing to risk his life on a dying sailor's wild, improbable tale, rather than on an astronomer's carefully worked out theory. whether our navigator had theories or not is of little consequence compared to the fact that he had boldness, tenacity, and the spirit of adventure. "the king of portugal refused with blindness to second me in my projects of maritime discovery." so christopher declares in his journal; but in spite of his way of putting it, king john did not blindly refuse to listen to him. let us see what, according to two portuguese historians, really happened when, on his return from madeira about 1483, he solicited aid. columbus told the monarch, who himself knew a great deal about navigation, but who was not nearly as intelligent as his uncle, prince henry, how the persistent rumors he had heard at madeira concerning land in the west made him eager to undertake a western voyage of discovery; and how, if only the king would give him a fleet and some sailors, he would lead them out until they found "lands." the king, who was really not so blind as columbus thought, did not refuse, but said he must first submit the idea to his council for geographical affairs. this council consisted of two jewish doctors and a bishop. the doctors were noted students of geography, yet they declared the scheme to be impossible, and columbus to be a "visionary." that such an answer could have been made by men whose nation had been so bold on the sea for fifty years past is at first glance surprising. but one must remember that the portuguese had been merely feeling their way along africa. they had perfect confidence in a southern route that hugged the shore. south was safe; but west beyond the azores, where there was no shore to hug, was quite another matter; they felt that their own navigators, in finding the azores, had reached the ultimate limits in that direction. their disagreement may not have been caused by fear, but by realizing that the instruments and ships of the day were not sufficient for such hazardous undertakings. this fact columbus realized too, and hence his greater bravery. besides, argued the portuguese, would there be any profit at the end of the enterprise? they felt sure that at the end of their own southern expeditions lay those same rich (but vague) indies which arab merchants reached by going overland southeast through asia or south through egypt; it was all "the indies" to them, and their navigators were sure to come in touch with it. but who could possibly predict what would be reached far off in the vast west! why, they wondered, was this italian so sure of himself (for the story of the shipwrecked pilot had not yet come to their ears); and why, they further wondered, should he ask such large rewards for finding islands that would probably be nothing more than rocky points in the ocean, like the azores. no, they concluded, the italian was a "visionary," and the council for geographical affairs advised the king accordingly. seeing that nothing was to be gained by remaining in portugal, and having become involved soon after in some political trouble, columbus decided to leave for spain, and offer to ferdinand and isabella the western lands which king john of portugal had refused. chapter v a season of waiting columbus by this time was about thirty-five. his reddish-brown hair had turned white. he had no money; on the contrary, he was in debt. his good wife felipa had died, and he had to find some place where he could leave his little son diego while he went to court to ask for ships. felipa had a sister married to a spaniard and living in huelva. with this lady columbus decided to leave the boy. they left lisbon by ship, it is supposed; but instead of taking a ship bound direct for huelva, christopher picked out one bound for palos, a port not far from huelva; moreover, on landing, instead of conducting the child at once to his aunt, he trudged a few miles back of palos with him to a lonely old convent among the sand dunes, called la rabida (pronounced ra'bida). about his haste to reach this spot christopher had not breathed a word in the town where he had just landed; in fact, he always remained silent about it; but it appears that he went there to question a portuguese monk named marchena whom he had known in portugal. this monk was an excellent cartographer, or map-maker, and christopher wished to talk with him about the western lands. this good monk may have already heard in portugal about the pilot. at any rate he was much interested in his visitor, and ordered that the monks should feed the hungry little diego while he and diego's father held council in one of the cool little cells of the convent. "tarry with us a while, senor," said the monk, "and i will send for the learned doctor fernandez of palos, who has read much science, and for the brave captain martin alonzo pinzon, who has made many voyages. let us hear what they have to say about the possibility of finding this island which you believe to lie off in the western sea." so a messenger was sent back over the dusty road to palos, and soon doctor garcia fernandez, mounted on his mule, appeared at the gate of la rabida. the monks showed him in and made him acquainted with their visitor. the doctor was at once impressed and saw that this was no ordinary traveler. white hair surmounting a highly intelligent face, dreaming eyes, inspired voice--this combination did not come every day to la rabida. he knew that the foreigner would prove interesting and he proceeded to explain that his friend martin alonzo pinzon could not come, as he was at that moment away on a voyage. "but you must remain with us till he comes back," declared the monk marchena, "for no man in all spain is more experienced in matters of navigation. you must tell him about this island you propose to discover." and fernandez, when he heard christopher's tale, said the same thing. thus it was that little diego never got to his aunt in huelva; for by the time martin alonzo had returned, the monks had grown so fond of the child, and were so impressed with the great future that lay before his inspired father, that they offered to keep him and educate him free of all expense. this offer columbus was glad to accept. the man whose return columbus awaited in the hospitable monastery of la rabida belonged to the most influential family of palos. for generations the pinzons had all been sailor-merchants and had amassed considerable wealth. the head of the family still sailed the seas; and as, in palos and in near-by huelva, many portuguese lived who boasted about the discoveries their country had made, his interest had been much piqued by their talk. he was educated and open-minded. moreover, he was considered the best navigator of all who sailed from that important maritime region of huelva. when pinzon got back to palos, he learned that the monks of la rabida had been eagerly awaiting him, in order that he might meet their interesting visitor. off he hastened; and from the moment he and columbus met, each recognized in the other a master spirit. whether or not columbus and marchena told pinzon at that time the story of the pilot is not known; but certainly he heard it later. we only know that they talked of lands to be discovered in the west, and that pinzon offered to go on the expedition as captain in case columbus should be successful in getting permission and help from the spanish sovereigns. from la rabida columbus went to the large and important city of sevilla, carrying letters of introduction from the monk marchena. in sevilla he had an interview with the powerful duke of medina sidonia who was much interested in his project at first, but soon gave it up. next he met the duke of medina celi, who was even more powerful, and with whom columbus spent a year while waiting for a favorable opportunity to lay his plans before the court. when the proper moment came, the duke acquainted the queen with columbus's matter, and she in answer invited the would-be explorer to come to cordova. this was in january, 1486. it has often been stated that columbus, while still in lisbon, had applied both to genoa and to venice for aid. this is no longer believed, as no proofs can be found. there is, however, some reason for believing that he sent his brother bartholomew to england and france to urge the matter. columbus himself nowhere gives the details of these missions, though he does say, in a letter to the spanish monarchs, "in order to serve your highnesses, i listened neither to england nor france, whose princes wrote me letters." another bit of evidence regarding the french appeal is a letter, written after the discovery, by the duke of medina celi to cardinal mendoza. cardinal mendoza was king ferdinand's prime minister, and the duke, having befriended columbus soon after his arrival from portugal, and again some years afterward, asked a favor of the cardinal, saying, "you must remember that i prevented columbus from going into the service of france and held him here in spain." perhaps some scholar may some day unearth the correspondence between columbus and the french king; but at present we have only the hints given above, along with the fact that columbus, when finally dismissed from granada in 1492, started for france. in describing columbus's suit in spain the names of great churchmen-cardinals, bishops, priests, monks,--will frequently appear, and it will be well to understand why his fate so often lay in their hands. during the dark ages the only people who received any education were the clergy. their education gave them great power over the ignorant; and even after the dawn of the renaissance, when other classes began to demand education, the clergy were still looked up to as possessing the bulk of the world's wisdom. thus every king's counselors were mostly churchmen. if those ecclesiastics had always tried to deserve their reputation for wisdom, it might have been a good arrangement. unfortunately, some were narrowminded and gave their king bad advice; happily, some were wise and good as well as powerful, and a few of this sort in spain helped christopher columbus to make his dreams come true. many writers speak bitterly of the way in which king ferdinand and queen isabella temporized with columbus. it was hard, indeed, for a man burning up with a great and glorious plan to be kept so long from executing it; but a glance into spanish affairs at the moment when the man brought his idea into spain will show that its rulers were not so culpable after all. we have already seen how long and how vigorously the sovereigns were pushing the moorish war; but this was not their only anxiety. spain's finances, owing to the misrule of previous kings, were in a very bad way. to get money, taxes were raised; and high taxes, as we know, always cause dissatisfaction among the people. then, too, a death-dealing pestilence swept over the land and claimed thousands of victims. this is only a partial account of spain's woes at the time when the man with the idea arrived; but it shows clearly how the king and queen may have been too busy and too worried to give much time or money to a "dreaming foreigner." they gave him just enough of each to keep up his hopes and prevent him from going elsewhere. columbus himself must have realized that he had not come at a fortunate time, and that there was nothing to do but to wait patiently. spain in those days had no capital. both ferdinand and isabella led the army and established themselves in whatever city was most convenient for their military operations. at the time they heard, through the duke of medina celi, of the genoese navigator who had a great plan for discovery to unfold to them, they were in the ancient city of cordova; but, even after requesting that columbus be sent to cordova, they could not give much heed to him because they had to hasten to the moorish frontier and open their campaign against the kingdom of granada. after a time they returned to cordova, but only to start immediately for the north, where one of their nobles had raised a rebellion. during these months, all that columbus could do to further his cause was to make the acquaintance of a favorite of the king named alonzo de quintanilla. this gentleman proved friendly, and invited columbus to accompany him to the city of salamanca. the court was to pass the winter there, and quintanilla hoped to secure an audience for his new friend. he was successful. columbus spoke to king ferdinand, and spoke eloquently. he himself has described his enthusiasm by saying he felt "kindled with fire from on high." this fire, unfortunately, did not spread to his listener. the man to whom columbus spoke was not given to warm impulses. on the contrary, he was cold and shrewd. he never decided matters hastily; least of all a matter that involved expenses. we do not know exactly what answer ferdinand made to the impassioned pleader, but we do know that he first sought the opinions of the learned men of salamanca. concerning these opinions there are contradictory reports, just as there are about all of columbus's actions in spain. some say that the ecclesiastics (who were also professors at the renowned university in salamanca) and a few scientific men besides met in the convent of san esteban (st. stephen) to discuss columbus's project. to-day the monks in san esteban show tourists the very room in which the meeting was held; yet there is not an atom of real proof that any such meeting took place there. we only know that an informal gathering was called, and that whoever the professors and churchmen were who listened to columbus's story, they were mostly narrow-minded; they had no imagination. instead of trying to see the bigness and the wonder of his belief, they looked at columbus suspiciously and said that they could find no mention of a _round_ world in the bible, and it was heresy to believe anything that could not be found in the bible. others, believing in the sphere, still could not find in christopher's reference to the rumors current in madeira sufficient reason for giving him ships to test the truth of those rumors. certainly the majority looked upon him as either a heretic or a foolish dreamer, or perhaps a bold adventurer trying to get money from their king; but happily a few believed in him, argued on his side, and became his steadfast friends. the most noted of these was the learned monk, diego de deza. he was intelligent, broad-minded, and generous; and though he was not able to prevail upon the other professors nor upon the king, still it must have helped columbus's cause to have such a distinguished churchman for his friend. in the spring of 1487 the monarchs left salamanca without giving a definite answer to the anxious man. they were about to begin a campaign against the moors in malaga, down on the mediterranean coast, and thither columbus followed them. once, when there was a lull in the siege, he was summoned to the royal tent. again no definite answer was given, but again he made a powerful friend. this time it was the marchioness of moya, the queen's dearest companion; and when, soon after, this lady was wounded by a moorish assassin who mistook her for the queen, we may be sure that isabella's affection deepened; and that, in gratitude, she listened readily when the kind-hearted marchioness praised the genoese navigator. from the surrender of malaga until that of granada, the last moorish city, ferdinand and isabella were ever busy,--sometimes in the south with their armies, sometimes attending to general government affairs in various cities of the north. all this time they were having hard work to raise war funds. it would not be strange, therefore, if they felt unable to spend money on columbus's doubtful scheme, or if they told him that it would be impossible further to consider his project until the moorish war should terminate. chapter vi a ray of hope until the moorish war should end! imagine the disappointment of this man who had been trying for years to prove that lands lay far across the atlantic, yet no one cared enough about his grand idea to give him a few ships! who could tell when the moorish war would end? and who could tell whether it would end in favor of the spanish? why, he must have asked himself, should he, no longer young, wait to see? accordingly, in the spring of 1488 he wrote, so he says, to the king of portugal asking permission to return. king john not only invited him to come back, but promised that no one should be allowed to bring any lawsuit against him. this refers, perhaps, to the sums columbus had borrowed for trading purposes and had lost. about the same time came a message from the english king, whom bartholomew columbus had visited. neither letter contained any definite promise of assistance; but the mere fact that other countries were interested caused ferdinand and isabella some anxiety. they must have considered how humiliating it would be for them to turn away this opportunity that was knocking at their door, and send it to rival kingdoms. they decided, war or no war, to have all the learned men of spain come together and listen to the italian's project. if a majority of these wise men thought the voyage might prove profitable, then they would immediately give columbus the necessary ships and men. accordingly they issued three important orders: one, bidding columbus to appear before a learned council in sevilla; another, commanding every town through which he might pass in reaching sevilla to give him hospitality; a third, commanding sevilla itself to give him lodging and to treat him as if he were a government official. all this must have looked so promising, so much in earnest, that columbus willingly put off his return to portugal. in spite of the narrow-mindedness he had encountered in the learned men of salamanca, he started off, full of hope, to talk to the same sort of learned men of sevilla. but it all came to naught. for some reason now unknown the meeting was postponed; and the summer campaign starting soon after, the government had other matters to consider. in august of that year, 1488, columbus's younger son fernando, whose mother was a spanish woman, was born in cordova, and soon after the father appears to have returned to lisbon. here again we do not know what happened; the only proof we have that he made the journey at all is a memorandum written by him in his copy of the "imago mundi." it is dated lisbon, december, 1488, and states that bartholomew dias had just rounded southern africa--the cape of good hope. whether columbus made another fruitless appeal to portugal we shall never know. we only know that, instead of going from lisbon to england, he went back to procrastinating spain. that he came back by king ferdinand's summons is almost positive, for another royal decree was issued for every city through which he passed to furnish him with board and lodging at the king's expense. this was in may, 1489, which means that another summer campaign was in progress when columbus entered spain. the monarchs who took the trouble to bring him back had no time for his project after he reached spain. for almost two years, that is, till the end of 1491, the waiting navigator again resided with the duke of medina celi who still had faith in his proposed explorations. the duke was by far the most powerful friend columbus had made in spain, for he possessed and governed a large principality that was practically independent of the crown. he lived in royal splendor and held court like a king. when spain went to war, the duke could fit out a whole army from his own dominions and send them forth under his own banner to fight for the king. columbus must have felt greatly encouraged over retaining the good will of such a mighty personage; indeed, the duke himself was quite rich enough to give the necessary ships. but, somehow, he failed to do so; probably because he feared that the sovereigns might object to having a private individual steal away the glory they themselves had no time to reap. our navigator, again disheartened because the years were slipping away, announced to his host that he would start for france. at this the duke wrote to the queen personally, telling her what a pity it would be to let france have the profits of such a discovery. also, he wrote a very kind letter of commendation for columbus to take to her majesty, a letter which is still preserved; but even with this powerful backing columbus got no help, as we shall see. the monarchs, having conquered most of the moorish cities, were preparing to lay siege to the last stronghold, granada. columbus craved an answer from them before the siege began. they requested bishop talavera to immediately obtain opinions from the wisest men he could reach, and report their verdict. the majority of wise men, it is sad to relate, again pronounced columbus's enterprise vain and impossible; the atlantic ocean could not be crossed; but the minority, headed by the wise monk, diego de deza of salamanca, who was now tutor to young prince john, upheld it vigorously, and told the queen that the plan was perfectly feasible. the poor sovereigns, who were neither scientists nor churchmen, but merely hard-working soldiers and governors, did not know which view to take. again they evaded a positive answer, making the war their excuse; and again columbus, indignant at their evasion, determined to go to france. right here we come to one of the most picturesque incidents in this checkered life,--an incident that takes us again to that hot, dusty, southwestern corner where we saw him first enter spain with the child trudging by his side. columbus appears to have decided that, before starting for france, it would be well to remove diego from la rabida and place him with the baby step-brother fernando in cordova, so that fernando's mother might bring up the two lads together. with this end in view, he again presented himself (and again afoot, for he was far too poor to ride a mule) before the gate of the low, white monastery near palos. the first time he had rung that bell it was with hope in his heart; this time he was dejected. he had no hope, so far as spain was concerned. the good monk marchena had certainly done his best, but it had come to naught. there was nothing left but to thank them all and get to france as soon as possible. so mused christopher sadly as he waited for the gate to open. but christopher did not know that there had recently come to la rabida a new prior or chief monk. this prior, whose name was juan perez (pronounced hwan pair'eth), possessed, fortunately, an imagination and a certain amount of influence at court. having imagination, he loved an occasional bit of news from the outside world. therefore, when he heard a stranger talking to the monks in the outer courtyard, he listened. "that man is no ordinary beggar asking alms," said the sympathetic prior to himself. "he seems to be a foreigner, and he is talking about the king and queen, and the conquest of malaga; and now he is asking for our little pupil diego--why, it is the child's father!--i must go and speak to him myself!" and out he went and joined the group in the courtyard. and so it came about that as soon as christopher had greeted his boy, now grown into a tall, intelligent lad of ten or eleven, he repaired to the cell of juan perez and told all that had happened to him during his various sojourns at court. at last (for christopher was very wordy) he came to his final dismissal. "they say the atlantic cannot be crossed," he cried desperately, "but i say it can! aye, and i shall do it, too!" never had such stirring words rung out in that peaceful little cell. the prior himself caught their electricity and became quite excited. although the monk marchena appears to have left the convent before christopher's second coming, the prior had learned all about the italian navigator from the other brothers. the story had interested him greatly, for he too had studied geography; and now, as the italian stood before him, declaring that he would find those western lands, the prior realized that it would be a pity for spain to allow the man to carry his idea off to france. "linger yet a few days with us, senor," he urged, "that i may learn from pinzon and doctor fernandez what they think of your scheme. if they still regard it favorably, i myself will go to the queen, in your behalf." perhaps just here the senor shook his head sadly and said, "no, no; it is not worth the trouble. the queen is interested only in the moorish war. not even the great diego de deza, nor the marchioness of moya, nor the duke of medina celi, have been able to prevail on her." and perhaps just here the good prior smiled knowingly and replied modestly, "i once had the honor of being queen isabella's confessor, and had great influence with her. if"--and here he leaned close to christopher and whispered something--"i think i might persuade her." we did not catch that whispered sentence quite clearly, but we believe it to have been, "if i tell her the story of the shipwrecked pilot." up to this time christopher had not referred to it in his pleadings, for fear, perhaps, that it would sound too improbable; but down in this corner of spain, where all men followed the sea, the story had got about (whether through the monk marchena, or through sailors who had been to madeira, is uncertain) and nearly everybody believed it. so now juan perez appears to have persuaded christopher to use it as a last argument. this we may reasonably conclude, since the rabida monk's intercession with the queen succeeded where all previous efforts had failed. martin alonzo pinzon, it turns out, is in rome; so christopher has to wait until his return. another delay, but he is well used to that. meanwhile he turns it to profit by making trips to palos, huelva, moguer, and other ports where he can question sailors newly returned from the west. for half a dozen years he has been out of touch with mariners and their doings, and these trips must have given him deep pleasure. for this is his true place,--among men who have known the rough hardships of seafaring life, and not among grandees and courtiers. he breathes in the salt air and chats with every man he meets. a pilot of palos, pedro de velasco by name, tells him that he too once thought of going into the west, but after sailing one hundred and fifty leagues southwest of fayal (one of the azores), and seeing nothing but banks of seaweed, he turned north and then northwest, only to again turn back; but he is sure, he adds, that _if only he had kept on_ he would have found land. christopher, also, as we know, is quite sure of it, and says so. another day, in a seaport near cadiz, he meets another pilot who tells him that he sailed far west from the irish coast and saw the shores of tartary! christopher probably has some doubts of this, so he merely shrugs his shoulders and walks off. he is impatient for martin alonzo pinzon to return. it is disturbing to learn that other men have been getting nearer and nearer to _his_ land. at last pinzon comes and announces, to add to christopher's uneasiness, that he has been searching in the pope's library, in rome, for information regarding that enormously rich asiatic island called cipango. as they all sit in the little cell at la rabida, talking about the proposed western voyage of discovery, pinzon cannot help throwing in a word occasionally about cipango. he has been reading marco polo, and japan, or cipango, is very much on his mind. perhaps on christopher's, also, but _he_ is content to stick to his "western lands." about this scheme the two men of palos, pinzon and doctor fernandez, are as enthusiastic as ever; martin alonzo pinzon repeats his offer to sail as captain of one of the ships; he even goes further, for he offers to advance money for the venture in case the crown is unwilling or unable to provide the entire sum necessary. all this sounds very promising to the good prior, who vows that he is willing to speak with the queen if christopher will give up forever his idea of going to france. it is a last ray of hope to the discouraged man, and he agrees. and so that very day a courier started out from the white monastery among the dark pine trees to find the queen at granada, and give her friar juan's letter craving an interview on "an important matter." in those days it took two weeks, at least, for a courier to ride from palos to granada and back. on the fourteenth day, we may be sure, the prior and his guest kept scanning the eastern horizon anxiously. that very evening the man returned. he brought a royal letter granting the monk's request. "splendid!" cried the old monk. "i shall start this very night! find me a mule, some one." so everybody scurried around the neighborhood to see who would lend the prior a mule; and finally a man of moguer said he would spare his beast awhile, though he never would have lent him to any other man than the good prior of la rabida! then he ventured to hope that the prior would not ride him too hard; as if any one, even an enthusiast helping to discover america, could ride a mule "too hard"! by midnight the mule was brought up, and off started the prior, followed by the good wishes of everybody who was in the secret. queen isabella received him the moment he arrived at her camp of santa fe (holy faith) below the walls of granada. with intense fervor he pleaded columbus's cause. the marchioness of moya--the lady who had been wounded by the moor at malaga in mistake for the queen--was present, and she added her persuasions. the result was that isabella not only commanded columbus to appear before her, but she sent him money to buy suitable court raiment and to travel to granada in comfort. how happy friar juan must have been when he sent the following letter back by royal courier to the waiting guest in la rabida:-"all has turned out well. far from despising your project, the queen has adopted it from this time. my heart swims in a sea of comfort and my spirit leaps with joy in the lord. start at once, for the queen waits for you, and i more than she. commend me to the prayers of my good brethren and of your little boy diego." what a dear, human, lovable old gentleman was that rabida prior! may his spirit still "leap with joy in the lord!" columbus was buoyed up again. to be sure the queen promised nothing definite; but she had always told him that she would give him more attention when the war was over, and the courier declared that things were going very badly for the beleaguered moorish city of granada. it was the enemy's last citadel and, said he, it could not hold out much longer. columbus, perhaps, took the news with moderation, for he was used to having things go wrong; but if only for the sake of the good brethren, he must have tried to look happy as he put on his new garments and rode out of la rabida for granada. chapter vii isabella decides we have now come to that famous granada interview described in the first chapter,--a moment so important that columbus, when he decided to keep a journal, opened it with this paragraph:-"in the present year, 1492, after your highnesses had concluded that warfare in the great city of granada where i saw the royal banners of your highnesses placed by force of arms on the towers of the alhambra, and where i beheld the moorish king go forth from the gates of his city...." how columbus arrived during the surrender we have already seen; how everybody of importance at the spanish court--priests, military leaders, and government officials--gathered to hear him speak; and how, for the first time, the majority of his listeners were won over to his unpopular ideas. we know, too, how their admiration turned to distrust when he demanded large rewards should his voyage of discovery be successful; and we know how he was obstinate, and rode away, only to be overtaken by the queen's messenger at pinos bridge below the high elvira mountains and brought back. and this is how queen isabella happened to recall him. those friends who had been encouraging him for the last few years were deeply distressed over his departure and over the bad impression he had left at court. they felt that their beloved country was losing a wonderful opportunity of becoming the foremost power in europe. england, france, italy, all were greater than spain because they had been forging ahead while spain had been hampered by moorish wars. even portugal, spain's very small neighbor, had forged ahead by reason of her unequaled maritime enterprise. one of these countries was sure to grow even more important through giving columbus a few ships and a few titles. said this little group to each other, "no matter what the man's price, spain will have to pay it!" luis de santangel, treasurer of king ferdinand's realm of aragon, determined to go and talk it over with the queen who, apparently, had not been present at the recent hearing of columbus. to apply further to ferdinand would have been useless, for he had vowed he would have nothing more to do with the matter. isabella possessed more imagination than her husband, and to this imagination santangel thought he could appeal. first he pointed out that columbus's very stubbornness about rewards might be taken as proof that he was certain to find whatever he promised to find; then he reminded her that the navigator was a very devout man, and that in his enterprise there was a strong religious motive; should he discover new lands, not only would their heathen population be converted to christianity, but their commerce would make spain so wealthy that she could undertake a new crusade and conquer the infidels who held the holy sepulchre. this possibility impressed isabella profoundly, for she and her husband were the stanchest defenders of christianity in all europe. now that santangel had roused her imagination, he proceeded to make the whole matter clear by a practical suggestion as to ways and means. he reminded his royal listener that columbus had offered to raise one eighth of the expense of the expedition (columbus having repeated the offer made at la rabida by pinzon); and as for the remainder, he, santangel, would be responsible for it. either he would lend it himself (he belonged to one of the rich jewish families that had become christian) or he would induce king ferdinand to allow it to be taken from the aragon treasury and repaid later. (ferdinand, apparently, was not such an unmanageable person, after all.) right here is where the story of isabella pledging her jewels would come in if there were sufficient reasons for believing it, but there is little proof of it; indeed, rather more against it. not only did santangel show the queen how the money could be obtained otherwise, but, as she had already pledged much of her jewelry in valencia and barcelona in order to aid the moorish war, her husband's treasurer would surely have deterred her from parting with more. however, she was now so enthusiastic over columbus's affair that she undoubtedly would have made some such offer had no other means of raising the money been found. the queen knew that her husband disapproved of the would-be discoverer's high terms; she knew that all the grandees of the kingdom disapproved; she knew that the expedition might end in failure and bring down ridicule on her head; and yet she rose and cried in ringing tones, "bring the man back! i will undertake this thing for my own crown of castile." isabella, we must remember, was queen of castile and leon, and ferdinand was king of aragon, each still ruling his own portion, although their marriage had united these portions into one kingdom. hence, though ferdinand had lost interest in columbus's affair, isabella was quite free to aid him. it was to commemorate her personal venture that later, after they had allowed columbus to adopt a coat of arms, some poet wrote on its reverse side the famous couplet which excluded aragon from a share in the discovery:- a castilla y a leon nuevo mundo dio colon. to castile and to leon columbus gave a new world. the great moment having come when a spanish sovereign cried out, "bring the man back! the thing shall be done!" it was done. columbus, on hearing these things from the messengers, turned his mule back to granada. the necessary papers were drawn up to provide ships and men; also, an order creating christopher columbus, or cristobal colon as he was called in spain, admiral and viceroy, and granting all the other demands he had made in the event of his voyage being successful. even the reluctant ferdinand now fell in with his wife's schemes and signed the order along with her. the preparing of these papers took some time. columbus had returned to granada in late december, 1491, and it was not until april 17 the following year that "the greatest paper monarch ever put pen to" was signed. the fact that it refers to discoveries _already made_ and discoveries to be made in the ocean sea is our strongest reason for believing that the pilot's story had been laid before the sovereigns. christopher's long years of uncertainty were ended; the man's great perseverance had won out at last; and the weary petitioner who, some months before, had ridden doubtingly forth from la rabida now rode back, bursting with joy, to fall on the good prior's neck and weep out his gratitude. chapter viii off at last! oddly enough, the ships columbus was to take on his voyage were, according to royal command, to be supplied by that very seaport of palos by which he is supposed to have entered spain. palos, huelva, and moguer, all thriving maritime cities in columbus's day, are grouped at the mouth of the rio tinto. _tinto_ means deep-colored, like wine; and as this river flows through the richest copper region in the whole world, it is not surprising that its waters are reddish, nor that the copper trade enriched the neighboring towns. how the now unimportant palos at the mouth of the rio tinto came to be chosen as the seaport from which columbus should embark is an amusing story. some time before, its inhabitants had, through disobedience or some other offense, incurred the displeasure of their sovereigns. by way of punishment, the crown ordered that palos should fit out two caravels at its own expense and lend them to the government for a year whenever the government should call for them. the royal intention was, no doubt, to use the boats against naples and sicily, which they hoped to conquer after finishing the moorish war. but when they decided finally to help columbus, they remembered the punishment due palos, and called upon it to give the two caravels to "cristobal colon, our captain, going into certain parts of the ocean sea on matters pertaining to our service." thus while ferdinand and isabella meant to punish the little town, they instead conferred a great honor upon it. little did columbus dream, the day on which he and his boy approached it so empty-handed five years before, that he was to make it forever famous. palos to-day is a miserably poor, humble little place; but its people, especially the pinzon family who still live there, are very proud that it was the starting-point of the momentous voyage of discovery; and hundreds of tourists visit it who never know that the sovereigns had intended punishing, instead of glorifying, the port. in may, 1492, however, when columbus returned from granada, the palos inhabitants did not see any glory at all! they saw nothing but the heavy penalty. not only did this royal command mean that every citizen of palos must furnish money to buy the ships and pay the crew, it meant that the ships and crew would never come back again from the "sea of darkness"! an expedition through the well-known mediterranean to sicily or naples would have seemed like a pleasure trip compared with the terrifying one now contemplated! they were handing over the equipment to a madman! poor little palos was filled with misgiving, and we may be sure that columbus, as he passed through the streets, was looked upon as the common enemy. the royal decree ordered palos to have its contribution ready in ten days; meanwhile, a third caravel was to be bought; but so violently were the people of palos opposed to the enterprise that not a single shipowner would sell his vessel. another difficulty was to get a crew of experienced seamen. with very few exceptions, sailors were afraid to go out on the unexplored atlantic ocean beyond the azores. spanish sailors had not had the excellent schooling of those in portugal, where, for seventy years or more, expeditions had been going out to discover new lands and coming back safely. columbus, therefore, found it difficult to induce the sea-going men of palos to share his enthusiasm. this difficulty of getting a crew together must have been foreseen at court, for the royal secretary issued an order intended to help columbus, but which instead hurt his cause and proved most unwise. the curious order in question was to the effect that all criminals who would sign for the expedition would be "privileged from arrest or further imprisonment for any offense or crime committed by them up to this date, and during the time they might be on the voyage, and for two months after their return from the voyage." to criminals, apparently, being devoured by monsters rimming the western atlantic appeared a better fate than languishing in a cruel spanish prison, for the first men who enlisted were from this class. a more unfortunate method of recruiting a crew could hardly be imagined. such men were undesirable, not only because of their lawless character, but also because they had never before sailed on a ship; and the more this class rallied to the front, the more the respectable sailors of palos, moguer, huelva, and other adjacent towns hung back. to go forth into the unknown was bad enough; to go there in the society of malefactors was even worse. here again juan perez, the good priest of la rabida, and pinzon, the friendly navigator of palos, came forward and helped. friar juan went among the population exhorting them to have faith in columbus as _he_ had faith in him; he explained to them all that he understood of geography, and how, according to his understanding, the italian was sure to succeed. as we know, a priest was often the only educated man in an entire community, and was looked up to accordingly; and so friar juan was able to persuade several respectable men to enter columbus's service. as for pinzon, both his moral and his practical support were so great that it is doubtful whether the expedition could have been arranged without him. long before, at the rabida conference, he had offered to go as captain; now he induced his two brothers to sign also. palos, seeing three members of its most important family ready to go, took heart. pinzon next helped to find the three vessels needed, and put them in order. one of these ships belonged to juan de la cosa, a wellknown pilot, and juan himself was prevailed upon to sail with it. (later this juan became a great explorer and made the first map of the new world.) another and less fortunate purchase was of a vessel whose owners regretted the sale the moment they had parted with her; so down they went to where the calkers and painters were making her seaworthy for the voyage, and tried to persuade them to do everything just as badly as it could be done. one can readily see that these were hard days for christopher columbus. the preparations that queen isabella expected would take only ten days took ten long weeks. [illustration: the three caravels of columbus.] when finally ready, columbus's little fleet consisted of three caravels --the _santa maria_, the _pinta_, and the _nina_ (pronounced neen'ya). a caravel was a small, roundish, stubby sort of craft, galley-rigged, with a double tower at the stern and a single one in the bow. it was much used in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries for the herring fisheries which took men far from the coast; and when the portuguese tried to find far-off india, they too used the caravel form of vessel. the largest vessel of the "discovery fleet" was only sixty-five or seventy feet long by about twenty feet in breadth, and of one hundred tons' burden; columbus having purposely chosen small ships because they would be better adapted for going close to shore and up rivers. only the _santa maria_ was decked amidships, the others had their cabins at either end. the cross was painted on all the sails. columbus commanded the _santa maria_, with juan de la cosa as pilot; martin alonzo pinzon took the _pinta_, and his brother vincente (pronounced vinthen'tay) took the _nina_. all told, one hundred men went forth on the famous voyage (although some writers put it at one hundred and twenty) and a number of these had never been to sea before. among the hundred was a notary to draw up all papers of ownership (when it came to dividing columbus's tenth part of the gold, precious stones, etc., that should be found); a historian, to keep an official record of all that should occur; a metallurgist, to examine ores; and an orientalist, learned in foreign tongues, who would interpret what the western peoples might say to the newcomers who claimed the heathen lands for spain. besides these, there were two other learned men--a physician and a surgeon. columbus himself was to act as map-maker and chart-maker. strange to say, there is no record of a priest accompanying the expedition. the great seriousness of the undertaking was felt more and more in palos as work on the little caravels progressed. people spoke of it in awed tones and shook their heads dismally. every day during the last week or two all the crew went religiously and faithfully to church. columbus, being a religious man, no doubt approved of this; yet it surely would have sent him forth in better spirits if his crew had looked upon his venture more light-heartedly, and less as if they were foredoomed to destruction. now that we know the sort of men and ships that were to take part in this mighty enterprise, let us see the sort of charts and maps and instruments our navigator carried along; for until one understands these somewhat, one cannot realize the bravery it took to set out across the atlantic in 1492. first, as to maps. now that this world of ours has been so thoroughly explored that every bit of land and water is named and accurately noted, it is difficult for us to understand how the inaccurate, incomplete, fifteenth-century map could have been of any use whatever to an explorer. but we must always remember that our genoese had a rich imagination. our maps leave nothing to the imagination, either of the man who makes them or of us who look at them. fifteenthcentury maps, on the contrary, were a positive feast for the fifteenthcentury imagination! their wild beasts and queer legends fascinated as well as terrified. their three distinct indies, two in asia and one in africa, offered every sailor who was intrepid enough a chance to reach that region of wealth. the latest and most accurate map, marking the portuguese discoveries, would really have been helpful to any one who had not the "go west" idea so firmly fixed in his mind; but in that one direction it marked no routes farther than the madeiras and the azores. all beyond these islands was wholly imagination. it was the same with the sea-charts; no soundings or currents were marked. as to instruments, there were the lodestone and the compass, which had been known and used for several centuries; and the astrolabe, a recent improvement on the primitive quadrant for taking the altitude of the sun. the hourglass was the time measurer. in short, in that wonderful fifteenth century, when the surface of the world was doubled, there was nothing scientific about navigation. beyond these slight aids, christopher columbus had to rely on an imperfect knowledge of astronomy and on those practical observations of wind and weather and water that he had made during his own voyages. such slender equipment, plus the tub-like little caravels, would not have invited many men to try unknown waters, unless such men had christopher's blessed gifts of imagination and persistency. at last the solemn hour has come to those quaking palos souls. it is early dawn of august 3, and a friday at that! the _santa maria_ and the _pinta_ and the _nina_ are moored out in the coppercolored river, ready to go with the tide. last night the last sack of flour and the last barrel of wine came aboard; likewise, the last straggler of the crew, for they must be ready for the early tide. it is still quite dark, and on the shore all palos appears to be running about with lanterns. friar juan is there to wring the hands of the one-time wanderer who came to his gate, and to assure him that one of the rabida monks will conduct columbus's little son diego safely to cordova. columbus is rowed out to the largest ship. he gives the command and those ashore hear the pulling up of anchors, the hoisting of sails, and the cutting of moorings. then the flags are raised--the admiral's with a great cross in the center--and down the murky tinto go the three little caravels with their unwilling, frightened, human freight. those on shore turn tearfully into church to pray; and those aboard watch the dim outline of palos fade away; by and by they notice that the reddish tinto has become the blue ocean sparkling in the early sunshine; but no sparkle enters their timid souls. they can only keep looking longingly backward till the last tawny rocks of spain and portugal are left behind, and then there is nothing to do but sigh and mutter a dismal prayer. but christopher's prayer is one of thankfulness. chapter ix "land! land!" on the fourth day out from palos the _pinta's_ rudder became loose, and unless the damage could be speedily repaired the ship would soon be a prey to current and wind. the _pinta_ was the vessel whose owners repented having sold her. no wonder then that columbus suspected the rascals of having bribed the crew to tamper with the rudder, in the hope of forcing their ship to put back into palos. but he would not put back, he declared. martin pinzon was commanding the _pinta_, and martin knew what to do with perverse rudders and perverse men. he immediately set to work to have the damage repaired. the ship's carpenter must have done his work very badly, however, for the following day the rudder was again disabled. still columbus would not turn back and risk the chance of all his crew deserting him. instead, he continued sailing southwest to the canaries--the point from which the shipwrecked pilot was supposed to have started on his unexpected trip across the atlantic. these beautiful islands, from which the imposing peak of teneriffe rises, had been known to the ancients as "the fortunate isles"; spain now owned them and had colonized them, and after the great discovery they became a regular stopping-place for western-bound vessels. when columbus came to repair the rudder, he found the entire ship to be in even worse order than he had supposed. she was full of leaks, and her poor sails were not of the right shape to respond to heavy ocean breezes. he would have given her up altogether could he have found another boat to take her place; but the sparsely settled canaries of 1492 were not the much-visited winter resort that they are to-day; no big ships were then in the harbors; and so there was nothing to do but patch up the _pinta_ and change the shape of her sails. while this was being done, columbus's waiting crew became acquainted with the spanish colonists, and with very good results; for these islanders had a curious delusion to the effect that every year, at a certain season, they _saw_ land far off to the west. men were very credulous in those days. it is probable that their "land" was nothing more than clouds which, owing to certain winds of that particular region, lie low on the horizon for a long time; but the people of the canaries, and of the madeiras too, all firmly believed they saw antilla and the other "western lands" of legend; and columbus, nodding his head wisely, told how the king of portugal had shown him some reeds, as large as those of india, that had been washed up on the western shore of the azores. "we shall find land seven hundred and fifty leagues from here," he repeated over and over, for that was the distance the pilot said he had gone. so sure was columbus that, on leaving the islands, he handed each pilot sealed instructions to cease navigating during the night after they had gone seven hundred leagues. the tales and delusions that flourished in the canaries put heart into the crew, so when the little squadron again set forth on september 6 the men were less hostile to the expedition. some excitement was given to this fresh start by a rumor, brought from one of the islands, that portuguese ships were seeking the spanish fleet, in order to punish columbus for having sailed in the service of spain instead of portugal. as the pursuers never were seen by the spanish ships, that story, too, may have been some islander's delusion; but it made the crew believe that columbus's undertaking must look promising to the great navigating portuguese nation, or they would not be jealous of spain's enterprise. more than a month had now passed since columbus had left palos, and only a hundred miles out from the african coast were accomplished! was ever a man subjected to more delays than our patient discoverer! and now, when at last he was ready to start due west, a strong head sea prevailed for two days and would not let them push forward. so that it was actually not until september 8 that the voyage toward the "western lands" may be said to have begun. we have mentioned that columbus kept a diary on this voyage. he was, in fact, a prodigious writer, having left behind him when he died a vast quantity of memoirs, letters, and even good verse; and besides these, maps and charts in great numbers. no matter how trying the day had been, with fractious crews and boisterous ocean, no matter how little sleep the anxious commander had had the night before, no matter how much the ill-smelling swinging lamp in his cabin rocked about, he never failed to write in his journal. this precious manuscript was long in the possession of columbus's friend bartolome de las casas, who borrowed it because he was writing a history of columbus and wished to get all the information, possible in the navigator's own words. las casas was a monk who spent his life in befriending the indians. when quite old, he ceased journeying to the new world and stayed at home writing history. he copied a great deal of columbus's diary word for word, and what he did not actually copy he put into other words. in this way, although the original log of the _santa maria_ no longer exists, its contents have been saved for us, and we know the daily happenings on that first trip across the atlantic. nearly every day some little phenomenon was observed which kept up the spirits of the crew. on september 13 one of them saw a bright-colored bird, and the sight encouraged everybody; for instead of thinking that it had flown unusually far out from its african home, they thought it belonged to the new land they were soon to see. three days later they saw large patches of seaweed and judged they would soon see at least a tiny island. on the 18th the mended _pinta_, which had run ahead of the other two boats, reported that a large flock of birds had flown past; next day two pelicans hovered around, and all the sailors declared that a pelican never flew more than sixty or seventy miles from home. on september 21 a whale was seen--"an indication of land," wrote the commander, "as whales always keep near the coast." the next day there was a strong head wind, and though it kept them back from the promised land, columbus was glad it blew. "this head wind was very necessary for me," he wrote, "because the crew dreaded that they might never meet in these seas with a fair wind to drive them back to spain." soon they were passing through the sargasso sea (named from the portuguese word meaning "floating seaweed"). its thick masses of drifting vegetation reassured them, for the silly legend that it could surround and embed a ship had not then found believers. many years after it was discovered that several undercurrents met there and died down, leaving all their seaweed to linger on the calm, currentless surface. but back in 1492 the thicker the seaweed, the surer were those sailors that it indicated land. birds and seaweed, seaweed and birds, for over two weeks. then on september 25 the monotony was broken. captain martin pinzon called out from the _pinta_ that he saw land. columbus says that when he heard this shout, he fell on his knees and thanked god. scanning the horizon, he too thought he saw land; all of the next day they sailed with every eye fixed on a far-off line of mountains which never appeared any nearer. at last the supposed mountains literally rose and rolled away! it was nothing but low-lying clouds, such as those the canary islanders had mistaken for _terra firma_. christopher's heart must have sunk, for they had come over seven hundred leagues, and for two days he had supposed he was gazing on the island of his search. in spite of this disappointment they kept on, for a plant floated by that had roots which had grown in the earth; also a piece of wood that had been rudely carved by man; and the number of birds kept increasing. one can readily see how even the most skeptical man on the expedition should have felt sure by this time that the man whom he used to consider a mild maniac was in truth a very wise person. and perhaps the crew did feel it; but also they felt angry at those signs that mocked them day after day by never coming true. they grumbled; and the more the signs increased the more they grumbled; till finally one morning columbus came on deck and found that his own helmsman had turned the _santa maria_ eastward, and all the crew were standing by in menacing attitudes. the other two ships, as we have seen, were commanded by the pinzon brothers; and they, being natives of palos, had secured all the respectable palos men who were willing to enlist; but columbus had only the worst element--the jail-birds and loafers from other towns. and here they stood, saying plainly by their manner, "we are going back! what are you going to do about it?" we don't know exactly what he did do about it; martin alonzo pinzon sent him advice to "hang a few of the rebels; and if you can't manage to hang them, i and my brothers will row to your ship and do it." but christopher appears to have handled the situation without their help, and without hanging any one; for soon the helmsman swung the _santa maria_ around again. on october 10 trouble broke out afresh, and columbus makes this entry in his diary:-"the crew, not being able to stand the length of the voyage, complained to me, but i reanimated them." by october 10 the voyage had lasted some seventy days! no wonder the crew needed to be "reanimated." yet, there were the birds flying out to them, bringing their message of hope, if only the poor frightened men could have had more faith! the pinzons meanwhile were having less trouble; for when their sailors wished to turn back because nothing had been found seven hundred and fifty leagues west of the canaries, martin alonzo told them all the absurd tales he had read about cipango, and promised them, if only they went ahead, that its wealth would make their fortune. this appears to have hushed their murmuring; but christopher had no such flowery promises to hold forth. martin pinzon, having observed a few days before that most of the birds flew from the southwest rather than the exact west, suggested to columbus that land probably lay nearer in that direction; and columbus, to please him, changed his course. it is interesting to speculate on what might have happened had pinzon not interfered, for the fleet, by continuing due west, would have shortly entered the gulf stream, and this strong current would surely have borne them northward to a landing on the coast of the future united states. but this was not to be. on pinzon's advice the rudders were set for the southwest, and nothing happened for several days except that same passing of birds. on october 11 a fresh green branch floated by; and columbus, after dark had fallen, declared he saw a light moving at a distance. calling two of his sailors, he pointed it out to them. one agreed that there was certainly a light bobbing up and down, but the other insisted that he could see nothing. columbus did not feel sure enough of his "light" to claim that it meant land, so he called the ships together and reminded the crews that their sovereigns had offered to the one who should first see the shore a pension of ten thousand maravedis (about twenty-five dollars) a year. in addition, he himself would give a further reward of a silk doublet. this caused them all to keep a sharp watch; but land it surely meant, that fitful light which columbus saw, for that very night--or about two o'clock in the morning of october 12 --rodrigo de triana, a sailor on the _pinta_, shouted "_tierra! tierra!_" and sure enough, as the dawn grew brighter, there lay a lovely little green island stretched before their sea-weary eyes! who can imagine the tremendous emotions of that famous october morning! here were a hundred men who had just demonstrated that the world was round; for by sailing west they had reached the east--if, as many were ready to believe, they had come to martin alonzo's cipango! the world really _was_ a sphere! and at no point in rounding it had they been in danger of falling off! here they stood, that marvelous morning of october 12, on cipango or some other island off asia, as they supposed, with the soles of their feet against the feet of those back in palos, and the fact did not even make them feel dizzy. we who have always known that the earth is a sphere with a marvelous force in its center drawing toward it all objects on the surface; we who have always known that ships by the thousands cross the great oceans from one continent to another; we who have always known that the whole inhabited earth has long since been explored,--we who were born to such an accumulation of knowledge can never realize what was the amazement, the joy, of that little handful of men who, after three lonely months on the unknown ocean, at last reached unsuspected land. and the humble genoese sailor man,--what were his emotions on the great morning that transformed him into don cristobal colon, admiral and viceroy under their highnesses, the king and queen of spain. let us hope that he did not think too much about these titles, for we ourselves don't think about them at all. we are only trying to grasp the joy it must have given him to know that he had been true to his grand purpose; that he had waited and suffered for it; and that now, after declaring he could find lands in the unknown ocean, he had found them. quite right was he to put on his scarlet cloak for going ashore, for he had conquered the terrors of the deep! how eagerly they all clambered into the small boats and rowed toward the shore, columbus and the pinzon brothers and the notary in the first boat load. the new admiral carried the royal standard, and when they leaped ashore, he planted it in the ground and took possession of the island for ferdinand and isabella of spain. then on a little hill they put up a wooden cross and all knelt before it and poured out their gratitude to god. chapter x natives of the new land columbus christened his little coral island san salvador. the natives called it guanahani; but should you look for it on your map you may not find it under either its native or its spanish name, for there was no way, at that early date, of making an accurate map of the whole bahama group, and the name san salvador somehow became shifted in time to another island. thus was the original landfall long lost sight of, and no two writers could agree on the subject. recently, however, the most careful students have decided upon the reef now called watling's island, to-day an english possession, as columbus's first landing-place. when you see that it is but a tiny dot in the ocean, you may think it an insignificant spot to have been the scene of the most momentous event of the renaissance; you may feel inclined to scold at that well-meaning martin pinzon for asking to have the rudders changed in order to find his cipango. but it must be remembered that to have found anything at all was an unparalleled feat; and furthermore, that wee san salvador was not the end of columbus's expedition; it was merely the beginning, merely the lighting of that great torch of enterprise and investigation which was not to be extinguished till the whole american continent and the whole pacific ocean had been explored and mapped out. columbus that day started an electric current through the brain of every european mariner. to discover something across the atlantic was henceforth in the very air, and the results were tremendous. but to return to those happy spanish sailors who on that october morn of 1492 at last planted their feet on _terra firma_. to explore the little island did not take long. they found it to be full of green trees and strange luscious fruits. there were no beasts, large or small, only gay parrots. the natives, guiltless of clothing, were gentle creatures who supposed their strange visitors had come from heaven and reverenced them accordingly. as the two groups stood looking at each other for the first time, the natives must have been by far the more astonished. spanish eyes were used to races other than the white; they all knew the brownish moor; and alas, many of them knew the black ethiopian too; for, once the portuguese started slave-snatching down the african coast, the spaniards became their customers, so that by this time, 1492, there were a good many african slaves in spain. but the bahama natives knew of no race but their own; so what could these undreamed-of visitors be but divine? here is columbus's own description of what happened when the white man and the red man had scraped acquaintance with each other:-"as i saw that they were very friendly to us, and perceived that they could be much more easily converted to our holy faith by gentle means than by force, i presented them with some red caps and strings of beads to wear upon the neck, and many other trifles of small value, wherewith they were much delighted and became greatly attached to us. afterwards they came swimming to the boats, bringing parrots, balls of cotton thread, javelins, and many other things which they exchanged for glass beads and hawks' bells, which trade was carried on with the utmost good will. but they seemed on the whole a very poor people. they all were completely naked. all whom i saw were young, not above thirty years of age, well made and with fine shapes and faces; their hair short and coarse like that of a horse's tail, combed towards the forehead except a small portion which they suffer to hang down behind and never cut. some paint themselves with black, others with white, others with red, others with such colors as they can find. some paint the face, some the whole body. others only the eyes, others only the nose. weapons they have none; nor are they acquainted with them. for i showed them swords which they grasped by the blades and cut themselves through ignorance. they have no iron, their javelins being without it, and no thing more than sticks with fishbones or other thing at the ends. i saw some men with scars of wounds upon their bodies and inquired by signs the cause of these. they answered me by signs that other people came from islands in the neighborhood and tried to make prisoners of them and they defended themselves. ....it appears to me that these people are ingenious and would make very good servants, and i am of the opinion that they would readily become christians as they appear to have no religion. they very quickly learn such words as are spoken to them. if it please our lord, i intend at my return to carry home six of them to your highnesses that they may learn our language." in this brief entry in the admiral's diary there is a whole volume to those who can read between the lines, and a painful volume too, as much history is. glass beads and little tinkling bells, you see, were all ready to be distributed from the caravels; a proof that columbus had not expected to reach the asiatic indies, for those indians were known to be sharp and experienced traders. how did columbus happen to know that it would be wise to carry rubbish along with him? ah, that was something found out when he left porto santo to accompany the portuguese expedition to guinea; had he not seen the portuguese commander exchange ounces of bright beads for pounds of ivory and gold? and so he, christopher columbus, came prepared for similar trade in his western lands; the world, we see, was hunting for bargains, trying to get much for little in the fifteenth century, just as it still is in the twentieth! then again, look at the admiral's innocent remark, "i think they would make excellent servants." that is still the rule to-day; the trained man sees in the untrained only a servant. it was perfectly natural that the spanish eye should instantly see that little island converted into a spanish plantation with those simple, gentle creatures who "learn easily" working it. and lastly, let us look into this sentence: "i intend taking some of them home to show your majesties." it never occurred to the admiral to add, "if they are willing to come with me." indeed, it seldom occurred to any christian of christopher columbus's day that a non-christian, and especially a savage one, had the same human instincts as a christian, and that he would have preferred staying in his own land and with his own family. out of that horrible but common mistake grew up the whole miserable business of kidnapping, buying, and selling human beings. let us not be too greatly shocked at our fifteenth-century hero for talking so unfeelingly. remember, it was only about fifty years ago that we saw the last of slavery in these united states, and even then it died hard. christopher was, on most moral questions, merely a man of his time, a fact to be kept in mind as we read of his later voyages. "they answered me by signs," wrote columbus. in other words, the linguist of the expedition, the man learned in asiatic tongues, had not been able to make himself understood on san salvador; and neither was he when they sailed on among the other islands. clearly, these little specks of land in the ocean were not the large and extravagantly rich island of japan which martin alonzo pinzon had hoped to find. when columbus asked these friendly people for "cipango," they looked blank and shook their heads; so did all the other islanders he met during his three months' cruise among the west indies. all of the new-found people were of the same race, spoke the same language, and were equally ignorant of cipango and cathay and india,--lands of rich cities and temples and marble bridges, and pearls and gold. columbus had found only "a poor people," with no clothes and hardly a sign of a golden ornament. true, when he "inquired by signs" where their few golden trinkets came from, they pointed vaguely to the south as if some richer land lay there. and so the admiral, as we must now call him, never gave up hope. if, as pinzon still believed, they had discovered asiatic islands, somewhere on the mainland he must surely come upon those treasures which the moors had been bringing overland by caravan for centuries past. he could not go for the treasure this trip; this was nothing more than a simple voyage of discovery; but he would come and find the wealth that would enable the spanish monarchs to undertake a new crusade to the holy land. october ran into november and november into december, and the admiral was still finding islands. he had come, on october 21, to such a farreaching coast that he agreed with martin pinzon that it must be the mainland, or cathay, and started eagerly to follow it west. but the natives near the shore were timid and fled at the approach of the strangers. no splendid cities of marble palaces, nor even any mean little villages of huts, were in sight; so two of the sailors were sent inland to explore and find the capital of the country. after three days the explorers returned and reported that all they had seen were many, many naked savages who dwelt in tiny huts of wood and straw, and who had the curious custom of rolling up a large dry leaf called tobago, lighting it at one end, and drawing the smoke up through their nostrils. obviously, another "poor people" like those of san salvador; they were not the rich and civilized chinese that marco polo had written about. neither capital nor king had they, and their land, they told the explorers, was surrounded by water. they called it colba. it was, in fact, the modern cuba which columbus had discovered. instead of continuing west along cuba's northern shore till he came to the end of it, the admiral preferred to turn east and see what lay in that direction. it was one of the few times when columbus's good judgment in navigation deserted him; for had he kept west he might have learned from the natives that what we call florida lay beyond, and florida was the continent; or, even if the natives had nothing to communicate, west would have been the logical direction for him to take after leaving the extremity of cuba, had he fully shared pinzon's belief that asia lay beyond the islands. but no, without waiting to get to the extremity of cuba, columbus retraced his course east, as if expecting to find there the one, definite thing which, according to his friend, las casas, he had come to find. on november 12 he writes: "a canoe came out to the ship with sixteen young men; five of them climbed aboard, whom i ordered to be kept so as to have them with us; i then sent ashore to one of the houses and took seven women and three children; this i did in order that the five men might tolerate their captivity better with company." no doubt he treated the natives kindly, but one can readily understand that their families and friends back on the island must have felt outraged at this conduct on the white man's part. the strange thing is that columbus, so wise in many ways, did not understand it too, in spite of the miserably mean ideas which prevailed in his day regarding the heathen. but the very fact that he notes so frankly how he captured the natives shows that neither he, nor those who were to read his journal, had any scruples on the subject. all moral considerations aside, it was tactless indeed to treat the natives thus in islands where he hoped to have his own men kindly received. on cuba the boats were calked and scraped, and the admiral superintended the operations. he was always a busy, busy man, on land or sea. being a great lover of nature, he left this nautical business for a while and traveled a few days inland; and of every native he met he asked that same question that he had been asking among all these lovely islands, "is there any gold or pearls or spices?" no, that land lies west, far west; thus columbus understood the sign answer; but after following a native in that direction for a long time, he had to give it up, for the time being. when he returned to the beach, martin pinzon showed him a big stick of cinnamon wood for which, in his absence, one of the sailors had traded a handful of beads. "the native had quantities of it," martin assured his admiral. "then why didn't the sailor get it all?" "because," and here martin grew malicious, "you ordered that they could trade only a little, so that you could do most of it yourself!" and now the native had gone, and the rueful admiral never saw him nor his cinnamon again! at last, sailing along cuba, he came to its end; and from there he could see another island eighteen leagues off. this was what we call haiti, or san domingo. the ships sailed over to haiti, and the admiral was so pleased with its aspect that he christened it hispaniola, or little hispania, which is latin for spain; but as spain is called by its own people espana, hispaniola soon became espanola. chapter xi the return in the nina espanola, or haiti, the name we know it by, evidently corresponded to all of the admiral's preconceived notions of what he was to find in the western waters. he describes it in his diary as the loveliest island they had yet seen; its thousands of trees "seemed to reach to heaven." any one who had lived long in spain, where trees are few and small, must have taken great delight in the sight of a real forest, and so columbus wrote much on the beauties of haiti. scratch away with your pen, good admiral, and tell us about the trees, and the lovely nights that are like may in cordova, and the gold mine which the natives say is on the island. enjoy the spot while you may, for bitter days are coming when its very name will sadden you. could you but see into the unknown future as clearly as you saw into the unknown west, you would hurry away from lovely "little spain" as fast as your rickety caravel would take you! troubles in plenty are awaiting you! but the skillfulest mariner cannot know what to-morrow may bring forth. how was even an "admiral of the ocean seas" to know that when he went to bed on christmas eve, his helmsman would soon sneak from his post and hand the rudder to a little cabin-boy. the night was calm and warm, as december generally is in those southern waters. the admiral had been up night and day when cruising along the cuban coast, and now thought he might safely take a few hours' repose. few hours, indeed, for soon after midnight he hears the cabin-boy screaming "danger!" a strong, unsuspected current has carried the tiller out of his weak hands, and the _santa maria_ is scraping on a sandy bottom. instantly the admiral is on deck, and the disobedient helmsman is roused from his sleep. at once columbus sees that their only possible salvation is to launch the ship's boat and lay out an anchor well astern; he orders the helmsman and another sailor--for they are all rushing on deck now--to do so. but the minute they touch water the frightened, contemptible creatures row quickly away and ask the _nina_ to take them aboard. the _santa maria_ grates a little farther down into the sand bar and swings sidewise. columbus orders them to cut the mainmast away, hoping to steady her some, but it proves useless; the ship's seams are opening; the water is rushing in; they must abandon her to her fate. so they all follow that cur of a helmsman and crowd on to the _nina_. did ever a christmas morning dawn more dismally? the island of haiti had several kings or caciques. the one who lived near the admiral's landing place had been extremely friendly to his strange visitors, and when in the morning he saw their sad plight, he sent all the people of the town out in large canoes to unload the ship. he himself came down to the shore and took every precaution that the goods should be brought safely to land and cared for. the next day, wednesday, december 26, the diary recorded:-"at sunrise the king visited the admiral on board the _nina_ and entreated him not to indulge in grief, for he would give him all he had; that he had already assigned the wrecked spaniards on shore two large houses, and if necessary would grant others and as many canoes as could be used in bringing the goods and crews to land--which in fact he had been doing all the day before without the slightest trifle being purloined." nor did his aid end here; when columbus decided to build a fort and storehouse out of the _santa maria's_ timbers, the natives helped in that too. in the fort it was decided to leave about forty men "with a provision of bread and wine for more than a year, seed for planting, the long boat of the ship, a calker, a carpenter, a gunner, and many other persons who have earnestly desired to serve your highnesses and oblige me by remaining here and searching for the gold mine." columbus was, in short, planting the first settlement in the new world. as the disaster had occurred on christmas morning, he called the town "la navidad" (the nativity). to govern it he left a trusty friend, diego de arana, whose sister was little fernando's mother. columbus drew up a few excellent rules for the conduct of his colonists, and made them a wise address besides. then he loaded a gun and fired it into the hull of his stranded ship, just "to strike terror into the natives and make them friendly to the spaniards left behind." this done, he said good-by to the colony, telling them how he hoped to find, on his return from castile, a ton of gold and spices collected by them in their trade with the natives; and "in such abundance that before three years the king and queen may undertake the recovery of the holy sepulchre." on january 4, 1493, just a year after columbus had been dismissed from granada for asking to be made admiral and viceroy of the undiscovered lands in the west, he turned his back on those lands now discovered and started home. not, however, with three ships, for we have learned what happened to the _santa maria_; not even with two ships, for we have _not_ yet learned what happened to the _pinta_, which martin pinzon commanded. martin had deserted a month before the shipwreck. yes, that good and capable navigator, who had helped so much to get the expedition started, had struck off with his picked palos men on a different course, without asking leave from his admiral. nor was this all; for according to the journal, martin had "by his language and actions occasioned many other troubles." columbus professes that pinzon's conduct mystified him. it was on november 21 that the _pinta_ started off. columbus could not believe his eyes, he says. thinking that the ship must soon come back, all that night he "burned a torch, because the night was clear and there was a nice little breeze by which martin could have come had he wished." but martin did not wish. he still had hopes, perhaps, of finding cipango before returning to spain. and so, on january 4, when columbus gave the pilot orders to set the rudder for home, there was left only the smallest caravel of all, the _nina_. they kept on among the islands, frequently landing, and had many more adventures before they struck the open sea. always they asked for gold, and sometimes they learned that it could be procured by journeying "eastward," but more often, "west." in one place they had a new experience--a shower of unfriendly arrows. in another island the soil and trees so nearly corresponded to what columbus and pinzon had read of cipango that columbus believed for a moment that he had reached martin's cherished goal; to be sure, there were no golden temples to be seen, but columbus, always hopeful, was willing to believe that these lay farther inland, near the gold mines. resolved to investigate on his next voyage, he made accurate notes so as to find this same beautiful harbor again. but the natives who gathered around explained, by signs, that the island was small, and that there were no palaces or bridges. while lingering here, the most remarkable thing happened; for another european caravel led by another explorer entered! of course it was the _pinta_ whose captain had been trying to find either cipango or the mainland. there was nothing for martin to do but to appear friendly and pretend that his ship had drifted away and got lost. columbus accepted the excuse, and both ships started direct for home. the last of the bahamas faded from sight that same day, january 16, and the two tiny caravels were again the only moving objects on the vast, but no longer unknown, atlantic ocean. for nearly a month, that is, until february 13, the passage was calm and monotonous; and as the _pinta_ was in bad shape again every one was relieved to find the weather so quiet; but on the 13th the wind rose and rose till it lashed the sea into a fury. all day the sailors labored with the angry waves that kept dashing over the decks; and all that night the two lonely little ships kept signaling to each other until they were swept too far apart. when day broke, the _pinta_ was nowhere to be seen and was sorrowfully given up for lost. but there was no time to mourn; this day was even worse than yesterday, and the admiral and his sailors, after the custom of their time, made vows that if only the virgin would intercede with heaven and save them, they would make a pilgrimage to her shrine of guadalupe, far north of sevilla, or go as penitents in procession to the first church they came to after reaching land. in spite of these appeals, the danger increased every minute, and we may well imagine the agony of the little crew. the intrepid columbus, who had accomplished a marvelous thing, a feat which would stagger all europe, seemed destined to go down in mid-ocean with his great discovery! here was the _pinta_ sunk and the _nina_ likely to follow her any minute! europe would never know that land lay west of her across the atlantic! and all those timid, doubting men in spain, who had opposed the expedition from the very first, would shake their heads and say, "poor men, the sea monsters on the ocean's rim have gobbled them up!" it must have taken every bit of heart out of the brave admiral to think that spain would never know how gloriously he had succeeded. down into his dark cabin he went, and there, while the little _nina_ staggered and pitched on the mountainous waves, he steadied his swinging lantern with one hand, and with the other hastily wrote on a parchment what he had done. this he tied in waterproofed cloth, placed it in a wooden cask, and threw it overboard. then, for fear it might never be washed ashore, he hurriedly prepared a second cask and lashed it to the deck, hoping that the little caravel, even if he and all his men perished, might toss about till it reached the azores, which he judged must be near. and sure enough, next morning land was in sight, and the sailors shouted for joy though the storm still raged. it was not until the 18th that the sea had subsided sufficiently for them to approach the rocky coast. when finally they were able to cast anchor, they found they were at santa maria, one of the azores group. the azores, you will remember, were inhabited by portuguese. columbus, knowing there would surely be a church there dedicated to the virgin, sent half the crew ashore to make the penitential procession they had vowed; but this first boat load were promptly made prisoners by the portuguese. what a sad reward for religious men who were trying to keep a vow! the governor of the island then ordered columbus to come ashore and be made prisoner also, which you may be sure he did not do. there was much angry arguing back and forth, for spain and portugal were old enemies; but finally the portuguese governor dropped his highhandedness, sent back the prisoners, and the poor storm-tossed little _nina_ bravely set out again to cover the many remaining miles between her and spain. even after all their hardships and their sorrow over the loss of their friends on the _pinta_, the unhappy mariners were not to be left in peace. after a few days another violent storm beat against them and buffeted them for days, while a terrific wind came and tore their sails away. the poor little _nina_, bare-poled, was now driven helpless before the gale. and yet, marvelous to relate, she did not founder, but kept afloat, and on the morning of march 4, sailors and admiral saw land not far away. "the madeiras!" cried some, just as they had cried before when off the azores. "spain!" cried others, more hopefully. "the rock of cintra, near lisbon!" cried their admiral, whose power of gauging distances, considering his lack of instruments, was little short of marvelous. and cintra it was. again chance brought him to an unfriendly coast, and gave him no choice but to run into the mouth of the portuguese river tagus for shelter. like wildfire the report ran up and down the coast that a ship had just returned across the atlantic from the indies (for the spanish sailors called the new islands the indies of antilla) and of course the ship was full of treasure! in command of this ship was christopher columbus, the very man whom king john of portugal had refused to aid years before! hundreds of small boats surrounded the little caravel, and the curious portuguese clambered aboard and asked, among their many eager questions, to be shown the treasures and "los indios." the commander of a portuguese man-of-war anchored near assumed a bullying attitude and ordered columbus to come aboard the warship and explain why he had dared to cruise among portugal's possessions. columbus, more tactful than usual, replied that, being now an admiral of spain, it was his duty to remain on his vessel. meanwhile, he dispatched a courier to the monarchs of spain with the great tidings; while from the king of portugal he begged permission to land, and sent word, _not_ that he had, as people were saying, discovered an atlantic route to the indies, but that he had sailed to the fabled islands of antilla in the far atlantic. in answer, the king gave permission to land at lisbon, and invited columbus to court. columbus may not have wished to go there, but a royal invitation was a command. on entering the king's presence, the great explorer saw many of the noblemen who, years before, had advised their monarch not to aid him. our admiral is not to be blamed, therefore, if he took a deep delight in painting his new world in the rosiest colors possible. his story made king and courtiers feel uncomfortably foolish for not having been willing to take the risk spain had taken. it was a bitter pill for poor king john to swallow, and straightway his scheming old brain began to hatch a pretext for getting the new lands for himself. "pope martin v.," he reminded his visitor, "conceded to the crown of portugal all lands that might be discovered between cape bojador and the indies, and your new discovery therefore belongs to me rather than to spain." "quite right," murmured his courtiers. then, when columbus declared he had sailed west and not south, that spain herself had warned him to keep clear of portugal's possessions, and that the lands he had discovered were merely atlantic islands, they all insisted that "the indies were the indies, and belonged by papal authority to portugal!" oh, those shifting, indiscriminate, fifteenth-century indies which europe invented to explain the unknown world! what misunderstandings resulted from the vague term! columbus, again tactful, stopped boasting now, and merely observed that he had never heard of this papal treaty, and that the monarchs would have to settle it between themselves. then he took his departure, with every show of kindliness from the king, including a royal escort. the minute he was gone those courtly, crafty heads all got together and told the king that most likely the man was merely a boaster, but, lest he might have discovered territory for spain, why not hurriedly send out a portuguese fleet to seize the new islands ere spain could make good her claim? some even whispered something about assassination. let us hope that king john turned a deaf ear to them. at any rate, columbus was not assassinated, perhaps because he thought it safer to trust to his battered little _nina_ than to cross portugal by land. hurrying aboard, he hoisted anchor and started for palos. it was on a friday that columbus had left palos; it was likewise on friday that he had left the canaries after mending the _pinta's_ rudder; on friday he had taken leave of the little settlement of la navidad away back in haiti, and now it was on friday, the 15th of march, that he dropped anchor in the friendly port of palos. for the astounded population it was as if the dead had come to life. every family whose relations had accompanied the expedition had given the sailors up for lost; and lo! here was the man who had led them to their death, bringing a caravel into port. true, forty of the men had been left across the water, and as many more perhaps were under it. only one ship had come back; but it brought with it the amazing proof that the atlantic could be crossed! shops were closed, everybody went to church and rendered praise; bells pealed forth, and the "mad genoese" was the greatest hero that ever lived; then, as if to give the scene a happy ending, just before sunset of that same famous day, the _pinta_, which had _not_ been shipwrecked off the azores at all, also sailed into the rio tinto. thus did the punishment of palos end in her witnessing the greatest day of the fifteenth century. chapter xii days of triumph before following our happy admiral into the presence of the king and queen, let us remain in palos a little moment with that other courageous navigator, martin alonzo pinzon. poor martin was not happy; in fact, he was very miserable. he had slunk from his storm-battered caravel and into his house without saying a word to any one. his wife, overjoyed at seeing him, threw her arms around him. "oh, my good martin!" she exclaimed, "we were mourning you as dead! cristobal colon believed that you and your _pinta_ had gone to the bottom off the azores!" "i only wish i had!" groaned martin, dejectedly. "i only wish i had!" perhaps you think he was repenting too deeply of that insubordination off the coast of cuba, 'way back in november. no, it was not that; martin had another matter to regret now, more's the pity; for he was a good sailor and a brave, energetic man, ready to risk his life and his money in the discovery. he knew that, next to columbus, he had played the most important part in the discovery, and he now realized that he was not to share the honor in what he considered the right proportion. he felt ill-used; moreover his health was shattered. when the two vessels became separated in the storm off the azores, he concluded just what the admiral concluded--that the other ship had gone down. he considered it a miracle that even one of those mere scraps of wood, lashed about in a furious sea, should have stayed afloat; but both of them,--no! two miracles could never happen in one night! and so when he scanned the horizon next morning and saw no _nina_, and when he kept peering all that day through the storm and the little _nina_ never came in sight, a mean idea made its way into captain pinzon's brain; and it grew and grew until it became a definite, wellarranged plan. "the admiral has gone down with all aboard," he reasoned to himself. "now, if my ship ever reaches spain, why shouldn't i say that when columbus failed to find land seven hundred leagues west of the canaries, where he expected to find it, i persuaded him to accompany me still farther, and led him to cipango." martin kept nursing this plan of robbing the dead admiral of glory, until one morning he found himself off the spanish coast just north of the portuguese border. into the little port of bayona he put, and wrote a letter, and hired a courier to deliver it; that done, he sailed south along portugal for palos, probably passing the mouth of the tagus only a few hours after columbus, bound for the same port, had turned out into the atlantic. martin pinzon may thank his luck that the nina started home before him. imagine his utter shame and confusion had _he_ been the first to enter palos with his perverted news! as it was, things were bad enough. he heard the palos bells ringing, and saw the people thronging along the shore to look at the wonderful little boat that had traveled in such far waters; his heart sank. the admiral was home, and he, martin pinzon, _he_ had sent from bayona to their majesties a letter in which were certain false statements. no wonder he sneaked off of his ship in the dusk and wrapped his cape high around his face and hurried to his house. no wonder he felt no happiness in seeing his good wife again, and could only groan and groan. martin went to bed--his spirits were very low, and the stormy passage had racked his old body as well; so he lay down; and the next day he could not get up, nor the next; and when, in due time, a royal letter came, thanking him for the aid he had given columbus, but reproaching him for statements he had made which did not agree with those of the admiral concerning the voyage, then martin never wanted to get up again; he had himself carried to la rabida, where he died in a few days, the good friars comforting him. so no more of martin alonzo pinzon, whose end was inglorious, but whose courage and enterprise were later remembered gratefully by spain; for charles v., queen isabella's grandson, made public acknowledgment of pinzon's great services in discovering the new world. and now to pleasanter things. what has the admiral been doing since the palos bells pealed out their joyous welcome to him? first, of course, he greeted the good friar juan perez. and next he dispatched another letter to court announcing his discovery. in fact, he sent several letters; for, as we know, he was an energetic letter-writer; one to their majesties, one to luis de santangel, king ferdinand's treasurer, who had urged the queen to help him, and one to another friend at court. here is the beginning of the santangel letter:-senor: as i know you will have pleasure in the great success which our lord hath given me in my voyage, i write you this by which you shall know that in thirty-three days i passed over to the indies where i found very many islands peopled with inhabitants beyond number. "i passed over to the indies." says the letter. the writer, we see, has decided to give his islands the vague general name that europe applied to all unknown, distant lands--the indies. christopher was always ready to take a chance. if, as he had probably begun to hope, the western path might ultimately lead to india, why not at once adopt that important name? his letters sent off to court by fast courier, the admiral himself said good-by to friar juan and leisurely followed them. ferdinand and isabella, at this time, happened to be in the remotest possible point from palos, in barcelona, the great seaport of northeastern spain. it was a long, long land journey for a seaman to make, but christopher columbus did not mind, for every step of it was glory and triumph. he who had once wandered over this same land from city to city, obscure, suspected of being either a visionary or an adventurer, had returned as a great personage, an admiral of spain, a viceroy, a governor; and, best of all, a practical discoverer instead of a mere dreamer. every town he passed through acclaimed him a most wonderful man. besides, he had brought them proofs of his discovery--those six strange people called "indians"; these, along with an iguana and some red flamingoes, parrots, and unfamiliar plants, were exhibited in every town, and every town gaped in wonder, and crowded close to get a view of the admiral and his _indios_, and to whisper in awed tones, "and there is much gold, too, but he is not showing that!" all this was very gratifying to the admiral; but even more so was his reception when he arrived finally at barcelona. here he was met at the city gates by a brilliant company of _caballeros_, or spanish nobility, who escorted him and his extraordinary procession through the streets of the quaint old town. we may be sure that the authorities made the most of what the discoverer had brought back; the indians were ordered to decorate themselves with every kind of color and every kind of feather. the tropical plants were borne aloft, and it was rumored that merely to touch them would heal any sort of malady. most imposing of all, there was shown a table on which was every golden bracelet and ornament that had been collected. to be sure, these were not numerous, but everybody hinted to everybody else that they were but a few articles out of columbus's well-filled treasure-ship. the discoverer himself, richly clad, mounted on a fine horse, and surrounded by gorgeously accoutered _caballeros_, brought up the rear of this unique procession. what shouting as he passed! and later what reverent thanksgiving! barcelona was no insignificant little port like palos, to be stupefied at the wonder of it; barcelona was one of the richest and most prosperous seaports of europe, and could look upon the discovery intelligently; and precisely because she herself had learned the lesson that trade meant wealth, she rejoiced that this wonderful new avenue of commerce had been opened for spain. the display over, the king and queen invited columbus to tell his story. now had arrived the most critical moment since his return; but our admiral, it is to be regretted, did not realize it, else he would have been more guarded in what he said. he should have told a straightforward tale of what he had done, without one word of exaggeration; but christopher had a fervid italian imagination and could never resist exaggerating. so, instead of dwelling on the one stupendous, thrilling fact that he had sailed three thousand miles into the fearsome west and discovered new lands; instead of making them feel that he was great because of what he _had_ done, and letting it go at that, the foolish man filled his narrative with absurd promises of miracles he would perform in the future. but none of it did seem absurd to him! he had persuaded himself, by this time, that west of his poor, uncivilized islands lay richer countries; and so he did not hesitate to assure the sovereigns that he had discovered a land of enormous wealth, and that if they would equip another expedition, he stood ready to promise them any quantity of gold, drugs, and cotton, as well as legions of people to be converted to christianity. indeed, he went much further, and made a solemn vow that he, from his own personal profits in the discovery, would furnish, within seven years, an army of four thousand horse and fifty thousand foot for the purpose of reclaiming the holy sepulchre! imagine a man pledging this, just because he had gathered a few gold bracelets! and yet, as he stood there in all the glamour of the court, with a whole nation regarding him as a wonder, he was so carried away by the situation that he probably actually saw himself leading a triumphant crusade! as for the king and queen, so deeply affected were they that they fell on their knees then and there and poured forth their thanks to god. the good bartolome de las casas (the priest who devoted his life to the indians) was present and has described this memorable interview. columbus, he says, was very dignified and very impressive with his snowwhite hair and rich garments. a modest smile flitted across his face "as if he enjoyed the state and glory in which he came." when he approached the monarchs, they arose to greet him as though he were the greatest hidalgo in the land; and when he dropped on his knee to kiss their hands, they bade him rise and seat himself in their presence. surely this was a great day for the humble genoese sailor. he was _don_ cristobal henceforth, with the right to select a noble coat of arms. for his sake his brothers bartholomew and diego (james) were to receive appointments, and his son diego was to be brought to court and educated. then, after securing the welfare of these members of his family, columbus wrote to his old father, the wool-comber in genoa, and sent him some money. all this shows his good heart toward his own people; for toward one not his own was he guilty of an ignoble act. it was to that sailor rodrigo, of the _pinta_, who had been the first to sight land early on the morning of october 12. when columbus was asked to whom the queen's promised reward of ten thousand maravedis should go, he replied, "to myself." surely it could not have been because he wanted the money for its own sake; it did not equal twenty-five dollars, and he had already received a goodly sum on arriving in barcelona; it must have been that he could not bear to share the glory with another, and so told himself that the light he saw bobbing up and down early that night was carried by a human being, and the human being must have been in a canoe, near the island. on the strength of this argument he claimed the money rodrigo had expected to receive. chapter xiii preparing for a second voyage once the story of the first voyage had been digested, all thoughts were turned toward preparations for the next. indeed, while columbus was still in sevilla on his way to barcelona he had received a letter from the monarchs asking him what they could do to help him accomplish a second voyage, and he had sent them a list of his needs in the way of men, ships, and supplies. this the royal officers now brought out and the sovereigns went over it carefully with their new admiral. now began the test of don cristobal colon, _not_ as an intrepid mariner, but as a business man cooperating with other business men in the colonizing, christianizing, and commercializing of the new territories. in this matter he was to be associated with the powerful juan de fonseca. this bishop fonseca was very keen and efficient, but worldly, and vindictive toward those who opposed him in any way. to keep his good will needed much tact. he was not long in deciding that the great navigator had neither tact nor business ability; so he snubbed him accordingly, and made his path a hard one. knowing, as we do, that to-day spain possesses not an inch of territory in the new world she discovered and opened up, that other nations have reaped where she sowed, we are prone to conclude that it was all bad management on her part. but this is not entirely true. so far as colonizing could be managed from the home country, spain faced her new responsibility with great energy. immediately a sort of board of trade, or bureau of discovery, was organized, with the capable bishop fonseca at its head. this was called the casa de contratacion and its headquarters were at sevilla; for sevilla, though fifty miles up the guadalquivir river, is practically a seaport. cadiz was appointed the official harbor for vessels plying between spain and the indies. this meant the decline of proud barcelona, but naturally a port nearer the atlantic had to be chosen. customhouses were established in cadiz, and special licenses were issued to intending traders. botanists were called upon to decide which spanish fruits and vegetables might best be transplanted to the new islands; arrangements were made for shipping horses (which were lacking there), also sheep and cows. plans were soon drawn up for towns and cities--not mere log-cabin villages such as the later english and dutch colonists were content with--and a handsome cathedral was to be begun in haiti, and filled with paintings and carvings and other works of art. in fact, no material detail was overlooked to make the new settlements worthy of their mother country. where the effort failed was in selecting the men to be sent out, not in the things sent. if only the proper individuals had been sent to columbus's islands, all these other details might have taken care of themselves in the course of time. the second expedition was to be on a very large scale. it had to be assembled quickly lest other nations, learning of the discovery, or the one nation that had already learned of it, might get there first; wherefore fonseca and columbus were authorized to buy, at their own price, any boat lying in any port of andalusia that was suitable for the long journey; if its owner protested against the price named, they had authority to seize it. the same system applied to provisions and other equipment for the voyage--these must be given at the government's price, else the government, represented by columbus and fonseca, would seize them. lastly, these two could compel any mariner to embark on the fleet, and could fix his wages, whether he wished to go or not. the money for this second expedition came from a source which spain has no reason to be proud of today, but which she had small reason to be ashamed of in the sixteenth century. it was the confiscated wealth of the jews who, as enemies of christianity, had been banished from the kingdom the year before. columbus's "one eighth of the expense," which by the contract of santa fe he was bound to supply, he had no means of furnishing, since he had not yet reached lands rich enough to yield it. it was at the end of may that columbus left barcelona, hoping soon to embark again for his "indies." there was indeed every reason for haste, since king john of portugal had lost no time in presenting his claims to rome. we have already mentioned the important part which prelates played in the affairs of their countries. similarly, the pope played an important part in international affairs; and that is why a pope had made the portuguese treaty of 1470, and why king john now sought its enforcement by the present pope. but ferdinand and isabella also were hurrying messengers to rome. the pontiff at this time happened to be not an italian but a spaniard, alexander borgia, born a subject of ferdinand's own kingdom of aragon. ferdinand knew well how to judge this shrewd aragonese character, and what arguments were most likely to appeal to it. he told the spanish ambassadors to say that spain would immediately set to work to convert the vast new lands to christianity; that the spanish explorers would take great care not to intrude into portugal's african indies, which shows how confused geography still was in everybody's mind; and that, whatever the pope's decision, spain would defend her discoveries from any other claimant. this being made clear, the ambassadors were to present ferdinand and isabella's supplication that a papal bull, or decree, might be issued, granting them all lands discovered in the past and future by their admiral don cristobal colon. ferdinand of spain being now a much more powerful king than john of portugal, the pope granted all that spain asked, but was careful not to admit that columbus had discovered the real india; for the bull refers only to "insulae et terra firma remota et incognita" or "islands and a remote and unknown mainland." meanwhile, all sorts of intrigues were going on between the two monarchs. john had spies at ferdinand's court to discover the negotiations with rome, and others to find out how columbus's preparations were getting along; ferdinand also sent spies to portugal. these reported a portuguese plan for seizing the western lands before columbus could return to them. this came to nothing, however, through john's fear of the pope; and well for spain that john did fear the power of rome, for it took columbus so long to gather his second fleet that there would have been ample time for the portuguese mariners to cross the atlantic ahead of him. the very measures that had been devised to help the second departure retarded it. shipowners and provision dealers, in spite of royal orders, fought for fair prices and would not sell; and as for assembling crews for the ships, the difficulty was _not_, as in the first expedition, in getting men to go, but in keeping them back. if only columbus had not talked gold, gold, gold! if only he could have refrained from exaggerating, and had simply stated that he had found some wild islands whose people had not a glimmering of civilization and who possessed but few golden trinkets! had he not deceived the people and himself, only those would have joined the expedition who had the true, fine, adventurous spirit; or those who, seeking a new home, wished to settle down in new territory and develop it; but instead, men thought only of the vast wealth to be easily picked up--they would not even have to dig for it! thus the expedition attracted mainly men of doubtful character who wanted to become rich quickly. others offered themselves who wanted nothing more than excitement and novelty; others had dark schemes of breaking away from all restraint, once they reached the new land, and carrying on any sort of robbery or traffic that might offer profit; while still others were priests who thought only of converting the heathen. if ever men engaged upon an undertaking that required endurance, hard work, sound common sense, and a practical knowledge of how to tackle any task that might present itself, this was the occasion. yet the men who came forward lacked exactly these indispensable qualities. no doubt columbus and fonseca picked the best of them; but the misfortune was that columbus, who should have known what the business ahead of them required, did not know how to judge men; and the shrewd archbishop, who _did_ know how to judge men, had no idea what the occasion was going to demand of them; and thus they chose men for the second trip to the new lands who were utterly unsuitable. nearly all the two thousand who applied for permission to sail were personally interviewed by the admiral, which must have taken much time; besides, he was busy buying wheat and flour, hard biscuit, salt pork and fish, cheese, peas, beans, lentils, wine, oil, and vinegar, as well as honey, almonds, and raisins for don cristobal's own table. it was just about the same food that a sailing vessel would carry to-day, with the exception of tea and coffee; for portugal had not then discovered the lands from which these two beverages were to be introduced into europe. all these preparations were watched by two eager-faced boys who no doubt often said to each other, "i hope father will think us old enough to go with him on his next voyage!" for the admiral had brought little diego and fernando along to sevilla and cadiz, so that he might see them every day before the long separation. finally, on september 25, 1493, all was ready and the anchors were hoisted. how different it was from that first fearful sailing out of palos in 1492. this time the fleet was magnificent; seventeen vessels, all newly calked and painted; about fifteen hundred men, all happy and hopeful; and on shore, instead of a populace wringing its hands in dismay, a populace cheering and making music and flying banners, and actually envying the lucky ones who were starting off to the wonderful new lands where they could pick up gold! chapter xiv finding new islands with the departure of this second expedition for the "western lands" columbus's brief season of glory ended. neither home-comings nor departures would ever be the same for him again; for behind him he left a few jealous enemies, potent to do him harm, and with him he took men of such unstable character that more enmity was sure to spring up. these last he held with a firm hand as long as the voyage lasted; christopher could always control men at sea, but on land it was another matter. even though _he_ might have clear notions of the difficulty of planting a colony in new territory, how would these adventurers, and these highborn young gentlemen who had never worked, and these hundred wretched stowaways who, after columbus had refused to take them, had hidden in the vessels until well out to sea--how would all these behave when it was time to fell trees, build houses, dig ditches, and cut roads? and then again, good admiral, why did you make the great mistake of bringing no women colonists with you? how could men found homes and work when there were no wives and little ones to be housed and fed? of the better sort who accompanied this second expedition there were a few, but only a few, solid, reliable individuals whose society must have been a comfort to the admiral; among them, the faithful juan de la cosa, the palos pilot; james columbus, or as the spaniards called him, diego colon, faithful to his celebrated brother, but unfortunately somewhat stupid; antonio de las casas, father of the young priest who later became the champion of the indians and who wrote columbus's biography; juan ponce de leon, an intrepid aristocrat who was destined to discover florida; and doctor chanca, a physician and botanist who was to write an account of the vegetables and fruits of the western lands. these vegetables included the "good tasting roots either boiled or baked" which we know as potatoes. most daring of all the company was a young nobleman named alonzo de ojeda. alonzo was a real adventurer, willing to face any danger or hazard. columbus, on leaving spain, again headed for the canaries, this time for the purpose of taking on sheep, goats, swine, and other domestic animals to stock the new lands; then off again for the real business of crossing the atlantic. gold being the thought uppermost in every mind--even in the mind of the admiral--the rudders were set southwest for the caribbean islands. these, the natives of haiti had told him, were full of gold; at least, that is how columbus interpreted the signs the haitians made when he asked for gold; and so, instead of hurrying to cheer up those forty men he left at la navidad, he steered to a point considerably south of haiti and reached the caribbeans precisely; which, it will be seen, was a far greater test of nautical skill than merely to sail anywhere into the west, as he had done on the first voyage. the sea nearly all the way across was deliciously smooth and the trade wind soft and steady; only once was there bad weather; very bad while it lasted and very terrifying to those who had never before been at sea; but it happened that, during the storm, the electric phenomenon known as the light of st. elmo was seen over the rigging of the _mari-galan'te_, the admiral's ship, and all that horde of superstitious men were reassured and considered it a sign that the expedition was divine protection. yet a little later, when the water supply ran low, and when there were so many leaks in the vessels that the pumps were working constantly, they began to grumble. but columbus, who was a magician at reckoning sea distance, laughed at their alarm and said to them, "drink all the water you like; we shall reach land in forty-eight hours." next day no land appeared, but still he spoke confidently and ordered them to take in sail and slow down. that was at sunset, on saturday, november 2; sunday morning, november 3, the sun rose on a beautiful verdant island only a few leagues ahead of them. the magician had fairly scented land from afar! this little island, dominica he called it, had no harbor; but what did that matter since another island lay alongside it, to the north. here they landed and took possession in the name of spain--not only of the one island but of five or six more which were visible from a little hill. on this spot, which they christened marigalante, there were no inhabitants; so, after waiting only long enough to feast on new, luscious fruits, they sailed to the next island, which they called guadaloupe. and here the spaniards began to learn what real savagery meant. only women and children appeared to inhabit the island, and these fled inland at the strangers' approach. this afforded an excellent opportunity for the visitors to look into the native huts and see how these wild people lived. hammocks of netting, earthenware dishes, and woven cotton cloth were found; but along with these rudiments of civilization something else was found that made the europeans look at each other in horror-human bones left from a recent feast! the next day they landed at a different island, for these caribbeans all lie close together. here the deplorable business of kidnapping began again, and quite legitimately, the spaniards thought, for were not the miserable creatures cannibals? a young boy and three women were captured, and from these columbus learned that the people of the two islands he first visited, along with a third he had not yet come to, had formed a league among themselves to make war on the remainder of the islands. that was why all the men happened to be absent at the time of the spanish landing. they had gone off in their canoes to capture women as wives, and men and children to be killed and eaten! the fact that the warriors of this island were absent emboldened a party of nine spaniards to penetrate inland in search of gold; secretly, too, without the admiral's knowledge or consent. night came and the nine men had not returned. the crew were naturally anxious to leave the island before its man-eating population returned, but the majority were willing to await their lost companions. next day alonzo de ojeda, who said he was not afraid of cannibals, led a search party clear across the island, but without success; not until the third anxious day had passed did the gold seekers get back to the ship. they had paid dearly for their adventure, having been utterly lost in a tangled forest, without food, torn and scratched by brambles, and fearing all the time that the fleet would give them up for dead and sail without them. a week having now been passed among the cannibals, columbus decided to give up gold-hunting and go and greet the colony at la navidad. his captives told him that the mainland lay south, and had he not grown anxious about the men he had left the year before, he might have sailed south and found south america; but instead he headed north, stopping sometimes at intermediate islands. once again they tried capturing some natives whom they saw on the shore, but these carib women were wonderful archers, and a number of them who managed to upset their canoe and swim for liberty shot arrows as they swam. two of the spaniards were thus wounded. not until the 22d of november did the fleet come in sight of haiti-about a month later than if they had come direct from the canaries. many islands, including porto rico, had been discovered and named before they finally touched espanola and began sailing along its northern coast to where the _santa maria_ had been wrecked. although no gold had been found, all the men on the boats were confident that quantities of it would have been collected during the year by the men at la navidad; and so great content reigned on all the ships. while the fleet was still some distance away, one of the captured haiti indians who had made the voyage to spain and back was sent ashore to tell chief guacanagari and the colony of the admiral's return. this indian messenger, having been converted to christianity and having learned to speak spanish, was expected to be of great use in the present expedition. before sending him ashore they dressed him handsomely and covered him with showy trinkets that would impress his countrymen. but the real impression was to come from his telling his tribe what a powerful people the spaniards were and how advisable it would be to receive them kindly. this attended to, the converted indian was to rejoin the ship at la navidad, where columbus would richly reward him for his services. our simple columbus, who loved spain's civilization and power, entertained great hopes of the indian's mission, and never suspected that this savage preferred his native island; and that, once he set foot on it, he would never again risk himself in the presence of white men! the admiral next stopped at the mouth of a stream where, on his previous voyage, he had heard of gold. the party who went ashore to search for it soon came back aghast. they had found, instead, two bodies lashed to a stake in the form of a cross. the men were hardly recognizable, but the scraps of clothing looked spanish. the ominous news ran from ship to ship and gloom began to settle over the entire expedition. columbus, much disturbed, hastened on to la navidad. on approaching the spot his crew fired a cannon and shouted, but no response came. they landed; but it was to find the fortress a blackened ruin and the whole settlement destroyed. even the stout-hearted admiral was now utterly dejected. after a spell of grieving came a ray of hope. perhaps diego de arana and his other friends were not all dead; perhaps the treacherous natives had merely driven them off. he had told diego to keep the gold they gathered hidden in a well, so that, in case of attack, it would be safe; and off columbus started to hunt for the well. no amount of searching revealed it; instead, another painful sight, a few dead spaniards; that was all. inland, far away from his original abode, the king was found who had so kindly helped columbus when the _santa maria_ was wrecked--king guacanagari. from him came the only account ever obtained of the fate of the colony; a true account apparently, for later investigations confirmed it. the spaniards, with the exception of their leader, arana, had behaved very badly toward each other and toward the natives. they wanted wives, and had stolen all the young women from guacanagari's village and then had fought with each other for the prettiest. having obtained wives, some deserted the little european colony and went to live as savages among the indians. others had gone to find the gold mines, which quest took them to the eastern part of the island where the fierce chief caonabo ruled. so enraged was this chief at their invasion that he not only killed _them_, but descended upon their compatriots at la navidad, and attacked them one night when all was still and peaceful. guacanagari heard the savage war whoops, and out of friendship for the admiral he tried to drive off the assailants, but he himself was wounded and his house was burned. the spanish fort was fired; the inmates rushed out, only to be butchered or driven into the sea and drowned. not one man escaped. thus ended columbus's second trip westward across the atlantic. what a landing! blackened ruins, dead bodies, the enmity of the natives, and-no gold; all this where he had hoped to be greeted by happy, prosperous men. here were the first fruits of his great discovery; here the first sample of spanish ability at colonizing; here the first specimen of what the white man could do in a new and peaceful land; and our great admiral, thinking of the mixed band he had brought out from spain to colonize, dropped his head and covered his face with his hands. all were anxious to leave the scene of this tragedy; but before they left, the native king, guacanagari, who appeared as friendly as ever, expressed a desire to visit columbus's ship. while on it he managed to talk with the caribbean indians who were aboard. that night the captives, including a woman whom the spaniards had named catalina, made their escape and were picked up in waiting canoes. next day when columbus sent to guacanagari to demand their return, the king and his whole village had disappeared. it would appear that this simple savage had grown into a far shrewder person than his european host since that christmas night when the _santa maria_ ran aground. la navidad having disappeared, the next concern was to found another settlement. a point some distance east was chosen, where a beautiful green vega, or plain, stretched far back from the shore. the city was to be called isabella, in honor of the queen who had made possible the discovery of the new lands. streets were laid out, a fine church and a storehouse were planned to be built of stone, and many private houses, to be built of wood or adobe or any convenient material, were to be constructed. all this was very fine in plan; but when the men were called upon to do the hard manual labor that is required for building a town and planting gardens and fields in an utter wilderness, many of them murmured. they had not come to do hard work, they had come to pick up nuggets of gold. besides, many were ill after the long diet of salted food and musty bread; even columbus himself fell ill upon landing, and could not rise from his bed for weeks; and although all this time he continued to direct the work of town building, it progressed but slowly. so there lay the great christopher columbus, bedridden and empty-handed, at the moment when he hoped to be sending back to spain the gold and other precious substances collected by the men of his first settlement. what should he write to the sovereigns waiting for news? he could not bear to write the sad truth and tell them how all his hopes, and theirs, had come to naught. if only he could have known, or surmised, that his islands fringed a magnificent new continent that had never even been dreamed of by civilized man, his worry might have ceased; for surely a man who had found a new world for spain need not have found gold besides; but he knew nothing of the continent as yet; and remembering the extravagant promises made in barcelona, he decided to postpone writing the letter home to spain until he should make another attempt to find gold. accordingly, he sent two expeditions to different parts of the island to find the mines which, according to his understanding of the natives' sign language, must exist. alonzo de ojeda and the other captain he sent out returned each with a little gold; and this slight find was sufficient to set columbus's fervid imagination at work again. he sent a rosy account of the island to the monarchs, and repeated his former promise to soon send home shiploads of gold and other treasures. and no wonder that he and so many others wished for gold; for it is written in his journal, "gold is the most precious of all substances; gold constitutes treasure; he who possesses it has all the needs of this world as well as the price for rescuing souls from purgatory and introducing them into paradise." if gold could do all that, who would not try to possess it? but so far as his letter to the monarchs went, columbus knew, even while writing it, that real gold and the promise of gold were two very different things. his promises could never fill up the empty hold of the ship that was going back to spain; and so, failing the rich cargo which the men of la navidad were to have gathered, columbus bethought himself of some other way in which his discoveries might bring money to the spanish crown. the plan he hit upon was the plan of a sick, disappointed, desperate man, as will be seen from a portion of his letter. the letter, intended for the sovereigns, was addressed, as was the custom, to their secretary. "considering what need we have for cattle and beasts of burden ... their highnesses might authorize a suitable number of caravels to come here every year to bring over said cattle and provisions. these cattle might be paid for with _slaves_ taken from among the caribbeans, who are a wild people fit for any work, well built and very intelligent; and who, when they have got rid of the cruel habits to which they have been accustomed, will be better than any other kind of slaves." horrible, all this, we say, but it was the fifteenth century. slavery had existed for ages, and many still believed in it, for men like the good las casas were few. moreover, columbus was tormented by a feeling of not having "made good." he had promised his sovereigns all sorts of wealth, and instead he had been able to collect only an insignificant amount of gold trinkets on haiti. desperate for some other source of wealth, in an evil moment he advised slave-catching. besides considering himself to have fallen short in the royal eyes, he was hounded by the complaints and taunts of the men who had accompanied him. they hated work, so he tried to appease them by giving them authority to enslave the natives; and, as our good las casas wisely remarks, "since men never fall into a single error ... without a greater one by and by following," so it fell out that the spaniards were cruel masters and the natives revolted; to subdue them harsher and harsher measures were used; not till most of them had been killed did the remaining ones yield submissively. chapter xv on a sea of troubles in the new colony of isabella things went badly from the very start. its governor comforted himself by thinking that he could still put himself right with everybody by pushing farther west and discovering whether the asiatic mainland--which martin alonzo pinzon had always insisted lay back of the islands--was really there. accordingly, columbus took a crew of men and departed april 24, 1494, leaving his brother diego in command of the colony. never had columbus done a more unwise thing than to leave isabella at that moment. not one single lesson of self-help and cooperation had his men yet learned; and of course they reproached him with their troubles. the root of it all was disappointment. they had come for wealth and ease, and had found poverty and hardship. they even threatened to seize the ships in the harbor and sail off, leaving the two brothers alone on the island; yet, knowing all this, columbus decided to go off and continue his discoveries! again he just escaped finding the mainland. on sailing west from isabella and reaching cuba at the nearest point to haiti, he decided to coast along its southern shore. he had gone along its northern shore on his first voyage, and had turned back instead of continuing toward the continent. this time he took the southern coast, pushing west for about a month and a half, and again turning back when he was not more than two hundred miles from central america. the natives whom he questioned told him, as on his first visit to cuba, that their land was surrounded by water; but alonzo de ojeda, who was with columbus, said, "these are a stupid race who think that all the world is an island, and do not know what a continent is!" columbus too did not wish to believe the savages; he preferred to believe that cuba was the continent. yet as a navigator columbus was honest, and no doubt would have gone farther and proved the natives right had he not been pestered by a grumbling crew. his men were dissatisfied at the long tropic voyage which never appeared to bring them one inch nearer wealth, and they clamored to return to isabella. so mutinous did they become that he decided to turn back, but it was with a heavy heart. again he must write to the sovereigns and report that he had not yet found a land of wealth. the very thought of this next letter made him miserable. in fact, our enterprising admiral was in a very bad way by this time. we recall how he was ill when the new settlement of isabella was started, and how he nevertheless personally superintended the work. always a tremendous worker on sea or land, always at his post, meeting his heavy responsibilities as best he knew how, it was nothing but work and worry for the harassed christopher columbus; and now when he, a sick man, had undertaken this voyage to the mainland, the natives had declared that cuba was only a big island! columbus lay down in his bunk, broken-hearted. a fever seized him and he raved for several days; and in his ravings he hit upon a plan which was so childish that one would laugh were it not also so pitiful. he decided to write that he had discovered the mainland of asia, but not yet cathay, as cathay lay far inland. to prove that cuba was really asia, he called together his crew of eighty men and made them swear before a notary that not only had they cruised along the mainland, but they had learned that it was possible to return from cuba to spain by land. this statement being duly sworn to and sealed, the crew were informed that if any one of them should ever deny this, his tongue would be torn out to prevent his repeating the lie. this time they did not keep so close to the shore. by going farther out they discovered the isle of pines, also the pretty little group known as "the queen's gardens," and jamaica, later to be the scene of much woe. always islands, islands, islands! among some of them navigation was very dangerous, and the admiral, still ill, never left the deck for several days and nights. at last he broke down and could not move from his bed. the minute this happened the crew, who had not the slightest interest in discovering beautiful islands, hurried direct to their countrymen in isabella. poor admiral! poor men! if only they could have forgotten all about the riches of cathay, and could have realized the wonder and the honor of being the first white men to gaze on all these lovely spots, these bits of earth straight from the hand of god, how their hearts might have welled with joy and thanksgiving! but no, it was a dissatisfied, heavyhearted body of men who came back empty-handed to isabella on september 29, and reported that in all their five months' absence they had seen nothing but savage islands. now let us see what mischief had been brewing in the colony during their absence. columbus, before leaving, had commanded the military governor to place himself at the head of four hundred men and scour the island for provisions. instead of following these orders, the military governor, without diego columbus's leave, went aboard the first ship sailing for spain. in other words, he deserted. the remainder, on learning this, made a raid on the nearest natives and stole their food and their wives; and the natives naturally took revenge. it was while the outraged indians were gathering in large numbers to destroy isabella that columbus returned. a sad state of affairs to greet a sick man, and especially when the trouble was all of spanish making. but there was no time to spend in asking whose fault it was. their lives were at stake. isabella might soon share the horrible fate of la navidad. columbus hurriedly mustered his men--less than two hundred--and divided them into two companies. one of these he himself commanded, and the other was under his older brother, bartholomew, who had arrived from spain during the expedition to cuba. the spaniards were clad in armor. the natives were naked and had no guns, and though they were far more numerous than the europeans, they were soon overcome. one of the powerful chiefs, however, still remained unsubdued at the head of his forces in the interior of the island. this was the chief caonabo, already mentioned as the one who had avenged his wrongs on the offenders at la navidad. soon he too was captured by alonzo de ojeda through the clever ruse of sending him a present. then came a little more fighting, and the men who had come to convert the savages to christianity obtained absolute control of the island of haiti. the enslaved natives, we are told, wove their sorrows into mournful ballads which they droned out desolately as they tilled the fields of their harsh masters. but even with the natives subjugated there was still much discontent among columbus's men. there being no gold to pick up and sell, by tilling the land only could they live; and even to farm profitably takes years of experience. for everything that went wrong, they blamed the man who had brought them to the new world, and similarly his brothers who had come to help him govern. whenever a ship returned to spain the miserable colonists sent back letters full of bitter upbraidings against the man who had led them into poverty and hardship. also one of the priests had gone home, and straight to court, to make a thousand complaints. the military governor who had deserted the colony did the same thing, adding, "there is no gold in the indies of antilla, and all the admiral said about his discoveries was mere sham and banter." we have already mentioned that, from the moment columbus started on this second voyage, enemies at home began to do him harm. when, therefore, all these tales reached spain, they fell on ready ears. even queen isabella, who had always championed columbus, had grown to see that his discretion and general common sense fell very far short of his courage and his navigating ability. the royal pair, therefore, decided that the whole matter must be investigated. a man who had accompanied columbus on his first voyage was appointed by the monarchs to go as royal commissioner to haiti and question columbus about the condition of the colony. this man was selected because of his supposed kindly feelings to the admiral, the latter having recommended him to the queen for excellent conduct on that trying first voyage. the queen, we see, thus endeavored to make the inquiry as easy and friendly as possible for the great navigator. but the royal commissioner, don juan agnado, acted like many another man suddenly vested with authority; he carried it with a higher hand than kings themselves! arriving at isabella at the moment when the admiral was trying to capture the chief caonabo in the interior of the island, agnado snubbed bartholomew columbus, threw several officials into prison, put himself at the head of the garrison, and announced that he was going inland after the admiral! on his making this show of insolent power, every one believed that he was to be the new governor, and that he had been authorized even to put columbus to death. at once they gave way to all the meanness of their natures and, in order to gain favor with the new viceroy, they began bitterly denouncing the old. columbus, who had received word of agnado's advent into isabella, hurried to meet him there. seeing himself in a sorry plight, he told agnado that he would immediately go back to spain and answer his sovereigns' inquiries in person. this was in october, 1495. but all sorts of ill luck prevented his going. a frightful hurricane tore over the island and sank the four vessels which agnado had brought; then a wanderer came in with tales of a real gold mine in the south of the island and the report had to be investigated. next, the several forts which had been built had to be strengthened and stocked with provisions; so that it was not till march, 1496, that the admiral was ready to sail. only two caravels now remained in isabella harbor. one of these was the faithful little _nina_; and on her the weary admiral returned to spain. chapter xvi the third voyage columbus's second voyage home from his western lands was even more stormy and threatening than his first had been, but the little _nina_ remained stanch as ever. besides frightful weather to try his soul, columbus was taking home two hundred broken-down, disheartened colonists who could no longer endure the hardships of the new world. even the prospect of going home did not improve their tempers. when the food ran low, colonists and crew threatened to kill and eat the captive natives in the hold. columbus managed to pacify them all, however, but it must have used up every bit of energy in his worn body. when, after this tempestuous voyage, the _nina_ and the other little caravel put into cadiz harbor on june 11, 1496, there was more humiliation. crowds collected to greet the gold gatherers; but the unhappy men who crawled off the vessels were paupers--wrecks--mere living skeletons. the very sight of them brought down curses on christopher columbus. the man who had dreamed of coming back with a ship full of gold, and being acclaimed by the cheers of the populace, came back instead with the royal displeasure hanging over his head and curses ringing in his ears! the court was settled, at that time, in the north near valladolid, and thither columbus went to plead his case. all along the way he displayed his indians and tropical plants and little golden ornaments, but the inhabitants were less curious than before. in the picture of this greatest and most illustrious discoverer trying to gain favor with critical crowds by showing them a few naked savages and a few bits of gold, there is something pitiful. for columbus knew, and the crowds knew, that he was in disfavor, and he was dejected by the fear of an unfriendly reception. what a relief it must have been to him when, instead, he found himself graciously received. not a word did the sovereigns utter of their dissatisfaction, either over the affairs of the colony or the small amount of gold. he told them all about his trip along cuba and the new islands found; and of course he could not refrain from telling them that just before he left hispaniola _real_ gold mines had been discovered from which they might "confidently expect large returns." they thanked him for his new discoveries and showed him many marks of favor. instead of paying attention to the many complaints which had been made against bartolome colon, they told the admiral that his brother might remain vice-governor for life. a little later they told him they would take his young son fernando into the royal household and educate him, and after a time they began to make plans for a third voyage. how much better it all turned out than he had been led to expect from agnado's conduct! for his next voyage columbus asked for eight ships and the sovereigns complied. more than three hundred men were to be sent out, paid by the crown; and as many more, if they would volunteer to go without pay, were promised a third of the gold they got out of the mines, besides a share in other products. all these fair promises, where he had been expecting disgrace, must have lifted a load from columbus's mind; but he was soon to find, as in years gone by, that a long time may elapse between promise and fulfillment. months and months rolled slowly away and columbus was still kept waiting in spain. it is possible that ferdinand and isabella wanted to see what the colony could do without him; or perhaps there really was no other reason than that given, that spain herself needed every available ship at that time. first, she was sending a great expedition against naples; being at war with france also, she needed a fleet to guard her own seacoast. further, as a brilliant marriage had been arranged between two of the royal children of spain and two of the royal children of burgundy, there was extra need of ships to carry these princes, in suitable state, across the bay of biscay. indeed, these various spanish plans called not only for ships, but money; and yet the government managed finally to set aside six million maravedis for columbus's use. before he could begin to spend it, however, ferdinand took it back again, and under circumstances that were very mortifying to the waiting columbus. just after the royal treasurer was ordered to put this sum at the admiral's disposal, word came to court that pedro nino had arrived from espanola with ships laden with gold! "there now," cried christopher in glee, "did i not tell you gold was sure to come?" "well then," craftily reasoned king ferdinand, "hasten you to cadiz with an order to pedro nino to pay the government's share over to you for your ships, and i will keep these six million maravedis in my own treasury for war expenses." but it all turned out to be a sorry joke on the part of captain pedro nino. his ships were full of slaves which, he laughingly declared, he expected to turn into gold in the slave market. thus was columbus, weary with long waiting, left without any appropriation at all; and bishop fonseca laughing at him whenever he observed his eagerness to be off! in this quarter the impatient admiral found much hindrance and no sympathy. not only did fonseca himself exhibit indifference to columbus's work, but his secretary did the same. furthermore, contrary to the terms of columbus's contract, by which he was to have a monopoly of indian discovery, fonseca (on royal order, of course) began giving licenses to other navigators, and the intrepid columbus saw his coveted prize slipping through his hands. in all matters relating to government and administration, bishop fonseca was a far wiser man than the great navigator. fonseca possessed the best education a man could receive in that day. his training in the great church organization had given him skill in reading character. he soon saw that columbus had but little ability outside of navigation; and we wish that, instead of despising him, he had been big enough and kindly enough to say: "good friend, give up all connection with that struggling colony of hispaniola. let me send out a more competent man than yourself to handle it, and do you devote your energies entirely to discovery. that alone shall be your work. carry it as far as you can, for you are not young and the day will come when you can sail no more." if a sympathetic, convincing, friendly voice had whispered this good advice to the harassed governor of espanola, what a load of trouble it might have lifted from his heart. but bishop fonseca, unfortunately, was not the man to help another in his hour of trouble. he merely treated columbus coldly and put every sort of obstacle in his way. ships and men were at last ready to sail from cadiz on may 30, 1498. it happened that ten days before vasco da gama, following the portuguese track around africa, had left the coast and gone across the indian ocean, reaching the rich mainland of the real india--the brilliant, civilized city of calcutta. let us be thankful for poor columbus's sake that there were no cables in those days to apprise him of the fact, else he might have felt even more keenly what a poor showing his own discovery had made. his fleet this time consisted of six vessels. they stopped as usual at the canaries, then went farther south to the cape verde islands. thus a whole month passed before they were ready to cross the atlantic. on leaving the cape verdes, the admiral decided to send his best captain with three of the ships due west to haiti,--this because the isabella colony was in sore need of provisions. meanwhile he himself would lead the other three farther south and discover new lands; for he had received a letter in spain from a gem expert saying, "go to hot lands for precious stones." knowing nothing of currents and calms around the equator in july, he conducted his three ships into such a strong northern ocean current that he had to change his course before ever they reached the equator. next they lay becalmed for eight days in the most cruel heat imaginable. the provisions were spoiling; the men's tempers were spoiling, too; and so, on the last day of july, judging that they must be south of the caribbean islands, columbus gave up all thought of new investigations and started northwest for hispaniola. by the new course land was soon sighted, a much larger island than any of the caribbeans. out of it rose three imposing mountain peaks; and accordingly it was christened _la trinidad_ (the trinity) after the custom of religious naming that prevailed. columbus's ships, having shrunken and cracked in the heat of the voyage, were much in need of repair. after cruising around the south and west shore, looking in vain for a harbor where he could patch up his ships and take on water, he at last found a suitable spot near point alcatraz. here the necessary repairs were made, and, as the spaniards worked on their boats, they could look across to a low strip of land in the west-the coast, did they but suspect it, of an unheard-of continent nearly as large as all europe! thinking it another island, they sailed over to it when the boats were mended. the admiral was suffering torture with eyestrain (small wonder, one would say who has seen those hundreds of cramped pages he wrote), so he called a reliable man and ordered him to conduct a party ashore and take possession in the name of their sovereigns. he himself, he said, would lie down awhile in his dark cabin, for the glare of the tropic sun made his eyes ache cruelly. that is how it happened that, on august 10, 1498, the admiral lost the chance of putting foot on the vast mainland of south america. back came the party from shore after a few hours to report that the natives appeared very intelligent, that their land was called paria, that they wore a little gold which came (as usual) from "the west," and that they wore strings of pearls that were gathered a little farther south on the paria coast. at last, pearls! how it must have encouraged our ever hopeful admiral! so now, though they did not suspect it, the great continent of south america was discovered. they sailed south along its shore for a time, hoping to find the pearls, but the farther they went the rougher the great waves became,--mountainous, indeed,--forming actual lofty ridges on the surface of the sea. of this phenomenon columbus wrote home to the monarchs, "i shuddered lest the waters should have upset the vessel when they came under its bows." the rush, as we now know, was made partly by the delta of the orinoco river and partly by the african current squeezing itself into the narrow space between the continent and the southern end of trinidad, after which it curls itself into the gulf of mexico and comes out again as the gulf stream. columbus, after buffeting these dangerous waters as long as he could, turned north again along trinidad and emerged out of the gulf of paria, leaving the pearls behind him. instead of landing and looking to see if the natives spoke the truth, he started a hopeful letter to the sovereigns, telling them what rich pearl fisheries he had discovered. this time, however, christopher's imagination really ran close to the facts, for at their next landing, on the island of margarita, north of venezuela, they actually bartered three pounds of large pearls from the natives! then they headed northwest for haiti, reaching it the last of august, 1498. nearly two and one half years had passed since he and agnado had left the island in the hands of their successor, bartholomew columbus. during that time no change for the better had come to it. the mistakes on the part of officers, and the rebellions on the part of the people, now made a longer list than ever. not a man among them, from bartholomew down to the meanest commoner, appeared to know how to build up a well-ordered, self-respecting community. the spirit of cooperation was entirely lacking. no one thought of the common good, only of his own interests; and those in power had not been trained to handle large groups of men who needed wise directing. in those days, and especially in spain, the general education was not the sort to develop each individual man toward self-reliance, but to make him part of a big organization where he need not think for himself, but need merely obey orders. if, then, those appointed to issue the orders were not men of wisdom and sense, things were bound to go wrong. bartholomew columbus, whom the sovereigns had appointed lord lieutenant for life, had not been a very wise governor, as will soon be apparent. it was only a little while before the admiral sailed home with agnado that gold mines had been discovered on the south coast of espanola. bartholomew was therefore instructed to take a certain number of men to the south coast and establish a seaport at the nearest suitable point to the mines. that was how the present town of santo domingo (now shortened into san domingo) came into existence, a town that in time grew to be so important that it gave its name to the whole island. in order to start building san domingo, bartholomew, or, as he should be styled, don bartolome, took nearly all the working population out of isabella. the only ones left were those engaged in building two caravels which the admiral had started constructing. the men under don bartolome appear to have entered into building the new port with fairly good will; for there really was a little gold in the vicinity, and they had been promised payment for their services. if don bartolome had stuck to his post, everything might have gone well; but scarcely were the first few houses completed when he decided, most unwisely, to make an expedition far into the west of the island, where there was supposed to be a rich indian kingdom called xaragua. of course when bartolome reached xaragua, he found the tribe to be, as usual, a "poor people." he could collect no golden tribute from them, and had to take their offer of produce instead, which, he told them, they must have ready within a certain time. then he rode off to see how the men left behind at isabella were getting on. there, since the day when he had taken away the best (that is, the most industrious) men to work in san domingo, those remaining had known nothing but misfortune. many had died; and of those left, many were ill and all were discontented. unluckily, don bartolome was not the man to offer much sympathy or even to stay and put things in order. instead, he left this first american town to its fate and started on to the second. all the way across the island to san domingo he kept demanding tribute from the natives he passed. the poor creatures, though they well knew the malignant power of the spaniards, determined to make one more attempt at resistance. the result was that most of them were killed or taken captive. by this time the tribute of xaragua was to be ready, and don bartolome went after it and did not continue on to the new seaport of san domingo. while he was gone, his younger brother diego was left in command of the eastern part of the island. diego was far less of a disciplinarian than either cristobal or bartolome, and the spaniards themselves now revolted. in this they were led by a man named francisco roldan whom the admiral had appointed chief-justice. roldan gathered about him nearly all the well men on the island, taking them from their work in the mines and on the new town. once banded together, these rebels rode and tramped all over the center of the island, stealing food wherever they could find it. it happened that while they were in the west, near the coast of those same regions of xaragua where bartholomew was, along came the three caravels laden with food which columbus had sent direct from the cape verde islands. columbus had instructed the commander of this little fleet to coast along the southern shore till he found the new seaport which bartholomew was building; but somehow the commander missed it, and sailed much farther west and into the very territory where the roldan rebels were. knowing nothing of their disloyalty, he sent a large number of men ashore to inquire for san domingo. these, as ill luck would have it, fell in with roldan and his men. we may readily imagine the conversations that ensued. "don't go to the town," the malefactors warned the newcomers. "it is nothing but work, work, work, and no pay. we are supposed to be paid out of the gold found, but the amount is so small that not a grain of it ever reaches us! better stay here and go from one indian village to another, taking food and golden ornaments from the natives." and the shore party, instead of searching for san domingo, stayed with roldan. the three caravels then continued their search, but never reached san domingo till a few days after columbus himself had come up from south america. chapter xvii a return in disgrace what a discouraging state of affairs to greet the returning "governorgeneral and viceroy of all the lands discovered in the western seas!" what comfort were all these titles that columbus stood out for so obstinately, when half his colonists had joined a rebel leader and the other half were sick and hungry! by this time roldan's army was so large that christopher and his brother had to admit to each other that there was no chance of subduing the insurrection by force. in truth, there was no "force"; for those who were not ill, even the newcomers, were all grumbling against the government. so there was nothing to do but make a treaty with the rebel leader, as if he had been the lawful ruler of a state; and in this treaty he had everything his own way. columbus had humbly to agree to give two vessels to carry the discontented ones back to spain; to fill these vessels with ample provisions, and to agree to write a letter to the monarchs stating that roldan and his men were in no way to blame for the trouble. here was humiliation indeed! fancy a high official of the crown being forced to such an undignified treaty with one who had rebelled against his authority! but even this did not end the trouble. columbus could not get the vessels ready in time, and so the malefactors became more vexatious than ever. later another treaty was made, still more humiliating to the admiral, for he had to promise, first, that those of roldan's men who were most anxious to return should be sent to spain immediately; second, that those who chose to remain should receive gifts of land and houses; third, that he, columbus, would issue a public proclamation stating that all that had happened had been caused by the false reports of bad men; and fourth, that roldan the leader should remain chief-justice for the rest of his life! roldan now condescended to return to san domingo and sit in the judge's seat. no sooner was this turbulent leader appeased than another rebel arose. this time, sad to say, it was the brave alonzo de ojeda. because he had succeeded in taking the chief caonabo prisoner, columbus had rewarded and honored him by making him captain of a voyage of discovery among the islands. all this time, no doubt, ojeda was loyal to his admiral; but he had recently made a trip home to spain, where, from his friend bishop fonseca, he had learned many things, false as well as true, that poisoned his mind against his great leader. so he in turn gathered the discontented into a threatening band. "i have word from spain," he told them, "that our good queen lies dying. she is the only friend cristobal colon has; and you may be sure that the minute she is dead i can easily arrange to have her favorite removed if you will all rally around me." many, of course, lent ear to his treacherous talk, and these had many a skirmish with the few who were faithful to columbus. ojeda, besides sneering at and opposing the admiral's authority, wrote letters back to fonseca telling him all sorts of unfavorable things concerning columbus and his brothers. all the rebels, in truth, were sending back complaints, for the old and the new world sent little packet ships monthly. what they did not write was told in spain by those of roldan's men whom columbus had sent home. some indeed went straight to the king himself with their stories, with the result that the queen had to agree with her husband, who had never been much interested in columbus and his savages, that the whole matter must be thoroughly investigated. yet, even after consenting to court-martial columbus, as it were, the queen delayed the proceeding as long as possible, as if trying to give her viceroy time to straighten out his situation. but sad tales of misrule still kept coming from espanola, and finally, after more than a year of waiting, the monarchs sent out don francisco de bobadilla (bobadeel'ya) with a letter that began:- * * * * * don cristobal colon, our admiral of the ocean: we have ordered the comendador francisco de bobadilla, the bearer of this, that he speak to you on our part certain things which he will tell you. we pray you give him faith and credence, and act accordingly. * * * * * christopher, however, was not permitted to give the royal commissioner faith and credence, for the simple reason that bobadilla did not show him the letter. we have already read of the high-handed manner in which juan de agnado acted some years before when sent out to investigate; but, by comparison with bobadilla, agnado had been gentleness itself. bobadilla was a stern and rigorous churchman, comendador, or commander, of one of the famous religious-military orders in spain. he could tolerate nothing short of the strictest and most unquestioning obedience to authority. he also had a great respect for high birth, and he, like bishop fonseca, could never forget that christopher columbus was of humble origin. both fonseca and bobadilla would have been astounded had they dreamed that their principal claim to remembrance by coming ages would be from their reluctant association with a certain illustrious man "of humble origin." it was on august 23, 1499, that bobadilla's ship entered the mouth of the little river on which san domingo was situated; and on seeing on either side of the settlement a gallows, and on either gallows the body of a high-born spaniard lately executed for rebellion, the sight did not incline him to feel kindly toward the low-born governor who had executed them. columbus and his brother bartholomew were in the interior at the time, and bobadilla had no intention of awaiting their return, so eager was he to show his power. next morning, when all the colony had gathered in church for mass, he read them the royal letter authorizing him to inquire into the administration of the viceroy. the letter stated that their majesties empowered bobadilla to seize evil-doers and their property, and that the admiral and all others in authority must aid him in doing so. columbus had left his brother diego in charge of the colony; and diego, though weak as a ruler, was strong in words when bobadilla ordered him to hand over the remainder of the rebels for trial, together with evidence against them. diego replied that the prisoners were held by order of the viceroy, and that the viceroy's authority was higher than the comendador's. such an answer was not likely to mollify the royal commissioner. the next morning after mass he opened a second letter and read it to the colonists, a letter which the monarchs told him to open only in case columbus refused to submit to him. this document proclaimed the bearer, don francisco bobadilla, governor of all the islands. he immediately took the oath of office, and then opened and read to the astonished populace a third royal letter in which christopher columbus was commanded to hand over all papers and property belonging to the crown. the discontented colonists saw that the day of reckoning had come for their unpopular governor. they exulted in it; and bobadilla, who realized the satisfactory impression he was making, then and there opened a fourth letter which commanded that he, bobadilla, should straightway pay all arrears of wages to the men who had worked on san domingo. as nearly all the men had gone unpaid for a long time past (owing to utter lack of funds), when they heard this last proclamation, they hailed bobadilla as a benefactor, and his narrow, mean soul swelled with pride. to be sure, the monarchs really had issued all these letters; but bobadilla was to read and act upon the second and third letters only in case columbus refused to obey the first; and here, without giving columbus any opportunity to speak for himself, bobadilla had gone to the extreme limit of his powers. it makes one recall shakespeare's lines about "man, proud man, drest in a little brief authority.... plays such fantastic tricks before high heaven, as make the angels weep." by the end of the second day the new governor had seized the admiral's house. next he sent a search party to find the two brothers and bid them return. this christopher and bartholomew did at once; and bobadilla, whose noble birth had not given him a noble soul, treated the grumblers and talebearers of san domingo to the shameful sight of the discoverer of the new world marching in chains to prison! while columbus had not been a successful ruler, it must be borne in mind that the men he was expected to rule were a most ungovernable lot. but even so, it is difficult to believe that among them all there was not one big enough to forget that the man who had been an unsatisfactory colonial governor had been the bravest explorer ever known. but no, they were pitiless. his own cook was ordered to fasten the chains on him. the onlookers exulted in his disgrace; and their outcries were so loud and so bitter that columbus and his brothers expected every moment to be put to death. bobadilla lost no time in deciding what to do with his prisoners. they must be put out of the way, but not by death. instead, he ordered a nobleman named villejo to take them at once to spain. when villejo, with some soldiers, entered the cell in order to remove the prisoners to the ship, columbus thought he was to be escorted to the scaffold. "i see i am to die," he said calmly. villejo, who seems to have been the only man in san domingo with an ounce of humanity in him, answered kindly, "i am to escort you to a ship, your excellency, and then home to spain." as they marched to the shore, a rabble followed, shouting every insult imaginable. and thus did christopher columbus sail away, for the third time, from the island which he had found so quiet and peaceful that he once wrote, "the nights are lovely, like may nights in cordova." here was a change indeed! when the caravel was under way, villejo offered to remove the admiral's shackles. "no," answered columbus, with dignity, "their majesties gave bobadilla authority to put me in irons; they alone must issue the authority to take the irons off." and so in irons the greatest discoverer the world has ever known made his sixth crossing of the atlantic. and in irons he landed in cadiz in november, 1500. chapter xviii public sympathy we have just seen columbus land in chains at cadiz. we next see him free, traveling in great splendor to that scene of his first successful interview with isabella--granada. what had happened meanwhile to lift him out of misery and disgrace? simply what always happens when a really great man is too harshly punished, a reaction in the public mind. in all spain columbus had hardly a friend; yet when the people of cadiz saw him leave villejo's ship in chains, they were moved with deepest sympathy. they began telling each other that, no matter what his faults might be, he had been the first man deliberately to put out across the dreaded atlantic and reveal to the world that land, and not monsters, lay on the other side. had any one else ever begged, during seven years, for the privilege thus to risk his life for the benefit of spain in particular, and all mankind in general? even the portuguese, greatest of exploring nations, had only hugged the african coast cautiously; but this man had sailed straight away from land into the setting sun. even landsmen appreciated the fine courage that required. and the first man bold enough to wish to go out and unravel the mystery of the west now walked in chains from a spanish ship to a spanish prison! it was monstrous ingratitude, all declared; and they did not hesitate to show their sympathy. the story of his disgrace traveled rapidly, and everywhere it brought out the better nature of the spanish people, who accordingly denounced this harsh treatment by their sovereigns. and what had columbus himself done to help matters along? the wisest thing that he could have done; he had refrained from writing to ferdinand and isabella. his silence spoke in his favor; for they did not learn what had happened till a lady-in-waiting at court, a friend of columbus and of the queen, received a letter which columbus had written during the voyage, and which the good villejo sent off by a trusty messenger the minute the ship reached spain. this lady carried the shocking news to the queen, perhaps even read the whole letter to her; if so, isabella must have winced at this passage: "i have been wounded extremely by the fact that a man should have been sent out to make inquiry into my conduct who knew that if he sent home a very aggravated account against me, he could remain himself at the head of the government." hardly had the queen heard this letter when there came a report from villejo containing the same story of bobadilla's brutal haste in dealing with the admiral. and directly after this came an inquiry from the alcalde (mayor) of cadiz asking what he should do with his distinguished prisoner. isabella saw it was all too true; bobadilla had gone to the uttermost limit of authority without even waiting to try less offensive measures. she saw that she had selected a very unworthy person for the delicate task of removing a great man from office. even ferdinand, who, as we have seen, had no great opinion of columbus, was grieved over the unhappy affair. immediately they dispatched a courier to the alcalde with instructions to set the admiral free, and to treat him with every consideration. then they invited columbus to come to them at court, and ordered a credit of two thousand ducats for him, a large sum in those days, for it was equal to about ten thousand dollars in our money. this they did without even waiting to hear bobadilla's side of the story. columbus reached granada in december, 1500; nine years precisely after the memorable journey that friar juan perez had caused him to make to the same place. as on his return from the second voyage, when he was expecting royal reproaches, he received instead only the kindest treatment. both ferdinand and isabella made him feel, instantly, that, whatever had gone wrong, they knew his worth and considered him a distinguished man. so overcome was he by this magnanimity that it was some minutes before the white-haired, worn-out man could control his feelings sufficiently to tell his story. finally, however, he managed to speak. he admitted all that had gone amiss in espanola and said his only excuse was his inexperience in governing. (ah, good admiral, if only you had remembered your inexperience on that january day in that same city of granada, when you insisted on being made viceroy of all the lands you might discover!) the queen, while she pitied columbus profoundly in his distress, was too wise a woman to let her pity run away with her prudence; so she answered cautiously:-"common report accuses you of acting with a degree of severity quite unsuitable for an infant colony, and likely to incite rebellion in it. but the thing i find hardest to pardon is your reducing to slavery many indians who had done nothing to deserve such a fate. this was contrary to my express orders. as ill fortune willed it, just at the time that news came to me of this breach of my instructions, everybody was complaining of you; no one spoke a word in your favor. i felt obliged to send a commissioner to the indies to investigate and give me a true report, and, if necessary, to put limits to the authority you were accused of overstepping. if he found you guilty of the charges against you, he was to relieve you of the government and send you to spain to give an account of your stewardship. this was the extent of his commission. i find that i have made a bad choice in my agent, and i shall take care to make an example of bobadilla so as to warn others not to exceed their power. but i cannot promise at once to reinstate you as governor. as to your rank of admiral, i never intended to deprive you of it. but you must abide your time and trust in me." isabella's reply is a model of fairness and prudence so far as columbus is concerned, but it is hardly fair to bobadilla. the comendador had been brutal, it is true; but it was not true that he had gone beyond the extent of his commission. his brutality consisted in pouncing upon the offender without any preliminaries whatever. yet it turned out that, in acting thus, he did the best possible thing for columbus's subsequent treatment. there is no doubt that had he proceeded slowly, with a fair and formal inquiry into all the complaints against the admiral, it would have been clearly shown that, from the very beginning, everything had gone wrong in the colony. the indians, once friendly, were now bitter against the spaniards. the colonists were a bad lot, but columbus himself had examined and accepted most of them before the ships left spain. if mistakes were committed while he was absent exploring cuba, they were made by his brothers and by those whom he himself had selected to rule in his absence. all of this evidence would have been against columbus, who in consequence would have been deposed as governor and sent home to answer bobadilla's charges before a royal court of inquiry. arriving as a man disgraced after a fair trial, nobody's sympathies would have been stirred. it was precisely because bobadilla had acted like a brute instead of like a wise judge that everybody denounced him and pitied his victim. considering all this, and considering that columbus himself had admitted his "inexperience in government" to the queen, it is astonishing to learn that he was deeply hurt because she did not reinstate him instantly as ruler of the island! experience had taught the great discoverer but little. at a moment when he should have fallen on his knees in thankfulness because he would never again have to be responsible for that colony of vicious men, he instead felt hurt! he wanted to return and start the whole sorry business over again. moreover, he protested, as indeed he had been doing for years, because other navigators were imploring the monarchs to break their contract giving _him_ a monopoly of western exploration, and to allow them to undertake voyages, asking no government assistance whatsoever. now was the time for him to say, "it is to spain's interest that she send as many explorers as possible over to these new lands, in order that we may quickly determine how many islands there really are, and whether what i last visited was the mainland; only, pray let me hasten back free from every responsibility except that of a navigator; so that i, who so justly deserve the first chance of exploring the new lands, may get there ahead of these others who are clamoring to go." had columbus been businesslike enough to make this proposition to the monarchs, he need not have died in ignorance of the prodigious fact that he had discovered a great continent undreamed-of by europeans. but, instead of renouncing his monopoly, he complained that licenses had been granted to others to sail west in violation of the agreement that he alone, and his descendants after him, should sail among the new lands. this attitude annoyed king ferdinand exceedingly. for columbus to hope to keep this monopoly in his own family was madness; as by this time other countries, having heard of his opening up the way, had sent out explorers to plant their standards. john and sebastian cabot had gone out from bristol, england, to newfoundland, and had discovered, in june, 1497, the north american continent before columbus had touched south america. early in 1499 one of the pilots who had accompanied columbus on his cuban trip secured a license, and not only explored the central american coast for several hundred miles, but traded his european trifles and gewgaws with the natives for gold and silver, returning to spain with real profits. that same year, 1499, vicente pinzon of palos, who with his brother martin had made the first voyage, also secured a license and sailed southwest over the equator, discovering the amazon river and taking possession of brazil for spain. our adventurous acquaintance ojeda also had been busy. when the paria pearls arrived in sevilla, he asked his friend fonseca to show him both the pearls and columbus's map of trinidad and the neighboring coast. although ojeda had recently been in open rebellion against the admiral in haiti, as we have seen, fonseca did not hesitate to let him see where the pearl land lay; and so ojeda, with an italian named vespucci, whom we shall meet later, sailed to paria and gathered its wealth. also, in this year so great for navigation, a portuguese fleet of thirteen ships set out from lisbon to round the cape of good hope. in trying to escape the long calms which had beset bartolome dias in the gulf of guinea, pedro cabral, commander of the fleet, struck out quite far from the morocco coast and got into the equatorial current. the existence of this powerful westward current had never been suspected by either spanish or portuguese mariners. wind and current combining, cabral and his captains found themselves, in about a month's time, on the coast of brazil near the present rio de janeiro. thus a current never before known carried them to land never before known. and thus for the second time, if the shipwrecked pilot told the truth, america was discovered by accident. all this had given europe some idea of the vastness of the world to the west. if columbus was to bring his own discoveries to a glorious finish, it was high time that, instead of quibbling over maintaining a contract, he should have given up the empty honors that were to have been his, and have asked only for permission to hurry back and discover more land. ferdinand, who now saw that the islands would need not one but a dozen governors if ever they were to be colonized and developed, would not hear of reinstating columbus as governor. the most the monarchs would give him in the way of satisfaction was that bobadilla should be removed and another man, who had had nothing to do thus far with the quarrels of the new world, should be appointed for two years. this new governor, whose name was nicolas de ovando, was specially instructed to protect columbus's profits in the colony, if profits there should ever be. orders were given that the property of columbus and his brothers, which bobadilla had confiscated, was to be restored; and whenever gold was found and smelted, columbus's share was to be put aside for him. this proved that the sovereigns intended to be just to columbus, but the latter was nevertheless much depressed over his lost dignities. the comendador ovando, of the famous religious order called the knights of alcantara, was appointed to succeed bobadilla, and began his preparations with certain definite and practical ideas on the subject of colonizing. he was the first to see that respectable married men with their wives and children were needed to give the settlement character; so he offered, or asked the sovereigns to offer, proper inducement to married men. he also secured as many trained workers as possible-artisans and craftsmen. his other measures appear less wise; that is, he felt he must go in state and dignity, else the people would not regard his authority; so he took many body servants and house servants, and rich priestly robes, for he relied a great deal on the appearance of power. no less than thirty-five vessels would suffice to carry his twenty-five hundred passengers (among them bartolome de las casas) to san domingo; and when he started in all his state, the heart of columbus was sad and sore. "ah," thought he, "if only _i_ had had decent men, instead of jailbirds and loafers!" and he pondered sadly on his many misfortunes. and still the monarchs kept him waiting and would not furnish him with a fleet. while he was waiting came the bitter and disquieting news that portuguese explorers were returning in a stream from the indian ocean with exceedingly rich cargoes, all justly traded for in the markets of calcutta. why, he groaned, had _his_ india been so barren of riches? he began to ponder over all the theories he had read concerning the geography of the world, and to wonder what his discoveries might really be. if it dawned upon him that he had struck islands fringing on absolutely new, unsuspected land, he appears to have dismissed the extraordinary idea, and to have come back to martin alonzo pinzon's theory that he, by sailing west over the globe, had come to asiatic regions. it must be so, he argued. marco polo had made known the fact that an ocean bounded asia on the east, and that ocean must be the atlantic, which continued across to europe. the indian ocean which the portuguese had crossed must be the southern part of the atlantic, where it curved around asia's southern shores. ah, if only he could reach it! if only he had sailed straight for the rich mainland, instead of wasting his time on those pretty islands, inhabited only by a "poor people"! he began to recall how the land north of the gulf of paria stretched far west; how the southern shore of cuba stretched far west; how the currents of the caribbean sea indicated, by the fact that they had washed cuba, haiti, and porto rico into their long narrow east-and-west shape that somewhere in the west they passed through a strait which separated some large island from southeastern asia; and that strait must lead into the indian ocean--the very ocean the portuguese were now sailing so profitably! he wisely resolved to linger no longer in spain, importuning for his lost governorship, but to undertake a fourth voyage and find this passage. good reasoning, all this about "the strait," if only facts had been geographically correct; and a brave determination, too, for an old man afflicted with rheumatism and fever and bad sight to resolve to put out once more on that boisterous ocean. we salute you, don cristobal! you are a true navigator, never afraid of hardships and labor and perplexing problems. even had you not discovered america for us, we still would salute you, because you were a tremendous worker! full of his new plan, columbus left beautiful granada where he had spent two empty years and went to sevilla. king ferdinand readily granted him four ships, for the admiral cristobal colon, off on a voyage of discovery, was not nearly so troublesome as the deposed governor and viceroy, lingering around the court to obtain his lost title and revenues. the fitting out of the ships restored his spirits considerably. whenever christopher had to do with boats and sea preparations he was in his element. he now grew optimistic, and, with his usual fatal habit of promising great results, he told his sevilla acquaintances that he expected to circumnavigate the world. fatal habit, yes; but it meant that he still kept that rich imagination, without which he never would have made his first voyage. meanwhile, he realized that he was getting old, and that he might never come back from this trip. his thoughts often turned to his native genoa, where he had played so happily as a child in the vico dritto di ponticello; so, one day he sat down and generously wrote to the authorities of genoa that, should his claims against the spanish crown ever be settled, a part of his money was to be used in paying the genoese tax on wheat and wine, so that the poor might buy these two staples at a lower price. finally all was ready; four small, weather-beaten ships; a crew of one hundred and fifty men and boys; a few months' provisions. his brother bartholomew, not very willingly, and his son fernando, almost too eagerly, accompanied him. this, his fourth and last voyage, started from cadiz on may 9, 1502. chapter xix the last voyage fernando columbus, though only a lad of fourteen, noted every new experience with intelligent delight. he had his father's passion for writing things down. as it was the result of personal observation, fernando's account of the fourth voyage may be accepted as more reliable than many other items he has left us concerning the admiral's history. among other things, fernando says that the little fleet intended starting its search at the outlet of the gulf of paria, and then following the land west until they came to the straits leading into the indian ocean; but while approaching the caribbean islands, his father discovered that one of the vessels was in need of repairs; for which reason he headed for san domingo, where he hoped to purchase a better caravel. as columbus had been told _not_ to stop there till his return trip, he sent one of the faster ships ahead with a letter to governor ovando, explaining that he wanted to buy another ship, and also that he was seeking protection from a hurricane that he saw approaching. knowing the peculiarities of weather in those regions, he was so sure of the storm that he advised ovando to hold back any vessels that might be about to depart for spain. our weather-wise old admiral was not mistaken in his prophecy. a furious west indian hurricane broke on the last day of june; but his poor little ships, instead of lying safe in the shelter of san domingo harbor, were exposed to all the ravages of the storm. why? because ovando had refused to let him enter the port! a cruel insult; but the admiral was too busy just then to brood over it. he must hastily draw in under the lee of the land and wait for the hurricane to pass. it was not the sort that passed, for it stayed and stayed till it was worn out by its own fury. "eighty-eight days," columbus wrote to his sovereign, "did this fearful tempest continue, during which i was at sea and saw neither sun nor stars. my ships lay exposed with sails torn; and anchors, cables, rigging, boats, and a quantity of provisions lost.... other tempests have i experienced, but none of so long duration or so frightful as this." and all this perilous time, when men and vessels narrowly escaped going to the bottom, the discoverer of the new world was denied the privilege of the only seaport in it! it makes one's blood boil, even to-day, to think that at san domingo the comendador ovando and the whole group of ungrateful landsmen went safely to bed every night in the very houses that they had hated columbus for making them build, while he was lashing about on the furious waves, thinking his other three ships lost, and expecting every minute a similar fate for his own! the eighty-eight days, fortunately, were not continuously stormy; there were occasional lulls. it was the end of june when columbus had asked for shelter; not till the middle of july did the first clear weather come. then the scattered, battered boats reunited as by a miracle, and found themselves near the "queen's garden" islands south of cuba. let us leave them there patching their boats and enjoying a bit of sunshine while we see what has been happening at ungrateful san domingo. ovando had been on the island a month and a half when columbus came along asking permission to land. whether this was refused through the new governor's ugly nature alone, or whether he believed columbus's prophecy of bad weather merely an excuse to land, is not known. certain it is that, although the spanish monarchs thought san domingo could get along better without the admiral, they never intended him to be turned off when a violent hurricane was pending. ovando evidently did not believe in the hurricane; besides, he did not want columbus to find out that the new governors were managing no better than he had managed. in this respect there was nothing to be proud of, else ovando would surely have believed in the hurricane. bobadilla had been a miserable failure; and he himself had not been there long enough to make any improvements, except the detestable one of sending for african negroes to replace indian slaves! one thing, however, had turned out a little better than any one expected, and that was the gold mine near which the town of san domingo had been built. when columbus's warning about the storm came, eighteen caravels lay in the harbor ready to start for spain with eighteen hundredweight of gold. one nugget alone, las casas tells us, weighed thirty-five pounds. out of all this treasure, columbus's share was forty pounds, and that was set aside and loaded on the poorest, leakiest caravel of the lot, called _the needle_, to be sent to spain and to remain there until he should appear to claim it. ovando, like columbus, wanted the colony to appear profitable in the eyes of the monarchs, and was eager to start off this first golden cargo, also all the spoils he had filched from the natives since his arrival. then, too, the comendador bobadilla was already aboard, and ovando was eager to be rid of him and also of francisco roldan, who never had been, and never could be, of use in any colony; so ovando, when he read columbus's warning, threw back his head and exclaimed, "nonsense! let them start just the same!" and start they did; and scarcely were the vessels out of sight when the hurricane broke. of the eighteen ships only one ever got to spain. three returned much damaged to san domingo. the others went down. the one vessel that reached spain was the leaky little tub called _the needle_, laden with the admiral's gold! thus the same storm that sent many of his san domingo enemies to a watery grave saved for him the first profits he received from the island. it would be some satisfaction to learn that ovando was rebuked for his cruelty and stupidity; but there is no record of such a reprimand. perhaps no one even knew that ovando had been warned. as for the wholesale shipwreck, people merely looked at such things piously in those days, and said, "it is the will of heaven!" when the first lull came in that devastating storm, columbus found himself south of cuba among the little "garden" group. it was the third time he had had a chance to sail along the cuban coast and discover whether it really was an island, as the natives said, or whether it was the mainland, as he had forced his sailors to swear while on the cuban voyage when his brain was full of fever. again he let the problem go unsolved; the object of this fourth voyage was to find the straits leading into the indian ocean. having failed to begin his search from trinidad by following south america westward, as originally planned, he expected he would come to the straits by following cuba's southern shore in the same direction, if cuba, as he hoped, was a great strip of land projecting eastward from the continent. and yet, instead of sailing along cuba, or returning to the gulf of paria and hugging the land westward, he suddenly decided to put out southwest into the open sea. this seems to us a foolish course, for no matter at what point he struck land, how would he know whether to explore to the left or right for his straits? why this least desirable of three courses was taken neither the admiral nor his son explained in their diaries. of course he found land,--the honduras coast; but of course he had no means of knowing what relation it had either to cuba or to the land around the gulf of paria. thus the poor admiral lost his last chance of arriving at any just conclusions of the magnitude of his discovery. before reaching this honduras coast they stopped at the isle of pines, where they saw natives in comfortable-looking house boats; that is, huge canoes sixty feet long, cut from a single mahogany tree, and with a roofed caboose amidships. these natives wore plenty of gold ornaments and woven clothing; they had copper hatchets and sharp blades of flint; and they used a sort of money for buying and selling. in other words, it was the nearest approach to civilization that columbus had ever seen in his new lands. he tried by signs to ask about all these things, and the natives pointed west as the place from which their house boat had come. but so keen was columbus for "the straits" to the indian ocean that even gold could not divert him this time; he refused to proceed due west, and thus failed to discover mexico, the richest region the spaniards were ever to find on the north american continent. from the isle of pines, the admiral put out again into the open sea, southwest, and the moment he had cleared land terrific storms were encountered. worse still, when he neared the coast which he named honduras, the currents were so violent that his boats could hardly make headway against them. all july and august thunder and lightning were incessant. timbers creaked and strained till each minute it appeared as if they must have reached the breaking point. meanwhile the admiral was enduring the tortures of rheumatism and could not leave his bed; and so, up on deck where the gales and the waves swept free, he ordered them to rig a little cabin of sailcloth; there he lay and directed every move of his crew. one minute he saw his terrified seamen clinging to masts or slipping over wet decks; another, hauling in the mere shreds of sails that were left. one minute he heard them vowing pilgrimages and penances if only they might be saved; another, denouncing the madman who brought them to these terrible waters. but the sick man did not heed all this; his business was to bring them out alive if possible; so he kept a clear head and issued his orders. whenever he became discouraged, he looked across the wave-washed decks to the comforting sight of a slender lad of fourteen, brought up delicately at court, but now turning to with a will and helping the sailors with every rough, heavy task. how proud the admiral must have felt when he wrote in his journal, "it was as if fernando had been at sea eighty years!" at last they rounded a point where better weather greeted them, and in thankfulness columbus called it cape gracias a dios (thanks to god). but straightway came another blow. on the very first day when they could catch their breath and cease struggling against wind and current and rain, their spirits were again dashed. a rowboat went near the mouth of a river to take on fresh water, and the river came out with a gush, upset the boat, and drowned the men in it. so our sick admiral, who was drawing a map of the coast, and had just finished writing "thanks to god," marks down the rushing river and names it "rio de desastre" (river of disaster). just below gracias cape the current divided into two, one part flowing west, the other south; this latter was followed. sailing down the mosquito coast they came, toward the end of september, to a pleasant spot which columbus called "the garden," or el jardin (pronounced khardeen'), and where the natives appeared to be more intelligent than any he had yet seen. continuing south, he came to caribaro bay, where the people wore many flat ornaments of beaten gold. as if they could detect, from afar, the gold lust in the european eye, the poor creatures brandished their weapons to keep the strange-looking visitors from landing; but it was of no avail. land they did, and traded seventeen gold disks for just three tinkly bells! the voyagers asked, of course, where the gold came from, and were told from veragua, a little farther south. for once the sign language was correctly understood. veragua actually existed. the spaniards found it just west of the isthmus of darien. here plenty more gold was seen. "in two days," wrote columbus, "i saw more indications of near-by gold mines than i had seen in four years in hispaniola." not only did he see the precious metal, but he heard that "ten days inland" lived tribes who possessed quantities of gold and silver. and then the natives spoke of something far more wonderful, had columbus but known it, than gold; for they said, also, that ten days' tramp westward lay a vast sea. this, columbus concluded, must be the immense river ganges; and his tired brain began figuring how, by a little "tramping west," and a little river boating, and then some more tramping, a spaniard could get from darien back to spain, provided the moslems did not murder him on the way! but he was not seeking for gold on this trip. he did not march ten days inland. he turned a deaf ear to it and to all his importuning crew and went searching for his "strait"; by which steadfastness of purpose he just missed discovering the pacific ocean. it has been said that fate was always a little niggardly with columbus, and never was it truer than at this moment when she at last deafened his ear to the tale of gold and sent him south. all november and december he continued coasting along south america. but his greedy crew could never forget the sight of those veragua natives actually smelting gold. the men became sulky and clamored to go back; and furthermore, the ships were too worm-eaten and too covered with barnacles to proceed. on december 5, in order to take the gold-seekers back to darien, he reluctantly gave over his search for the passage to the indian ocean. but the minute he turned north new gales began to blow. these continued so furiously that in a whole month they progressed barely a hundred miles. all this time they were nearly starved; about the only provisions left were their rotten biscuits and these were, as fernando tells us, so disgusting to look upon that "many waited till night to eat their sop." at last the famished party got back to veragua. eighty men landed with the idea of forming a settlement under bartolome colon. they had the good sense to act in the friendliest manner to the native chief; but he was not the simple-minded creature that guacanagari was, over in haiti. he saw at once that they wanted gold, so he nodded obligingly, and indicated by signs that he would lead them to the gold mines. and he did; but they proved to be the small, worked-out mines of a neighboring chief who drove the intruders off. back they went to the first chief's land and began to build a stockade. the first chief still appeared friendly enough, but a very clever young spaniard named diego mendez happened to prowl through the undergrowth to the indian village and saw the warriors sharpening their knives and making ready to attack the uninvited settlers. off rushed diego to tell don bartolome; and he, believing that "the best defense is a sharp attack," rushed to the village, captured the chief and many warriors, and sent them captive aboard the waiting caravels. the chief, however, succeeded in jumping over the side, diving to the bottom, and swimming ashore. it was then quite dark and none saw him come to the surface, but the next day he had another force ready to defy them. of his fellowprisoners who had been thrust into the hold, some managed to throw open a hatchway, overpower the guard, and likewise plunge into the sea. the sailors hurriedly pushed back the hatchway so that no more might climb out on deck; but next morning it was discovered that all those who had not escaped were dead. they had committed suicide rather than be carried off by the ruthless strangers. all this time there was such a rough sea that no small boats could get ashore from the caravels to obtain news of the eighty colonists under bartolome. at last a sailor offered to swim to land; when he came back, it was with the news that this settlement had gone the way of isabella and san domingo, for half its men had mutinied. the gold did not seem worth fighting for where natives were so hostile that a man could not even pick fruit from a tree and eat it! columbus saw that there was nothing to do but get the men back on the boats and abandon all thought of colonizing what he had already named costa rica (rich coast). but to carry out this decision for a while appeared impossible; the waves were too high for any boat to venture out; but at last the clever diego mendez, by lashing two canoes together into a sort of raft, got near enough to shore to rescue don bartolome and his men and stores. when diego had succeeded in this perilous task, his admiral was so grateful that, in the presence of all the men, he kissed him on both cheeks, a mark of great respect in those days. ah, if only christopher had found such a stanch, capable friend earlier in his career! ever since they reached the mainland columbus had been suffering torments with rheumatism. now to add to his agonies a fever attacked him. along with these ills, and the murmurings of his hungry men, one of the ships was wrecked; and after they had rescued its men and provisions, and were about to find room for them on another ship, this other ship was discovered to be too worm-eaten and disabled to continue the voyage. columbus, in all his pain, directed the removal of men and goods to the best two caravels. this done, he started for san domingo, turning his back on his last chance to find the passage to india--the broad pacific ocean--if only he had crossed the isthmus between! chapter xx the courage of diego mendez at last they were clear of the most disastrous landing that columbus had ever made. what you have read is but the bare sketch of a chapter in his life that was crowded thick with misfortunes and even horrors. and yet, strange to say, on this detestable coast is the only settlement in the new world that perpetuates the great discoverer's name, the town of colon, at the atlantic terminus of the panama canal. the admiral's health was now ruined, for fevers, sleeplessness, gout, and eyestrain kept him in constant pain, and at times made even that strong mind of his a little queer and wobbly. but on one point at least it remained alert and lucid,--he still could think out his course clearly. with a view to avoiding the treacherous winds and coastwise currents that had previously wrought such havoc with his ships, he set his rudders due east on leaving veragua; his idea being to sail first east and then north to san domingo. straightway the crews became alarmed, thinking he meant to return direct to spain, in spite of the fact that the ships were too rotten for the long trip. but no; the admiral hoped, besides escaping currents, to mystify them as to the geographical position of the gold coast. remembering how alonzo de ojeda had gone back and reaped riches from the pearl coast, and how pedro nino, that captain who brought slaves to cadiz and sent word that he had brought a cargo of gold, and also been to paria, christopher decided to zigzag about in such a manner that no one could ever find his way back to the gold country ten days inland from darien. suffering and misfortune were surely telling on the admiral's mind, else he would never have written this childish note: "none of them [the crew] could explain whither i went nor whence i came; they did not know the way to return thither." but all the time his men grumbled, and could not understand why they were starting for spain on crazy, crumbling ships, when san domingo lay so much nearer. every day they murmured louder, till at last the admiral foolishly humored them by heading due north; the result was that he turned too soon and found himself in a new current he had never met before. this current carried them past hispaniola westward again to those same "gardens of the queen." the series of storms that here overtook the two battered little ships were almost as bad as those that met them on their last approach to hispaniola. anchors were lost and the men kept the ships from sinking only by the constant use of "three pumps and all their pots and kettles." by the 23d of june they had drifted over to jamaica. the crews were worn out by their hard work to keep afloat. it seemed as if human endurance could stand no more. many were badly bruised from being dashed down on the decks like bits of wood before the gales; they had had no dry clothing on for days; their hearts were faint, their stomachs fainter, for they had had nothing to eat and drink for some time but black wormy bread and vinegar. how, we ask ourselves as we sit in our comfortable, solid houses, did they endure it? and yet there was even worse to come! the admiral saw that even "three pumps and all their pots and kettles" could not keep the water bailed out of the leaky boats. the only thing he could do was to run his ships aground. the first harbor he tried was so barren on every side that starvation stared them in the face; so they pushed on a little farther, the exhausted men again bailing steadily, till they entered a greener spot, now called don christopher's cove. not a minute too soon did they reach it. once the ships were grounded on the sandy beach, the tide soon filled the hulls with water. the weary men had to turn to and build cabins on the forecastles; and here at last they managed to keep dry, and to lie down and rest. their first thought was how to get food. the resourceful diego mendez offered to tramp over the island and trade whatever personal articles the sailors had left for foodstuffs. in this he was successful; he secured more than food; he exchanged the clothing on his own back for a large canoe and six rowers, and returned by sea. the next aid mendez rendered the shipwrecked men showed even finer heroism than his lashing the canoes together to rescue bartholomew. he offered to go in an open rowboat all the way from jamaica to haiti and ask ovando to send a rescue vessel! look at a map of the west indies and see what this offer meant! two hundred miles to the western point of haiti, two hundred more to the governor at san domingo, and this, too, across a sea frequented by perilous hurricanes. it was a magnificent piece of volunteer work! not one chance in a hundred did diego mendez have of reaching his destination, and he knew it; yet he offered to take the risk. one of his shipmates caught some of his valorous spirit and offered to accompany him; and the six native rowers, of course, had no choice but to go. mendez was as practical and ingenious as he was brave. he fastened weatherboards along the rim of the canoe to prevent shipping water; he fitted it with a mast and sail, and coated it with tar; and while he was doing it the admiral wrote a brief, businesslike letter to ovando, telling of the sad plight they were in; he also wrote a long, rambling letter, full of evidence of feeble-mindedness, to the monarchs. these letters mendez was to take with him. but mendez, to every one's dismay, came back again in a few days,--came back alone and with boat and oars smashed. while waiting at the eastern point of jamaica for a favorable wind to take them over to haiti, they were surrounded by hostile natives and captured. the six rowers escaped, and the companion of mendez was probably killed instantly; but while the savages were debating how to kill and cook mendez, he managed to dash away, jump in his huge canoe, and push off! the shipwrecked party felt crushed indeed. their last hope of rescue was gone; but no--diego mendez offered to start all over again, if only don bartolome would march with an armed force along the shore till there came a favorable moment in the weather for diego to push across to haiti. this precaution saved the intrepid diego a second surprise from cannibals; but the passage, after leaving jamaica, was torture. so intense was the heat, that he and his indian rowers were forced to take turns jumping overboard and swimming alongside the canoe in order to cool off. the indians, like children, wanted to drink all the water at once. in spite of warning, they emptied the kegs the second night, and then lay down on the bottom of the canoe, panting for more. diego and his spanish companion did the rowing till the indians were rested a bit. then diego brought out two more kegs of water which he had artfully hidden under his seat, gave them all a drink, and set them to work again. late that second night the moon came up, not out of the sea, but behind the jagged rock that lies ten miles off the western end of haiti. blessed sight! what new courage it put into the tired rowers; how eager they were to make the rock by sunrise so as to lie in its shade all that august day of 1503, instead of blistering under the torrid sun in an open boat. surely, if ever men deserved to lie all day in the shade, it was these brave fellows who were trying to save christopher columbus. from this point mendez went on with his six rowers till he found the governor; but before going into that matter, let me tell you how proud, and justly proud, diego mendez was all his life of this canoe trip. he lived to be an old man (in the city of valladolid), and when he felt himself nearing the end, he asked his relatives to mark his grave by a tombstone, "in the center of which let a canoe be carved (which is a piece of wood hollowed out in which the indians navigate), because in such a boat i navigated some three hundred leagues; and let some letters be carved above it saying _canoa_." quite right of you, diego mendez, to wish posterity to know of your plucky voyage. we hope your relatives gave you the coveted tombstone; and we hope, also, that they carved, on its reverse side, that of all the men who ever served don cristobal colon, you were the most loyal and the most valiant. the admiral, in writing an account of what happened on the jamaica beach while mendez was seeking aid, says:-"at the request of the king's treasurer, i took two brothers with me to the indies--one as captain, the other as auditor. both were without any capacity for their work, yet became more and more vain. i forgave them many incivilities. they rebelled openly on jamaica, at which i was as much astonished as if the sun should go black." yet why, we ask, should columbus have been so astonished? had he ever known much else from those under him but incivility and rebellion? ever since mendez left in august the men had been looking in vain for his return. autumn and winter and spring wore away, and as the natives had grown tired of feeding them, the shipwrecked crew were now mere skeletons. of course they blamed the pain-racked admiral because mendez had not returned with succor; and of course they were constantly quarreling among themselves. one day the captain who had commanded the vessel that went to pieces near darien came into the cabin where the sick admiral lay, and grumbled and quarreled and said he was going to seize canoes from the indians and make his way to haiti. it was francisco porras, one of the two brothers foisted on columbus by their relative, the king's treasurer, who wanted to get rid of them. porras and forty-one of the discontented voyagers actually started for haiti, but a short time on the rough sea sent them back ashore. they next formed themselves into a raiding party and outraged the natives in every possible way, falsely saying that they did so by order of the admiral. this so angered the indians that they marched down to don christopher's cove, surrounded the beached ships, and threatened to kill every spaniard there. it so happened that there was to be an eclipse of the moon that night, and columbus suddenly recalled it and turned the fact to good use. he told the angry natives that the power that had made the moon and the stars was very displeased with them and would prove it that very night by darkening the moon. the childish creatures decided to wait before attacking and see if the admiral spoke the truth. when the eclipse really started, they became terrified and sent their chiefs to ask columbus's pardon; columbus promptly declared that the light of the moon would return if the indians would faithfully promise to treat the spaniards kindly and supply them with food. the credulous creatures hastened to procure it; and as they brought it to the shore, the moon kindly emerged from the black shadow that had covered it. result, the indians believed columbus to be a superior being and from that time on they fed him and his men well. this eclipse was on february 29, 1504. but even with plenty of food the months of waiting were long and dreary. had the brave diego mendez gone to the bottom? he must have perished, thought the admiral, for surely if he had reached san domingo alive even the harsh comendador ovando could not have refused to send aid to stranded countrymen on a savage island! but why not, good admiral? had not this same ovando refused to let you enter the harbor of san domingo last year when the frightful hurricane was gathering? yet that was what happened. ovando, whose heart, if he ever had one, had shriveled to the size of a mustard grain, practically refused to send help. on hearing mendez' tale he said he was sorry for the admiral and his men, but he did not say he would send them a ship. mendez kept at him, telling him very emphatically that the one hundred and thirty stranded spaniards would certainly die unless soon rescued; still ovando said he was sorry, but did not offer to send relief. instead, scoundrel that he was, he _did_ send a small caravel, very small indeed, so that it could not accommodate the forlorn men, and could not carry them any provisions. the captain, one of roldan's rebels, was carefully instructed merely to see if columbus and his shipmates were still alive, and then to come back and report. the roldan rebel took his caravel to don christopher's cove, rowed out in a small trailer until within shouting distance of the two rotting hulks on the beach, and yelled out that governor ovando was very sorry to learn from mendez that the admiral and his party were in trouble, and regretted that he had no ship large enough to send to their rescue. and then the villain sailed back to his villainous master. imagine this studied, impudent message to a group of men whose eyes had been straining for months to see a relief ship head their way! imagine sending such a message to the most illustrious discoverer the world has ever known! a more dastardly bit of cruelty hardly exists in history! this expedition was kept secret from diego mendez, however; and diego, still storming about because nothing was being done, went among the populace of san domingo and declared that it was a base, shameful business to leave a sick old man to perish on a savage island, especially when that old man had discovered all these lands for spain. the people, though many of them had been the sick old man's enemies in bygone days, and though they never suspected the greatness of columbus, agreed. they even began to clamor that columbus should be rescued; but it was not until they had clamored long and urgently that their knightly governor sent a ship. on june 25, 1504, exactly one year after columbus had beached his two remaining caravels, the relief ship came in sight. "never in my life," wrote christopher, "did i experience so joyful a day!" and we may well believe it. on the 15th of august the party reached san domingo after their long suffering and hardships. ovando, seeing how popular sympathy had turned towards the sick admiral, decided to secure a little popular favor himself out of the incident by inviting the discoverer to stay in his own house, that is, the governor's house, which really had belonged to columbus. there columbus learned that the agent appointed to set aside his share of the island profits had not done so; also, as ovando wanted to punish captain porras, who had rebelled on jamaica, while columbus preferred to deal with the matter himself, host and guest disagreed. too proud to remain an unwelcome guest in ovando's house, columbus collected what he could of the money due him, and prepared to go home to spain. two vessels were purchased, one for bartholomew and one for fernando and himself. again columbus proceeded with the familiar business of calking ships, buying provisions, and engaging a crew. in less than a month he was off again from san domingo on the last voyage he was ever to make. on september 12, 1504, the ships weighed anchor and pointed away from the "western lands" which christopher columbus had made known to europe. the white-haired old man, we may be sure, stood long on deck gazing backward as the scene of his triumph and his humiliation faded from sight. never again could he undertake a voyage of discovery, for he was now a confirmed invalid. cipango, cathay, and "the strait" to the indian ocean were not for him; so it was with many a heartburn that his poor old eyes strained toward the fading islands. his ill luck held out to the end. the first day a sudden storm broke with a crash and carried away his masts. with the utmost difficulty he and fernando got into a small boat and clambered on board bartholomew's vessel, the disabled boat being sent back to san domingo. still the sea would show him no mercy. hardly had he crawled into a berth than another tempest came, and another and another, one unending, pitiless fury all across the ocean, till our great man must have thought that old atlantic hated him for having solved her mysteries. the ship appeared to leap and stagger every minute of the time, and the admiral was too ill to take command. bartholomew was doing his best and little fernando was helping; running down to his father for orders, scurrying up to his uncle with directions. what a struggle for life it was! and it was repeated every single day till november 7, when the crippled little caravel put into the harbor of san lucar near cadiz. christopher columbus's last voyage was over. no bells pealed out to greet him; no flags were flung to the breeze; but at least he had the glory of knowing in his heart that he had conquered that grim, unknown, menacing atlantic ocean which man had feared since the beginning of time. chapter xxi "into port" the merciless storm that had beaten columbus across the ocean swept over spain after he landed. he had gone as far north as sevilla, intending to proceed from there to court, which was being held at medina del campo, in old castile; but illness overcame him, and for three months he lay bedridden in the sevillan monastery called las cuevas. besides his rheumatism, and all the other ills that might arise from two and a half years of exposure and bad food, an event happened, a few days after his return to spain, that crushed him utterly. this was the death of his best friend, the only one to whom he could look for securing his rights in "the indies," where ovando and other enemies had conspired to rob him of his share of profits in the colonies. the great queen isabella had passed away on november 26, 1504, in the lonely castle at medina del campo. in these two lives, though they had walked such different paths, there was much resemblance. the queen, like columbus, had known a life of unceasing hard work and anxiety; like columbus she had striven for a great purpose and had triumphed; her purpose being the driving out of the moor, and the establishment of spain as a world power; like columbus, she had made mistakes, and like columbus, she had known much sorrow. there was a strong bond of sympathy between these two, and the news of the queen's death was a great blow to the bedridden old man in sevilla. isabella had asked to be buried in granada, the city she had labored so hard to win for christianity, and from the day the little funeral party set out from medina to the day they arrived at granada, three weeks later, a frightful tempest raged that swept away bridges, flooded rivers, and made roads impassable. all the time poor columbus, as he lay ill in the monastery, listened to the storm and thought of that mournful party tramping with their solemn burden down to the city where he and isabella had both gained a victory. maybe he envied the worker who had passed away first, for he sadly wrote to his son diego, "our tired lady now lies beyond the desires of this rough and wearisome world." but columbus himself was not yet out of this "wearisome world," and was troubling his weary brain far too much about its petty details. from his fourth voyage he had returned much poorer than he ever expected to be at the end of his sea-going life. the little money he had been able to collect from his plantation in espanola had been used to equip the ships that brought him home, and to pay his sailors; for this was a point on which he was always most scrupulous. when his ready money was thus used up, the good monks of las cuevas had to provide for his necessities until finally the banks advanced money on the strength of his claims against the crown. after the death of isabella these claims had small chance of being considered to his full satisfaction, for ferdinand argued that the contract of granada was, owing to the vast extent of the new lands, impossible for either the crown on the one hand or columbus on the other to fulfill. that rascally porras, who had caused so much trouble during the jamaica days, was at court, filling everybody's ears with slanderous stories about the admiral during the days when the admiral himself was wearying ferdinand with a constant stream of letters. every day that he was able to sit up he wrote long appeals for "his rights" and his property. not only did he present his claims for recognition and reward, but he told how badly things had been going in san domingo under ovando; how the comendador was hated by all for his tyranny and for the favoritism he showed; and how things would soon come to a sorry pass in the colony unless a better governor were quickly appointed; and then, poor man, deluded with the idea that he could set things right, he asked to be reinstated as governor! good christopher! can you not realize that your work is done now, for better or worse? can you not let others solve the great problems across the ocean? can you not see that you have been greatest of them all, and that nothing more is required of you? and as for all the dignities and titles and properties that should be yours, according to the granada contract, we know you want them only to pass them on to your boy, diego; but never mind him; you are leaving him a name that will grow greater and greater through the coming ages; a name that is a magnificent inheritance for any child. about this time the sick man received a visit which brightened him a great deal, a visit from the man who, never intending any harm, was destined to soon assume the greatest honor which the world could have given columbus--the honor of naming the newly discovered lands columbia, instead of america. americo vespucci was an italian from florence who, in 1492 or 1493, came to sevilla to carry on a commercial business. here he learned of columbus's first voyage and became eager to make a trip himself to the new lands. it was a florentine friend of americo's who fitted out columbus's second expedition; but this florentine died before the vessels were ready, and americo continued the work. more than this; seeing, when the king canceled columbus's monopoly, a chance for himself to win glory, he hastened off with one of the new expeditions. he claimed that they reached a continental coast on june 16, 1497, which was earlier than columbus had reached para, and eight days before cabot touched at the northern edge of the new continent. we have only americo's own account of the voyage, and his statements are so inaccurate that many students refuse to believe him the real discoverer of south america. of americo's second voyage, however, we have reliable information, for it was made in the company of alonzo de ojeda, that one-time friend of columbus who later rebelled against him at espanola. vespucci sent a letter to a friend in florence describing his voyages and saying that the continent he had reached "ought to be considered a new world because it had never before been seen by european eyes." his second letter, written from portugal in september, 1504, to another friend, was used by martin waldseemuller, a german professor who was then collecting all the information he could gather to make up a book on geography. martin waldseemuller divided the globe into four large parts or continents--europe, asia, africa, and the newly discovered fourth part, which he suggested "ought to be called america, because americus discovered it." this professor, like most learned men of his time, wrote in latin; and in latin the italian name americo is americus; the feminine form of americus is america, which was used because it was customary to christen countries with feminine names. as nobody else had yet suggested a name for the vast new lands in the west, the german's christening of 1507 was adopted for the country which should have been called columbia, in justice to the man who first had the splendid courage to sail to it across the untraveled waters and reveal its existence to europe. had columbus lived to know that this was going to happen, it would have been one more grievance and one more act of ingratitude added to his already long list; but at the time that americo vespucci visited his countryman who lay ill in sevilla, neither one of them was thinking about a name for the far-away lands. they merely talked over their voyages as any two sailors might. as vespucci was now looked up to as a practical, new-world traveler and trader, and the admiral was lonely and forgotten, it shows a kind feeling on the visitor's part to have looked him up. when americo left to go to court, columbus gave him this letter to carry to diego, who was still in the royal service:- * * * * * my dear son: within two days i have talked with vespucci. he has always manifested a friendly disposition towards me. fortune has not always favored him and in this he is not different from many others. he left me full of kindest purposes towards me and will do anything he can (at court). i did not know what to tell him to do to help me, because i knew not why he had been called there. * * * * * in february, 1505, a royal order was issued to the effect that don cristobal colon be furnished with a mule to ride to court, then being held in segovia. to ride a mule in those days necessitated a royal permit, for every spaniard preferred mules to horses. the government hoped that horses would be in more general use if the use of mules was restricted. the admiral's long rest with the monks of las cuevas had apparently improved his health, for, as this royal permit proves, he applied for a mule and went to segovia; from there, that same year, he followed the king to salamanca and later to valladolid. segovia, salamanca, valladolid! all bleak, harsh places in winter, and fiery hot ones in summer. our poor admiral left pleasant sevilla and exposed his worn old body to icy blasts and burning suns all for naught; for, as las casas writes:-"the more he petitioned, the more the king was bland in avoiding any conclusion; he hoped, by wearing out the patience of the admiral, to induce him to accept some estates in castile instead of his powers in the indies; but columbus rejected these offers with indignation." the admiral could not be made to see that the granada contract was impossible; that ferdinand had signed it only because he never expected the voyage to be successful; and that now, when men were beginning to believe americo's assertion that a whole continent lay off in the west, it was preposterous that one family should hope to be its governor and viceroy and to control its trade. no, columbus could only go on reiterating that it was so written down in granada, away back in april, 1492. so king ferdinand merely shrugged his shoulders and referred the matter to a learned council who talked about it a long, long time, hoping the sick old man might meanwhile die; and at last the sick, tired, troublesome old man obliged them, and left all the business of "shares" and "profits" for his son diego to settle several years after by bringing suit against the crown. toward the end of 1505 and the beginning of 1506 the admiral became very ill. he was in valladolid, and he realized that he could travel no more; so he secured for himself, or perhaps diego secured for him, as comfortable a lodging as possible in a street now called the calle colon, and determined not to move about any more. we, accustomed to heat and a dozen other comforts in our dwellings, would not consider the house in the calle colon, with its cold stone floors and walls, a suitable place for a rheumatic, brokendown old man; but it was the typical solid, substantial residence of its day; and the only pity is that the city of valladolid permitted it to be torn down a few years ago to make room for a row of flats. even in icy valladolid, winter with its discomfort comes to an end at last. one may day, when spring sunshine was warming up the stone chamber where the old admiral lay, he called for a pen and put the last touches to his will. all the titles he still hoped to get back were for diego; and should diego die without a son, fernando was to be admiral; and if fernando should have no son, the loyal brother bartholomew, who had shared those horrible days of disappointment and disaster off in the indies, was to be admiral. (brother diego had no need of an inheritance, for he had become a monk.) part of the moneys due columbus, if ever collected, were to be spent on that long-dreamed-of crusade to recover the holy sepulchre. his remains were to be taken out to san domingo. these were a few of the instructions he left. the next day, may 20, 1506, came another whisper of springtide, and the faithful diego mendez, who "navigated three hundred leagues in a canoe," came to see him; his sons, diego and fernando, too, and his brother bartholomew; and as the dim old eyes saw these affectionate faces bending over him, he counseled diego always to love his younger brother fernando, as he had always loved bartholomew; and diego pressed his hand and promised. then the old man rested quietly for a time. he was clad in the frock of a franciscan monk, the same sort of frock that good friar juan perez wore when he welcomed him to la rabida. they opened the window to let in the may warmth, and christopher sniffed feebly. did he recall the beautiful climate of haiti which he said was "like may in cordova"? let us hope, at least, that it was peaceful recollections like this that flitted through his vanishing senses, and not recollections of the horrible hurricanes and insurrections and shipwrecks and prisons that made up part of his eventful life. he made no sound, not even a whisper, so we will never know what thoughts the may warmth brought to him. we only know that after a while he crossed his hands peacefully on his breast and murmured, "into thy hands, o lord, i commit my spirit." a moment later and the great admiral passed forth on his last voyage into the unknown. the event on may 20, 1506, passed unheeded. a life had ended whose results were more stupendous than those of any other human life ever lived. yet valladolid took no notice of columbus's death; neither did spain. the nation was too busy watching the men who had practical plans for colonizing the new lands, and turning them into profit, to concern itself with the death of the one brave soul who had found the path. indeed, cristobal colon was really forgotten before his death; yet he was living on, as every great spirit lives on, in the ambitions of the men who were endeavoring to push his work still further. when, a few years after his death, balboa first saw the pacific stretching far, far off to asia, and when in another few years the whole globe had been circumnavigated, from spain back again to spain, only then did the vastness of columbus's discovery begin to be appreciated. europe at last realized that, during all her centuries of civilization, when she had thought herself mistress of the world, she had in fact known but half of it. as this truth took shape in men's minds, the humble, forgotten genoese began to come into his own. they saw that he had done more than risk his life on the western ocean; he had sent a thrill through every brave, adventurous heart, and this at a moment of the world's development when such seed was sure to take root. christopher columbus, one of the greatest products of the renaissance, had carried that renaissance to a glorious climax. transcribers notes: several non-english proper names have been rendered in asci, omitting the proper accents. page headers have been moved to the beginning of the appropriate paragraph and several very long paragraphs have been split to correspond to the page headers. see the doc or pdf versions for the original pagination and map images. the following glossary provides references and definitions of unfamiliar (to me) terms and names. adelantado governor or commander. refers to don bartholomew columbus (brother of christopher) in this volume. angelic doctor: thomas aquinas arroba in spanish-speaking countries, a weight of about 25 pounds. in portuguese-speaking countries, about 32 pounds. aught anything whatever. bartholomew columbus brother of christopher columbus. cacique title for an indian chief in the spanish west indies. ca da mosto or cadamosto alvise ca' da mosto, (1432-1488) venetian explorer and trader who wrote early accounts of western african exploration. caonabo cacique (chief) who destroyed columbus's first garrison at la navidad. cave of adullam about 13 miles west of bethlehem where david gathered "every one that was in distress, and every one that was in debt, and every one that was discontented" (1 sam. 22:2). cipango japan. compeer person of equal status; a peer. contumely contempt arising from arrogance; insolence. cosmography study of the universe, including geography and astronomy. diego columbus son of columbus and donna felipa don diego columbus brother of columbus donna felipa munnis perestrelo wife of christopher columbus. daughter of the first governor of porto santo. only issue was diego. dragon's blood thick red liquid from a palm (daemonorops draco) in tropical asia; formerly used in varnishes and lacquers. encomienda a grant entitling spaniards to land plus the native american inhabitants of that land. the land and its inhabitants. fernando columbus son of christopher columbus and beatrice. friesland located in europe on the north sea between the scheldt and weser rivers. now a province of the northern netherlands. galliot light, swift galley. gyve shackle for the leg. las casas bartlome de las casas is the chief source of information about the islands after columbus arrived. other historians overlooked the indian slave trade, begun by columbus; las casas denounced it as "among the most unpardonable offenses ever committed against god and mankind." machiavelli: nicolo machiavelli (1469-1527) political philosopher, author of the prince, that focuses on problems of a monarch, the foundation of political authority and how to retain power, rather than pursue ideals. maravedis spanish currency. one million maravedis (one cuentos) in 1490 is equivalent to about 308 english pounds in 1860, or us$ 48,000 in 2005. martyr, peter peter martyr d'anghera wrote early accounts of columbus, ojeda, cortes, and other spanish explorers. an italian humanist from florence. served as tutor in the spanish court and had direct access to columbus. author of "de orbe novo" describing the first european contacts with native americans. moors arabs provence province of southeast france bordering on the mediterranean. pinzon, martin alonzo chief shipowner of palos. accompanied columbus as a captain. paria, gulf of between trinidad and venezuela. repartimiento spanish, from repartir, to divide. distribution of slaves or assessment of taxes. tagus river on the iberian peninsula flowing westward through central portugal into the atlantic. ultima thule ancient name for northern-most region of the habitable world. end of transcribers note the life of columbus george bell & sons, london: york street, covent garden new york: 66, fifth avenue, and bombay: 53, esplanade road cambridge: deighton, bell & co. the life of columbus chiefly by sir arthur helps k.c.b. author of "the spanish conquest in america" "friends in council" etc. london george bell and sons 1897 first published 1868. reprinted 1869, 1873, 1874, 1877, 1878, 1881, 1883, 1887, 1890, 1892. included in bohn's standard library, 1896, reprinted 1897. to william henry stone, this life of columbus is dedicated with sincere esteem and regard by his affectionate. friend, arthur helps. london, october, 1868 preface. this life of columbus is one of a series of biographies prepared under my superintendence, and for the most part taken verbatim from my "history of the spanish conquest in america." that work was written chiefly with a view to illustrate the history of slavery, and not to give full accounts of the deeds of the discoverers and conquerors of the new world, much less to give a condensed memoir of each of them. it has, therefore, been necessary to rearrange and add considerably to these materials, and for this assistance i am indebted to the skill and research of mr. herbert preston thomas. perhaps there are few of the great personages in history who have been more talked about and written about than christopher columbus, the discoverer of america. it might seem, therefore, that there is very little that is new to be said about him. i do not think, however, that this is altogether the case. absorbed in, and to a certain extent overcome by the contemplation of the principal event, we have sometimes, perhaps, been mistaken as to the causes which led to it. we are apt to look upon columbus as a person who knew that there existed a great undiscovered continent, and who made his way directly to the discovery of that continent--springing at one bound from the known to the unknown. whereas, the dream of columbus's life was to make his way by an unknown route to what was known, or to what he considered to be known. he wished to find out an easy pathway to the territories of kublai khan, or prester-john. neither were his motives such as have been generally supposed. they were, for the most part, purely religious. with the gold gained from potentates such as kublai khan, the holy sepulchre was to be rebuilt, and the catholic faith was to be spread over the remotest parts of the earth. columbus had all the spirit of a crusader, and, at the same time, the investigating nature of a modern man of science. the arabs have a proverb that a man is more the son of the age in which he lives than of his own father. this was not so with columbus; he hardly seems to belong at all to his age. at a time when there was never more of worldliness and self-seeking; when alexander borgia was pope; when louis the eleventh reigned in france, henry the seventh in england, and ferdinand the catholic in arragon and castille--about the three last men in the world to become crusaders--columbus was penetrated with the ideas of the twelfth century, and would have been a worthy companion of saint louis in that pious king's crusade. again, at a time when aristotle and "the angelic doctor" ruled the minds of men with an almost unexampled tyranny: when science was more dogmatic than theology; when it was thought a sufficient and satisfactory explanation to say that bodies falling to the earth descended because it is their nature to descend--columbus regarded natural phenomena with the spirit of inductive philosophy that would belong to a follower of lord bacon. perhaps it will be found that a very great man seldom does belong to his period, as other men do to theirs. machiavelli [1] says that the way to renovate states is always to go back to first principles, especially to the first principles upon which those states were founded. the same law, if law it be, may hold good as regards the renovation of any science, art, or mode of human action. the man who is too closely united in thought and feeling with his own age, is seldom the man inclined to go back to these first principles. [footnote 1: machiavelli was contemporary with columbus. no two men could have been more dissimilar; and machiavelli was thoroughly a product of his age, and a man who entirely belonged to it.] it is very noticeable in columbus that he was it most dutiful, unswerving, and un-inquiring son of the church. the same man who would have taken nothing for granted in scientific research, and would not have held himself bound by the authority of the greatest names in science, never ventured for a moment to trust himself as a discoverer on the perilous sea of theological investigation. in this respect las casas, though a churchman, was very different from columbus. such doctrines as that the indians should be somewhat civilized before being converted, and that even baptism might be postponed to instruction,--doctrines that would have found a ready acceptance from the good bishop--would have met with small response from the soldierly theology of columbus. the whole life of columbus shows how rarely men of the greatest insight and foresight, and also of the greatest perseverance, attain the exact ends they aim at. in this respect all such men partake the career of the alchemists, who did not transmute other metals into gold, but made valuable discoveries in chemistry. so, with columbus. he did not rebuild the holy sepulchre; he did not lead a new crusade; he did not find his kublai khan, or his prester john; but he brought into relation the new world and the old. it is impossible to read without the deepest interest the account from day to day of his voyages. it has always been a favourite speculation with historians, and, indeed, with all thinking men, to consider what would have happened from a slight change of circumstances in the course of things which led to great events. this may be an idle and a useless speculation, but it is an inevitable one. never was there such a field for this kind of speculation as in the voyages, especially the first one, of columbus. the first point of land that he saw, and landed at, is as nearly as possible the central point of what must once have been the united continent of north and south america. the least change of circumstance might have made an immense difference in the result. the going to sleep of the helmsman, the unshipping of the rudder, (which did occur in the case of "the pinzon,") the slightest mistake in taking an observation, might have made, and probably did make, considerable change in the event. during that memorable first voyage of columbus, the gentlest breeze carried with it the destinies of future empires. had he made his first discovery of land at a point much southward of that which he did discover, south america might have been colonized by the spaniards with all the vigour that belonged to their first efforts at colonization; and, being a continent, might not afterwards have been so easily wrested from their sway by the maritime nations. on the other hand, had some breeze, big with the fate of nations, carried columbus northwards, it would hardly have been left for the english, more than a century afterwards, to found those colonies which have proved to be the seeds of the greatest nation that the world is likely to behold. it was, humanly speaking, singularly unfortunate for spanish dominion in america, that the earliest discoveries of the spaniards were those of the west india islands. a multiplicity of governors introduced confusion, feebleness, and want of system, into colonial government. the numbers, comparatively few, of the original inhabitants in each island, were rapidly removed from the scene of action; and the spaniards lacked, at the beginning, that compressing force which would have been found in the existence of a body of natives who could not have been removed by the outrages of spanish cruelty, the strength of spanish liquors, or the virulence of spanish diseases.[footnote 2] [footnote 2: the smallpox, for instance, was a disease introduced by the spaniards, which the comparatively feeble constitution of the indians could not withstand.] the monarchs of spain, too, would have been compelled to treat their new discoveries and conquests more seriously. to have held the country at all, they must have held it well. it would not have been ovandos, bobadillas, nicuesas and ojedas who could have been employed to govern, discover, conquer, colonize--and ruin by their folly--the spanish possessions in the indies. the work of discovery and conquest, begun by columbus, must then have been entrusted to men like cortes, the pizarros, vasco nunez, or the president gasca; and a colony or a kingdom founded by any of these men might well have remained a great colony, or a great kingdom, to the present day. arthur helps. london, october, 1868. contents. chapter i. early discoveries in the fifteenth century chapter ii. early years of columbus chapter iii. columbus in spain chapter iv. first voyage chapter v. homeward bound chapter vi. second voyage of discovery chapter vii. illness; further discoveries; plots against columbus chapter viii. criminals sent to the indies; repartimientos; insurrection chapter ix. columbus's third voyage chapter x. arrival at hispaniola; bad treatment by bobadlilla chapter xi. columbus pleads his cause at court; new enterprise; ovando chapter xii. remarkable despatch; mutiny; eclipse predicted, and its influence; mutiny quelled chapter xiii. falling fortunes: conclusion chapter i. early discoveries in the fifteenth century. legends of the sea. modern familiarity with navigation renders it difficult for us to appreciate adequately the greatness of the enterprise which was undertaken by the discoverers of the new world. seen by the light of science and of experience, the ocean, if it has some real terrors, has no imaginary ones. but it was quite otherwise in the fifteenth century. geographical knowledge was but just awakening, after ages of slumber; and throughout those ages the wildest dreams had mingled fiction with fact. legends telling of monsters of the deep, jealous of invasion of their territory; of rocks of lodestone, powerful enough to extract every particle of iron from a passing ship; of stagnant seas and fiery skies; of wandering saints and flying islands; all combined to invest the unknown with the terrors of the supernatural, and to deter the explorer of the great ocean. the half-decked vessels that crept along the mediterranean shores were but ill-fitted to bear the brunt of the furious waves of the atlantic. the now indispensable sextant was but clumsily anticipated by the newly invented astrolabe. the use of the compass had scarcely become familiar to navigators, who indeed but imperfectly understood its properties. and who could tell, it was objected, that a ship which might succeed in sailing down the waste of waters would ever be able to return, for would not the voyage home be a perpetual journey up a mountain of sea? incitements to discovery. but the same tradition which set forth the difficulties of reaching the undiscovered countries promised a splendid reward to the successful voyager. rivers rolling down golden sand, mountains shining with priceless gems, forests fragrant with rich spices were among the substantial advantages to be expected as the result of the enterprise. "our quest there," said peter martyr, "is not for the vulgar products of europe." the proverb "omne ignotum pro magnifico" [transcribers's note: everything unknown is taken for magnificent.] was abundantly illustrated. and there was another object, besides gain, which was predominant in the minds of almost all the early explorers, namely, the spread of the christian religion. this desire of theirs, too, seems to have been thoroughly genuine and deep-seated; and it may be doubted whether the discoveries would have been made at that period but for the impulse given to them by the most religious minds longing to promote, by all means in their power, the spread of what, to them, was the only true and saving faith. "i do not," says a candid historian [faria y sousa] of that age, "imagine that i shall persuade the world that our intent was only to be preachers; but on the other hand the world must not fancy that our intent was merely to be traders," there is much to blame in the conduct of the first discoverers in africa and america; it is, however, but just to acknowledge that the love of gold was by no means the only motive which urged them to such endeavours as theirs. to appreciate justly the intensity of their anxiety for the conversion of the heathen, we must keep in our minds the views then universally entertained of the merits and efficacy of mere formal communion with the church, and the fatal consequences of not being within that communion. early adventurers. this will go a long way towards explaining the wonderful inconsistency, as it seems to us, of the most cruel and wicked men believing themselves to be good christians and eminent promoters of the faith, if only they baptized, before they slew, their fellow-creatures. and the maintenance of such church principles will altogether account for the strange oversights which pure and high minds have made in the means of carrying out those principles, fascinated as they were by the brilliancy and magnitude of the main object they had in view. but while piety, sometimes debased into religious fanaticism, had a large part in these undertakings, doubtless the love of adventure and the craving for novelty had their influence also. and what adventure it was! new trees, new men, new animals, new stars; nothing bounded, nothing trite, nothing which had the bloom taken off it by much previous description! the early voyagers moreover, were like children coming out to take their first gaze into the world, with ready credulity and unlimited fancy, willing to believe in fairies and demons, amazons and mystic islands, "forms of a lower hemisphere," and fountains of perpetual youth. mediaeval map of the world; the roman dominion. the known world, in the time of prince henry of portugal (at whose discoveries it will be convenient to take a preliminary glance), was a very small one indeed. the first thing for us to do is to study our maps and charts. without frequent reference to these, a narrative like the present forms in our mind only a mirage of names and dates and facts, is wrongly apprehended even while we are regarding it, and soon vanishes away. the map of the world being before us, let us reduce it to the proportions it filled in prince henry's time; let us look at our infant world. first take away those two continents, for so we may almost call them, each much larger than a europe, to the far west. then cancel that square massive looking piece to the extreme south-east; its days of penal settlements and of golden fortunes are yet to come. then turn to africa; instead of that form of inverted cone which it presents, and which we now know there are physical reasons for its presenting, make a scimetar shape of it, by running a slightly curved line from juba on the eastern side to cape nam on the western. declare all below that line unknown. hitherto, we have only been doing the work of destruction; but now scatter emblems of hippogriffs and anthropophagi on the outskirts of what is left on the map, obeying a maxim, not confined to the ancient geographers only: "where you know nothing, place terrors." looking at the map thus completed, we can hardly help thinking to ourselves, with a smile, what a small space, comparatively speaking, the known history of the world has been transacted in, up to the last four hundred years. the idea of the universality of the roman dominion shrinks a little; and we begin to think that ovid might have escaped his tyrant.[3] the ascertained confines of the world were now, however, to be more than doubled in the course of one century; and to prince henry of portugal, as the first promoter of these vast discoveries, our attention must be directed. [footnote 3: but the empire of the romans filled the world; and when that empire fell into the hands of a single person, the world became a safe and dreary prison for his enemies. the slave of imperial despotism, whether he was condemned to drag the gilded chain in rome and his senate, or to wear out a life of exile on the barren rocks of seriphus, or the frozen banks of the danube, expected his fate in silent despair. to resist was fatal, and it was impossible to fly. on every side he was encompassed with a vast extent of sea and land, which he could never hope to traverse without being discovered, seized, and restored to his irritated master. gibbon's decline and fall, vol. i. p. 97, oxford edition.] [illustration: contemporary map of the world.] [illustration: 1490 map of the world includes only europe, asia and the northern 1/4 of africa. excludes the americas, greenland, and australia.] prince henry of portugal; his motives for discovery. this prince was born in 1394. he was the third son of john the first of portugal and philippa, the daughter of john of gaunt, duke of lancaster. that good plantagenet blood on the mother's side was, doubtless, not without avail to a man whose life was to be spent in continuous and insatiate efforts to work out a great idea. prince henry was with his father at the memorable capture of ceuta, the ancient seplem, in the year 1415. this town, which lies opposite to gibraltar, was of great magnificence, and one of the principal marts in that age for the productions of the eastern world. it was here that the portuguese first planted a firm foot in africa; and the date of this town's capture may, perhaps, be taken as that from which prince henry began to meditate further and far greater conquests. his aims, however, were directed to a point long beyond the range of the mere conquering soldier. he was especially learned, for that age of the world, being skilled in mathematical and geographical knowledge. he eagerly acquired from moors of fez and morocco, such scanty information as could be gathered concerning the remote districts of africa. the shrewd conjectures of learned men, the confused records of arabic geographers, the fables of chivalry, were not without their influence upon an enthusiastic mind. the especial reason which impelled the prince to take the burden of discovery on himself was that neither mariner nor merchant would be likely to adopt an enterprise in which there was no clear hope of profit. it belonged, therefore, to great men and princes; and amongst such, he knew of no one but himself who was inclined to it. this is not an uncommon motive. a man sees something that ought to be done, knows of no one that will do it but himself, and so is driven to the enterprise even should it be repugnant to him. [illustration: map of western african coast.] important expedition prince henry, then, having once the well-grounded idea in his mind that africa did not end, according to the common belief, at cape nam [portuguese for "not"], but that there was a region beyond that forbidding negative, seems never to have rested until he had made known that quarter of the world to his own. he fixed his abode upon the promontory of sagres, at the southern part of portugal, whence, for many a year, he could watch for the rising specks of white sail bringing back his captains to tell him of new countries and new men. one night, in the year 1418, he is thought to have had a dream of promise, for on the ensuing morning he suddenly ordered two vessels to be got ready forthwith, and placed them under the command of two gentlemen of his household, zarco and vaz, whom he directed to proceed down the barbary coast on a voyage of discovery. a contemporary chronicler, azurara, tells the story more simply, and merely states that these captains were young men, who, after the ending of the ceuta campaign, were as eager for employment as the prince for discovery; and that they were ordered on a voyage having for its object the general molestation of the moors as well as the prosecution of discoveries beyond cape nam. discovery of porto santo. the portuguese mariners had a proverb about the cape, "he who would pass cape not either will return or not," [quem passar o cabo de nam, ou tornara ou nam], intimating that if he did not turn before passing the cape he would never return at all. on this occasion it was not destined to be passed, for the two captains were driven out of their course by storms, and accidentally discovered a little island, where they took refuge, and which, from that circumstance, they called porto santo. on their return their master was delighted with the news they brought him, more on account of its promise than its substance. in the same year he sent them out again with a third captain, bartholomew perestrelo, to convey a supply of seeds and animals for the newly-found island. unfortunately, however, among the animals were some rabbits, which multiplied so rapidly that they overspread the whole island, and, by devouring every plant and blade of grass which grew there, soon changed a fruitful land into a bare wilderness. madeira discovered. in the following year, zarco and vaz, seeing from porto santo something that seemed like a cloud, but yet different (the origin of so much discovery, noting the difference in the likeness), built two boats, and, making for this cloud, soon found themselves alongside a beautiful island abounding in many things, but most of all in trees, on which account they gave it the name of madeira (wood). the two discoverers landed upon the island in different places. the prince, their master, afterwards rewarded them with the captaincies of the districts adjacent to those places. to perestrelo he gave the island of porto santo, to colonize it. perestrelo, however, did not make much of his captaincy; and spent his life in endeavouring to make head against the rabbits, which were as destructive as a plague of locusts, and which by their fecundity resisted all his efforts to exterminate them. this captain has a place in history, as being the father-in-law of columbus, who, indeed, lived at porto santo for some time, and here, on new found land, studied the cosmographical works which perestrelo had been at pains to accumulate; meditating far bolder discoveries. african coast explored. zarco and vaz began the cultivation of their island of madeira, but met with an untoward event at first. in clearing the wood, they kindled a fire amongst it, which burned for seven years, we are told; and, in the end, that which had given its name to the island, and which, in the words of the historian, overshadowed the whole land, became the most deficient commodity. the captains founded churches in the island, and the king of portugal, don duart, gave the temporalities to prince henry, and all the spiritualities to the knights of christ. from this time forth, prince henry prosecuted his explorations with a fixity of purpose which could not but ensure success. through every discouragement he persevered still. many a swiss peak has gone through three phases. it has been pronounced, first, "inaccessible," then, "a very dangerous ascent," and finally, "a pleasant excursion." so it was with each fresh headland which seemed to bar the way down the african coast. and the travellers who came last, in each case, found it next to impossible to imagine what were the difficulties and dangers that had seemed so formidable to their predecessors. barrier of rocks. for a long time cape bojador, which is situate seventy leagues to the south of cape nam, was the extreme limit of discovery. this cape was formidable in itself, being terminated by a ridge of rocks, with fierce currents running round them; but was much more formidable from the fancies which the mariners had formed of the sea and land beyond it. "it is clear," they were wont to say, "that beyond this cape there are no people whatever; the land is as bare as libya--no water, no trees, no grass in it; the sea so shallow, that at a league from the land it is only a fathom deep; the currents so fierce, that the ship which passes that cape will never return;" and thus their theories were brought in to justify their fears. this outstretcher (for such is the meaning of the word bojador) was therefore as a bar drawn across that advance in maritime discovery, which had for so long a time been the first object of prince henry's life. popular objections. for twelve years the prince had been sending forth ships and men, with little approbation from the public--the discovery of madeira and porto santo serving to whet his appetite for further enterprise, but not winning the common voice in favour of his projects. the people at home, improving upon the reports of the sailors, said that "the land which the prince sought after was merely some sandy place like the deserts of libya; that princes had possessed the empire of the world, and yet had not undertaken such designs as his, nor shown such anxiety to find new kingdoms; that the men who arrived in those foreign parts (if they did arrive) turned from white into black men; that the king, don john, the prince's father, had endowed foreigners with land in his kingdom, to break it up and cultivate it, a thing very different from taking the people out of portugal, which had need of them, to bring them amongst savages to be eaten and to place them upon lands of which the mother country had no need; that the author of the world had provided these islands solely for the habitation of wild beasts, of which an additional proof was that those rabbits which the discoverers themselves had introduced were now dispossessing them of the island." there is much here of the usual captiousness [transcriber's note: finding trivial faults.] to be found in the criticism of bystanders upon action, mixed with a great deal of false assertion and assumed knowledge of the ways of providence. still, it were to be wished that most criticism upon action was as wise; for that part of the common talk which spoke of keeping their own population to bring out their own resources, had a wisdom in it which the men of future centuries were yet to discover throughout the peninsula. misgivings of prince henry; gil eannes. prince henry, as may be seen by his perseverance up to this time, was not a man to have his purposes diverted by such criticism, much of which must have been, in his eyes, worthless and inconsequent in the extreme. nevertheless, he had his own misgivings. his captains came back one after another, with no good tidings of discovery, but with petty plunder gained as they returned from incursions on the moorish coast. the prince concealed from them his chagrin at the fruitless nature of their attempts, but probably did not feel it less on that account. he began to think, was it for him to hope to discover that land which had been hidden from so many princes? still he felt within himself the incitement of "a virtuous obstinacy," which would not let him rest. would it not, he thought, be ingratitude to god, who thus moved his mind to these attempts, if he were to desist from his work, or be negligent in it? he resolved, therefore, to send out again gil eannes, one of his household, who had been sent the year before, but had returned, like the rest, having discovered nothing. he had been driven to the canary islands, and had seized upon some of the natives there, whom he brought back. with this transaction the prince had shown himself dissatisfied; and gil eannes, now entrusted again with command, resolved to meet all dangers, rather than to disappoint the wishes of his master. before his departure, the prince called him aside and said, "you cannot meet with such peril that the hope of your reward shall not be much greater; and, in truth, i wonder what imagination this is that you have all taken up--in a matter, too, of so little certainty; for if these things which are reported have any authority, however little, i would not blame you so much. but you quote to me the opinions of four mariners, who, as they were driven out of their way to frandes or to some other ports to which they commonly navigated, had not, and could not have used, the needle and the chart: but do you go, however, and make your voyage without regard to their opinion, and, by the grace of god, you will not bring out of it anything but honour and profit." gil eannes' successful voyage. we may well imagine that these stirring words of the prince must have confirmed gil eannes in his resolve to efface the stain of his former misadventure. and he succeeded in doing so; for he passed the dreaded cape bojador--a great event in the history of african discovery, and one that in that day was considered equal to a labour of hercules. gil eannes returned to a grateful and most delighted master. he informed the prince that he had landed, and that the soil appeared to him unworked and fruitful; and, like a prudent man, he could not only tell of foreign plants, but had brought some of them home with him in a barrel of the new-found earth, plants much like those which bear, in portugal, the roses of santa maria. the prince rejoiced to see them, and gave thanks to god, "as if they had been the fruit and sign of the promised land; and besought our lady, whose name the plants bore, that she would guide and set forth the doings in this discovery to the praise and glory of god, and to the increase of his holy faith." antonio goncalvez and his capture of moors the old world had now obtained a glimpse beyond cape bojador. the fearful "outstretcher" had no longer much interest for them, being a thing that was overcome, and which was to descend from an impossibility to a landmark, from which, by degrees, they would almost silently steal down the coast, counting their miles by thousands, until vasco de gama should boldly carry them round to india. but now came stormy times for the portuguese kingdom, and the troubles of the regency occupied the prince's attention to the exclusion of cosmography. in 1441, however, there was a voyage which led to very important consequences. in that year antonio goncalvez, master of the robes to prince henry, was sent out with a vessel to load it with skins of "sea-wolves," a number of them having been seen, during a former voyage, at the mouth of a river about a hundred and fifty miles beyond cape bojador. goncalvez resolved to signalize his voyage by a feat that should gratify his master more than the capture of sea-wolves; and he accordingly planned and executed successfully an expedition for seizing some azeneghi moors, in order, as he told his companions, to take home "some of the language of that country." tristam, another of prince henry's captains, afterwards falling in with goncalvez, a further capture of moors was made, and goncalvez returned to portugal with the spoil. this voyage seems to have prompted the application which prince henry made, in the same year, to pope martin the fifth, praying that his holiness would grant to the portuguese crown all that should be conquered, from cape bojador to the indies, together with plenary indulgence for those who should die while engaged in such conquests. the pope granted these requests; though afterwards, as we shall see, the spanish discoveries of columbus and his successors rendered it necessary that the terms of the grant should be modified. "and now," says a portuguese historian, "with this apostolic grace, with the breath of royal favour, and already with the applause of the people, the prince pursued his purpose with more courage, and with greater outlay." commencement of the slave trade. one proof of this popular approval was furnished by the formation of a company at lagos, in 1444, who received permission from the prince to undertake discovery along the coast of africa, paying him a certain portion of any gains which they might make. whether the company was expressly founded for slave traffic may be doubtful; but it is certain that this branch of their business was soon found to be the most lucrative one, and that from this time europe may be said to have made a distinct beginning in the slave trade, henceforth to spread on all sides, like the waves on troubled water, and not, like them, to become fainter and fainter as the circles widen. for slavery was now assuming an entirely new phase. hitherto, the slave had been merely the captive in war, "the fruit of the spear," as he has figuratively been called, who lived in the house of his conquer, and laboured at his lands. now, however, the slave was no longer an accident of war. he had become the object of war. he was no longer a mere accidental subject of barter. he was to be sought for, to be hunted out, to be produced; and this change accordingly gave rise to a new branch of commerce. some time before 1454 a portuguese factory was established at one of the arguim islands, and this factory soon systematized the slave-trade. thither came all kinds of merchandize from portugal, and gold and slaves were taken back in return; the number of the latter sent home annually, at the time of ca da mosto's visit in 1454, being between seven and eight hundred. the narrative of the portuguese voyages along the african coast is, for the most part, rather uninviting. it abounds with names, and dates, and facts; but the names are often hard to pronounce, the dates have sometimes an air of uncertainty about them, and the facts stand out in hard relief, dry and unattractive. could we recall, however, the voyagers themselves, and listen to their story, we should find it animating enough. each enterprise, as we have it now, with its bare statistics, seems a meagre affair; but it was far otherwise to the men who were concerned in it. of the motives[4] impelling men to engage in such expeditions, something has already been said. [footnote 4: "they err who regard the conquistadores as led only by a thirst for gold, or even exclusively by religious fanaticism. dangers always exalt the poetry of life, and moreover, the powerful age which we here seek to depict in regard to its influence on the development of cosmical ideas, gave to all enterprises, as well as to the impressions of nature offered by distant voyages, the charm of novelty and surprise, which begins to be wanting to our present more learned age in the many regions of the earth which are now open to us."--humboldt's kosmos. sabines translation, 1848, vol. ii. p. 272] aim of the adventurers. but besides the hopes and fears of each individual of the crew, the conjoint enterprise had in it a life to be lived, and a career to be worked out. it started to do something; fulfilled its purpose, or at least some purpose; and then came back, radiant with success--from that time forward to be a great fact in history. or, on the other hand, there was some small failure or mischance, perhaps early in the voyage; the sailors then began to reckon up ill omens, and to say that little good would come of this business. further on, some serious misadventure happened which made them turn, or from the mere lapse of time they were obliged to bethink themselves of getting back. safety, not renown or profit, now became their object; and then hope was at last out the negative of some fear. thereupon, no doubt, ensued a good deal of recrimination amongst themselves, for very few people are magnanimous enough to share ill-success kindly together. then, in the long dull evenings of their voyage homewards, as they sat looking on the waters, they thought what excuses and explanations they would make to their friends at home, and how shame and vexation would mingle with their joy at returning. ca da mosto. this transaction, teeming, as it did, with anxious life, makes but a poor show in some chronicle;--they sailed, and did something, or failed in doing, and then came back, and this was in such a year:--brief records, like the entry in an almanack, or the few emphatic words on a tombstone. at the period, however, we are now entering upon, the annals of maritime discovery are fortunately enriched by the account of a voyager who could tell more of the details of what he saw than we have hitherto heard from other voyagers, and who was himself his own chronicler. in 1454, ca da mosto, a young venetian, who had already gained some experience in voyaging, happened to be on board a venetian galley that was detained by contrary winds at cape st. vincent. prince henry was then living close to the cape. he sent his secretary and the venetian consul on board the galley. they told of the great things the prince had done, showed samples of the commodities that came from the lands discovered by him (madeira sugars, dragon's blood, and other articles), and spoke of the gains made by portuguese voyagers being as great as 700 or 1000 per cent. ca da mosto expressed his wish to be employed, was informed of the terms that would be granted, and heard that a venetian would be well received by the prince, "because he was of opinion, that spices and other rich merchandise might be found in those parts, and know that the venetians understood these commodities better than any other nation." in fine, ca da mosto saw the prince, and was evidently much impressed by his noble bearing. he obtained his wishes, and being furnished with a caravel, he embarked his merchandise in it, and set off on a voyage of discovery. there was now, for the first time, an intelligent man on board one of these vessels, giving us his own account of the voyage. trade with the arabs. from ca da mosto the reader at once learns the state of things with regard to the slave-trade. the portuguese factory at argnim was the headquarters of the trade. thither came all kinds of merchandise; and gold and slaves were taken back in return. the "arabs" of that district (moors, the portuguese would have called them) were the middle men in this affair. they took their barbary horses to the negro country, and "there bartered with the great men for slaves," getting from ten to eighteen slaves for each horse. they also brought silks of granada and tunis, and silver, in exchange for which they received slaves and gold. these arabs, or moors, had a place of trade of their own, called hoden, behind cape blanco. there the slaves were brought, "from whence," ca da mosto says, "they are sent to the mountains of barka, and from thence to sicily; part of them are also brought to tunis and along the coast of barbary, and the rest to argin, and sold to the licensed portuguese. every year between seven and eight hundred slaves are sent from argin to portugal." "before this trade was settled," says ca da mosto, "the portuguese used to seize upon the moors themselves (as appears occasionally from the evidence that has before been referred to), and also the azenegues, who live further towards the south; but now peace is restored to all, and the infante suffers no further damage to be done to these people. he is in hopes, that by conversing with christians, they may easily be brought over to the romish faith, as they are not, as yet, well established in that of mohammed, of which they know nothing but by hear-say." the senegal river. no doubt the prince's good intentions were greatly furthered by the convenience of this mode of trading. in short, gain made for itself its usual convenient channels to work in, and saved itself as much as it could the trouble of discovery, or of marauding. ca da mosto being, as was said before, the first modern european visiting africa who himself gives an account of it, and being, moreover, an honest and intelligent man, possessing the rare combination of keen observation and clear narrative power, all that he writes is most valuable. he notices the differences, both as regards the people and the country, to be found on the opposite sides of the senegal river. on the northern side he finds the men small, spare and tawny, the country arid and barren; on the southern side, the men "exceeding black, tail, corpulent and well made; the country green, and full of green trees." this latter is the country of jalof, the same that prince henry first heard of in his intercourse with the moors. both men and women, ca da mosto says, wash themselves four or five times a day, being very cleanly as to their persons, but not so in eating, in which they observe no rule. they are full of words, and never have done talking; and are, for the most part, liars and cheats. yet, on the other hand, they are very charitable; for they give a dinner or a night's lodging and a supper, to all strangers who come to their houses, without expecting any return. king budomel. leaving the country of the jalofs, ca da mosto proceeded eight hundred miles further, as he says, (but he must, i think, have over-estimated his reckoning,) to the country of a negro potentate, called king budomel. here it appears that the religion, of the court at least, was mohammedan, and ca da mosto records a conversation which he had with budomel upon the subject. "the king asked him to give his opinion of their manner of worship, and also some account of his own religion. hereupon ca da mosto told him, in presence of his doctors, that the religion of mohammed was false, and the romish the true one. this made the arabs mad, and budomel laugh; who, on this occasion, said that he looked upon the religion of the europeans to be good, for that none but god could have given them so much riches and understanding. he added, however, that the mohammedan law must be also good; and that he believed the negroes were more sure of salvation than the christians; because god was a just lord, and therefore, as he had given the latter paradise in this world, it ought to be possessed in the world to come by the negroes, who had scarcely anything here, in comparison with the others." the river gambra from budomel's country the voyagers, sailing southwards, came to the river gambra (now called gambia), which they entered, but could not succeed in conciliating the natives, who attacked them with signal valour, and maintained the contest with almost unparalleled bravery, considering that the arms used by the europeans were totally unknown to their opponents. further discoveries. during their stay in this river ca da mosto and his companions saw the constellation of the southern cross for the first time. finding that the natives would have nothing to do with them, for they believed that the christians were very bad people, and bought negroes to eat them, ca da mosto and the other commanders wished to proceed a hundred miles further up the river; but the common sailors would not hear of it, and the expedition forthwith returned to portugal. two years later, in 1456, ca da mosto made another voyage, in the course of which he discovered the cape de verde islands. leaving them, he went again to the gambia river, which he ascended much further than he had done during his previous expedition, and he also succeeded on this occasion in conciliating the natives. then he went down the coast, passed cape roxo, and afterwards sailed up the rio grande, but, from want of any knowledge of the language of the people, was unable to prosecute his explorations among them. some time between 1460 and 1464, an expedition went out under pedro de cintra, one of the king of portugal's gentlemen, to make further discoveries along the african coast. these voyagers, whose story is briefly told by ca da mosto, discovered sierra leone (so called on account of the roaring thunder heard there), and went a little beyond cape mesurado. the precise date of this voyage is uncertain, but we may fairly consider sierra leone as being the point attained at, or about, the death of prince henry in 1463, of whose character, before parting with him, something deserves to be said. death of prince henry. this great leader of maritime discovery resembled columbus strongly in one thing, namely, his unity of purpose. he resembled him, too, in his patience and in his unvarying confidence of success, even under disappointment. "he was bold and valorous in war, versed in arts and letters; a skilful fencer; in the mathematics superior to all men of his time; generous in the extreme; most zealous for the increase of the faith. no bad habit was known in him. his memory was equal to the authority he bore, and his prudence equal to his memory." [faria y sousa.] and to this character the chronicler, azurara, who evidently knew the prince well, and speaks with perfect honesty about him, adds two or three of those little niceties of description which give life and reality to the picture. he says that the prince was a man of great counsel and authority, wise and of good memory, but in some things slow, whether it was through the prevalence of the phlegmatic temperament in his constitution, or from intentional deliberation, being moved to some end which men did not perceive. his character. it was this temperament, probably, that made the prince incapable of "ill-will against any person, however great the injury he had received from him," so that this placidity of disposition seemed an actual fault in him. he was accordingly thought "deficient in distributive justice." there are instances in his conduct which bear out this, and one especially, in which he is stated to have overlooked the desertion of his banner, on an occasion of great peril to himself, and afterwards to have unjustly favoured the persons who had thus been found wanting in courage. this, no doubt, was an error on his part, but at least it was an heroic one, such as belonged to the first caesar; and in the estimation of the prince's followers, it probably added to their liking for the man what little it may have taken away from their confidence in the precision of his justice as a commander. prince henry's character. we learn, from the same authority, that his house was the resort of all the good men of the kingdom, and of foreigners, and that he was a man of intense labour and study. "often the sun found him in the same place where it had left him the day before, he having watched throughout the whole arc of the night without any rest." altogether, whether we consider this prince's motives, his objects, his deeds, or his mode of life, we must acknowledge him to be one of the most notable men, not merely of his own country and period, but of modern times and of all nations, and one upon whose shoulders might worthily rest the arduous beginnings of continuous maritime discovery. would that such men remained to govern the lands they have the courageous foresight to discover! then, indeed, they might take to themselves the motto talant de bien jaire, which this prince, their great leader, caused to be inscribed by his captains in many a land, that as yet, at least, has not found much good from its introduction, under his auspices, to the civilization of an older world. prester john hurrying over this preliminary sketch, we may briefly note that about six years after prince henry's death, the gold coast was explored by fernando gomez, and the portuguese fort was built there which columbus afterwards visited; that fernando po discovered an island which was then called formosa, but which is now known by the name of its discoverer; and that diego cam, accompanied, it is said, by martin behaim (martin of bohemia), the most celebrated geographer of those times--to whom, by the way, some of the credit exclusively due to columbus has been rather unfairly given--discovered the kingdom of congo. about this time an ambassador sent to the king of portugal by the sovereign of benin, a territory between the gold coast and congo, happened to speak about a greater power in africa than his master, to whom indeed his master was but the vassal. this instantly set the portuguese king thinking about prester john, of whom legends spoke as a christian king ruling over a christian nation somewhere in what was vaguely called the indies; and the search after whom is, in maritime discovery, what the alchemist's pursuit after the philosopher's stone was in chemistry. the king concluded that this "greater power" must be prester john; and accordingly bartholomew diaz and two other captains were sent out on further discovery. they did not find prester john, but made their way southwards along a thousand and fifty miles of new coast, as far as a cape which, from experience, they called cape stormy, but which their master, seeing in its discovery an omen of better things, renamed as the cape of good hope. bartholomew columbus. it is a fact of great historical interest, and a singular link between african and american discovery, that bartholomew columbus, brother of christopher, was engaged in this voyage. the authority for this important statement is las casas, who says that he found, in a book belonging to christopher columbus, being one of the works of cardinal aliaco, a note "in bartholomew colon's handwriting," (which he knew well, having several of the letters and papers concerning the expedition in his own possession), which note gives a short account, in bad latin, of the voyage, mentions the degree of latitude of the cape, and concludes with the words "in quibus omnibus interfui." passage in the "lusiadas" in fiction, too, this voyage of bartholomew diaz was very notable, as it presented an occasion for the writing of one of the most celebrated passages in modern poetry, a passage not easily to be surpassed for its majesty and tenderness, and for a beauty which even those tiresome allusions to the classics, that give a faded air to so much of the poetry of the sixteenth century, cannot seriously disfigure nor obscure. it is to be found in the lusiadas of camoens, and indicates the culminating point of portuguese discovery in africa, as celebrated by the national poet. just as the mariners approach the cape, a cloud rises, darkens the air, and then discloses a monstrous giant, with deep-set, caverned eyes, of rugged countenance, and pallid earthy colour, vast as that statue of apollo, the colossal wonder of the world. in solemn language, this awful shape pours forth disastrous prophecies, and threatens his highest vengeance on those who have discovered him--maledictions which, alas! may be securely uttered against those who accomplish aught that is bolder than has hitherto been attempted by their fellow men. when vexed by the question "who art thou?" the "stupendous body" harshly and mournfully replies, that he is that great stormy cape, hitherto hidden from mankind, whom their boldness in discovering much offends. he then relates the touching story of his love: how he was adamastor, of the race of titans, and how he loved thetis, the fairest being of the sea; and how, deceived by the (magic) arts of her "who was the life of his body," he found himself caressing a rough and horrid crag instead of her sweet, soft countenance; and how, crazed by grief and by dishonour, he wandered forth to seek another world, where no one should behold him and mock his misery; how still the vengeance of the gods pursued him; and how he felt his flesh gradually turning into rock, and his members extending themselves among the long waves; and how, for ever to increase his agony, the beautiful thetis still encircled him. having told his grief, he made himself into a dark cloud (desfez-se a nuvem negra), and the sea roared far off with a sonorous sound. and then the portuguese mariner lifted up his hands in prayer to the sacred chorus of angels, who had guided the vessel so long on its way, and prayed god to remove the fulfilment of the evil things which adamastor had prophesied against his nation. the genius of the stormy cape might have taken up a direr song of prophecy against the inhabitants of the unfortunate land of which he formed so conspicuous and mournful a prominence. covilham and paiva. maritime discovery had now, by slow and painful degrees, proceeded down the coast of africa, nearly to the southernmost point, and from thence will soon be curving round in due course to india. but expeditions by sea were not the only modes of discovery undertaken by the portuguese in the reign of john the second of portugal. pedro de covilham and alfonso de paiva went on an enterprise of discovery mainly by land. the latter died at cairo, the former made his way to cananor, calecut, and goa, and thence back to cairo, where he found that his companion had died. he then set out again, and eventually came into the kingdom of shoa, [5]to the court of "the king of habbesh," who fulfilled sufficiently in covilham's eyes, the idea of prester john, and was accordingly called so. it is a curious coincidence, that an ambassador from the king of habbesh, called lucas marcos, a priest of that country, came about this time to rome and afterwards to lisbon, which circumstance gave a new impetus to all the king of portugal's "hopes, wishes, and endeavours." [footnote 5: a country in the south of abyssinia. tegulet, the ancient capital of shoa, is in 38 degrees 40' e. long., and 9 degrees 45' n. lat.] bemoin, prince of jalof. a more remarkable person even than an ambassador from prester john arrived nearly at the same time at lisbon. this was bemoin, prince of jalof. bemoin came to seek the protection of the king of portugal, and the reason of his coming was as follows. he was the brother, on the mother's side, of brian, king of jalof. this king was inert and vicious. he had, however, the wisdom to make bemoin prime minister, and to throw all the cares and troubles of governing upon him. nothing was heard in the kingdom but of bemoin. but he, seeing, perhaps, the insecurity of his position, diligently made friends with the portuguese, keeping aloof, however, from becoming a convert, though he listened respectfully to those who expounded the christian faith to him. cibitab, a brother of the inert brian, by the father's side, became jealous of bemoin, revolted, killed brian, and vanquished bemoin, who thereupon threw himself upon the protection of his portuguese friends, and came to lisbon. bemoin's reception at lisbon, bemoin was received magnificently by king john of portugal. the negro prince had formerly alleged that one of his reasons for not becoming a christian was the fear of disgusting his followers; but, being in portugal, that reason no longer held good, and he became a convert, being baptized as don john bemoin, having king john for a godfather. twenty-four of bemoin's gentlemen received baptism after him. this is the account of his reception. "bemoin, because he was a man of large size and fine presence, about forty years old, with a long and well-arranged beard, appeared indeed not like a barbarous pagan, but as one of our own princes, to whom all honour and reverence were due. with equal majesty and gravity of demeanour he commenced and finished his oration, using such inducements to make men bewail his sad fortune in exile, that only seeing these natural signs of sorrow, people comprehended what the interpreter afterwards said. having finished the statement of his case as a good orator would, in declaring that his only remedy and only hope was in the greatness and generosity of the king, with whom he spoke aside for a short time, he was answered by the king in few words, so much to his satisfaction that immediately it made a change in his whole look, spirits, and bearing, rendering him most joyous. taking leave of the king, he went to kiss the queen's hand, and then that of the prince, to whom he said a few words, at the end of which he prayed the prince that he would intercede in his favour with the king. and thence he was conducted to his lodgings by all the nobility that had accompanied him." after this, bemoin had many conversations with the king, and always acquitted himself well. amongst other things, he gave information respecting various african nations, and especially of the king of a jewish people, who in many things resembled christians. here again the portuguese monarch was delighted at finding himself upon the traces of prester john. bemoin's fate it must not be forgotten to mention, that the king made great rejoicings in honor of bemoin's conversion, on which occasion the negro prince's attendants performed singular feats on horseback. bemoin maintained his favour at the portuguese court, and succeeded in his object of obtaining military assistance. he was sent back to his own country with a portuguese squadron of twenty caravels, which had for its instructions, besides his restitution, to found a fort on the banks of the river senegal. the portuguese arrived at the river, and began building the fort, but are said to have chosen an unhealthy spot to build on. whether they could have chosen a healthy one is doubtful. the commander, however, pedro vaz, thought that there was treachery on bemoin's part, and killed him with the blow of a dagger on board his vessel. the building was discontinued, and pedro vaz returned to portugal, where he found the king excessively vexed and displeased at the fate of bemoin. prince henry's perseverance. the historian may now stop in his task of tracing portuguese discovery along the coast of africa. we have seen it making its way with quiet perseverance, for seventy years, from cape nam to the cape of good hope, a distance of some six thousand miles. this long course of discovery has been almost entirely thrown into shade by the more daring and brilliant discovery of america, which we have now to enter upon. yet these proceedings on the african coast had in them all the energy, perseverance, and courage which distinguished american discovery. prince henry himself was hardly a less personage than columbus. they had different elements to contend in. but the man whom princely wealth and position, and the temptation to intrigue which there must have been in the then state of the portuguese court, never induced to swerve from the one purpose which he maintained for forty years, unshaken by popular clamour, however sorely vexed he might be with inward doubts and misgivings; who passed laborious days and watchful nights in devotion to this one purpose, enduring the occasional short-comings of his agents with that forbearance which springs from a care for the enterprise in hand, so deep as to control private vexation (the very same motive which made columbus bear so mildly with insult and contumely from his followers),--such a man is worthy to be put in comparison with the other great discoverer who worked out his enterprise through poverty, neglect, sore travail, and the vicissitudes of courts. moreover, it must not be forgotten that prince henry was undoubtedly the father of modern geographical discovery, and that the result of his exertions must have given much impulse to columbus, if it did not first move him to his great undertaking. after the above eulogium on prince henry, which is not the least more than he merited, his kinsmen, the contemporary portuguese monarchs, should come in for their share of honourable mention, as they seem to have done their part in african discovery with much vigour, without jealousy of prince henry, and with high and noble aims. it would also be but just to include, in some part of this praise, the many brave captains who distinguished themselves in these enterprises. spirit of enterprise how far the great discoverer, on whose career we are about to enter, was himself actually concerned in these african expeditions we have no means of deciding. but there can be little doubt that this raising the curtain of the unknown, this glimpse of new countries, gave a keen stimulus to the researches of geographers, and, in fact, set the fashion of discovery. men's minds were drawn into this special channel; and it remained for christopher columbus first to form a sound theory out of the conflicting views of the cosmographers, and finally to carry out that theory with the boldness and resolution which have made his name one of those beacon-fires which carry on from period to period the tidings of the world's great history through successive ages. chapter ii. early years of columbus. birth of columbus the question of columbus's birthplace has been almost as hotly contested as that of homer's. a succession of pamphleteers had discussed the pretensions of half a dozen different italian villages to be the birthplace of the great navigator; but still archaeologists were divided on the subject, when, at a comparatively recent period, the discovery of the will in which columbus bequeathed part of his property to the bank of genoa, conclusively settled the point in favour of that city. "thence i came," he says, "and there was i born." as to the date of his birth there is no such direct evidence; and conjectures and inferences, founded on various statements in his own writings, and in those of his contemporaries, range over the twenty years from 1436 to 1456, in attempting to assign the precise time of his appearance in the world. mr. irving adopts the earlier of these two dates, upon the authority of a remark by bernaldez, the curate of los palacios, which speaks of the death of columbus in the year 1506, "at a good old age, being seventy years old, a little more or less." but this statement has an air of vagueness, and is, moreover, inconsistent with several passages in columbus's own letters.[6] and the evidence of the ancient authorities who seem most to be relied on, points rather to the year 1447 or 1448 as the probable date. [footnote 6: "his hair," says his son fernando, "turned white before he was thirty." this would add to his apparent age, and might have deceived bernaldez.] his education. his father was a wool-carder; but this fact does not necessarily imply, in a city of traders like genoa, that his family was of particularly humble origin. at any rate, like most others, when the light of a great man's birth is thrown upon its records, real and possible, it presents some other names not altogether unworthy to be inscribed among the great man's ancestors. christopher was not, he says in a letter to a lady of the spanish court, the first admiral of his family--referring, evidently, to two naval commanders bearing his name, who had attained some distinction in the maritime service of genoa and france, and the younger of whom, colombo el mozo, was in command of a french squadron in the expedition undertaken by john of anjou against naples for the recovery of the neapolitan crown. but his relationship with these colombos, if traceable at all, was probably only a very distant one, and his son, in admitting this, wisely says that the glory of christopher is quite enough, without, there being a necessity to borrow any from his ancestors. at a very early age he became a student at the university of pavia, where he laid the foundations of that knowledge of mathematics and natural science, which stood him in good stead throughout his life. at genoa he would naturally regard the sea as the great field of enterprise which produced harvests of rich wares and spoils of glorious victories; and he may have heard, now and then, news of the latest conclusions of the arabic geographers at senaar, and rumours of explorations down the african coast, which would be sure to excite interest among the maritime population of his birthplace. it is not wonderful that, exposed to such influences, he preferred a life of adventure on the sea to the drudgery of his father's trade in genoa. accordingly, after finishing his academical course at pavia, he spent but a few irksome months as a carder of wool (tector panni) and actually entered on his nautical career before he was fifteen years old. early voyages of columbus. of his many voyages, which of them took place before, and which after, his coming to portugal, we have no distinct record; but are sure that he traversed a large part of the known world, that he visited england, that he made his way to iceland and friesland[7] (where he may possibly have heard vague tales of the discoveries by the northmen in north america), that he had been at el mina, on the coast of guinea, and that he had seen the islands of the grecian archipelago. "i have been seeking out the secrets of nature for forty years," he says, "and wherever ship has sailed, there have i voyaged." but beyond a few vague allusions of this kind, we know scarcely anything of these early voyages. however, he mentions particularly his having been employed by king rene of provence to intercept a venetian galliot. and this exploit furnishes illustrations both of his boldness and his tact. during the voyage the news was brought that the galliot was convoyed by three other vessels. thereupon the crew were unwilling to hazard an engagement, and insisted that columbus should return to marseilles for re-inforcement. columbus made a feint of acquiescence, but craftily arranged the compass so that it appeared that they were returning, while they were really steering their original course, and so arrived at carthagena on the next morning, thinking all the while that they were in full sail for marseilles. [footnote 7: the account of this voyage to the north of europe, as commonly quoted, furnishes a singular instance of the inaccuracy of translators in the matter of figures. columbus is there made to say, that at the ultima thule, which be reached, "the tides were so great as to rise and fall twenty-six fathoms," i.e. 156 feet. of course this an absurdity; for no tides in europe rise much above 50 feet. we have no record of the exact words used by columbus, but in the extant italian translation he is made to speak of the rise being venti sei bracchia, i.e. twenty-six ells (not fathoms), or about fifty-two feet. but even this reduced estimate must be excessive. except in the bristol channel there is no rise of tide in the seas of northern europe which at all approaches this limit. at reikiavik (iceland) the rise is seventeen and a half feet. in greenland it varies from a minimum of seven feet at julianshaab to a maximum of twelve and a half feet at frederikshaab.] characteristics of columbus considering how much more real the hero of a biography appears if we can picture him accurately in our mind's eye, and see him "in his habit as he lived," it is singularly unfortunate that the personal appearance of columbus has been so variously described by the old historians that it is impossible to speak with certainty on the subject. strangely enough, too, no well-authenticated portrait of the great discoverer exists. ferdinand columbus, who would be a good authority, fails to give us, in describing his father, any of those little touches which make up a good literary photograph. we learn, however, that he had a commanding presence, that he was above the middle height, with a long countenance, rather full cheeks, an aquiline nose, and light grey eyes full of expression. his hair was naturally light in colour, but, as has been already stated, it turned nearly white while he was still a young man. the peculiar characteristics of his mind are such as we might naturally expect to find in the originator of such a work as the discovery of america,--who was, indeed, one of the great spirits of the earth; but still of the same order of soul to which great inventors and discoverers have mostly belonged. lower down, too, in mankind, there is much of the same nature leading to various kinds of worthy deeds, though there are no more continents for it to discover. but to return to the renowned personage of whom we are speaking. there was great simplicity about him, and much loyalty and veneration. the truly great are apt to believe in the greatness of others, and so to be loyal in their relations here; while, for what is beyond here, a large measure of veneration belongs to them, as having a finer and more habitually present consciousness than most men of something infinitely above what even their imaginations can compass. he was as magnanimous as it was possible, perhaps, for so sensitive and impassioned a person to be. he was humane, self-denying, courteous. he had an intellect of that largely inquiring kind which may remind us of our great english philosopher, bacon. he was singularly resolute and enduring. the spaniards have a word, longanimidad, which has been well applied in describing him, as it signifies greatness and constancy of mind in adversity. he was rapt in his designs, having a ringing for ever in his ears of great projects, making him deaf to much, perhaps, that prudence might have heeded:--one to be loved by those near him, and likely by his presence to inspire favour and respect. columbus's desire for discovery. at what precise period his great idea came into his mind we have no means of ascertaining. the continuous current of portuguese discoveries had, as we have seen, excited the mind of europe, and must have greatly influenced columbus, living in the midst of them. this may be said without in the least detracting from his merits as a discoverer. in real life people do not spring from something baseless to something substantial, as people in sick dreams. a great invention or discovery is often like a daring leap, but it is from land to land, not from nothing to something; and if we look at the subject with this consideration fully before us, we shall probably admit that columbus had as large a share in the merit of his discovery as most inventors or discoverers can lay claim to. if the idea which has rendered him famous was not in his mind at the outset of his career of investigation, at any rate he had from the first a desire for discovery, or, as he says himself, the wish to know the secrets of this world. it may be a question whether this impulse soon brought him to his utmost height of survey, and that he then only applied to learning to confirm his first views; or whether the impulse merely carried him along with growing perception of the great truth he was to prove, into deep thinking upon cosmographical studies, portuguese discoveries, the dreams of learned men, the labours of former geographers, the dim prophetic notices of great unknown lands, and vague reports amongst mariners of driftwood seen on the seas. but at any rate we know that he arrived at a fixed conclusion that there was a way by the west to the indies; that he could discover this way, and so come to cipango, cathay, the grand khan, and all he had met with in the gorgeous descriptions of marco polo and other ancient authorities. we may not pretend to lay down the exact chronological order of the formation of the idea in his mind, in fact, to know more about it than he would probably have been able to tell us himself. and it must not be forgotten that his enterprise, as compared with that of the portuguese along the coast of africa, was as an invention compared to an improvement. each new discovery then was but a step beyond that which had preceded it; columbus was the first to steer boldly from shore into the waste of waters, an originator, not a mere improver. columbus's theory. fernando columbus divides into three classes the grounds on which his father's theory was based; namely, reasons from nature, the authority of writers, and the testimony of sailors. he believed the world to be a sphere; he under-estimated its size; he over-estimated the size of the asiatic continent. the farther that continent extended to the eastward the nearer it came round towards spain. and this, in a greater or less degree, had been the opinion of the ancient geographers. both aristotle and seneca thought that a ship might sail "in a few days" from cadiz to india. strabo, too, believed that it might be possible to navigate on the same parallel of latitude, due west from the coast of africa or spain to that of india. the accounts given by marco polo and sir john maundeville of their explorations towards china confirmed the exaggerated idea of the extent of eastern asia. cardinal aliaco's "cosmographia." but of all the works of learned men, that which, according to ferdinand columbus, had most weight with his father, was the "cosmographia" of cardinal aliaco. and this book affords a good illustration of the then state of scientific knowledge. learned arguments are interspersed with the most absurd fables of lion-bodied men and dog-faced women; grave, and sometimes tolerably sound, disquisitions on the earth's surface are mixed up with the wildest stories of monsters and salamanders, of giants and pigmies. it is here that we find the original of our modern acquaintance, the sea-serpent, described as being "of huge size, so that he kills and devours large stags, and is able to cross the ocean;" and the wonders of the unknown world are enunciated with a circumstantial minuteness which must have easily won the credence of a willing disciple like columbus. he was also confirmed in his views of the existence of a western passage to the indies by paulo toscanelli, the florentine philosopher, to whom much credit is due for the encouragement he afforded to the enterprise. that the notices, however, of western lands were not such as to have much weight with other men is sufficiently proved by the difficulty which columbus had in contending with adverse geographers and men of science in general, of whom, he says, he never was able to convince any one. after a new world had been discovered, many scattered indications were then found to have foreshown it. "when he promised a new hemisphere," writes voltaire, "people maintained that it could not exist, and when he had discovered it, that it had been known a long time." it was to confute such detractors that he resorted to the well known expedient for making an egg stand on end; an illustration of the meaning of originality which, by the way, was not itself original, as brunelleschi had already employed it when his merit in devising a plan for raising the cupola of florence cathedral was questioned. evidences of a western world. of the amount of evidence furnished by the testimony of sailors, it is difficult to speak with any degree of accuracy. rumours of drift-wood, apparently carved with some savage implements; of mammoth reeds, corresponding with ptolemy's account of those indigenous to india; even of two corpses, cast up on one of the azores, and presenting an appearance quite unlike that of any race of europe or africa; all seem to have come to the willing ears of columbus, and to have been regarded by him as "confirmations, strong as proofs of holy writ," of the great theory. about the year 1470 columbus arrived at lisbon. according to the account given by his son, and adopted by the historian bossi, he had sailed with colombo el mozo (the nephew of that "first admiral of the family" of whom we have already heard) on a cruise to intercept some venetian merchantmen on their way home from flanders. at break of day the battle began, off cape st. vincent, and lasted till nightfall. the privateer commanded by columbus grappled a huge venetian galley, which, after a hand-to-hand struggle, caught fire, and the flames spread to the privateer. friends and enemies alike sought safety in the sea, and columbus, supporting himself on an oar, succeeded, when nearly exhausted, in gaining the land, which was at some six miles distance. god preserved him, says his son, for greater things. columbus at porto santo. it was probably not long after this that he married donna felipa munnis perestrelo, who was residing at the convent of all saints, in lisbon, where he was a regular attendant at the services of the church. she was a daughter of that captain of prince henry's who has been already mentioned as the first governor of porto santo. on that island, after a short residence in the portuguese capital, columbus took up his abode, busying himself with the papers of his deceased father-in-law, and earning a livelihood by making maps and charts for sale. it is a curious fact that the great chief of american discoverers should thus have inhabited a spot which was the first advanced outpost in african discovery. he was here on the high road to guinea, and being in constant communication with the explorers of the new regions, it was likely that he would become imbued with some of their enthusiasm for adventure. the bishop of ceuta; return of the caravel. shrouded in obscurity as this period of his life remains, we are only able to find vague traditions of the unsuccessful effort which columbus made to induce the senate of genoa to take up his project. from the portuguese crown he could scarcely look for help, embroiled as it was in costly wars, and having already a field for discovery along the african coast, which it would scarcely be wise to forsake for an undertaking similar in kind, but more hazardous and less definite. however, king john the second, to whom columbus applied, seems to have listened with attention to the exposition of his scheme, and indeed, according to the account of fernando, to have given a sort of qualified promise of his support, but to have disagreed with columbus as to terms. the king referred the matter to a committee of council for geographical affairs, before whom columbus laid his plans; but it is possible that even in the fifteenth century boards had come to regard projectors as their natural enemies, and the report of the committee was entirely adverse to the scheme for atlantic discovery. but it seems that the king, was not satisfied yet, whereupon the bishop of ceuta (who had headed the opposition to columbus in the council) suggested that a caravel should be secretly equipped and sent out, with instructions founded on the plan laid before the committee. and this piece of episcopal bad faith was actually perpetrated. the caravel, however, returned without having accomplished anything, the sailors not having had heart to adventure far enough westward. it was not an enterprise to be carried out successfully by men who had only stolen the idea of it. chapter iii. columbus in spain. columbus, disgusted at the treatment he had received from the portuguese court, quitted lisbon for spain, probably in the year 1485, with his son diego, the only issue of his marriage with donna felipa, now no longer living. here he addressed himself to the duke of medina sidonia, and to the duke of medina celi, whose extensive possessions along the coasts of spain were likely to incline them in favour of a maritime expedition. there is some uncertainty as to the degree of encouragement which he received from them; but long afterwards, when columbus had succeeded, the duke of medina celi wrote to the cardinal of spain showing that he (the duke) had maintained columbus two years in his house, and was ready to have undertaken the enterprise, but that he saw it was one for the queen herself, and even then he wished to have had a part in it. probably, any man in whose house columbus resided for two years would have caught some portion of his enthusiasm, and have been ready to take up his project. it may be conjectured, however, that none of the nobles of the spanish court would have been likely to undertake the matter without some sanction from the king or queen. letter to queen isabella. to the queen, accordingly, the duke of medina celi addressed a letter, of which columbus was himself the bearer, commending his enterprise to the royal favour. but the juncture was singularly inopportune for the consideration of any peaceful project. the war with the moors was raging more and more furiously, as they were driven back, contesting every inch of ground, farther and farther from the heart of the kingdom. the court was now at cordova, actively preparing for the campaign which was to result in that subjugation of the crescent to the cross, throughout the peninsula, which was completed by the conquest of granada some six years later. amid the clang of arms and the bustle of warlike preparation, columbus was not likely to obtain more than a slight and superficial attention to a matter which must have seemed remote and uncertain. indeed, when it is considered that the most pressing internal affairs of kingdoms are neglected by the wisest rulers in times of war, it is wonderful that he succeeded in obtaining any audience at all. columbus at court; junta of cosmographers; decision of the junta. however, he was fortunate enough to find at once a friend in the treasurer of the household, alonso de quintanilla, a man who, like himself, "took delight in great things," and who obtained a hearing for him from the spanish monarchs. ferdinand and isabella did not dismiss him abruptly. on the contrary, it is said, they listened kindly; and the conference ended by their referring the business to the queen's confessor, fra hernando de talavera, who was afterwards archbishop of granada. this important functionary summoned a junta of cosmographers (not a promising assemblage!) to consult about the affair, and this junta was convened at salamanca, in the summer of the year 1487. here was a step gained; the cosmographers were to consider his scheme, and not merely to consider whether it was worth taking into consideration. but it was impossible for the jury to be unprejudiced. all inventors, to a certain extent, insult their contemporaries by accusing them of stupidity and of ignorance. and the cosmographical pedants, accustomed to beaten tracks, resented the insult by which this adventurer was attempting to overthrow the belief of centuries. they thought that so many persons wise in nautical matters as had preceded the genoese mariner never could have overlooked such an idea as this which had presented itself to his mind. moreover, as the learning of the middle ages resided for the most part in the cloister, the member's of the junta were principally clerical, and combined to crush columbus with theological objections. texts of scripture were adduced to refute his theory of the spherical shape of the earth, and the weighty authority of the fathers of the church was added to overthrow the "foolish idea of the existence of antipodes; of people who walk, opposite to us, with their heels upwards and their heads hanging down; where everything is topsy turvy, where the trees grow with their branches downwards, and where it rains, hails, and snows upwards." king david, st. paul, st. augustine, lactantius, and a host of other theological authorities were all put in evidence against the genoese mariner: he was confronted by the "conservatism of lawyers united to the bigotry of priests." las casas displays his usual acuteness when he says that the great difficulty of columbus was, not that of teaching, but that of unteaching: not of promulgating his own theory, but of eradicating the erroneous convictions of the judges before whom he had to plead his cause. in fine, the junta decided that the project was "vain and impossible, and that it did not belong to the majesty of such great princes to determine anything upon such weak grounds of information." ferdinand and isabella seem not to have taken the extremely unfavourable view of the matter entertained by the junta of cosmographers, or at least to have been willing to dismiss columbus gently, for they merely said that, with the wars at present on their hands, and especially that of granada, they could not undertake any new expenses, but when that war was ended, they would examine his plan more carefully. tediouness of columbus's suit thus terminated a solicitation at the court of ferdinand and isabella which, according to some authorities, lasted five years; for the facts above mentioned, though short in narration, occupied no little time in transaction. during the whole of this period, columbus appears to have followed the sovereigns in the movements which the war necessitated, and to have been treated by them with much consideration. sums were from time to time granted from the royal treasury for his private expenses, and he was billeted as a public functionary in the various towns of andalusia, where the court rested. but his must have been a very up-hill task. las casas, who, from an experience larger even than that which fell to the lot of columbus, knew what it was to endure the cold and indolent neglect of superficial men in small authority, and all the vast delay, which cannot be comprehended except by those who have suffered under it, that belongs to the transaction of any affair in which many persons have to cooperate, compares the suit of columbus to a battle, "a terrible, continuous, painful, prolix battle." the tide of this long war (for war it was, rather than a battle) having turned against him, columbus left the court, and went to seville "with much sadness and discomfiture." during this dreary period of a suitor's life--which, however, has been endured by some of the greatest men the world has seen, which was well known by close observation, or bitter experience, to spenser, camoens, cervantes, shakespeare, bacon--one joy at least was not untasted by columbus, namely, that of love. his beloved beatrice, whom he first met at cordova, must have believed in him, even if no one else had done so; but love was not sufficient to retain at her side a man goaded by a great idea, or perhaps that love did but impel him to still greater efforts for her sake, as is the way with lovers of the nobler sort. encouragement of friends; garcia hernandez. other friends, too, shared his enthusiasm, and urged him onward. juan perez de la marchena, guardian of the monastery of la rabida, in andalusia, had been the confessor of queen isabella, but had exchanged the bustle of the court for the learned leisure of the cloister. the little town of palos, with its seafaring population and maritime interests, was near the monastery, and the principal men of the place were glad to pass the long winter evenings in the society of juan perez, discussing questions of cosmography and astronomy. among these visitors were martin alonzo pinzon, the chief shipowner of palos, and garcia hernandez, the village doctor; and one can fancy how the schemes of columbus must have appeared to the little conclave as a ray of sunlight in the dulness of their simple life. hernandez, especially, who seems to have been somewhat skilled in physical science, and therefore capable of appreciating the arguments of columbus, became a warm believer in his project. it is worthy of notice that a person who appears only once, as it were, in a sentence in history, should have exercised so much influence upon it as garcia hernandez, who was probably a man of far superior attainments to those around him, and was in the habit of deploring, as such men do, his hard lot in being placed where he could be so little understood. now, however, he was to do more at one stroke than many a man who has been all his days before the world. columbus had abandoned his suit at court in disgust, and had arrived at the monastery before quitting spain to fetch his son diego, whom he had left with juan perez to be educated. all his griefs and struggles he confided to perez, who could not bear to hear of his intention to leave the country for france or england, and to make a foreign nation greater by allowing it to adopt his project. the three friends--the monk, the learned physician, and the skilled cosmographer--discussed together the propositions so unhappily familiar to the last named member of their little council. the affection of juan perez and the learning of hernandez were not slow to follow in the track which the enthusiasm of the great adventurer made out before them; and they became, no doubt, as convinced as columbus himself of the feasibility of his undertaking. the difficulty, however, was not in becoming believers themselves, but in persuading those to believe who would have power to further the enterprise. perez writes to the queen. their discussions upon this point ended in the conclusion that juan perez, who was known to the queen, having acted as her confessor, should write to her highness. he did so; and the result was favourable. the queen sent for him, heard what he had to say, and in consequence remitted money to columbus to enable him to come to court and renew his suit. columbus's conditions. he attended the court again; his negotiations were resumed, but were again broken off on the ground of the largeness of the conditions which he asked for. his opponents said that these conditions were too large if he succeeded, and if he should not succeed and the conditions should come to nothing, they thought that there was an air of trifling in granting such conditions at all. and, indeed, they wore very large; namely, that he was to be made an admiral at once, to be appointed viceroy of the countries he should discover, and to have an eighth of the profits of the expedition. the only probable way of accounting for the extent of these demands and his perseverance in making them, even to the risk of total failure, is that the discovering of the indies was but a step in his mind to greater undertakings, as they seemed to him, which he had in view, of going to jerusalem with an army and making another crusade. for columbus carried the chivalrous ideas of the twelfth century into the somewhat self-seeking fifteenth. the negotiation, however, failed a second time, and columbus resolved again to go to france, when alonzo de quintanilla and juan perez contrived to obtain a hearing for the great adventurer from cardinal mendoza, who was pleased with him. columbus then offered, in order to meet the objections of his opponents, to pay an eighth part of the expense of the expedition. still nothing was done. santangle's address. and now, finally, columbus determined to go to france, and indeed had actually set off one day in january of the year 1492, when luis de santangel, receiver of the ecclesiastical revenues of the crown of aragon, a person much devoted to the plans of columbus, addressed the queen with all the energy that a man throws into his words when he is aware that it is his last time for speaking in favour of a thing which he has much at heart. he told her that he wondered that, as she always had a lofty mind for great things, it should be wanting to her on this occasion. he endeavoured to pique her jealousy as a monarch, by suggesting that the enterprise might fall into the hands of other princes. then he said something in behalf of columbus himself, and the queen was not unlikely to know well the bearing of a great man. he intimated to her highness that what was an impossibility to the cosmographers, might not be so in nature. nor, continued he, should any endeavour in so great a matter be attributed to lightness, even though the endeavour should fail; for it is the part of great and generous princes to ascertain the secrets of the world. other princes (he did not mention those of neighbouring portugal) had gained eternal fame this way. he concluded by saying that all the aid columbus wanted to set the expedition afloat, was but a million of maravedis (equivalent to about 308 pounds, english money of the period); and that so great an enterprise ought not to be abandoned for the sake of such a trifling sum. success of the address. these well addressed arguments, falling in, as they did, with those of quintanilla, the treasurer, who had great influence with the queen, prevailed. she thanked these lords for their counsel, and said she would adopt it, but they must wait until the finances had recovered a little from the drain upon them occasioned by the conquest of granada, or if they thought that the plan must be forthwith carried out, she would pledge her jewels to raise the necessary funds. santangel and quintanilla kissed her hands, highly delighted at succeeding; and santangel offered to advance the money required. upon this the queen sent an alguazil to overtake columbus and bring him back to the court. he was overtaken at the bridge of pinos, two leagues from granada; returned to santa fe, where the sovereigns were encamped before granada; was well received by isabella; and finally the agreement between him and their catholic highnesses was settled with the secretary, colama. the agreement settled. not much is seen of king ferdinand in all these proceedings; and it is generally understood that he looked rather coldly upon the propositions of columbus. we cannot say that he was at all unwise in so doing. his great compeer, henry the seventh, did not hasten to adopt the same project submitted to him by bartholomew columbus, sent into england[8] for that purpose by his brother christopher; and it has not been thought to derogate from the english king's sagacity. [footnote 8: it is difficult to determine how the project brought before henry the seventh's notice by bartholomew columbus was received. some say it was made a mockery of at the english court; others speak of it as actually accepted. lord bacon states that bartholomew was taken by pirates on his voyage to england, which delayed him so much that "before he had obtained a capitulation with the king for his brother, the enterprise by him was achieved." it is probable that henry listened with interest to bartholomew columbus, who was a man of much intelligence and great maritime knowledge. but it seems unlikely that the negotiation went very far, considering the rigid manner in which columbus insisted upon his exact conditions being accepted by the spanish court. no such bargain, at a distance, with a reserved and parsimonious monarch, was likely, therefore, to have been concluded. it appears, however, from a despatch from the spanish ambassador to his sovereigns, dated the 25th july, 1498, that the english were not behind other nations in a thirst for discovery, "merchants of bristol," he says, "have for the last seven years sent out annually some ships in search of the island of brazil and the seven cities." if this assertion is accurate, england must have anticipated spain in the search for, though not in the discovery of, the western world.] fate of projectors' plans. those who govern are in all ages surrounded by projectors, and have to clear the way about them as well as they can, and to take care that they get time and room for managing their own immediate affairs. it is not to be wondered at, therefore, if good plans should sometimes share the fate which ought to attend, and must attend, the great mass of all projects submitted to men in power. here, however the ultimate event would justify the monarch's caution; for it would be hard to prove that spain has derived aught but a golden weakness from her splendid discoveries and possessions in the new world. ferdinand's coldness. moreover, the characters of the two men being essentially opposed, it is probable that ferdinand felt something like contempt for the uncontrolled enthusiasm of columbus; and, upon the whole, it is rather to be wondered that the king consented to give the powers he did, than that he did not do more. had it been a matter which concerned his own kingdom of aragon, he might not have gone so far; but the expenses were to be eventually charged on castille, and perhaps he looked upon the whole affair as another instance of isabella's good natured sympathy with enthusiasts. his own cool and wary nature must have distrusted this "pauper pilot, promising rich realms." [9] [footnote 9: "nudo nocchier, promettitor di regni:"--chiabrea.] columbus's agreement with the court of spain. the agreement between columbus and their catholic highnesses is to the following effect:-the favours which christopher columbus has asked from the king and queen of spain in recompense of the discoveries which he has made in the ocean seas, and as recompense for the voyage which he is about to undertake, are the following:-1. he wishes to be made admiral of the seas and countries which he is about to discover. he desires to hold this dignity during his life, and that it should descend to his heirs. this request is granted by the king and queen. 2. christopher columbus wishes to be made viceroy of all the continents and islands. granted by the king and queen. 3. he wishes to have a share, amounting to a tenth part, of the profits of all merchandise, be it pearls, jewels, or any other things, that may be found, gained, bought, or exported from the countries which he is to discover. granted by the king and queen. 4. he wishes, in his quality of admiral, to be made sole judge of all mercantile matters that may be the occasion of dispute in the countries which he is to discover. granted by the king and queen, on the condition, however, that this jurisdiction should belong to the office of admiral, as held by don enriquez and other admirals. 5. christopher columbus wishes to have the right to contribute the eighth part of the expenses of all ships which traffic with the new countries, and in return to earn the eighth part of the profits. granted by the king and queen. santa fe, in the vega of granada, april 17, 1492. this agreement is signed by the secretary coloma and written by almazan. then there is a sort of passport or commendatory letter intended for presentation to the grand khan, prester john, or any other oriental potentate at whose territories columbus might arrive:- ferdinand and isabella to king- the sovereigns have heard that he and his subjects entertain great love for them and for spain. they are moreover informed that he and his subjects very much[10] wish to hear news from spain; and send, therefore, their admiral, ch. columbus, who will tell them that they are in good health and perfect prosperity. granada, april 30, 1492. [footnote 10: this crediting the unknown ruler with an anxiety for the welfare of the spanish sovereigns is really a delicious piece of diplomatic affectation.] columbus goes to palos. armed with these royal commissions, columbus left the court for palos; and we may be sure that the knot of friends at the monastery were sufficiently demonstrative in their delight at the scheme on which they had pinned their faith being fairly launched. there was no delay in furnishing the funds for the expedition. from an entry in an account-book belonging to the bishopric of palencia, it appears that one million one hundred and forty thousand maravedis were advanced by santangel in may, 1492, "being the sum he lent for paying the caravels which their highnesses ordered to go as the armada to the indies, and for paying christopher columbus, who goes in the said armada." the town of palos was ordered to provide two vessels.[11] [footnote 11: the requisition to the municipality of palos runs thus: "in consequence of the offence which we received at your hands, you were condemned by our council to render us the service of two caravels, armed, at your own expense, for the space of twelve months, whenever and wherever it should be our pleasure to demand the same:" (30th april, 1492.) a proclamation of immunity from civil and criminal process to persons taking service in the expedition was issued at the same time. the ship of columbus was, therefore, a refuge for criminals and runaway debtors, a cave of adullam for the discontented and the desperate. to have to deal with such a community was not of the least of columbus's difficulties.] order to press men. but there was still a weighty difficulty to be surmounted. it was no easy matter to obtain crews for such an expedition. the sovereigns issued an order authorizing columbus to press men into the service, but still the numbers were incomplete, for the mariners of palos held aloof, unwilling to risk their lives in what seemed to them the crazy project of a monomaniac. but juan perez was active in persuading men to embark. the pinzons, rich men and skilful mariners of palos, joined in the undertaking personally, and aided it with their money, and, by these united exertions, three vessels were manned with ninety mariners, and provisioned for a year. character of vessels and crews. the vessels were all of small size, probably of not more than one hundred tons' burden each, and, therefore, not larger than the american yachts, whose ocean race from new york to cowes was regarded as an example of immense hardihood, even in the year 1867. but columbus considered them very suitable for the undertaking. the santa maria, which columbus himself commanded, was the only one of the three that was decked throughout. the official persons and the crew on board her were sixteen in number. the two other vessels were of the class called caravels, and were decked fore and aft, but not amidships, the stem and the stern being built so as to rise high out of the water. one of them, the "pinta," was manned by a crew of thirty, commanded by martin alonzo pinzon. the other, the "nina," had vincent yanez pinzon for captain, and a crew of twenty-four men. the whole number of adventurers amounted to a hundred and twenty persons, men of various nationalities, including, by the way, among them, two natives of the british isles. chapter iii. first voyage. at length all the preparations were complete, and on a friday (not inauspicious in this case), the 3rd of august, 1492, after they had all confessed and received the sacrament, they set sail from the bar of saltes, making for the canary islands. one can fancy how the men and the women of palos watched the specks of white sails vanishing in the west, and how, as each frail bark in turn disappeared in the great ocean, mothers and sisters turned weepingly away as if from a last farewell at the grave of their sailor kinsmen. columbus was now fairly afloat, and we may say with milton, that- the world was all before him, where to choose. and providence his guide. his choice was made, however; and his guide did not fail him. canary islands reached. he was about to change the long-continued, weary, dismal life of a suitor, for the sharp intense anxiety of a struggle in which there was no alternative to success but deplorable, ridiculous, fatal failure. speaking afterwards of the time he spent as a suitor at court, he says, "eight years i was torn with disputes, and in a word, my proposition was a thing for mockery." it was now to be seen what mockery was in it. the following account of the voyage is mainly taken from an abridgment of columbus's own diary made by las casas, who in some places gives the admiral's own words. the little squadron reached the canary islands in a few days, with no event worth recording, except that the caravel "pinta," commanded martin alonzo pinzon, unshipped her rudder. this was supposed to be no accident, but to have been contrived by the owners of the vessel, who did not like the voyage. the admiral (from henceforth columbus is called "the admiral") was obliged to stay some time at the canary islands, to refit the "pinta," and to make some change in the cut of her sails. while this was being done, news was brought that three portuguese government vessels were cruising in the offing with the intention of preventing the expedition. however, on the 6th of september, columbus set sail from gomera, and struck boldly out to sea, without meeting with any of his supposed enemies. rumors of land seen. in the abridgment of the diary, under the date of the 19th of august, the admiral remarks that many spaniards of these islands, "respectable men," swear that each year they see land; and he remembers how, in the year 1484, some one came from the island of madeira to the king of portugal to beg a caravel in order to go and discover that land which he declared he could see each year, and in the same manner. had not the admiral been conscious of the substantial originality of his proceedings, he would hardly have been careful to collect these scattered notices which might afterwards be used, as many like them were used, to depreciate that originality. there is no further entry in the diary until the 6th of september, when they set out from gomera (one of the canary islands), on their unknown way. for many days, what we have of the diary is little more than a log-book, giving the rate of sailing, or rather two rates, one for columbus's own private heed, and the other for the sailors. on the 13th of september it is noted that the needle declined in the evening to the north-west, and on the ensuing morning, to the north-east, the first time that such a variation had been observed, or, at least recorded by europeans. on the 14th, the sailors of the caravel "nina" saw two tropical birds, which they said were never wont to be seen at more than fifteen or twenty leagues from shore. on the 15th they all saw a meteor fall from heaven, which made them very sad. plains of seaweed. on the 16th, they first came upon those immense plains of seaweed (the fucus natans), which constitute the mar de sargasso, and which occupy a space in the atlantic almost equal to seven times the extent of france. the aspect of these plains greatly terrified the sailors, who thought they might be coming upon submerged lands and rocks; but finding that the vessels cut their way well through this seaweed, the sailors thereupon took heart. on the 17th, they see more of these plains of seaweed, and thinking themselves to be near land, they are almost in good spirits, when finding that the needle declines to the west a whole point of the compass and more, their hopes suddenly sink again: they begin "to murmur between their teeth," and to wonder whether they are not in another world. columbus, however, orders an observation to be taken at day-break, when the needle is found to point to the north again; moreover he is ready with a theory sufficiently ingenious for that time, to account for the phenomenon of variation which had so disturbed the sailors, namely, that it was caused by the north star moving round the pole. the sailors are, therefore, quieted upon this head. signs of land. in the morning of the same day they catch a crab, from which columbus infers that they cannot be more than eighty leagues distant from land. the 18th, they see many birds, and a cloud in the distance; and that night they expect to see land. on the 19th, in the morning, comes a pelican (a bird not usually seen twenty leagues from the coast); in the evening, another; also drizzling rain without wind, a certain sign, as the diary says, of proximity to land. the admiral, however, will not beat about for land, as he concludes that the land which these various natural phenomena give token of, can only be islands, as indeed it proved to be. he will see them on his return; but now he must press on to the indies. this determination shows his strength of mind, and indicates the almost scientific basis on which his great resolve reposed. conspiracy among the men. accordingly, he was not to be diverted from the main design by any partial success, though by this time he knew well the fears of his men, some of whom had already come to the conclusion, "that it would be their best plan to throw him quietly into the sea, and say he unfortunately fell in, while he stood absorbed in looking at the stars." indeed, three days after he had resolved to pass on to the indies, we find him saying, for las casas gives his words, "very needful for me was this contrary wind, for the people were very much tormented with the idea that there were no winds on these seas that could take them back to spain." his determination to proceed. on they go, having signs occasionally in the presence of birds and grass and fish that land must be near; but land does not come. once, too, they are all convinced that they see land: they sing the "gloria in excelsis;" and even the admiral goes out of his course towards this land, which turns out to be no land. they are like men listening to a dreadful discourse or oration, that seems to have many endings which end not: so that the hearer listens at last in grim despair, thinking that all things have lost their meaning, and that ending is but another form of beginning. these mariners were stout-hearted, too; but what a daring thing it was to plunge, down-hill as it were, into a world of waves, a sea without a shore, trackless, and vast, and wild, [rogers] mocked day by day with signs of land that neared not. and these men had left at home all that is dearest to man, and did not bring out any great idea to uphold them, and had already done enough to make them important men in their towns, and to furnish ample talk for the evenings of their lives. still we find columbus, as late as the 3rd of october, saying, "that he did not choose to stop beating about last week during those days that they had such signs of land, although he had knowledge of there being certain islands in that neighbourhood, because he would not suffer any detention, since his object was to go to the indies; and if he should stop on the way, it would show a want of mind." signs of land again. meanwhile, he had a hard task to keep his men in any order. peter martyr, who knew columbus well, and had probably been favoured with a special account from him of these perilous days, describes his way of dealing with the refractory mariners, and how he contrived to win them onwards from day to day; now soothing them with soft words, now carrying their minds from thought of the present danger by spreading out large hopes before them, not forgetting to let them know what their princes would say to them if they attempted aught against him, or would not obey his orders. with this untutored crowd of wild, frightened men around him, with mocking hopes, not knowing what each day would bring to him, on went columbus. at last came the 11th of october, and with it indubitable signs of land. the diary mentions their finding on that day a table-board and a carved stick, the carving apparently wrought by some iron instrument. moreover, the men in one of the vessels saw a branch of a haw tree with fruit on it. light on shore. now, indeed, they must be close to land. the sun went down upon the same weary round of waters which for so long a time their eyes had ached to see beyond, when, at ten o'clock, columbus, standing on the poop of his vessel, saw a light, and called to him, privately, pedro gutierrez, a groom of the king's chamber, who saw it also. then they called rodrigo sanchez, who had been sent by their highnesses as overlooker. i imagine him to have been a cold and cautious man, of the kind that are sent by jealous states to accompany and curb great generals, and who are not usually much loved by them. sanchez did not see the light at first, because, as columbus says, he did not stand in the place where it could be seen; but at last even he sees it, and it may now be considered to have been seen officially. "it appeared like a candle that went up and down, and don christopher did not doubt that it was true light, and that it was on land; and so it proved, as it came from people passing with lights from one cottage to another." the promised pension. their highnesses had promised a pension of ten thousand maravedis to the fortunate man who should see land first. the "pinta" was the foremost vessel; and it was from her deck, at two o'clock in the morning, that land was first seen by rodrigo de triana. we cannot but be sorry for this poor common sailor, who got no reward, and of whom they tell a story, that in sadness and despite, he passed into africa, after his return to spain, and became a mahometan. the pension was adjudged to the admiral: it was charged, somewhat ominously, on the shambles of seville, and was paid him to the day of his death; for, says the historian herrera, "he saw light in the midst of darkness, signifying the spiritual light which was introduced amongst these barbarous people, god permitting that, the war being finished with the moors, seven hundred and twenty years after they had set foot in spain, this work (the conversion of the indians) should commence, so that the princes of castille and leon might always be occupied in bringing infidels to the knowledge of the holy catholic faith." religious motivies. these last words are notable. they are such as columbus himself would probably have made use of in describing this, the crowning event of his life. in the preface to his diary, which is an address to ferdinand and isabella, he speaks at large of the motives of their highnesses. he begins by saying how, in this present year of 1492, their highnesses had concluded their war with the moors, having taken the great city of granada, at the siege of which he was present, and saw the royal banners placed upon the towers of the alhambra. he then tells how he had given information to their highnesses of the lands of india, and of a prince, called the grand khan, who had sent ambassadors to rome, praying for doctors to instruct him in the faith; and how the holy father had never provided him with these doctors; and that great towns were perishing, from the belief of their inhabitants in idolatry, and from receiving amongst them "sects of perdition." after the above statement, he adds, "your highnesses, as catholic christians and princes, lovers and furtherers of the christian faith, and enemies of the sect of mahomet, and of all idolatries and heresies, thought to send me, christopher columbus, to the aforesaid provinces of india to see the aforesaid princes, the cities and lands, and the disposition of them and of everything about them, and the way that should be taken to convert them to our holy faith." good faith of columbus. columbus then speaks of the expulsion of the jews from spain as occurring at the same time as that in which he received orders to pursue a westerly course to india, thus combining the two transactions together, no doubt as proofs of the devout intentions of their highnesses: and, indeed, throughout the document, he ascribes no motives to the monarchs but such as were religious. the diary to which this address was prefixed is probably one of the books which their highnesses allude to in a letter to columbus, as being in their possession, and which they assured him they had not shown to anybody. i see no reason to doubt the perfect good faith of columbus in making such a statement as that just referred to; and it is well to remark upon it, because we shall never come to a right understanding of those times and of the question of slavery as connected with them, unless we fully appreciate the good as well as the bad motives which guided the most important persons of that era. character of the queen. as for queen isabella, there can be no doubt about her motives. even in the lamentably unjust things in which she was but too often concerned, she had what, to her mind, was compelling reason to act as she did. perhaps there is hardly any great personage whose name and authority are found in connection with so much that is strikingly evil, all of it done, or rather assented to, upon the highest and purest motives. whether we refer to the expulsion of the jews, the treatment of the moorish converts, or the establishment of the inquisition, all her proceedings in these matters were entirely sincere and noble-minded. methinks i can still see her beautiful majestic face (with broad brow, and clear, honest, loving eye), as it looks down upon the beholder from one of the chapels in the cathedral at granada: a countenance too expressive and individual to be what painters give as that of an angel, and yet the next thing to it. now, i could almost fancy, she looks down reproachfully, and yet with conscious sadness. what she would say in her defence, could we interrogate her, is, that she obeyed the voice of heaven, taking the wise and good men of her day as its interpreters. oh! that she had but persisted in listening to it, as it spoke in her own kindly heart, when with womanly pity she was wont to intercede in favour of the poor cooped-up inmates of some closely beleaguered town or fortress! but at least the poor indian can utter nothing but blessing's on her. he might have needed no other "protector" had she lived; nor would slavery have found in his fate one of the darkest and most fatal chapters in its history. landing in the new world. but now, from granada, and our fancies there, the narrative brings us back to the first land touched by columbus. the landing of columbus in the new world must ever be a conspicuous fact in the annals of mankind, and it was celebrated by a ceremonial worthy of the occasion. on the ensuing morning, after the light had been observed from the ships, being a friday, the 12th of october, 1492, columbus, clad in complete armour, and carrying in his hand the royal banner of spain, descended upon the level shores of the small island [san salvador, one of the bahamas] which had first greeted him, and which he found to be very fruitful--fresh and verdant, and "like a garden full of trees." the other captains accompanied him, each of them bearing a banner with a green cross depicted upon it, and with the initials of ferdinand and isabella surmounted by their respective crowns--a device that well expressed the loyalty and devotion of columbus, and had been chosen by him. these chief officers were followed by a large retinue from their crews. in numerous lines along the shore stood the simple islanders, looking on with innocent amazement. their gratitude. on touching land, columbus and all the spaniards who were present fell upon their knees, and with tears--tears of that deepest kind which men do not know the cause of--poured forth their "immense thanksgivings to almighty god." the man who, of all that embassage, if we may call it so, from the old to the new world, was certainly the least surprised by all he saw, was, at the same time, the most affected. for thus it is, that the boldness of a great design is never fully appreciated by the designer himself until he has apparently accomplished his work, when he is apt, if it be indeed a great work, to look back with shuddering awe at his own audacity in having proposed it to mankind. the vast resolve which has sustained such a man throughout his long and difficult enterprise, having for the moment nothing to struggle against, dies away, leaving a strange sinking at the heart: and thus the greatest successes are often accompanied by a peculiar and bewildering melancholy. new difficulties, however, bred from success (for nothing is complete in life), soon arise to summon forth again the discoverer's energies, and to nerve him for fresh disappointments and renewed endeavours. columbus will not fail to have his full share of such difficulties. general reconcilation. the followers of the great man, whose occasional faintheartedness must often have driven all sleep from his weary eyelids throughout the watches of the night, now began to think with remorse how much suffering they had needlessly inflicted upon their greatly-enduring leader. they sought his pardon with tears, and, subdued for the moment by his greatness when illustrated by success, expressed in loving terms their admiration, their gratitude, and their assurances of fidelity. the placable columbus received their gracious sayings with all the warmth and tenderness that belonged to his large-hearted and amiable character. they take legal possession. the great business of the day then commenced; and columbus, with the due legal formalities, took possession, on behalf of the spanish monarchs, of the island guanahani, which he forthwith named san salvador. the gravity of the proceeding must have astonished the beholding islanders. their attention, however, was soon turned to the spaniards themselves; and they approached the strangers, wondering at their whiteness and at their beards. columbus, as being the noblest looking personage there present, and also from wearing a crimson scarf over his armour, attracted especial attention, and justly seemed, as he was, the principal figure in this great spectacle. columbus is for the present moment radiant with success. our interest passes now from him to the new people he was amongst. and what were they like? were they worthy of the efforts which the old world had made to find them? was there mind and soul enough in them for them to become good christians? what says the greatest of the men who first saw them? what impression did they make on him? let him answer for himself:- "because they had much friendship for us, and because i knew they were people that would deliver themselves better to the christian faith, and be converted more through love than by force, i gave to some of them some coloured caps and some strings of glass beads for their necks, and many other things of little value, with which they were delighted, and were so entirely ours that it was a marvel to see. the same afterwards came swimming to the ship's boats where we were, and brought us parrots, cotton threads in balls, darts and many other things, and bartered them with us for things which we gave them, such as bells and small glass beads. in fine, they took and gave all of whatever they had with good will. but it appeared to me they were a people very poor in everything. they went totally naked, as naked as their mothers brought them into the world." character of the indians. then columbus goes on to say that these indians were well made, with very good countenances, but hair like horsehair, their colour yellow; and that they painted themselves. they neither carried arms, nor understood such things, for when he showed them swords, they took hold of them by the blade, and hurt themselves. their darts were without iron; but some had a fish's tooth at the end. in concluding his description, he says, "they ought to make faithful servants, and of good understanding, for i see that very quickly they repeat all that is said to them, and i believe they would easily be converted to christianity, for it appeared to me that they had no creed." their houses and implements. a little further on, the admiral says of the people of a neighbouring island, that they were more domestic and tractable than those of san salvador, and more intelligent, too, as he saw in their way of reckoning for the payment of the cotton they brought to the ships. at the mouth of the rio de mares, some of the admiral's men, whom he had sent to reconnoitre, brought him word that the houses of the natives were the best they had seen. they were made, he says, like "alfaneques (pavilions), very large, and appeared as royal tents without an arrangement of streets, except one here and there, and within they were very clean, and well swept, and their furniture very well arranged. all these houses were made of palm branches, and were very beautiful. our men found in these houses many statues of women, and several heads fashioned like masks, and very well wrought. i do not know, he adds, whether they have these for the love of the beautiful, or for purposes of worship." the spaniards found also excellent nets, fish-hooks, and fishing-tackle. there were tame birds about the houses, and dogs which did not bark. "mermaids," too, the admiral saw on the coasts, but thought them "not so like ladies as they are painted." speaking of the indians of the coast near the rio del sol, he says that they are "very gentle, without knowing what evil is, neither killing nor stealing." he describes the frank generosity of the people of marien, and the honour they thought it to be asked to give anything, in terms which may remind his readers of the doctrines maintained by christians in respect of giving. discovery of tobacco; its peculiar effects. it is interesting to observe the way in which, at this point of the narrative, a new product is introduced to the notice of the old world, a product that was hereafter to become, not only an unfailing source of pleasure to a large section of the male part of mankind, from the highest to the lowest, but was also to distinguish itself as one of those commodities for revenue, which are the delight of statesmen, the great financial resource of modern nations, and which afford a means of indirect taxation that has, perhaps, nourished many a war, and prevented many a revolution. two discoverers, whom the admiral had sent out from the puerto de mares (one of them being a learned jew, who could speak hebrew, chaldee, and some arabic, and would have been able to discourse, as columbus probably thought, with any of the subjects of the grand khan, if he had met them), found that the men of the country they came to investigate, indulged in a "fumigation" of a peculiar kind. the smoke in question was absorbed into the mouth through a charred stick, and was caused by burning certain herbs wrapped in a dry leaf, which outer covering was called "tabaco." las casas, who carefully describes this process of imbibing smoke, mentions that the indians, when questioned about it, said that it took away fatigue, and that he has known spaniards in the island of hispaniola who adopted the same habit, and who, being reproved for it as a vice, replied that it was not in their power to leave it off. "i do not know," he adds, "what savour or profit they found in them" (tabacos). i cannot help thinking that there were several periods in his own life, when these strange fumigations would have afforded him singular soothing and comfort. however that may be, there can be no doubt of the importance, financially and commercially speaking, of this discovery of tobacco; a discovery which, in the end, proved more productive to the spanish crown, than that of the gold mines of the indies. the excellent relations that existed between the expedition of columbus and the inhabitants of cuba may be seen from the fact that these two christians, who were the first witnesses of tobacco smoking, and who travelled with only two indian attendants, were everywhere well and reverently received. gold ornament's observed. resuming the thread of the history, it remains to be seen what more columbus did and suffered in this voyage. the first indians he met with had some few gold ornaments about them--poor wretches, if they had possessed the slightest gift of prophecy, they would have thrown these baubles into the deepest sea;--and they were asked whence came this gold? from a race, they said, living southwards, where there was a great king, who had much gold. on another occasion, other indians being asked the same question, answered, "cubanacan, cubanacan." they meant the middle of cuba; but their word at once suggested to columbus the idea that he was now upon the traces of his long-looked-for friend, kublai kaan, the khan of khans. indeed, it is almost ludicrous to see, throughout, how columbus is possessed with the notions borrowed from his reading of marco polo and other travellers. he asks for "his cipango," as herrera slily puts it; and the natives at once point out to him the direction where that is. they thought he meant cibao, where afterwards the best mines of gold were found. further explorations. the admiral, bent on discovery, and especially on finding the terra firma, which adjoined "his" india, did not stay long anywhere. proceeding southwards from san salvador, he discovered an island, or rather a group of islands, to which he gave the name of santa maria de la concepcion; he then discovered cuba, and coasted along the northeastern part of that island; and afterwards, in due course, came to hispaniola, called by the natives hayti, in which island he landed upon the territory of king guacanagari where he was received most cordially. various conjectures have been made as to the different results which would have followed, both for the new and for the old world, if columbus had steered a little to the northward, or the southward, of the course which he actually took. one thing, however, is obvious, that in arriving at hispaniola he came to a central point, not only of the west indies, but of the whole of the new world, and a point, therefore, most felicitously situated for the spreading of future discovery and conquest. insubordination of mariners. it may be mentioned here, that martin alonzo pinzon had wilfully parted company from the admiral while on the coast of cuba: covetousness being probably the cause of this most undutiful proceeding. but, indeed, there is another instance of the insubordination of the mariners, which makes the wonder only still greater how columbus could have brought them across the atlantic at all. wreck of admiral's vessel. one evening the admiral, after paying a visit to guacanagari, seeing the sea quite calm, betook himself to rest. as he had not slept for two days and a night, it is probable his slumber was deep. meanwhile, the steersman, contrary to the distinct orders of the admiral, gave the helm to a common sailor, a youth. all the sailors went to sleep. the sea was as calm "as water in a dish." little by little the ship drifted on to a shoal. directly they touch, the sailor-boy at the helm starts from his dream, and gives the alarm. the admiral jumps up first (for the responsibility of command seldom goes quite to sleep); then the officer whose watch it ought to have been hurries up, and the admiral orders him to lower the boat which they carried on the poop, and to throw out all anchor astern. instead of obeying the admiral, this cowardly villain, with others like him, sprang into the boat and made off for the other vessel, which was about half a league off. the other vessel would not receive them, and they rowed back again. but it was too late. the admiral did what he could in the emergency: he cut down the mast, lightened the vessel as best he might, took out his people and went with them to the other caravel, sending his boat to guacanagari to inform him of the misfortune. kindness of indian chief. the good guacanagari was moved to tears by this sad affair. he gave not only sympathy, however, but assistance. his people went out with their canoes, and in a few moments cleared the vessel of all the goods in it. guacanagari was very careful that nothing should be lost. he himself stood guard over the things which had been taken out of the ship. then he sent comforting messages to the admiral, saying that he would give him what he had to make up for the loss. he put all the effects under shelter, and placed guards round them. the wrecker's trade might flourish in cornwall; but, like other crimes of civilization, it was unknown in st. domingo. the admiral was evidently touched to the heart, as well he might be, by the kindness of these indians. he thus expresses himself, "they are a loving, uncovetous people, so docile in all things, that i assure your highnesses i believe in all the world there is not a better people, or a better country; they love their neighbours as themselves, and they have the sweetest and gentlest way of talking in the world, and always with a smile." a colony founded. the admiral resolved to found a colony in guacanagari's land, "having found such good will and such signs of gold." in relating this, the spanish historian, herrera, makes some curious reflections. he looks upon the loss of the vessel as providential, in order that the true faith might be preached in that country. then he says, how providence causes its work to be done, not on high motives only, but also on the ordinary ones which influence mankind. he concludes by observing that providence dealt with the indians as a prudent father who has an ugly daughter, but makes up for her ugliness by the help of a large dowry. by the ugliness in this case he means the seas to be traversed, the hunger to be endured, and the labours to be undertaken, which he considers no other nation but the spaniards would have encountered, even with the hope of greater booty. with the timber of the unfortunate "santa maria" columbus built a fort, and called it la navidad, because he entered the port near there, on christmas-day. he remained on very friendly terms with the good cacique guacanagari; and might have established himself most advantageously in that part of the country, if he could have been content, to be a settler. the admiral returns. but from the first moment of his discovery he doubtless had an anxious desire to get back to spain, and to tell what he knew; and at times, perhaps, was fearful lest his grand secret, through some mischance to the expedition, should still perish with him. the great discoverer, therefore, now prepared to return homewards. he left his fort in trust to a small body of his followers,[12] whom he commended to the good offices of guacanagari, not forgetting to impress upon them the excellent advice, to do no violence to man or woman, and, in short, to make their actions conformable to the idea (which the indians first entertained of them) that they had come from heaven: then, having received the necessary provisions for his vessel from the friendly cacique, the admiral set sail for spain on the 4th of january, 1493. [footnote 12: they were forty in number, and it would be strange to find, but for the well-known fact that nothing brings men of different races together more than maritime and commercial enterprise, that, in this small list there is an irishman, "guillermo ires" (qy. william herries, or rice) "natural de galney, en irlanda;" and an englishman, "tallarte de lajes" (qy. arthur lake) "ingles."--navareete, col. dip., num. 13.] chapter v. homeward bound. pinzon's explanation. for two days columbus stood to the east-ward, but was met by a head-wind which prevented him from making much progress. on doubling the promontory of monte christo, however, the look-out at the mast-head made an announcement which was worth more than a fair wind to the voyagers, since it assured them that the homeward voyage of the "nina" was not to be made without a consort; that the chance of the tidings of success being safely conveyed to europe was not to depend upon the fortunes of a single ship. for, sailing down swiftly before the breeze which had detained columbus, the "pinta" hove in sight and the two vessels steered together into the bay of monte christo, which columbus had recently quitted. pinzon, as soon as the weather permitted, went on board the admiral's caravel to account for his desertion, which he stated to have been the accidental result of a storm which had driven him out of his course and out of sight of his leader. the admiral accepted this explanation, as a quarrel with pinzon, whose townsmen and relations formed a large proportion of the crews, might cause a mutiny which would be fatal to the undertaking; but he did not fail to note in his diary his conviction of pinzon's bad faith. the fact was, that pinzon had heard from the natives of a certain island, whence all the gold was said to come, and he had wished to anticipate columbus in the discovery of this el dorado, and to secure the profits for himself. he had not found this home of the gold, but had met with some natives from whom he had obtained, by barter, a large quantity of the precious metal. half of this he had appropriated: the other half he had distributed among his crew as a bribe to them to say nothing about the matter. affray with aborigines. after a few days spent in refitting the vessels, and preparing for the homeward voyage, the nina. and her consort again set sail, coasting st. domingo in an easterly direction as far as the gulf of samana. it was in this neighbourhood that the first affray with the aborigines took place, in consequence of an attack made by them upon an exploring expedition which columbus had sent out. but so anxious was he to preserve a good understanding with the natives, that he did not leave the scene of the encounter until he had come to an amicable agreement with them. another instance of the wise and humane policy by which he was actuated, is to be found in the fact, that on discovering that pinzon had carried on board six natives to be taken to spain, and there sold as slaves, he insisted on their release, dismissing them, moreover, with presents of such glittering toys as their kinsmen would be likely to appreciate, and as might predispose them in favour of the europeans. search for amazonians. on the 16th of january, columbus left the gulf of samana on his homeward course, from which, however, he deviated at first in the hope of finding the island, peopled with amazons, described by marco polo, of which he had understood the natives of st. domingo to give him intelligence. such a discovery would be, he considered, a conclusive proof of the identity of his new country with marco polo's indies, and when four natives offered to act as his guides, he thought it worth while to steer (in the direction of martinique) in quest of the fabulous amazonians. but the breeze blew towards spain; home-sickness took possession of the crews; murmurs arose at the prolongation of the voyage among the currents and reefs of those strange seas; and, in deference to the universal wish of his companions, columbus soon abandoned all idea of further discovery, and resumed his course for europe. storm encountered. at first the voyage was tranquil enough, though the adverse trade-winds, and the bad sailing of the pinta,[13] retarded the progress of both vessels. [footnote 13: this was occasioned by the defective condition of her mast, whereupon the admiral remarks in his diary, that "if pinzon had exerted himself as much to provide himself with a new mast in the indies, where there are so many fine trees, as he had in running away from him in the hope of loading his vessel with gold, they would not have laboured under that inconvenience."] but on the 12th of february a storm overtook them, and became more and more furious, until, on the 14th, it rose to a hurricane, before which pinzon's vessel could only drift helplessly, while the nina was able to set a close-reefed foresail, which kept her from being buried in the trough of the sea. in the evening both caravels were scudding under bare poles, and when darkness fell, and the signal light of the "pinta" gleamed farther and farther off, through the blinding spray, until at last it could be seen no more, when his panic-stricken crew gave themselves up to despair, as the winds howled louder and louder, and the seas burst over his frail vessel--then, indeed, without a single skilled navigator to advise or to aid him, columbus must have felt himself alone with the tempest and the night. but his brave heart bore him up, and his wonderful capacity for devising expedients on sudden emergencies did not forsake him. as the stores were consumed, the nina felt the want of the ballast which columbus had intended to take on board at the amazonian island. "fill the empty casks with water," he said, "and let them serve as ballast," an expedient which has grown common enough now, but which then was probably original. the promised pilgramage nor, while he did all that human skill could suggest for the safety of his vessel, did columbus neglect to invoke the aid of that higher power, at whose special instigation he believed himself to have undertaken the expedition. with his whole crew he drew lots to choose one of their number to perform a pilgrimage to the shrine of our lady of guadaloupe. the admiral was chosen. twice more were lots drawn with a similar object, and once again the lot fell to the admiral. afterwards, he and all the crew made a vow to go in procession, clothed in penitential garments, to the first church, dedicated to the virgin, which they should meet with on arriving at land; and this vow, as we shall see presently, was followed by quite unexpected consequences. narrative inclosed in cask. when the chances of weathering the storm had become small indeed, columbus determined that, if possible, the tidings of his discovery should not perish with him. he wrote a short account of his voyage on parchment, and this he enclosed in wax, and placed in a cask,[14] which he committed to the waves. thinking, probably, that his crew would interpret this as an abandonment of all hope, he concealed from them the real nature of the contents of the cask, so that they believed that their commander was performing some religious rite which might assuage the fury of the elements. [footnote 14: about the year 1852 a paragraph went the round of the english press announcing the discovery of this cask on the african coast, by the barque "chieftain," of boston (mass). lamartine has accepted this story as correct, but it has never been authenticated, and there is a strong presumption in favour of its having been invented by some ingeniously circumstantial newspaper correspondent.] the pilgrims captured. on the 15th of february the storm abated to some extent, and at last they came in sight of some land on the e.n.e., which the pilots held to be the rock of lisbon, but which the admiral more accurately determined to be one of the azores. vainly endeavouring, however, to make head against the wind and the sea, they lost sight of this island, but came in sight of another, lying more to the south, round which they sailed on the night of the 17th, but lost an anchor in endeavouring to bring up near the land. on the following day they cast anchor, and succeeded in communicating with the inhabitants, from whom they learned that they had reached the island of st. mary, belonging to the portuguese. the governor sent amicable messages to columbus, and announced his intention of visiting him. but when, in fulfilment of their vow, half the crew went, barefoot and in their shirts, on a pilgrimage to the chapel of st. mary, which was not far from the harbour, the governor and his satellites lay in ambush on the road, and captured the whole band of pilgrims. the crowns of portugal and castile were still at peace, but it appears that this "man, dressed in a little brief authority," thought that the capture would gratify his sovereign. the remonstrances of the admiral were of no avail; and as the weather would not allow of his remaining in his present anchorage, he was forced to stand out to sea, and to run nearly to st. michael's, with a crew which comprised only three able seamen. on the 21st of february he returned to st. mary's, and eventually, as the governor was unable to seize columbus himself, he decided on recognizing the royal commission which he produced, and restoring his crew. on the 24th the "nina" again steered for spain, but another tempest supervened, and continued with more or less fury for more than a week. arrival in the tagus. in this last storm, which raged with destructive violence along the west coast of the whole continent of europe, and which drove the "pinta" almost helplessly towards a lee-shore, the dangers of the voyage reached their climax. "i escaped," says the admiral, "by the greatest miracle in the world." fortunately, however, his seamanship was equal to the emergency, and on the afternoon of the fourth of march he came to anchor in the tagus. to the king of portugal, who happened to be at no great distance, he sent a despatch announcing his arrival and the result of his voyage, and, in reply, received a pressing invitation to court. with this he thought proper to comply, "in order not to show mistrust, although he disliked it," and was received by the king with the highest honours. this must have been almost too much of a triumph for a generous mind, considering that the court before which he was displaying the signs of a new world had refused the opportunity of securing the discovery for itself. the king, however, now took occasion to put in a claim to the newly found countries, basing it on that papal bull which has been mentioned in a previous chapter but, although columbus, in the interest of his sovereigns, took care to repudiate this claim as decidedly as possible, his royal host continued to entertain him with the utmost consideration. reception at palos. possibly mistrusting the seamanship of his subordinates, columbus refused the offer of safe conduct and means of transport to spain by land; and on the 13th of march, in the teeth of a north-westerly wind and a heavy sea, left the tagus for the bar of saltes, and safely reached his startingpoint at palos on the 15th, again a friday. the enthusiasm and excitement aroused by the success of the expedition were unbounded. at palos, especially, where few families had not a personal interest in some of the band of explorers, the little community was filled with extraordinary delight. not an individual member of the expedition but was elevated into a hero,--not a debtor or a criminal whom the charter of immunity had led, rather than bear the ills he had, to fly to others that he knew not of,-but had expiated his social misdeeds, and had become a person of consideration and an object of enthusiasm. the court was at barcelona. immediately on his arrival columbus despatched a letter to the king and queen, stating in general terms the success of his project; and proceeded forthwith to present himself in person to their highnesses. bad faith of pinzon. almost at the same time, the "pinta," which had been separated from her consort in the first storm which they encountered, made the port of bayonne, whence pinzon had forwarded a letter to the sovereigns, announcing "his" discoveries, and proposing to come to court and give full intelligence as to them. columbus, whom he probably supposed to have perished at sea, he seems to have ignored utterly, and when he received a reply from the king and queen, directing him not to go to court without the admiral, chagrin and grief overcame him to such an extent that he took to his bed; and if any man ever died from mental distress and a broken heart, that man was martin alonzo pinzon. solemn reception. herrera tells us that the admiral now "entered into the greatest reputation," and the historian goes on to explain to his readers what the meaning of "reputation" is. "it does not consist," he tells us, "in success, but in doing something which cannot be easily comprehended, which compels men to think over and over again about it." and certainly, this definition makes the word particularly applicable to the achievement of columbus. the court prepared a solemn reception for the admiral at barcelona, where the people poured out in such numbers to see him that the streets could not contain them. a triumphal procession like his the world had not yet seen: it was a thing to make the most incurious alert, and even the sad and solitary student content to come out and mingle with the mob. the captives that accompanied a roman general's car might be strange barbarians of a tribe from which rome had not before had slaves. but barbarians were not unknown creatures. here, with columbus, were beings of a new world. here was the conqueror, not of man but of nature, not of flesh and blood but of the fearful unknown, of the elements, and, more than all, of the prejudices of centuries. we may imagine the rumours that must have gone before his coming. and now he was there. ferdinand and isabella had their thrones placed in the presence of the assembled court. columbus approached the monarchs, and then, "his countenance beaming with modest satisfaction," knelt at the king's feet, and begged leave to kiss their highnesses' hands. they gave their hands; then they bade him rise and be seated before them. he recounted briefly the events of his voyage--a story more interesting than the tale told in the court of dido by aeneas, like whom he had almost perished close to home, and he concluded his unpretending narrative by showing what new things and creatures he had brought with him. marks of approbation. ferdinand and isabella fell on their knees, giving thanks to god with many tears; and then the choristers of the royal chapel closed the grand ceremonial by singing the "te deum." afterwards men walked home grave and yet happy, having seen the symbol of a great work, something to be thought over for many a generation. other marks of approbation for columbus were not wanting. the agreement between him and the sovereigns was confirmed. an appropriate coat of arms, then a thing of much significance, was granted to him in augmentation of his own. in the shield are conspicuously emblazoned the royal arms of castile and leon. nothing can better serve to show the immense favour which columbus had obtained at court by his discovery than such a grant; and it is but a trifling addition to make, in recounting his now honours, that the title of don was given to him and his descendants, and also to his brothers. he rode by the king's side; was served at table as a grandee; "all hail!" was said to him on state occasions; and the men of his age, happy in that, had found out another great man to honour. grant by the pope. the more prosaic part of the business had then to be attended to. the sovereigns applied to the pope alexander the sixth, to confer on the crowns of castile and leon the lands discovered and to be discovered in the indies. to this application they soon received a favourable answer. the pope granted to the princes of castile and leon, and to their successors, the sovereign empire and principality of the indies, and of the navigation there, with high and royal jurisdiction and imperial dignity and lordship over all that hemisphere. to preserve the peace between spain and portugal, the pontiff divided the spanish and portuguese indian sovereignties by an imaginary line drawn from pole to pole, one hundred leagues west of the azores and the cape de verde islands. second voyage planned. meanwhile the preparations were being made for a second voyage to be undertaken by the admiral. after the arrival of the apostolic bulls, and before the departure of columbus from barcelona, the nine indians brought by him were baptized. here, parenthetically, we may take note of something which, if the fact did correspond with what the spaniards thought about it, would, indeed, be notable. one of the indians, after being baptized, died, and was, we are told,[herrera] the first of that nation, according to pious belief, who entered heaven. we cannot help thinking of the hospitable and faithful guacanagari, and imagining that, if his race had been like him, some one might already have reached the regions of the blessed. i do not, however, refer to this passage of herrera for its boldness or its singularity, but because it brings before us again the profound import attached to baptism in those times, and may help to account for many seeming inconsistencies in the conduct of the spaniards to the indians. colonial department. in the conduct, however, of ferdinand and isabella towards the indians there was nothing equivocal, but all that they did showed the tenderness and religious care of these monarchs for their new subjects. a special department for the control of colonial affairs was placed under the charge of juan de fonseca, an eminent ecclesiastic who was high in the royal favour, and on whom was eventually conferred the title of patriarch of the indies. but, unfortunately for the poor savages whose fate he was now to influence so largely, fonseca's character had in it but little of the mild and forbearing spirit of christianity. a shrewd man of business, a hard task-master, an implacable enemy, he displayed, during his long administration of indian affairs, all the qualities of an unscrupulous tyrant, and was instrumental in inflicting on the islanders keener miseries than ever have been brought by conqueror upon a subject race. home of the gold. jealous of the rivalry of portugal, the sovereigns took every means of hastening the preparations for a second voyage to be undertaken by the admiral. twelve caravels and five smaller vessels were made ready, and were laden with horses and other animals, and with plants, seeds, and agricultural implements for the cultivation of the new countries. artificers of various trades were engaged, and a quantity of merchandize and gaudy trifles, fit for bartering with the natives, were placed on board. there was no need to press men into the service now; volunteers for the expedition were only too numerous. the fever for discovery was universal. columbus was confident that he had been on the outskirts of cathay, and that the scriptural land of havilah, the home of gold, was not far off. untold riches were to be acquired, and probably there was not one of the 1500 persons who took ship in the squadron that did not anticipate a prodigious fortune as the reward of the voyage. nor was one of the great objects of these discoveries uncared for. twelve missionaries, eager to enlighten the spiritual darkness of the western lands, were placed under the charge of bernard buil, a benedictine monk, who was specially appointed by the pope, in order to ensure an authorized teaching of the faith, to superintend the religious education of the indians. the admiral's instructions. the instructions to columbus, dated the 29th of may, 1493, are the first strokes upon that obdurate mass of colonial difficulty which at last, by incessant working of great princes, great churchmen, and great statesmen, was eventually to be hammered into some righteous form of wisdom and of mercy. in the course of these instructions, the admiral is ordered to labour in all possible ways to bring the dwellers in the indies to a knowledge of the holy catholic faith. and that this may the more easily be done, all the armada is to be charged to deal "lovingly" with the indians; the admiral is to make them presents, and to "honour them much;" and if by chance any person or persons should treat the indians ill, in any manner whatever, the admiral is to chastise such ill-doers severely. even at this early period of his administration, fonseca appears to have made some attempts to thwart the admiral's wishes, attempts which columbus, now at the zenith of royal favour, had no difficulty in baffling. as regards the household, for instance, fonseca demurred to the number of footmen which the admiral proposed for his domestic establishment. the admiral appealed to the sovereigns, who allowed his claim, and reproved fonseca for objecting. chapter vi. second voyage of discovery. on the 25th of september, all the preparations being complete, the squadron left cadiz for the canary islands, and, after taking in provisions there, sailed from ferro on the 13th of october. the voyage was singularly prosperous. there was but one storm, and that of not more than a few hours' duration; and favouring breezes wafted them over calm seas with a rapidity that brought the ships within sight of land on the 3rd of november, having made the voyage "by the goodness of god, and the wise management of the admiral, in as straight a track as if they had sailed by a well-known and frequented route." it was sunday, and accordingly the name of dominica was given to the first island to which the admiral came. island of guadaloupe. from dominica, where no aborigines were found, the admiral stood northward, naming one small island maria galante, after his own flagship, and calling a second and much larger one guadaloupe, after a certain monastery in estramadura. this island was peopled by a race of cannibals; and, in the houses of the natives, human flesh was found roasting at the fire. an exploring party from one of the ships penetrated into the interior, but so thickly was it wooded that they lost their way in the jungle, and only regained the ships after four days' wanderings, and when their safety was despaired of by their companions, who feared that they had become food for the savages. fortunately, however, the men of the island were absent on some warlike expedition, and the white men only met with women and children in the course of their dangerous explorations. destruction of la navidad. anxious to revisit the colony at la navidad, the admiral proceeded north-westward as speedily as possible, and after passing and naming montserrat, antigua, st. martin, and santa cruz, arrived at a beautiful and fertile island which he called st. john, but which has since received the name of porto rico. here were found houses and roads constructed after a civilized fashion; but proofs that the inhabitants were cannibals abounded everywhere. on the 22nd of november the admiral reached the eastern end of hispaniola, and sailed along the northern shore toward la navidad, where a profound disappointment awaited him. the little colony which he had founded had been entirely destroyed. the fort was razed to the ground. not one of the settlers was alive to tell the tale. licentiousness of settlers. the account which guacanagari gave to columbus, and which there seems no reason to doubt, is, that the spanish who had been left at la navidad took to evil courses, quarrelled amongst themselves, straggled about the country, and finally were set upon, when weak and few in numbers, by a neighbouring indian chief named caonabo, who burned the tower and killed or dispersed the garrison, none of whom were ever discovered. it was in caonabo's country that the gold mines were reported to exist, and it is probable that both the cupidity and the profligacy of the colonists were so gross as to draw down upon them the not unreasonable vengeance of the natives. guacanagari, the friendly cacique, who had received the admiral amicably on his first voyage, declared that he and his tribe had done their utmost in defence of the europeans, in proof of which he exhibited recent wounds which had evidently been inflicted by savage weapons. he was, naturally, scarcely so friendly as before, but communication with him was made easy by the aid of one of the indians whom columbus had taken to spain, and who acted as interpreter. guacanagari was willing that a second fort should be built on the site of the first, but the admiral thought it better to seek a new locality, both because the position of the old fort had been unhealthy, and because the disgusting licentiousness of the settlers had offended the indians to such an extent that whereas they had at first regarded the white men as angels from heaven, now they considered them as debased profligates and disturbers of the peace, against whom they had to defend their honour and their lives. colony founded at isabella. sailing along the coast of hayti, columbus selected a site for his projected settlement, about forty miles to the east of the present cape haytien. this he called isabella, after his royal mistress. here the ships of his squadron discharged their stores, and the spaniards laboured actively in the construction of the first town built by europeans in the new world. but the work did not progress prosperously. diseases prevailed among the colonists. the fatigues and discomforts of a long sea voyage were not the best preparations for hard physical labour. the number of men which the admiral had brought out with him was disproportionate to his means of sustaining them. provisions and medicines began to fail. and, worst of all, none of the golden dreams were realized, under the influence of which they had left spain. only small samples of the precious metal could be procured from the natives, and the vaguely indicated gold mines of cibao had not been reached. anxiety, responsibility, and labour began to tell upon the iron constitution of the admiral, and for some time he was stretched upon a bed of sickness. columbus despatch to the court of spain. some idea of the difficulties which had to be encountered at this period may be conceived from an account of the state of his colony which columbus sent home in january 1494. it is in the form of instructions to a certain antonio de torres, the receiver of the colony, who was to proceed to the court of spain and inform the monarchs of such things as were written in these instructions, and doubtless to elucidate them by discourse, as in the present day we send a despatch to be read by an ambassador to the foreign minister of the power we are treating with. there remains a copy, made at the time, of this document, and of the notes in the margin containing the resolutions of the sovereigns. the original, thus noted, was taken back to columbus. it is a most valuable document, very illustrative of the cautious and wise dealing of the catholic sovereigns. the document begins with the usual strain of complimentary address to great personages, "their highnesses hold it for good service" is the marginal remark. the next paragraph consists of a general statement of the discoveries that have been made. "their highnesses give much thanks to god, and hold as very honoured service all that the admiral has done." then follow the admiral's reasons why he has not been able to send home more gold. his people have been ill: it was necessary to keep guard, &c. "he has done well" is in the margin. he suggests the building of a fortress near the place where gold can be got. their highnesses approve; and the note in the margin is, "this is well, and so it must be done." then comes a paragraph about provisions, and a marginal order from the sovereigns, "that juan de fonseca is to provide for that matter." again, there comes another paragraph about provisions, complaining, amongst other things, that the casks, in which the wine for the armada had been put, were leaky. their highnesses make an order in the margin, "that juan de fonseca is to find out the persons who played this cheat with the wine casks, and to make good from their pockets the loss, and to see that the canes" (sugar canes for planting, possibly) "are good, and that all that is here asked for, be provided immediately." castilian interpreters. so far, nothing can run more pleasantly with the main document than the notes in the margin. columbus now touches upon a matter which intimately concerns the subject of slavery. he desires his agent to inform their highnesses that he has sent home some indians from the cannibal islands as slaves, to be taught castilian, and to serve afterwards as interpreters, so that the work of conversion may go on. his arguments in support of this proceeding are weighty. he speaks of the good that it will be to take these people away from cannibalism and to have them baptized, for so they will gain their souls, as he expresses it. then, too, with regard to the other indians, he remarks, "we shall have great credit from them, seeing that we can capture and make slaves of these cannibals, of whom they (the peaceable indians) entertain so great a fear." such arguments must be allowed to have much force in them; and it may be questioned whether many of those persons who, in these days, are the strongest opponents of slavery, would then have had that perception of the impending danger of its introduction which the sovereigns appear to have entertained, from their answer to this part of the document. "this is very well, and so it must be done; but let the admiral see whether it could not be managed there" (i.e. in the cannibal islands) "that they should be brought to our holy catholic faith, and the same thing with the indians of those islands where he is." slavery proposed. the admiral's despatch goes much further: in the next paragraph he boldly suggests that, for the advantage of the souls of these cannibal indians, the more of them that could be taken the better; and that, considering what quantities of live-stock and other things are required for the maintenance of the colony, a certain number of caravels should be sent each year with these necessary things, and the cargoes be paid for in slaves taken from amongst the cannibals. he touches again on the good that will be done to the cannibals themselves; alludes to the customs duties that their highnesses may levy upon them; and concludes by desiring antonio de torres to send, or bring, an answer, "because the preparations here (for capturing these cannibals) may be carried on with more confidence, if the scheme seem good to their highnesses." the proposal rejected. at the same time that we must do columbus the justice to believe that his motives were right in his own eyes, it must be admitted that a more distinct suggestion for the establishment of a slave-trade was never proposed. to their honour, ferdinand and isabella thus replied: "as regards this matter, it is suspended for the present, until there come some other way of doing it there, and let the admiral write what he thinks of this." this is rather a confused answer, as often happens, when a proposition from a valued friend or servant is disapproved of, but has to be rejected kindly. the catholic sovereigns would have been very glad to have received some money from the indies: money was always welcome to king ferdinand; the purchase of wine, seeds, and cattle for the colonists had hitherto proved anything but a profitable outlay; the prospect of conversion was probably dear to the hearts of both these princes, certainly to one of them: but still this proposition for the establishment of slavery was wisely and magnanimously set aside. fort st. thomas founded. while antonio de torres was absent from hispaniola, laying these propositions before los reyes, columbus was busy about the affairs of the colony, which were in a most distracted state. scant fare and hard work were having their effect; sickness pervaded the whole armament; and men of all ranks and stations, hidalgoes, people of the court and ecclesiastics, were obliged to labour manually under regulations strictly enforced. the rage and vexation of these men, many of whom had come out with the notion of finding gold ready for them on the sea shore, may be imagined; and complaints of the admiral's harsh way of dealing with those under him (probably no harsher than was absolutely necessary to save them), now took their rise, and pursued him ever after to his ruin. a mutiny, headed by bernal diaz, a man high in authority, was detected and quelled before the mutineers could effect their intention of seizing the ships. diaz was sent for trial to spain. the colonists, however, were somewhat cheered after a time by hearing of gold mines, and seeing specimens of ore brought from thence; and the admiral went himself and founded the fort of st. thomas, in the mining district of cibao. but the spaniards gained very little real advantage from these gold mines, which they began to work before they had consolidated around them the means of living; in fact, dealing with the mines of hispaniola as if they had been discovered in an old country, where the means of transit and, supplies of provisions can, with certainty, be procured. desire for discovery. there was also another evil, besides that of inconsiderate mining, and, perhaps, quite as mischievous a one, which stood in the way of the steady improvement of these early spanish colonies. the catholic sovereigns had unfortunately impressed upon columbus their wish that he should devote himself to further discovery, a wish but too readily adopted and furthered by his enterprising spirit. the hankering of the spanish monarchs for further discovery was fostered by their jealousy of the portuguese. the portuguese were making their way towards india, going eastward. they, the spaniards, thought they were discovering india, going westward. the more rapidly, therefore, each nation could advance and plant its standard, the more of much-coveted india it would hereafter be able to claim. acting upon such views, columbus now proceeded onwards, bent upon further discovery, notwithstanding that his little colonies at isabella and st. thomas must have needed all his sagacity to protect them, and all his authority to restrain them. a council appointed. he nominated a council to manage the government during his absence, with his brother don diego as president of it; he appointed a certain don pedro margarite as captain-general; and then put to sea on the 24th of april, 1494. chapter vii. in the course of the voyage that then ensued, the admiral made many important discoveries, amongst them jamaica, and the cluster of little islands called the "garden of the queen." the navigation amongst these islands was so difficult, that the admiral is said to have been thirty-two days without sleeping. certain it is, that after he had left the island called la mona, and when he was approaching the island of san juan, a drowsiness, which las casas calls "pestilential," but which might reasonably be attributed to the privations, cares, and anxieties which the admiral had now undergone for many months, seized upon him, and entirely deprived him for a time of the use of his senses. the object in going to san juan was to capture cannibals there, and las casas looks upon this lethargical attack as a judgment upon the admiral for so unjust a manner of endeavouring to introduce christianity. the mariners turned the fleet homewards to isabella, where they arrived the 29th of september, 1494, bearing with them their helpless commander. illness of columbus. on columbus's arrival at isabella, where he remained ill for five months, he found his brother, bartholomew columbus, whose presence gladdened him exceedingly. his brothers were very dear to the admiral, as may be gathered from a letter to his eldest son diego, in which he bids him make much of his brother ferdinand, the son of beatrice, "for," says he, "ten brothers would not be too many for you. i have never found better friends, on my right hand and on my left, than my brothers." afterwards came antonio de torres with provisions, and all things needful for the colony. but nothing, we are told, delighted the admiral so much as the despatches from court, for he was a faithful, loyal man, who loved to do his duty to those who employed him, and to have his faithfulness recognized. disorganization of the colony. peace or delight, however, was not at any time to be long enjoyed by columbus. he found his colony in a sad state of disorganization: the indians were in arms against the spaniards; and father buil, don pedro margarite, and other principal persons had gone home to spain in the ship which had brought bartholomew columbus. the admiral, before his departure, had given a most injudicious command to margarite, namely, to put himself at the head of four hundred men and go through the country, with the twofold object of impressing upon the natives a respect for the power of the spaniards, and of freeing the colony from supporting these four hundred men. the instructions to margarite were, to observe the people and the natural productions of the country through which he should pass; to do rigorous justice, so that the spaniards should be prevented from injuring the indians, or the indians the spaniards; to treat the indians kindly; to obtain provisions by purchase, if possible, if not, by any other means; and to capture caonabo and his brothers, either by force or artifice. oppression of indians. the proceedings of the men under margarite were similar to those of the spaniards formerly left at la navidad. they went straggling over the country: they consumed the provisions of the poor indians, astonishing them by their voracious appetites; waste, rapine, injury and insult followed in their steps; and from henceforth there was but little hope of the two races living peaceably together in those parts, at least upon equal terms. the indians were now swarming about the spaniards with hostile intent: as a modern historian describes the situation, "they had passed from terror to despair;" and but for the opportune arrival of the admiral, the spanish settlements in hispaniola might again have been entirely swept away. caonabo, the cacique who, in former days, had put to death the garrison at la navidad, was now threatening that of st. thomas, the fort which the admiral had caused to be built in the mining district of cibao. guatignana, the cacique of macorix, who had killed eight spanish soldiers and set fire to a house where there were forty ill, was now within two days' march of isabella, besieging the fort of magdalena. columbus started up forthwith, went off to magdalena, engaged the indians, and routed them utterly. transmission of slaves, he took a large part of them for slaves, and reduced to obedience the whole of the province of macorix. returning to isabella, he sent back, on the 24th of february, 1495, the four ships which antonio de torres had brought out, chiefly laden with indian slaves. it is rather remarkable that the very ships which brought that admirable reply from ferdinand and isabella to columbus, begging him to seek some other way to christianity than through slavery, even for wild man-devouring caribs, should come back full of slaves taken from amongst the wild islanders of hispaniola. caonabo, not daunted by the fate of guatignana, still continued to molest st. thomas. the admiral accordingly sallied out with two hundred men against this cacique. on the broad plains of the vega real the spaniards found an immense number of indians collected together, amounting, it is said, to one hundred thousand men. the admiral divided his forces into two bands, giving the command of one to his brother bartholomew, and leading the other himself; and when the brothers made an attack upon the indians at the same time from different quarters, this numerous host was at once and utterly put to flight. in speaking of such a defeat, the modern reader must not be lavish of the words "cowardly," "pusillanimous," and the like, until, at least, he has well considered what it is to expose naked bodies to firearms, to the charge of steel-clad men on horseback, and to the clinging ferocity of bloodhounds. slaughrter of natives. a "horrible carnage" ensued upon the flight of the indians. many of them, less fortunate, perhaps, than those who were slain, being taken alive, were condemned to slavery. caonabo, however, who was besieging the fortress of st. thomas at the time of the battle on the vega real, remained untaken. the admiral resolved to secure the person of this cacique by treachery; and sent ojeda (who afterwards became a conspicuous actor in the sad drama of conquest and depopulation in the west indies) to cajole caonabo into coming to a friendly meeting. there are some curious instructions of columbus's to margarite in 1494, respecting a plot to take this formidable caonabo. they are as thoroughly base and treacherous as can well be imagined. this time the admiral's plan was completely successful. cunning capture of indian chief. the story which was current in the colonies, of the manner in which ojeda captured the resolute indian chief, is this. ojeda carried with him gyves and manacles, the latter of the kind called by the spaniards, somewhat satirically, esposas (wives), and all made of brass or steel, finely wrought, and highly polished. the metals of spain were prized by the indians in the same way that the gold of the indies was by the spaniards. moreover, amongst the indians, there was a strange rumour of talking brass, that arose from their listening to the church bell at isabella, which, summoning the spaniards to mass, was thought by the simple indians to converse with them. indeed the natives of hispaniola held the spanish metals in such estimation that they applied to them an indian word, turey, which seems to have signified anything that descends from heaven. when, therefore, ojeda brought these ornaments to caonabo, and told him they were biscayan turey, and that they were a great present from the admiral, and that he would show him how to put them on, and that when they were put on caonabo should set himself on ojeda's horse and be shown to his admiring subjects, as, ojeda said, the kings of spain were wont to show themselves to theirs, the incautious indian is said to have fallen entirely into the trap. going with ojeda, accompanied by only a small escort, to a river a short distance from his main encampment. caonabo, after performing ablutions, suffered the crafty young spaniard to put the heaven-descended fetters on him, and to set him upon the horse. ojeda himself got up behind the indian prince, and then whirling a few times round, like a pigeon before it takes its determined flight, making the followers of caonabo imagine that this was but display, (they all the while keeping at a respectful distance from the horse, an animal they much dreaded,) he darted off for isabella, and after great fatigues, now keeping to the main track, now traversing the woods in order to evade pursuit, brought caonabo bound into the presence of columbus. the unfortunate cacique was afterwards sent to spain [he died on the voyage, however.] to be judged there; and his forces were presently put to flight by a troop of spaniards under the command of this same ojeda. some were killed; some taken prisoners; some fled to the forests and the mountains; some yielded, "offering themselves to the service of the christians, if they would allow them to live in their own ways." gold tribute imposed. never, perhaps, were little skirmishes, for such they were on the part of the spaniards, of greater permanent importance than those above narrated, which took place in the early part of the year 1495. they must be looked upon as the origin in the indies of slavery, vassalage, and the system of repartimientos. we have seen that the admiral, after his first victory, sent off four ships with slaves to spain. he now took occasion to impose a tribute upon the whole population of hispaniola. it was thus arranged. every indian above fourteen years old, who was in the provinces of the mines, or near to these provinces, was to pay every three months a little bellful of gold; all other persons in the island were to pay at the same time an arroba of cotton for each person. certain brass or copper tokens were made--different ones for each tribute time--and were given to the indians when they paid tribute and these tokens, being worn about their necks, were to show who had paid tribute. remarkable indian scheme. a remarkable proposal was made upon this occasion to the admiral by guarionex, cacique of the vega real, namely, that he would institute a huge farm for the growth of corn and the manufacture of bread, stretching from isabella to st. domingo (i. e. from sea to sea) which would suffice to maintain all castile with bread. the cacique would do this on condition that his vassals were not to pay tribute in gold, as they did not know how to collect that. but this proposal was not accepted, because columbus wished to have tribute in such things as he could send over to spain. this tribute is considered to have been a most unreasonable one in point of amount, and columbus was obliged to modify his demands upon these poor indians, and in some instances to change the nature of them. it appears that, in 1496, service instead of tribute was demanded of certain indian villages; and as the villagers were ordered to make (and work) the farms in the spanish settlements, this may be considered as the beginning of the system of repartimientos, or encomiendas, as they were afterwards called. views of columbus on slavery. we must not, however, suppose that indian slavery would not have taken place by means of columbus, even if these uprisings and defeats of the indians in the course of the year 1495 had never occurred. very early indeed we see what the admiral's views were with regard to the indians. in the diary which he kept of his first voyage, on the 14th of october, three days after discovering the new world, he describes a position which he thinks would be a very good one for a fort; and he goes on to say, "i do not think that it (the fort) will be necessary, for this people is very simple in the use of arms (as your highnesses will see from seven of them that i have taken in order to bring them to you, to learn our language and afterwards to take them back); so that when your highnesses command, you can have them all taken to castille or kept in the island as captives." columbus was not an avaricious, nor a cruel man; and certainly he was a very pious one; but early in life he had made voyages along the coast of africa, and he was accustomed to a slave trade. moreover, he was anxious to reduce the expenses of these indian possessions to the catholic sovereigns, to prove himself in the right as to all he had said respecting the advantages that would flow to spain from the indies, and to confute his enemies at court. those who have read the instructions to columbus given by the catholic monarchs will naturally be curious to know how the news of the arrival of these vessels laden with slaves, the fruit of the admiral's first victory over the indians, was received by the sovereigns, recollecting how tender they had been about slavery before. this, however, was a very different case from the former one. here were people taken in what would be called rebellion--prisoners of war. still we find that ferdinand and isabella were heedful in their proceedings in this matter. there is a letter of theirs to bishop fonseca, who managed indian affairs, telling him to withhold receiving the money for the sale of these indians that torres had brought with him until their highnesses should be able to inform themselves from men learned in the law, theologians and canonists, whether with a good conscience these indians could be ordered to be sold or not. the historian munoz, who has been indefatigable in his researches amongst the documents relating to spanish america, declares that he cannot find that the point was decided; and if he has failed, we are not likely to discover any direct evidence about the decision. we shall hereafter, however, find something which may enable us to conjecture what the decision practically came to be. distress of natives. many of the so-called free indians in hispaniola had, perhaps, even a worse fate than that which fell to the lot of their brethren condemned to slavery. these free men, seeing the spaniards quietly settling down in their island, building houses, and making forts, and no vessels in the harbour of isabella to take them away, fell into the profoundest sadness, and bethought them of the desperate remedy of attempting to starve the spaniards out, by not sowing or planting anything. but this is a shallow device, when undertaken on the part of the greater number, in any country, against the smaller. the scheme reacted upon themselves. they had intended to gain a secure though scanty sustenance in the forests and upon the mountains; but though the spaniards suffered bitterly from famine, they were only driven by it to further pursuit and molestation of the indians, who died in great numbers, of hunger, sickness, and misery. spanish commissioner. about this period there arrived in the indies from the court of spain a commissioner of inquiry, his mission being doubtless occasioned by the various complaints made against the admiral by father buil, margarite, and the spaniards who had returned from hispaniola. the name of this commissioner was juan aguado, and his powers were vouched for by the following letter from the sovereigns:- "the king and the queen. "cavaliers, esquires and other persons, who by our command are in the indies: we send you thither juan aguado, our gentleman of the chamber, who will speak to you on our part: we command that you give him faith and credence. "i the king: i the queen. "by command of the king and queen, our lords. "henand alvarez. "madrid, the ninth of april, one thousand four hundred and ninety-five." plots to undermine and ruin the admiral the royal commissioner arrived at isabella in october, 1495, and his proceedings in the colony, together with the fear of what he might report on his return, quickened the admiral's desire to return to court, that he might fight his own battles there himself. for the tide of his fortune was turning, and this appeared by several notable signs. strong as was the confidence which the sovereigns reposed in him, the representations of margarite and buil--the rough soldier and the wily benedictine--had produced their effect. they complained of the despotic rule of columbus; of the disregard of distinctions of rank which he had manifested by placing the hidalgoes on the same footing as the common men, as regards work and rations, during the construction of the settlement; and of his mania for discovery, which made him abandon the colony already formed, in the unremunerative search for new countries. the commissioner who was sent to investigate these charges, as well as to report on the condition of the colony, found no difficulty in collecting evidence to substantiate them. an unsuccessful man is generally persuaded that somebody else has caused his failure. and the "somebody else," in the case of the colonists, was, by universal consent, the foreign sea captain who had deluded spanish hidalgoes by his wild projects, and had become a grandee under false pretences. the indians, too, who were glad to lay their miseries at the door of somebody, and who were told that aguado was the new admiral, and had come to supplant the old one, were not slow to add their quota to the charges against columbus. to rebut these accusations, as well as to protest against the issue of licences, to private adventurers, to trade in the new countries independently of the admiral (a measure which, in violation of columbus's charter, had lately been adopted by fonseca) he quitted isabella on the 10th of march, 1496, in the "nina," while aguado took ship in another caravel. many of the colonists, who had been rudely awakened from their golden dreams, seized this opportunity of returning to spain; and the cacique caonabo was also on board, probably with a view of impressing upon him an overwhelming conviction of spanish power, and of the futility of any efforts to resist it. wretched voyage home the voyage was a miserable one. contrary winds prevailed until provisions began to run short, and rations were doled out in pittances which grew scantier and scantier until all the admiral's authority was needed to prevent his ravenous shipmates from killing and eating the caribs who were on board,--in retribution, so ran the grim jest, for their cannibalism. at last, when famine was imminent, after a voyage of three months' duration, the two caravels entered the bay of cadiz on the 11th of june, 1496. reception at court. after about a month's delay, columbus received a summons to proceed to the court, which was then at burgos. in the course of his journey thither he adopted the same means of dazzling the eyes of the populace, by the display of gold and the exhibition of his captives, as on his return from his first voyage; but so many unsuccessful colonists had returned, sick at heart and ruined in health, to tell the tale of failure to their countrymen, that this triumphal procession was very unlike the last as regards the welcome accorded by the public. however the sovereigns seem to have given the admiral a kind reception, and instead of placing him on his defence against the charges which had been brought forward by father buil, they listened with sympathy to his story of the difficulties which had beset him, and heard with sanguine satisfaction of the recent discovery of the mines from which it was said that the natives procured most of the gold that had been found in their possession, and which promised an incalculably rich harvest. presently, in apparent confirmation of this belief, one pedro nino, a captain of the admiral's, announced his arrival at cadiz, with a quantity of "gold in bars" on board his ship. it was not until great expectations had been raised at court, and the wildest ideas conceived of the magnitude of this supposed first instalment of the riches of the newly found gold mines, that it turned out that this nino was merely a miserable maker of jokes, and that the "gold in bars" was only represented by the indians who composed his cargo, whose present captivity was secured by "bars," and whose future sale was to furnish gold. this absurdity naturally caused columbus and his friends no slight mortification, and added a fresh weapon to the shafts of ridicule which his enemies wore for ever launching at his extravagant theories and his expensive projects. chapter viii. during the two years that elapsed from the admiral's leaving hispaniola in 1496 to his return there in 1498, many things happened on both sides the atlantic, which need recording. in 1496 we find, that don bartholomew columbus sent to spain three hundred slaves from hispaniola. he had previously informed the sovereigns that certain caciques were killing the castilians, and their highnesses had given orders in reply, that all those who should be found guilty should be sent to spain. if this meant the common indians as well as the caciques, then it seems probable that the question about selling them with a safe conscience was already decided. criminals sent to the indies. in 1497, two very injudicious edicts were published by the catholic sovereigns, upon the advice, as we are told, of columbus; one, authorizing the judges to transport criminals to the indies; the other, giving an indulgence to all those who had committed any crime (with certain exceptions, among which heresy, lese majeste, and treason, find a place) to go out at their own expense to hispaniola, and to serve for a certain time under the orders of the admiral. the remembrance of this advice on his part, might well have shamed columbus from saying, as he did three years afterwards, in his most emphatic manner, "i swear that numbers of men have gone to the indies who did not deserve water from god or man." it is but fair, however, to mention, that las casas, speaking of the colonists who went out under these conditions, says, "i have known some of them in these islands, even of those who had lost their ears, whom i always found sufficiently honest men." "repartimientos." in 1497, letters patent were issued from the sovereigns to the admiral, authorizing him to grant repartimientos of the lands in the indies to the spaniards. it is noticeable that in this document there is no mention of indians, so that they had not come to form portion of a repartimiento at this period. the document in question is of a formal character, expressed in the style of legal documents of the present day, by virtue of which the fortunate spaniard who gets the land is "to have, and to hold, and to possess," and so forth; and is enabled "to sell and to give, and to present, and to traffic with, and to exchange, and to pledge, and to alienate, and to do with it and in it all that he likes or may think good." while the acts of legislation above narrated, which cannot be said to have been favourable to good government in the indies, were being framed at the court of spain, don bartholomew columbus was doing much in his administration of hispaniola that led to very mischievous results. before the admiral left the island, he had discovered some mines to the southward, and had thought of choosing a port in their vicinity, where he might establish a colony. he had spoken about this in his letters to the government at home. as he entered the bay of cadiz on his return, he met some vessels there, which were bound for hispaniola, and which contained letters from their highnesses approving of his suggestion. by these ships, therefore, he sent orders to his brother to make this southern settlement; and the "adelantado" accordingly proceeded southwards, and fixed upon a port at the entrance or the river ozama. he sent for artizans from isabella, and commenced building a fortress, which he called st. domingo, and which afterwards became the chief port of the island. xaragua penetrated; tribute imposed upon the indians. there was one part of hispaniola into which the spaniards had not yet penetrated: it was called xaragua, and was reigned over by a cacique named bohechio, whose sister, anacaona, the wife of caonabo, and a noted beauty, seems also to have had much authority in those parts. the adelantado, after seeing the works at st. domingo commenced, resolved to enter the kingdom of xaragua, whither he proceeded at the head of one hundred men. arriving at the river neyba, he found an immense army of indians drawn up there to oppose his progress. don bartholomew made signs to them that his errand was peaceful; and the good-natured indians accepting his proffers of amity, he was conducted some thirty leagues further to the city of xaragua, where he was received with processions of dancing and singing women, and feasted magnificently. after having been well entertained by these indians, the "adelantado" proceeded to business, and, in plain terms, demanded tribute of them. bohechio pleaded that there was no gold in his dominions, to which the adelantado replied that he did not wish to impose tribute upon any people, except of the natural production to be found in their country. it was finally settled that bohechio should pay tribute in cotton and cazabi-bread. he acceded to this agreement very willingly; and the adelantado and this cacique parted on the most friendly terms. don bartholomew then returned to isabella, where he found that about three hundred men had died from disease, and that there was great dearth of provisions. he distributed the sick men in his fortresses, and in the adjacent indian villages, and afterwards set out on a journey to his new fort of st. domingo, collecting tribute by the way. in all these rapid and energetic proceedings of the adelantado, and still more from causes over which he had no control, the spaniards must have suffered much; and, doubtless, those complaints on their part, which were soon to break out very menacingly, were not unheard at the present time. if the spaniards, however, complained of the labours which don bartholomew imposed upon them, the indians complained still more, and far more justly, of the tribute imposed upon them. several of the minor chiefs, upon this occasion of collecting tribute, complained to the great cacique guarionex, and suggested a rising of the indians. this cacique seems to have been a peaceful, prudent man, and well aware of the power of the spaniards. but he now consented to place himself at the head of an insurrection, which, however, the lieutenant-governor, soon made aware of it, quelled at once by a battle in which he was victorious over guarionex, taking him and other principal persons captive. the chief movers of the revolt were put to death; but guarionex was delivered up to his people, who flocked by thousands to his place of imprisonment, clamouring for his restitution. discontent of the spanisih colonists. about this time messengers came from bohechio and anacaona, informing the adelantado that the tribute of that country was ready for him, and he accordingly went to fetch it. during his absence from the seat of government, and under the less vigorous administration of don diego columbus, who had been left at the head of affairs at isabella, those discontents among the spaniards, which had no doubt been rife for a long time, broke out in a distinct manner. i allude to the well-known insurrection of roldan, whom the admiral, on his departure, had left as chief justice in the island. the disputes between the chief justice and the governor were to form the first of a series of similar proceedings to take place afterwards in many colonies even down to our own times. it may be imagined that the family of columbus were a hard race to deal with; and any one observing that the admiral was very often engaged in disputes, and almost always in the right, might conjecture that he was one of those persons who pass through life proving that all people about them are wrong, and going a great way to make them so. this would have been an easy mode of explaining many things, and therefore very welcome to a narrator, but it would not be at all just towards columbus to saddle upon him any such character. here were men who had come out with very grand. expectations, and who found themselves pinched with hunger, having dire storms to encounter, and vast labours to undergo; who were restrained within due bounds by no pressure of society; who were commanded by a foreigner, or by members of his family, whom they knew to have many enemies at court; who thought that the sovereigns themselves could scarcely reach them at this distance; and who imagined that they had worked themselves out of an law and order, and that they deserved an alsatian immunity. with such men (many of them, perhaps, "not worthy of water,") the admiral and his brothers had to get useful works of all kinds done; and did contrive to get vessels navigated, forts built, and some ideas of civilization maintained. but it was an arduous task at all times: and this roldan did not furnish the least of the troubles which the admiral and his brothers had to endure. insurrection of roldan. roldan, too, if we could hear him, would probably have something to say. he wished, it appears, to return to spain, as father buil and margarite had done; and urged that a certain caravel which the governor don bartholomew columbus had built, might be launched for that purpose. such is the account of ferdinand columbus, who maintains that the said caravel could not be lunched for want of tackle. he also mentions that roldan complained of the restless life the adelantado led his men, building forts and towns; and said that there was no hope of the admiral coming back to the colony with supplies. without going into these squabbles--and indeed it is very difficult when a quarrel of this kind arises, taking it up at the point where it breaks out, to judge it upon that only, since the stream of ill-will may have run underground for a long time--suffice it to say, that roldan and his men grew more and more insubordinate; were not at all quelled by the presence of the adelantado on his return from xaragua; and finally quitted isabella in a body. the adelantado contrived to keep some men faithful to him, promising them, amongst other things, two slaves each. negotiations then took place between the adelantado and roldan, which must be omitted for the present, to enter upon the further dealing of don bartholomew with the indians. flight of guarionex. these poor, islanders were now harassed both by the rebels and by the loyal spaniards, whom the adelantado could not venture to curb much, for fear of their going over to the other party. the indians were also tempted by roldan to join him, as he contended that tribute had been unjustly imposed upon them. from all these difficulties, guarionex made his escape by flying to the territories of maiobanex, the cacique of a hardy race, who inhabited the hilly country towards cabron. this flight of guarionex was a very serious affair, as it threatened the extinction of tribute in that cacique's territory; and don bartholomew accordingly pursued the fugitive. after some skirmishes with the troops of maiobanex, in which, as usual, the spaniards were victorious, the adelantado sent a messenger to maiobanex, telling him that the spaniards did not seek war with him, but that he must give up guarionex, otherwise his own territory would be destroyed by fire and sword. maiobanex replied, that everyone knew that guarionex was a good man, endowed with all virtue, wherefore he judged him to be worthy of assistance and defence, but that they, the spaniards, were violent and bad men, and that he would have neither friendship nor commerce with them. maiobanex and his guest. upon receiving this answer, the adelantado burnt several villages, and approached nearer to the camp of maiobanex. fresh negotiations were entered into: maiobanex convoked an assembly of his people; and they contended that guarionex ought to be given up, and cursed the day when first he came amongst them. their noble chief, however, said, "that guarionex was a good man, and deserved well at his hands, for he had given him many royal gifts when he came to him, and had taught him and his wife to join in choral songs and to dance, of which he made no little account, and for which he was grateful: wherefore, he would be party to no treaty to desert guarionex, since he had fled to him, and he had pledged himself to take care of the fugitive; and would rather suffer all extremities than give detractors a cause for speaking ill, to say that he had delivered up his guest." the assemblage of the people being dismissed, maiobanex informed his guest that he would stand by him to the last. their capture. the fugitive cacique, however, finding that maiobanex's people were ill-disposed towards him, quitted, of his own accord, their territory; but by so doing, he was not enabled to save his generous host, who, with his family, was surprized and taken; and guarionex himself being shortly afterwards captured and put in chains at fort concepcion, the two caciques probably shared the same prison. thus concludes a story, which, if it had been written by some indian plutarch, and the names had been more easy to pronounce, might have taken its just place amongst the familiar and household stories which we tell our children, to make them see the beauty of great actions. chapter ix. columbus's third voyage. a good starting-point for that important part of the narrative which comes next--namely, the discovery of the american continent by columbus--will be a recital of the first clause in the instructions given by ferdinand and isabella to the admiral, in the year 1497, previously to his undertaking his third voyage--a voyage which, though not to be compared to his first one, is still very memorable, on account of the discoveries he made, and the sufferings he experienced in the course of it. the first clause of the instructions is to the effect, that the indians of the islands are to be brought into peace and quietude, being reduced into subjection "benignantly;" and also, as the principal end of the conquest, that they be converted to the sacred catholic faith, and have the holy sacraments administered to them. it will be needless to recount the vexations of that "much-enduring man," columbus, before his embarkation. suffice it to say, that he set sail from the port of san lucar on the 30th of may, 1498, with six vessels, and two hundred men, in addition to the sailors that were necessary to navigate the vessels. in the course of his voyage he was obliged to avoid a french squadron which was cruizing in those seas, as france and spain were then at war. from gomera, one of the canary islands, he despatched three of his ships directly to hispaniola, declaring in his instructions to their commanders, that he was going to the cape verde islands, and thence, "in the name of the sacred trinity," intended to navigate to the south of those islands, until he should arrive under the equinoctial line, in the hope of being "guided by god to discover something which may be to his service, and to that of our lords, the king and queen, and to the honour of christendom;" "for, i believe," he adds, "that no one has ever traversed this way, and that this sea is nearly unknown." cape verde islands. with one ship, therefore, and two caravels, the great admiral made for the cape verde islands, "a false name," as he observes, for nothing was to be seen there of a green colour. he reached these islands on the 27th of june, and quitted them on the 4th of july, having been in the midst of such a dense fog all the time, that, he says, "it might have been cut with a knife," thence he proceeded to the south-west, intending afterwards to take a westerly direction. when he had gone, as he says, one hundred and twenty leagues, he began to find those floating fields of sea-weed which he had encountered in his first voyage. here he took an observation at nightfall, and found that the north star was in five degrees. the wind suddenly abated, and the heat was intolerable; so much so, that nobody dared to go below deck to look after the wine and the provisions. this extraordinary heat lasted eight days. the first day was clear, and if the others had been like it, the admiral says, not a man would have been left alive, but they would all have been burnt up. columbus sails westward. at last a favourable breeze sprang up, enabling the admiral to take a westerly course, the one he most desired, as he had before noticed in his voyages to the indies that about a hundred miles west of the azores there was always a sudden change of temperature.[15] [footnote 15: i suppose he came into or out of one of those warm ocean rivers which have so great an effect in modifying the temperature of the earth--perhaps into the one which comes from the south of africa through the gulf of mexico, to our own shores, and on which we so much depend.] trinidad seen. on sunday, the 22nd of july, in the evening, the sailors saw innumerable birds going from the south-west to the north-east, which flight of birds was a sign that land was not far off. for several successive days birds were seen, and an albatross perched upon the admiral's vessel. still the fleet went on without seeing land, and, as it was in want of fresh water, the admiral was thinking of changing his course, and, indeed, on thursday, the 31st of july, had commenced steering northwards for some hours, when, to use his own words, "as god had always been accustomed to show mercy to him," a certain mariner of huelva, a follower of the admiral's, named alonzo perez, happened to go up aloft upon the maintop-sail of the admiral's ship, and suddenly saw land towards the south-west, about fifteen leagues off. this land which he described was in the form of three lofty hills or mountains. it would be but natural to conjecture that, as columbus had resolved to name the first land he should discover "trinidad," it was by an effort of the will, or of the imagination, that these three eminences were seen first; but it is exceedingly probable that such eminences were to be seen from the point whence alonzo perez first saw land.[16] [footnote 16: cape cashepou is backed by three peaked mountains, of which a representation is given in day's west indies, vol 2, p. 31.] the sailors sang the "salve regina," with other pious hymns in honour of god and "our lady," according to the custom of the mariners of spain, who, in terror or in joy, were wont to find an expression for their feelings in such sacred canticles. the pearl coast. the admiral's course, when he was going northwards, had been in the direction of the carib islands, already well known to him; but with great delight he now turned towards trinidad, making for a cape which, from the likeness of a little rocky islet near it to a galley in full sail, he named "la galera." [17] there he arrived "at the hour of complines," but, not finding the port sufficiently deep for his vessels to enter, he proceeded westwards. [footnote 17: this point is sometimes placed at the north-east of trinidad; but wrongly so. it is now cape galeota.--see humbolt's examen critique, vol. i. p. 310.] [illustration: map of the pearl coast. from about 50 miles west of the island of margarita to just east of trinidad and tobago; from about 50 miles north of grenada to 50 miles south of the orinoco river.] first view of american continent the first thing noticeable as he neared these shores, was that the trees grew well on the margin of the sea. there were houses and people,--and very beautiful lands, which reminded him, from their beauty and their verdure, of the gardens of valencia as seen in the month of march. it was also to be observed that these lands were well cultivated. on the following morning he continued in a westerly direction in search of a port, where he might take in water, and refit his ships, the timber of which had shrunk, from extreme heat, so that they sadly needed caulking. he did not find a port, but came to deep soundings somewhere near point alcatraz, where he brought to, and took in fresh water. this was on a wednesday, the first of august. from the point where he now was, the low lands of the orinoco must have been visible, and columbus must have beheld the continent of america for the first time.[18] he supposed it to be an island of about twenty leagues in extent, and he gave it the somewhat insignificant name of zeta. [footnote 18: the northern part of the continent had been discovered by sebastian cabot, on the 24th of june, 1497.] the same signs of felicity which greeted his eyes on his first sight of land, continued to manifest themselves. farms and populous places[19] were visible above the water as he coasted onwards; with the trees flourishing close to the sea--a sure sign of the general mildness of the weather, wherever it occurs. [footnote 19: "vido muchas labranzas por luengo de costa y muchas poblaciones."--las casas, hist. de las indias, ms., lib. i cap. 132.] the next day he proceeded westwards along the southern part of trinidad, until he arrived it the westernmost point, which he called "la punta de arenal;" and now he beheld the gulf of paria, which he called "la balena" (the gulf of the whale). it was just after the rainy season, and the great rivers which flow into that gulf were causing its waters to rush with impetuosity out of the two openings [20] which lead into the open sea. the contest between the fresh water and the salt water produced a ridge of waters, on the top of which the admiral was borne into the gulf at such risk, that, writing afterwards of this event to the spanish court, he says, "even to-day i shudder lest the waters should have upset the vessel when they came under its bows." [footnote 20: the boca del drago and the boca de la sierpe.] columbus mistakes the continent for islands. previously to entering the gulf, the admiral had sought to make friends with some indians who approached him in a large canoe, by ordering his men to come upon the poop, and dance to the sound of a tambourine; but this, naturally enough, appears to have been mistaken for a warlike demonstration, and it was answered by a flight of arrows from the indians. the admiral, still supposing that he was amongst islands, called the land to the left of him, as he moved up the gulf, the island of gracia; and he continued to make a similar mistake throughout the whole of his course up the gulf, taking the various projections of the indented coast for islands. throughout his voyage in the gulf, columbus met with nothing but friendly treatment from the natives. at last he arrived at a place which the natives told him was called paria, and where they also informed him that, to the westward, the country was more populous. he took four of these natives, and went onwards, until he came to a point which he named punto de aguja (needle point), where, he says, he found the most beautiful lands in the world, very populous, and whence, to use his own words, "an infinite number of canoes came off to the ships." proceeding onwards, the admiral came to a place where the women had pearl bracelets, and, on his enquiring where these came from, they made signs, directing him out of the gulf of paria towards the island of cubagua. here he sent some of his men on shore, who were very well received and entertained by two of the principal indians. it is needless to dwell upon this part of the narrative. very few of the places retain the names which the admiral gave them, and, consequently, it is difficult to trace his progress. he began to conjecture, from the immense amount of fresh water brought down by the rivers into the gulf of paria, that the land which he had been calling the island of gracia was not an island, but a continent, of which fact he afterwards became more convinced. but little time was given him for research of any kind. he was anxious to reach hispaniola, in order to see after his colonists there, and to bring them the stores which he had in charge; and so, after passing through the "boca del drago," and reconnoitring the island of margarita, which he named, he was compelled to go on his way to hispaniola. we are hardly so much concerned with what the admiral saw and heard, as with what he afterwards thought and reported. to understand this, it will be desirable to enter somewhat into the scientific questions which occupied the mind of this great mariner and most observant man. the admiral's reasoning about the continent. the discovery of the continent of america by columbus, in his third voyage, was the result of a distinct intention on his part to discover some new land, and cannot be attributed to chance. it would be difficult to define precisely the train of ideas which led columbus to this discovery. the portuguese navigations were one compelling cause. then the change, already alluded to, which columbus had noticed in his voyages to the indies, on passing a line a hundred leagues west of the azores, was in his mind, as it was in reality, a circumstance of great moment[21] and significance. it was not a change of temperature alone that he noticed, but a change in the heavens, the air, the sea, and the magnetic current. [footnote 21: it is the opinion of humboldt, as mentioned before, that the celebrated division, made by alexander the sixth between the castilian and portuguese monarchs, was adopted in reference to these phenomena which columbus had noticed: and, if the line of no variation were a "constant," no better marine boundary could well be suggested.] in the first place, the needles of the compass, instead of north-easting, north-wested at this line; and that remarkable phenomenon occurred just upon the passage of the line, as if, columbus says, one passed a hill. then, the sea there was full of sea-weed like small pine-branches, laden with a fruit similar to pistachio nuts. moreover, on passing this imaginary line, the admiral had invariably found that the temperature became agreeable, and the sea calm. accordingly, in the course of this voyage, when they were suffering from that great heat which has been mentioned, he determined to take a westerly course, which led, as we have seen, to his discovering the beautiful land of paria.[22] [footnote 22: las casas, who had other authentic information about this voyage besides the manuscripts of columbus, says, that the admiral intended to have gone southwards, after he had taken a westerly course, on quitting the place where he was becalmed. had he done so, which the state of his ships would not permit, he might have been the discoverer of brazil.] peculiar theory of the shape of the earth. now columbus was one of those men of divining minds, who must have general theories on which to thread their observations; and, as few persons have so just a claim to theorize as those who have added largely to the number of ascertained facts (a privilege which they generally make abundant use of), so columbus may well be listened to, when propounding his explanation of the wonderful change in sea, air, sky, and magnetic current, which he discerned at this distance of a hundred leagues from the azores. his theory was, that the earth was not a perfect sphere, but pear-shaped; and he thought that, as he proceeded westwards in this voyage, the sea went gradually rising, and his ships rising too, until they came nearer to the heavens. it is very possible that this theory had been long in his mind, or, at any rate, that he held it before he reached the coast of paria. when there, new facts struck his mind, and were combined with his theory. he found the temperature much more moderate than might have been expected so near the equinoctial line, far more moderate than on the opposite coast of africa. in the evenings, indeed, it was necessary for him to wear an outer garment of fur. then, the natives were lighter coloured, more astute, and braver than those of the islands. their hair, too, was different. then, again, he meditated upon the immense volume of fresh waters which descended into the gulf of paria. and, in fine, the conclusion which his pious mind came to, was, that when he reached the land which he called the island of gracia, he was at the base of the earthly paradise. he also, upon reflection, concluded that it was a continent which he had discovered, the same continent of the east which he had always been in search of; and that the waters, which we now know to be a branch of the river orinoco, formed one of the four great rivers which descended from the garden of paradise. very different were the conjectures of the pilots. some said that they were in the sea of spain, others, in that of scotland, and, being in despair about their whereabouts, they concluded that they had been under the guidance of the devil. the admiral, however, was not a man to be much influenced by the sayings of the unthoughtful and the unlearned. he fortified himself by references to st. isidro, beda, strabo, st. ambrose, and duns scotus, and held stoutly to the conclusion that he had discovered the site of the earthly paradise. it is said, that he exclaimed to his men, that they were in the richest country in the world. columbus did not forget to claim, with all due formalities, the possession of this approach to paradise, for his employers, the catholic sovereigns. accordingly, when at paria, he had landed and taken possession of the coast in their names, erecting a great cross upon the shore, which, he tells ferdinand and isabella, he was in the habit of doing at every headland, the religious aspect of the conquest being one which always had great influence with the admiral, as he believed it to have with the catholic monarchs. in communicating this discovery, he reminds them how they bade him go on with the enterprise, if he should discover only stones and rocks, and had told him that they counted the cost for nothing, considering that the faith would be increased, and their dominions widened. graceful rearing of natives; beauty of the land. it was, however, no poor discovery of mere "rocks and stones" which the admiral had now made. it will be interesting to see his first impressions of the men and the scenery of this continent which he had now, unconsciously, for the first time, discovered. he says, "i found some lands, the most beautiful in the world, and very populous." the lands in the island of trinidad he had previously compared to valencia, in spain, during the month of march. it is also noticeable that he had observed that the fields were cultivated. of the people, he says, "they are all of good stature, well made, and of very graceful bearing, with much and smooth hair;" and he mentions that on their heads they wore the beautiful arab head-dress (called keffeh), made of worked and coloured handkerchiefs, which appeared in the distance as if they were silken. the description given by columbus of the natives whom he encounters in his voyages is almost always favourable. indeed, the description of any man or thing depends as much on the person describing, as on the thing or person described. those little differences in look or dress, which excite the ready mockery of the untravelled rustic, appear very slight indeed to the man who, like columbus or las casas, has seen many lands, and travelled over many minds. the rude spanish common soldier perceived a far greater difference between himself and the indian, than did the most accomplished man who visited the indies, when he made to himself a similar comparison. occasionally, in a narrow nature, however cultivated, the commonest prejudices hold their ground; but, in general, knowledge sees behind and beyond disgust, and suffices to conquer it. the earthly paradise. columbus, however, found the men, the country, and the products, equally admirable. it is somewhat curious that he does not mention his discovery of pearls to the catholic monarchs, and he afterwards makes a poor excuse for this. the real reason i conjecture to have been a wish to preserve this knowledge to himself, that the fruits of this enterprise might not be prematurely snatched from him. his shipmates, however, were sure to disperse the intelligence; and the gains to be made on the pearl coast were, probably, the most tempting bait for future navigators to follow in the track of columbus, and complete the discovery of the earthly paradise. illness of columbus. of the delights of this paradise columbus himself was to have but a slight and mocking foretaste. he had been constantly ill during the voyage, suffering from the gout and from an inflammation in his eyes which rendered him almost blind. his new colony in hispaniola demanded his attention, and must often have been the cause of anxious thought to him; and the grave but glowing enthusiast made his way to st. domingo, and afterwards returned to spain, to be vexed henceforth by those mean miseries and small disputes which afflicted him for the remainder of his days--miseries the more galling, as they were so disproportionately small in comparison with the greatness of such a man, and with the aims and hopes which they effectually hindered. chapter x. slaves and logwood; plan of slave barter. it was on the 30th of august, 1498, that columbus arrived at hispaniola, where he found the state of his colony far from cheering, the defection of roldan and his followers having put everything into confusion. the admiral supposed at first that the enmity of roldan's party was chiefly directed against his brother, the adelantado, and the admiral hoped that, now he had arrived, some agreement would speedily be concluded with roldan, of which he might inform the catholic sovereigns by the vessels which he purposed to send back immediately to spain. this was very far, however, from being the case. these vessels, five in number, left the port of st. domingo bearing no good news of peace and amity amongst the spaniards, but laden with many hundreds of indian slaves, which had been taken in the following manner. some cacique failed to perform the personal services imposed upon him and his people, and fled to the forests; upon which, orders were given to pursue him, and a large number of slaves were captured and put into these ships. columbus, in his letters to the sovereigns, enters into an account of the pecuniary advantage that will arise from these slave-dealing transactions, and from the sale of logwood. he estimates, that "in the name of the sacred trinity" there may be sent as many slaves as sale could be found for in spain, and that the value of the slaves, for whom there would be a demand to the number of four thousand, as he calculated from certain information, and of the logwood, would amount to forty cuentos (i. e. forty million maravedis). the number of slaves who were sent in these five ships was six hundred, of which two hundred were given to the masters of the vessels in payment of freight. in the course of these letters, throughout which columbus speaks after the fashion of a practised slave-dealer, he alludes to the intended adoption, on behalf of private individuals, of a system of exchange of slaves for goods wanted from the mother country. the proposed arrangement was as follows:--the masters of vessels were to receive slaves from the colonists, were to carry them to spain, and to pay for their maintenance during the voyage; they were then to allow the colonists so much money, payable at seville, in proportion to the number of slaves brought over. this money they would expend according to the orders of the colonists, who would thus be able to obtain such goods as they might stand in need of. it was upon the same occasion of writing home to spain that the admiral strongly urged upon the catholic sovereigns that the spanish colonists should be allowed to make use of the services of the indians for a year or two until the colony should be in a settled state, a proposal which he did not wait for their highnesses' authority to carry out, and which led to a new form of the repartimiento. but this brings us back to roldan's story, being closely connected with it. contention with roldan. after great trouble and many attempts at agreement, in which mention is more than once made of slaves, the dispute between roldan's party, rebels they might almost be called, and columbus, was at last, after two years' negotiation, brought to a close. roldan kept his chief-justiceship; and his friends received lands and slaves. it brings to mind the conclusion of many a long war in the old world, in which two great powers have been contending against each other, with several small powers on each side, the latter being either ruined in the course of the war, or sacrificed at the end. the admiral gave repartimientos to those followers of roldan who chose to stay in the island, which were constituted in the following manner. the admiral placed under such a caciqne so many thousand matas (shoots of the cazabi), or, which came to the same thing, so many thousand montones (small mounds a foot and a half high, and ten or twelve feet round, on each of which a cazabi shoot was planted); and columbus then ordered that the cacique or his people should till these lands for whomsoever they were assigned to. the repartimiento had now grown to its second state--not lands only, but lands and the tillage of them. we shall yet find that there is a further step in this matter, before the repartimiento assumes its utmost development. it seems, too, that in addition to these repartimientos, columbus gave slaves to those partizans of roldan who stayed in the island. others of roldan's followers, fifteen in number, chose to return to spain; they received a certain number of slaves, some one, some two, some three; and the admiral sent them home in two vessels which left the port of st. domingo at the beginning of october, 1499. the queen's anger; partial release of slaves. on the arrival in spain of these vessels, the queen was in the highest degree angered by the above proceedings, and said that the admiral had received no authority from her to give her vassals to anyone. she accordingly commanded proclamation to be made at seville, granada, and other places, that all persons who were in possession of indians, given to them by the admiral, should, under pain of death, send those indians back to hispaniola, "and that particularly they should send back those indians, and not the others who had been brought before, because she was informed that the others had been taken in just war." the former part of this proclamation has been frequently alluded to, and no doubt it deserves much praise; but from the latter part it is clear that there were some indians who could justly, according to queen isabella, be made slaves. by this time, therefore, at any rate the question had been solved, whether by the learned in the law, theologians and canonists, i know not, but certainly in practice, that the indians taken in war could be made slaves. the whole of this transaction is very remarkable, and, in some measure, inexplicable, on the facts before us. there is nothing to show that the slaves given to roldan's followers were made slaves in a different way from those who had been sent over on former occasions, both by the admiral and his brother, for the benefit of the crown. and yet the queen, whom no one has ever accused of condescending to state craft, seems to deal with this particular case as if it were something quite new. it cannot be said that the crown was favoured, for the question is put upon the legitimacy of the original capture; and to confirm this, there is a letter from the sovereigns to one of their household, from which it may be inferred, though the wording is rather obscure, that they, too, gave up the slaves which had come over for them on this occasion. every body would be sorry to take away any honour from isabella; and all who are conversant with that period must wish that her proclamation could be proved to have gone to the root of the matter; and that it had forbidden the sending indians to spain as slaves, on any pretext whatever. the admiral's enemies working at court. to return to the affairs of hispaniola. columbus had now settled the roldan revolt and other smaller ones; he had now, too, reduced the indians into subjection; the mines were prospering; the indians were to be brought together in populous villages, that so they might better be taught the christian faith, and serve as vassals to the crown of castile; the royal revenues (always a matter of much concern to columbus) would, he thought, in three years amount to sixty millions of reals; and now there was time for him to sit down, and meditate upon the rebuilding of the temple of jerusalem, or the conversion of cathay. if there had been any prolonged quiet for him, such great adventures would probably have begun to form the staple of his high thoughts. but he had hardly enjoyed more than a month of repose, when that evil came down upon him, which "poured the juice of aloes into the remaining portion of his life." the catholic sovereigns had hitherto, upon the whole, behaved well to columbus. he had bitter enemies at court. people were for ever suggesting to the monarchs that this foreigner was doing wrong. the admiral's son, ferdinand, gives a vivid picture of some of the complaints preferred against his father. he says, "when i was at granada, at the time the most serene prince don miguel died, more than fifty of them (spaniards who had returned from the indies), as men without shame, bought a great quantity of grapes, and sat themselves down in the court of the alhambra, uttering loud cries, saying, that their highnesses and the admiral made them live in this poor fashion on account of the bad pay they received, with many other dishonest and unseemly things, which they kept repeating. such was their effrontery that when the catholic king came forth they all surrounded him, and got him into the midst of them, saying, 'pay! pay!' and if by chance i and my brother, who were pages to the most serene queen, happened to pass where they were, they shouted to the very heavens saying, 'look at the sons of the admiral of mosquitoland, of that man who has discovered the lands of deceit and disappointment, a place of sepulchre and wretchedness to spanish hidalgoes:' adding many other insulting expressions, on which account we excused ourselves from passing by them." serious dissatisfaction. unjust clamour, like the above, would not alone have turned the hearts of the catholic sovereigns against columbus; but this clamour was supported by serious grounds for dissatisfaction in the state and prospects of the colony: and when there is a constant stream of enmity and prejudice against a man, his conduct or his fortune will, some day or other, offer an opportunity for it to rush in upon him. columbus superseded. however this may be, soon after the return of the five vessels from st. domingo, mentioned above, which first told the news of the revolt of roldan, ferdinand and isabella appear to have taken into serious consideration the question of suspending columbus. he had, himself, in the letters transmitted by these ships, requested that some one might be sent to conduct the affairs of justice in the colony; but if ferdinand and isabella began by merely looking out for such an officer, they ended in resolving to send one who should take the civil as well as judicial authority into his own hands. this determination was not, however, acted upon hastily. on the 21st of march, 1499, they authorized francis de bobadilla "to ascertain what persons have raised themselves against justice in the island of hispaniola, and to proceed against them according to law." on the 21st of may, 1499, they conferred upon this officer the government, and signed an order that all arms and fortresses in the indies should be given up to him. on the 26th of the same month, they gave him the following remarkable letter to columbus: "don christopher columbus, our admiral of the ocean: we have commanded the comendador francis de bobadilla, the bearer of this that he speak to you on our part some things which he will tell you: we pray you give him faith and credence, and act accordingly. "i the king, i the queen, "by their command, "miguel perez de almazan," harsh treatment of columbus and his brothers bobadilla, however, was not sent from spain until the beginning of july, 1500, and did not make his appearance in hispaniola till the 23rd of august of the same year. their highnesses, therefore, must have taken time before carrying their resolve into execution; and what they meant by it is dubious. certainly, not that the matter should have been transacted in the coarse way which bobadilla adopted. it is a great pity, and a sad instance of mistaken judgment, that they fixed upon him for their agent. i imagine him to have been such a man as may often be met with, who, from his narrowness of mind and distinctness of prejudice, is supposed to be highprincipled and direct in his dealings; and whose untried reputation has great favour with many people: until, placed in power some day, he shows that to rule well requires other things than one-sidedness in the ruling person; and is fortunate if he does not acquire that part of renown which consists in notoriety, by committing some colossal blunder, henceforth historical from its largeness. columbus sent home by bobadilla in chains. the first thing that bobadilla did on arriving at st. domingo was to take possession of the admiral's house (he being at the fort la concepcion), and then to summon the admiral before him, sending him the royal letter. neither the admiral nor his brothers attempted to make any resistance; and bobadilla, with a stupid brutality, which i suppose he took for vigour, put them in chains, and sent them to spain. there is no doubt that the castilian population of hispaniola were rejoiced at bobadilla's coming, and that they abetted him in his violence. accusations came thickly against columbus: "the stones rose up against him and his brothers," says the historian herrera, emphatically, the people told how he had made them work, even sick men, at his fortresses, at his house, at the mills, and other buildings; how he had starved them; how he had condemned men to be whipped for the slightest causes, as, for instance, for stealing a peck of wheat when they were dying of hunger. considering the difficulties he had to deal with, and the scarcity of provisions, many of these accusations, if rightly examined, would probably have not merely failed in producing anything against columbus, but would have developed some proofs of his firmness and sagacity as a governor. then his accusers went on to other grounds, such as his not having baptized indians "because he desired slaves rather than christians:" moreover, that he had entered into war unjustly with the indians, and that he had made many slaves, in order to send them to castile. it is highly unlikely that these latter charges were preferred by a single colonist, unless, perhaps, by some man in religious orders. the probability is, that they came from the other side of the water; and this does give considerable strength to the report, that the displeasure of the court with respect to the admiral's proceedings against the indians had to do with his removal from the government of the indies. if so, it speaks largely for the continued admirable intentions of the spanish court in this matter. poor columbus! his chains lay very heavily upon him. he insisted, however, upon not having them taken off, unless by royal command, and would ever keep them by him, ("i always saw them in his room," says his son ferdinand), ordering that they should be buried with him. he did not know how many wretched beings would have to traverse those seas, in bonds much worse than his, with no room allowed them for writing, as was his case,--not even for standing upright; nor did he foresee, i trust, that some of his doings would further all this coming misery. in these chains columbus is of more interest to us than when in full power as governor of the indies; for so it is, that the most infelicitous times of a man's life are those which posterity will look to most, and love him most for. this very thought may have comforted him; but happily he had other sources of consolation in the pious aspirations which never deserted him. we have come now to the end of columbus's administration of the indies. whatever we may think of his general policy, we cannot but regret his removal at the present time, when there appeared some chance of solidity in his government: though we must honestly admit, that the catholic sovereigns, with such evidence as they had before them, were far from wrong in recalling him, had it been done in a manner worthy of his and of their greatness. chapter xi. reaction at court. the career of columbus had already been marked by strong contrasts. first, a "pauper pilot," then the viceroy of a new world; alternately hoping, and fearing, despondent, and triumphant, he had passed through strange vicissitudes of good and evil fortune. but no two events in his life stand out in stronger contrast to each other than his return to spain after his first voyage, and his return now. he was then a conqueror; he was now a prisoner. he was then the idol of popular favour; he was now the unpopular victim of insidious maligners. in truth, the contrast was so startling as to strike home to the hearts of the common people, even of those--and there were many such--who had lost kinsmen or friends in that fatal quest for gold which the admiral had originated and stimulated. the broad fact was this: columbus had given spain a new world; spain loaded him with fetters in return. there was a reaction. the current of public opinion began to turn in his favour. the nation became conscious of ingratitude to its benefactor. the nobility were shocked at the insult to one of their own order. and no sooner had the sovereigns learned from columbus of his arrival, and of his disgrace, than they issued immediate orders for his liberation, and summoned him to their court at grenada, forwarding money to enable him to proceed there in a style befitting his rank. they then received him with all possible signs of distinction; repudiated bobadilla's arbitrary proceedings; and promised the admiral compensation and satisfaction. as a mark of their disapprobation of the way in which bobadilla had acted under their commission, they pointedly refused to enquire into the charges against columbus, and dismissed them as not worthy of investigation. but though the sovereigns acted thus promptly on the admiral's behalf, there is no doubt that one of them, at least, was in no wise displeased at his being removed from his government. at each fresh discovery, ferdinand had repented more and more of the concession by which columbus was to receive an eighth part of the profits of the newly-found countries, and to be their governor-general. he probably apprehended that this viceroy, when once master of the boundless wealth which was supposed to be nearly within his grasp, would become more powerful than his master, and might finally throw off his allegiance altogether. but here was an opportunity, without any flagrant breach of faith, of eluding the bargain, by refusing, on very plausible grounds of policy, to reinstate columbus immediately in his viceroyalty. isabella, who had always been his firm friend, would probably have refused to acquiesce in, any scheme for absolutely depriving him of his rights, but it was sufficiently obvious that just at present, while the colonists were excited against him, it would be prudent that some one else should take the reins of government. columbus pleads his cause before the queen. the queen granted columbus a private audience. he told his story with much simple eloquence--so pathetically, indeed, that his warmhearted mistress is said to have been moved to tears at the recital. he described the difficulties which he had encountered and the machinations of the enemies who had been constantly thwarting him. he pleaded that he had been obliged to create a line of conduct for himself, having to deal with an entirely new combination of circumstances without any precedent to guide him. and he implored the queen to believe that the accusations which had, of late, poured in against him, were prompted by the disappointed ambition and the jealousy of his enemies, and had not any solid foundation in fact. isabella replied in a very sensible speech, telling him that, while she fully appreciated his services, and knew the rancour of his enemies, she was afraid that he had given some cause for complaint. "common report," she said,[charlevoix.] "accuses you of acting with a degree of severity quite unsuitable for an infant colony, and likely to excite rebellion there. but the matter as to which i find it hardest to give you my pardon, is your conduct in reducing to slavery a number of indians who had done nothing to deserve such a fate. this was contrary to my express orders. as your ill fortune willed it, just at the time when i heard of this breach of my instructions, everybody was complaining of you, and no one spoke a word in your favour. and i felt obliged to send to the indies a commissioner to investigate matters, and give me a true report; and, if necessary, to put limits to the authority which you were accused of overstepping. if you were found guilty of the charges, he was to relieve you of the government and to send you to spain to give an account of your stewardship. this was the extent of his commission. i find that i have made a bad choice in my agent; and i will take care to make an example of bobadilla, which shall serve as a warning to others not to exceed their powers. i cannot, however, promise to re-instate you at once in your government. people are too much inflamed against you, and must have time to cool. as to your rank of admiral, i never intended to deprive you of it. but you must bide your time and trust in me." the queen's decision; bobadilla's tyranny it was arranged that the appointment of the new governor should be for two years only, at the expiration of which period, as isabella thought, the administration of the colonies might be again entrusted to columbus; while ferdinand doubtless considered that some pretext might be found in the meantime for omitting to re-appoint him at all. and though columbus may have been told verbally that it was their highnesses' intention to re-instate him after the lapse of two years, it is noteworthy that the document appointing ovando makes no mention of any limitation of the term of his (ovando's) government. the words are, "that he is to be governor as long as it is their highnesses' will and pleasure." bobadilla, fortunately for the islanders, was forthwith to be superseded; for, if columbus had chastised them with whips, bobadilla was chastising them with scorpions. his first object was the discovery of gold; and to secure this he took a census of the natives, and assigned them all as slaves to the colonists. a large proportion of the latter, as we have seen, were simply the scourings of spanish prisons; and the brutality with which these men treated their wretched helots was very terrible. some estimate of the amount of pressure employed may be formed from the fact that, although bobadilla had reduced the royalty payable to the sovereigns from one-third to one-eleventh of the gold found, this smaller proportion produced a larger revenue. in other words, about four times as much gold was discovered under bobadilla's system as under that of columbus. ovando as governor but when the sovereigns heard of the cruelties which that system involved, they urged forward the departure of ovando, whom they had selected as governor, and who, to judge from his previous career, was a man eminently fitted to rule justly and mercifully. he was well known to ferdinand and isabella, having been chosen by the queen as one of the companions for her eldest son, prince john. with regard to his personal appearance, we are told that he was of moderate stature, and had a "vermilion-coloured beard," which fact hardly conveys much to our minds; but it is added, in general terms, that his presence expressed authority. with respect to his mental qualifications, we learn that he was a friend to justice, an honourable person both in words and deeds, and that he held all avarice and covetousness in much aversion. he was humble, too, they say, and when he was appointed commendador mayor of the order of alcantara, he would never allow himself to be addressed by the title of "lordship," which belonged to that office. his instructions. previous to ovando's departure from court, the monarchs were particular in giving him instructions both verbal and written. among these instructions was one which isabella especially insisted on, namely, "that all the indians in hispaniola should be free from servitude and be unmolested by anyone, and that they should live as free vassals, governed and protected by justice, as were the vassals of castile." like the vassals in spain, the indians were to pay tribute; they were also to assist in getting gold, but for this they were to be paid daily wages. other commands were given at the same time for the conversion of the indians, and to insure their being treated kindly. advice to ovando on the duties of a governor. respecting the general government of the country, it was arranged that on ovando's going out, all those who received pay from the government in the indies, as well those who had accompanied bobadilla as those who had come out originally with columbus, should return to spain, and that a new set to replace them should go out with ovando. this was done because most of these soldiers and officials had necessarily been connected with the late troubles in the colony, and it would be a good plan to start afresh, as it were. at the same time it was provided that no jews, moors, or new converts were to go to the indies, or be permitted to remain there; but negro slaves "born in the power of christians, were to be allowed to pass to the indies, and the officers of the royal revenue were to receive the money to be paid for their permits." this is the first notice with respect to negroes going to the indies. these instructions were given in the year 1501. on ovando's arrival in the colony, bobadilla was to undergo the ordeal of a "residencia," a kind of examination well known and constantly practised in spain, to which authorities were subject on going out of office--being of the nature of a general impeachment. it is satisfactory to find, that amongst the orders given to ovando, there are some for the restitution of the admiral's property, and the maintenance of his mercantile rights. just before ovando took leave of the king, he received a formal lecture upon the duties of a governor. the king, the queen, and a privy councillor, antonio de fonseca, were the persons present; and, as i imagine, the latter addressed ovando on the part of their highnesses. as it is not often that we have an opportunity of hearing a didactic lecture on the modes and duties of government given in the presence of a great master of that art, and probably looked over, if not prepared, by him, we must enter the royal cabinet, and hear some part of this discourse. the first point which fonseca impresses upon ovando is, that before all things, he is to look to what concerns the reverence of god and his worship. then he is to examine into the life and capacity of the men about him, and to put good men into office; taking care, however, not to leave all the authority in the hands of subordinates (here we may well imagine ferdinand nodded approvingly), to the diminution of his own power, "nor to make them so great that they shall have occasion to contrive novelties," in order to make themselves greater. also, let there be change of authorities, so that many may have a share of profit and honour, and be made skilful in affairs. that he should use moderation in making repartimientos and tributes, not overtaxing the people, which moderation would be furthered by his taking care that his personal and his household expenses were within due bounds. (here, i fancy, the monarchs looked at each other, thought of their own frugal way of living, and isabella smiled.) that he should not make himself judge in a cause, but let culprits be tried in the ordinary way. thus he will avoid unpopularity, for "the remembrance of the crime perishes: not so that of the punishment." (this aphorism must, i think, have been composed by ferdinand himself. his writing is always exceedingly concise and to the purpose.) that he should not listen to tale-bearers, (parleros) either of his own household or to those out of it; nor take vengeance upon anybody who had spoken ill of him, it being "an ugly thing to believe that anybody could speak ill of one who did ill to no one, but good to all," that it is one of the conditions of bad governors, "moved therein by their own consciences" to give heed to what they hear is said of them, and to take ill that, which if it had been said, they had better not have heard. rather let injurious sayings be overcome by magnanimity. that it would be good for him to give free audience to all, and to hear what they had to say; and if their counsel turned out ill, not to look coldly upon them for that. the same in war, or in any other undertaking: his agents must not have to fear punishment for failure, nor calumny for success: "for there were many persons who, to avoid the envy of their superiors, sought rather to lose a victory than to gain it," (here ferdinand ought to have looked a little ashamed, being conscious that his own practice by no means came up to what he perceives to be noble and wise policy in the matter.) that he (ovando) should look to what example he gives both in word and deed,--governors living, as in a theatre, in the midst of the world. if he does ill, even those who follow him in that, will not the less disesteem him. that although it is necessary for him to know the life of everyone, yet he must not be over-inquisitive about it, nor rout up offences which are not brought before him officially. "since if all offences were looked into, few men, or none, would be without punishment." besides, for secret faults men may correct themselves: if those faults are made known, and especially if they are punished in excess, shame is lost, and men give way to their bad impulses. that he is to encourage those who work, and to discourage the idle, as the universal father does. that, as regards liberality, he should so conduct himself, that men should not dare to ask him for things which they would know he must deny: this would be a great restraint upon them, and a great proof of good reputation in a governor. that, in fine, all that had been said consisted in this, that he was to govern as he would be, governed: and that "it behoved him to be intent in business, to show courage in difficulties, and management in all things, brevity in executing useful determinations, yet not as if carried away by passion, but always upon good counsel; considering much what a charge was upon him, for this thought would be useful to him at all times: and above all things he was to take heed (in order that the same thing might not happen to him which had happened to the admiral) that when any occasion for dealing briefly with an offence occurred, he should have swift recourse to punishment, for in such cases the remedy ought to be like a thunderbolt." after reading the above, we cannot say that the catholic monarchs were inattentive to the government of their indian possessions, nor can the sagacity which directed that attention be for a moment questioned. indeed that sagacity is so remarkable, that it may naturally occur to the learned reader to inquire, whether machiavelli's "prince" had yet been published, and whether king ferdinand could have read that much-abused manual of crafty statesmen. it was, however, about twelve years after this memorable audience granted by ferdinand and isabella to ovando that "the prince" is alluded to by machiavelli, and described as a small unpublished work. he arrives at st. domingo. charged with these instructions, then, nicholas de ovando left the port of san lucas on the 13th of february, 1502, to take possession of his new government, having under him a gallant company of two thousand five hundred persons, a large proportion of them being hidalgoes. on his way he met with a terrible storm, in which one of his largest vessels foundered, and he had some difficulty in reaching st. domingo at all. this, however, he succeeded in doing on the 15th of april, and entered at once upon the reforms which he was commissioned to institute. ovando's administration he announced the residencia of bobadilla, and placed roldan under arrest. he exerted himself to found settlements along the coast, and at first, no doubt, he endeavoured to carry out the merciful directions which he had received with regard to the indians. but, like bobadilla, he was a knight of a religious order, with a certain narrow way of looking at things incident to his profession, with no especial culture that we know of, and with little originality of character. in these respects he presented a remarkable contrast to columbus, who was a man of various accomplishments, large minded, enthusiastic, fluent, affectionate, inventive. and so, whereas columbus had always treated the natives with consideration and humanity, ovando soon began to rule them with a rod of iron. we must not linger too long over his administration of what we may call columbus's kingdom, but there is one sad episode which it is worth while to recount, if only to make the policy of columbus stand out in brighter relief. an indian reception. when anacaona, the queen of xaragua, had received the admiral's brother, don bartolome, on a former occasion, the spaniards affirmed her to be a wise woman, of good manners, and pleasant address; and she is said to have earnestly entreated her brother to take warning by the fate of her husband, caonabo, and to love and obey the christians. as she was now to play the hostess again, this time to ovando, we may refer to the account of her former reception of a spanish governor, the adelantado, of which there are some details furnished by peter martyr. after mentioning that the queen and her brother received the lieutenant with all courtesy and honour, he says: "they brought our men to their common hall, into which they come together as often as they make any notable games or triumphs, as we have said before. here, after many dancings, singings, maskings, runnings, wrestlings, and other trying of masteries, suddenly there appeared in a large plain near unto the hall, two great armies of men of war, which the king for his pastime had caused to be prepared, as the spaniards use the play with reeds, which they call juga de canias. as the armies drew near together, they assailed the one the other as fiercely as if mortal enemies with their banners spread should fight for their goods, their lands, their lives, their liberty, their country, their wives and their children, so that within the moment of an hour, four men were slain, and many wounded. the battle also would have continued longer, if the king had not, at the request of our men, caused them to cease." ovando visits xaragua. at this time, in the year 1503, some of roldan's former partizans were settled in the province of xaragua, and were a great trouble to the colony. herrera says, in a quiet sarcastic way, "they lived in the discipline they had learnt from roldan;" and the governing powers of xaragua found them "intolerable." he also adds that anacaona's people were in policy, in language, and in other things superior to all the other inhabitants of the island. as might be expected, there were constant disturbances between these spaniards and the adjacent indians; and the spaniards took care to inform the governor that their adversaries, the indians of xaragua, intended to rebel. perhaps they did so intend. ovando resolved, after much consultation, to take a journey to xaragua. it must be said, in justice to ovando, that this does not look as if he thought the matter were a light one. xaragua was seventy leagues from st. domingo. the governor set out well accompanied, with seventy horsemen and three hundred foot soldiers. his reception by anacaona. anacaona, who had some suspicion of his intentions, summoned all her feudatories around her "to do horour" to him, when she heard of his coming. she went out to meet ovando with a concourse of her subjects, and with the same festivities of singing and dancing as in former days she had adopted when she went to receive the adelantado. various pleasures and amusements were provided for the strangers, and probably anacaona thought that she had succeeded in soothing and pleasing this severe looking governor, as she had done the last. but the former followers of roldan were about the governor, telling him that there certainly was an insurrection at hand, that if he did not look to it now, and suppress it at once, the revolt would be far more difficult to quell when it did break out. thus they argued, using all those seemingly wise arguments of wickedness which from time immemorial have originated and perpetuated treachery. ovando listened to these men; indeed he must have been much inclined to believe them, or he would hardly have come all this way. he was now convinced that an insurrection was intended. pretended tournament; massacre of indian chiefs. with these thoughts in his mind, he ordered that, on a certain sunday, after dinner, all the cavalry should get to horse, on the pretext of a tournament. the infantry, too, he caused to be ready for action. he himself, a tiberius in dissembling, went to play at quoits, and was disturbed by his men coming to him and begging him to look on at their sports. the poor indian queen hurried with the utmost simplicity into the snare prepared for her. she told the governor that her caciques, too, would like to see this tournament, upon which, with demonstrations of pleasure, he bade her come with all her caciques to his quarters, for he wanted to talk to them, intimating, as i conjecture, that he would explain the festivity to them. meanwhile, he gave his cavalry orders to surround the building; he placed the infantry at certain commanding positions; and told his men, that when, in talking with the caciques, he should place his hand upon the badge of knighthood which hung upon his breast, they should rush in and bind the caciques and anacaona. it fell out as he had planned. all these deluded indian chiefs and their queen were secured. she alone was led out of ovando's quarters, which were then set fire to, and all the chiefs burnt alive. anacaona was afterwards hanged and the province was desolated. humanity does not gain much, after all, by this man's not taking the title of "lordship" which he had a right to. finally, the governor collected the former followers of roldan in xaragua, and formed a town of their settlement, which he named "the city of the true peace" (la villa de la vera paz), but which a modern chronicler well says might more properly havc been named "aceldama, the field of blood." i observe that the arms assigned to this new settlement were a dove with the olive-branch, a rainbow, and a cross. ferdinand's letter to columbus but it is time to return to columbus, who in the mean time was chafing at the inactivity which had been forced upon him. his was a restless spirit, perhaps too restless for an organizer, who ought to possess an inexhaustible amount of patience, and to be able to wait as well as to labour. he had formed a theory that some strait existed through which a passage might be made from the neighbourhood of st. domingo to those regions in asia from which the portuguese were just beginning to reap a large profit, and which must be very near that home of the gold which had always occupied his thoughts. he pressed the sovereigns to provide him with ships for an expedition having for its special object the discovery of this strait; and on the occurrence of some delay as to the equipment of vessels for the purpose, he seems to have written to ferdinand, reproaching him with the treatment which he had received, and with the want of confidence manifested towards him now. to this ferdinand answered in a letter which was certainly well calculated to soothe the admiral's indignation. it was to the following effect, "you ought to be convinced of our displeasure at your captivity, for we lost not a moment in setting you free. your innocence is well known; you are aware of the consideration and friendship with which we have treated you; the favours which you have received from us shall not be the last that you will receive; we assure to you your privileges, and are desirous that you and your children may enjoy them. we offer to confirm them to you again, and to put your eldest son in possession of all your offices, whenever you wish....we beg you to set out as soon as possible." new enterprise. on the 9th of may the preparations were complete, and columbus set sail from cadiz with his brother, don bartholomew, and his second son, fernando. as an instance of the admiral's chivalrous love of adventure, it may be mentioned that upon hearing that the portuguese fortress of arzilla, on the african coast, was besieged by the moors, he first proceeded thither, quite voluntarily, to its relief. when he reached it, however, he found that the siege had been raised; and his services were not, therefore, called into requisition. columbus refused shelter; destructive tornado. after a singularly prosperous voyage, he reached martinique on the 13th of june. his instructions from the sovereigns expressly interdicted him from visiting st. domingo; but, on finding that his largest ship required some repairs to make her seaworthy, he boldly disregarded the prohibition, and sent a boat to ask ovando to furnish him with another vessel in place of the damaged one, and to allow his squadron to take refuge in the harbour during a hurricane which he foresaw to be imminent. ovando refused both requests. his commission set forth that columbus was not to visit the island; and the contingency of hurricanes was not provided for. besides, the governor believed that this prediction of a hurricane was a mere pretext of the admiral's for obtaining admission to the harbour. to an eye unaccustomed to tropical changes, the weather appeared to be "set fair." scarcely a ripple passed over the sea; scarcely a breath stirred the luxuriant foliage on shore. ovando repulsed with scorn the admiral's suggestion that, at any rate, the departure of the fleet for spain should he delayed. this fleet was the richest in cargo that had ever left the islands. it contained all the gold which had been wrung out of the natives by bobadilla's harsh measures. of one nugget, especially, the old chroniclers speak in the most glowing terms. according to them, it was the largest piece of virgin gold ever discovered. it had been found accidentally, by an indian woman at the mines, while listlessly moving her rake to and fro in the water one day during dinner time. its value was estimated at 1,350,000 maravedis;[about 416 english pounds] and in the festivities which took place on the occasion, it was used as a dish for a roast pig, the miners saying that no king of castile has ever feasted from a dish of such value. we do not find that the poor indian woman had any part in the good fortune. indeed, as las casas observes, she was fortunate if she had any portion of the meat, not to speak of the dish. bobadilla had purchased the nugget for ferdinand and isabella, and had shipped it with other treasure valuable enough to go a long way towards compensating the sovereigns for all their expenditure on the new colony--if the fleet could only reach spain in safety. but on the second day after its departure the admiral's prediction became terribly verified. a tornado of unexampled fury swept over the seas; and those on shore could judge of the fate that was likely to befall the unfortunate squadron, as many of the buildings and trees on the island were levelled with the ground by the force of the tempest. of all the ships, only one--and that the frailest of the fleet--was able to accomplish the voyage to spain. a few vessels managed to return, in dire distress, to the island; but by far the greater number foundered at sea. the historians of the period do not fail to remark that, while the ship which reached spain safely was the one carrying the admiral's property, a special providence decreed that his enemies--bobadilla, roldan, and their associates in cruelty and plunder--should perish with their ill-gotten gains. like cassandra, columbus witnessed the discomfiture of the disbelievers in his prophecy: like her he was denied the right of sanctuary upon the occurrence of the disaster which he had foretold. repulsed from port by ovando, however, the admiral sailed along the coast, and succeeded in bringing his own ship under the lee of the land when the storm came on. but the three other caravels were in no little danger (particularly the disabled one, which was commanded by the adelantado), and some days elapsed before the little squadron was re-united in the port of azua, to the west of san domingo. jamiaica passed. thence he proceeded to jaquimo, on the extremity of the same coast, and after refitting his ships, set sail for jamaica on the 14th of july, 1502. passing that island, he met with light and varying winds, and contrary currents, in the archipelago of reefs and keys which he had previously named the queen's garden. insubordination of crews. for about nine weeks he made so little progress that his crews began to clamour for the abandonment of the expedition. the ships were worm-eaten and leaky. provisions were running short. the seamen had seen their commander thrust away from what might be called his own door; and the sight of his powerlessness had strengthened their independence until it amounted to insubordination. fortunately, however, before the discontent broke out into open mutiny, a breeze sprang up from the east, and the admiral easily persuaded his unruly crews that it was better to prosecute their voyage than to remain beating about the islets waiting to return home. they were soon gladdened by the sight of the pine-clad slopes of the little island of guanaja, lying about forty miles from truxillo, on the coast of honduras. here there appeared a canoe, much more like the ships of the old world than any they had seen before, manned by twenty-five indians who had come from the continent on a trading voyage among the islands. their cargo consisted of cotton fabrics, iron-wood swords, flint knives, copper axe-heads, and a fruit called by the natives cacao, to which the spaniards were now introduced for the first time, but the merits of which, as a beverage, they were not slow to appreciate. the admiral treated these people with much kindness, and won their confidence at once by presenting them with some of the glittering toys which never failed to dazzle a barbarian eye. an indian pilot. one old indian, whom columbus selected as apparently the most intelligent of the band, consented to accompany him as pilot, and indicated, by signs, his knowledge of a land, not far distant, where there were ships, and arms, and merchandize, and, in fact, all the marks of civilization which were displayed to him by the spaniards themselves, and with which he professed to be perfectly familiar. whether he intended to mislead columbus, or whether, like most of his race, he was merely proud of being impassive, and of being able to repress all indication of astonishment at startling novelties, it is certain that his demeanour and his signs were interpreted by the admiral to indicate an acquaintance with a country, rich and civilized, lying towards the east; which country could, of course, be no other than the long sought-for kingdom of the grand khan. had columbus, in pursuance of his first intention, steered to the west, a few hours would have brought him to the coast of yucatan; and the riches of mexico would have rewarded his discovery. but this savage, like his evil destiny, crossed his path at the critical moment, and turned him from the road to fortune. cape guacias a dios. steering along the coast of honduras, on the 12th of september, he reached cape gracias a dios, to which he gave this name in pious thankfulness for the southerly turn taken by the land at that point, so that the east winds, which had hitherto obstructed him, were now favourable to his course along the coast. a month later he entered several bays on the isthmus of panama, where he was able to procure provisions and to refit his vessels, but failed to obtain any intelligence either of the kingdom of the khan, or of the strait which he fancied would lead him there. the natives whom he encountered were generally disposed to be friendly; but, in one instance, when the depth of water in a creek obliged him to moor his vessels close to the shore, an attack of the indians was only repulsed by the use of artillery, the thunder and lightning of which seemed always to possess, in the eyes of the savages, a supernatural and therefore awful character. on another occasion, when a conference was held with one of the tribes, great alarm was caused by a notary, who attended to take notes of the conversation. the savages had never before seen the operation of writing; and they regarded it as a spell which was to have some magic effect upon them, and which they must neutralize by various mystic fumigations which they believed to act as counter-charms. "they were themselves skilled sorcerers," says columbus,--whose credulity in such matters was only that of his age. easterly course abandoned; the bethlehem river. it was not until the 5th of december that the admiral could resolve to abandon his easterly course, although the conviction had been gradually forcing itself upon him that the condition of his ships was such as to render a prosecution of his voyage almost impossible. he had scarcely turned back, intending to found a settlement on the river veragua, before he encountered a storm which tried his worm-eaten caravels very severely. the thunder and lightning wore incessant; the waterspouts (the first they had seen) threatened to engulph them; huge crests of waves burst in phosphorescent floods over them; and their escape, if we consider the smallness of the caravels, and the force of a tropical cyclone, was little less than miraculous. at last, after eight days' tossing to and fro, the admiral gained the mouth of a river, which he named the bethlehem, because he entered it on the day of the epiphany. a settlement formed. in this neighbourhood there was a powerful cacique, named quibia, whose territory contained much gold, and with whom, therefore, the spaniards were anxious to treat. but he outwitted them. offering to supply them with guides to conduct them to his gold mines, he really sent them, not to his own mines, but to those of a rival cacique, of urira. here, however, they succeeded in acquiring, by barter and by actual discovery, large quantities of the precious metal, which seemed to be so abundant, that the admiral made sure that he had come to the very aurea chersonesus from which solomon had obtained the gold for the temple at jerusalem. he had seen more signs of gold here in two days, he said, than he had seen in st. domingo in four years. his first step was to form a settlement to provide a depot for the gold which might be collected. a convenient site was found near the mouth of the river bethlehem, and by the end of march the adelantado had built a village of huts, in which it was proposed that he should remain, with about eighty followers, while columbus returned to spain for supplies. attack by indians. but rumours soon reached the adelantado of a projected attack on the settlement by the natives, and he took measures to seize quibia in his own palace. the indians, dismayed at the capture of their cacique, offered large quantities of gold for his ransom, but the adelantado preferred to keep him as a hostage for peace. however, as he was being conveyed down the river, on board one of the boats, he managed, although bound hand and foot, and in the custody of one of the most powerful of the spaniards, to spring overboard and to make his escape, swimming under water to the shore. henceforward, as might have been expected, there was war to the knife between the natives and the settlers. an attempt was made to burn down the village by means of blazing arrows. a boat's crew of eleven spaniards, who had proceeded some distance up the river, were attacked by savages in canoes, and only one man escaped to carry to the settlement the news of the massacre of his companions. settlement abandoned. the admiral, with three of the caravels, was in the offing, awaiting a wind favourable for his departure, but the dry weather had made the river so shallow that it was impossible for the caravel left with the settlers to cross the bar, and as they had no boat strong enough to weather the surf, it seemed impossible for them to carry to him tidings of their condition. they were in despair; for if they were left, they knew that they were left to perish. the admiral, on his part, had become uneasy, not knowing that their failure to communicate with him was owing to the fact that their only seaworthy boat had been destroyed by the indians. his own boats were small and scarcely weathertight. but some of quibia's family who had been taken on board the squadron as prisoners, had made their escape by swimming to the shore, three miles off; and this feat encouraged a bold pilot of seville, named ledesma, who was on board the admiral's caravel, to attempt a similar exploit. never was bearer of reprieve for the condemned more welcome. ledesma communicated with the adelantado, and conveyed to the admiral intelligence of the desperate state of affairs. the result was, that when in a few days the wind moderated, all the settlers were taken on board the squadron, which now only consisted of three ships, as it was found necessary to abandon the caravel which had been left inside the harbour bar. and there was no time to spare. the rough weather had severely tried the crazy and worm-eaten vessels; and anxiety and want of rest were having their effect on columbus. making his way first to porto bello, where he was obliged to leave another caravel as no longer seaworthy, on the 31st of may he quitted the coast at a point on the west of the gulf of darien, and steered northward towards cuba. a collision between his two remaining ships rendered them still more unfit to cope with the squalls and breakers of the archipelago; but at last, in the middle of june, with his crews in despair, nearly all his anchors lost, and his vessels worm-eaten so as to be "as full of holes as a honey-comb," he arrived off the southern coast of cuba, where he obtained supplies of cassava bread from friendly natives. chapter xii. failing to make head against the wind so as to reach hispaniola, columbus shaped his course for jamaica, and there, in the harbour which he had named santa gloria on his former visit, his voyage was perforce brought to a conclusion. as his ships could not float any longer, he ran them on shore, side by side, and built huts upon the decks for housing the crews. such a habitation, like the swiss lake dwellings, afforded remarkable advantages of position in case of attack by a hostile tribe. supply of provisions. the admiral's first care was to prevent any offence being given to the aborigines which might give cause for such an attack. knowing, by sad experience, the results of permitting free intercourse between the spaniards and the natives, he enforced strictly a rule forbidding any spaniard to go ashore without leave; and took measures for regulating the traffic for food so as to prevent the occurrence of any quarrel. diego mendez, who had been his lieutenant, and had shown himself the boldest of his officers throughout this voyage, volunteered to proceed into the interior of the island to make arrangements for the periodical supply of provisions from some of the more remote tribes, as it was certain that the sudden addition to the population would soon exhaust the resources of the immediate neighbourhood. this service mendez performed with great adroitness, and a regular market was established to which the natives brought fish, game and cassava bread, in exchange for spanish toys and ornaments. a messenger sent to ovando; remarkable despatch to the sovereigns. although the spaniards were thus secure from starvation for the present, their position was most critical. the journey to the easternmost extremity of jamaica would probably not be unattended with difficulty and danger, for it must be effected through the midst of indian tribes, hostile to each other, and therefore probably not unanimous in being friendly towards strangers. but the most formidable obstacle to communication with the government of hispaniola was the strait of forty leagues' breadth, full of tumbling breakers and rushing currents, which separated the two islands. however, it was necessary that the attempt should be made; and diego mendez, though he considered it to be "not merely difficult, but impossible, to cross in so small a vessel as a canoe," volunteered for the service, after all the other spaniards had declined to undertake it. he was to be the bearer of a letter from the admiral to ovando, asking him to send a vessel to release the castaways from their imprisonment, and of a despatch to the sovereigns, giving a detailed account of the admiral's voyage and a glowing description of the riches of veragua. this despatch is very characteristic of the writer, bearing, as it does, the marks of strong enthusiasm, of almost fanatical superstition, of confidence in the midst of despair, and of exultation in the face of ruin. describing his reflections during the storm at the mouth of the river bethlehem, he breaks into the following rhapsody, which, probably in perfect good faith, dwells on the contrast between the goodness of god and the bad faith of man, in a way which ought to have touched ferdinand nearly. it is worth quoting at full length, as an example of the wild fervour of a rapt enthusiast. "wearied and sighing," writes columbus, "i fell into a slumber, when i heard a piteous voice saying to me, 'o fool, and slow to believe and serve thy god, who is the god of all! what did he more for moses, or for his servant david, than he has done for thee? from the time of thy birth he has ever had thee under his peculiar care. when he saw thee of a fitting age, he made thy name to resound marvellously throughout the earth, and thou wert obeyed in many lands, and didst acquire honourable fame among christians. of the gates of the ocean sea, shut up with such mighty chains, he delivered to thee the keys; the indies, those wealthy regions of the world, he gave thee for thine own, and empowered thee to dispose of them to others, according to thy pleasure. what did he more for the great people of israel, when he led them forth from egypt? or for david, whom, from being it shepherd, he made a king in judaea? turn to him, then, and acknowledge thine error: his mercy is infinite. he has many and vast inheritances yet in reserve. fear not to seek them. thine age shall be no impediment to any great undertaking. abraham was above a hundred years when he begat isaac; and was sarah youthful? thou urgest despondingly for succour. answer! who hath afflicted thee so much, and so many times, god, or the world? the privileges and promises which god hath made to thee he hath never broken,[23] neither hath he said, after having received thy services, that his meaning was different, and to be understood in a different sense. he fulfils all that he promises, and with increase. such is his custom. i have shown thee what thy creator hath done for thee, and what he doeth for all. the present is the reward of the toils and perils thou hast endured in serving others.' i heard this," adds columbus, "as one almost dead, and had no power to reply to words so true, excepting to weep for my errors. whoever it was that spoke to me finished by saying, 'fear not! all these tribulations are written in marble, and not without cause.'" [footnote 23: a sarcasm to "catch the conscience of the king."] religious enthusiasm. "though this be madness, there is method in it;" but still, the whole character of columbus forbids us to assume that this alleged vision was merely an ingenious device for remonstrating with the sovereigns. it must not be forgotten that in those times the popular belief as to such matters was very different from that which obtains now; and that columbus was as credulous as his contemporaries on the subject of the supernatural. it was easy for an imagination like his to be wrought upon so as to give to "airy nothings," to the "thousand phantasies that crowd into the memory," the character of special revelations from heaven. in this very despatch his religious fervour is displayed again and again. jerusalem, according to the prophecy, was to be rebuilt by the hand of a christian. he would be that christian. prester john, so said tradition, had asked for missionaries to instruct him in the true faith. he would conduct them to the kingdom of this unknown potentate. then he goes on to deplore his own hard case; "surrounded by cruel and hostile savages; isolated, infirm, expecting each day will be my last; severed from the holy sacraments of the church, so that my soul, if parted here from my body, must be for ever forgotten....if it should please god to deliver me hence, i humbly supplicate your majesties to permit me to repair to rome, and perform other pilgrimages." columbus, then, being really convinced of the fatal consequences of not being within reach of formal communion with the church, must have felt that he was risking more than his mere bodily life when he wandered into those unknown countries; that he staked both body and soul on his success. capture of mendez; escape and safe arrival. laden with these despatches, mendez and a spanish comrade set out along the coast in a canoe manned by six indians. the party arrived safely at the easternmost cape of jamaica (now called point morant); but while awaiting calm weather for crossing the strait to hispaniola, they were attacked by a tribe of savages, who overpowered them by sheer force of numbers, and carried them off as captives. the beads and toys, however, which mendez had taken with him to barter with the natives, were too attractive not to claim the chief share of the attention of his conquerors; and while they were settling the division of the spoil he managed to effect his escape to his canoe, and to return in it in safety to santa gloria. as soon as a second canoe could be procured, mendez was ready to make a second attempt, but on this occasion he stipulated that he should be accompanied to the easternmost point of jamaica by a force sufficient to protect him from the hostile tribes. accordingly, on the 7th july, 1503, the adelantado, with an armed escort, proceeded along the shore; while mendez, with six spaniards and ten indians, in one canoe, and fieschi (a genoese, who had commanded one of the caravels), with a like number in the other, made their way by sea to point morant. after waiting a short time for fine weather, the two canoes started for hispaniola, and reached a little island called navazza on the third day, both spaniards and indians having suffered terribly from the want of water, with which they were insufficiently supplied. another day's labour at the oar brought them to cape tiburon, where mendez left his companions and proceeded alone to st. domingo. here he was informed that the governor had left for xaragua; and thither he made his way alone, through fifty leagues of wild forest country, to represent to ovando the necessity of sending relief to the admiral, and that speedily. ovando seems to have temporized. he dreaded the return of columbus, as likely to excite the seditious to a revolt against his own government. and so far from taking active steps in the matter himself, it was only with reluctance that he authorized mendez to proceed to st. domingo to purchase a caravel on behalf of columbus, in which fieschi might return to santa gloria, and bring him off. suspense of the admiral; mutiny of porras. meanwhile, month after month passed by, and the unfortunate castaways at santa gloria had no tidings from hispaniola, and were even ignorant whether their messengers had succeeded in reaching that island. at last, in january, 1504, the murmurs against the inaction of columbus broke out into open mutiny. francesco porras, the captain of one of the caravels, headed the mutineers, and going to the admiral, who was confined to his bed by the gout, told him that he, the admiral, evidently was afraid to return to spain; but that the people had determined to remain no longer to perish, and intended to depart at once. on this there arose shouts from the followers of porras, "to castile! we follow!" the admiral made a temperate speech, pointing out the danger of attempting to leave the island in mere canoes, and the absurdity of supposing that he had not a common interest with them in all respects. but porras was as persistent in his desire to go, as columbus in his determination to stay; and, taking possession of the canoes which had been purchased from the natives, the mutineers set out on their journey towards hispaniola, leaving the admiral and his brother with scarcely any adherents except those whom sickness incapacitated for undertaking the journey. bad conduct of mutineers. the progress of porras and his followers through the island was marked by a series of outrages on the natives which completely neutralized the effect of the admiral's conciliatory policy. they seized forcibly on whatever provisions could be found, and mockingly referred the owners to columbus for payment. three attempts to cross over to hispaniola failed in consequence of rough weather. on one occasion the canoes were in so much danger of being swamped that the spaniards cast everything on board into the sea; and, as this did not lighten the canoes sufficiently, they then proceeded to force overboard their unfortunate companions, the indians, who swam after them for a long time, but sank one by one, being prevented by the swords of the spaniards from approaching. abandoning, as hopeless, their design of reaching hispaniola, the mutineers then proceeded to roam over the island, quartering themselves on the indians, and committing every possible excess. of course the influence of this conduct on the relations between columbus and the natives, was soon apparent. the trinkets and beads, which had once been so precious in their eyes, had first lost the charm of novelty, then the value of rarity. the circulating medium became so depreciated that provisions were scarcely procurable. and, similarly, the personal veneration which the natives had first evinced for the white men, had given way to contempt and to hatred, when familiarity had shown how worthless were these "superior beings." the indians refused to minister to their wants any longer; and famine was imminent. eclipse predicted by columbus. but just at this last extremity, the admiral, ever fertile in devices, bethought him of an expedient for re-establishing his influence over the indians. his astronomical knowledge told him that on a certain night an eclipse of the moon would take place. one would think that people living in the open air must be accustomed to see such eclipses sufficiently often, not to be particularly astonished at them. but columbus judged--and as the event proved, judged rightly--that by predicting the eclipse he would gain a reputation as a prophet, and command the respect and the obedience due to a person invested with supernatural powers. he assembled the caciques of the neighbouring tribes. then, by means of an interpreter, he reproached them with refusing to continue to supply provisions to the spaniards. "the god who protects me," he said, "will punish you. you know what has happened to those of my followers who have rebelled against me; and the dangers which they encountered in their attempt to cross to haiti; while those who went at my command,[24] made the passage without difficulty. soon, too, shall the divine vengeance fall on you; this very night shall the moon change her colour and lose her light, in testimony of the evils which shall be sent upon you from the skies." [footnote 24: this was a gratuitous assumption: as the admiral had as yet no tidings of the success of mendez.] result of prediction. the night was fine: the moon shone down in full brilliancy. but, at the appointed time, the predicted phenomenon took place, and the wild howls of the savages proclaimed their abject terror. they came in a body to columbus, and implored his intercession. they promised to let him want for nothing if only he would avert this judgment: as all earnest of their sincerity they collected hastily a quantity of food, and offered it at his feet. at first, diplomatically hesitating, columbus presently affected to be softened by their entreaties. he consented to intercede for them; and, retiring to his cabin, performed, as they supposed, some mystic rite which should deliver them from the threatened punishment. soon the terrible shadow passed away from the face of the moon; and the gratitude of the savages was as deep as their previous terror. but, being blended with much awe, it was not so evanescent as gratitude often is; and henceforward there was no failure in the regular supply of provisions to the castaways. despatch from ovando. eight months had passed away without any tidings of mendez, when, one evening there hove in sight a small caravel which stood in towards the harbour of santa gloria, and anchored just outside. a boat which put off from the caravel brought on shore her commander, a certain diego de escobar, whom columbus recognized as a person whom he had sentenced to be hanged as it ringleader in roldan's mutiny, and who had been pardoned by bobadilla. the proceedings of this person--whose reprieve must have now seemed to the admiral particularly injudicious--were singular enough. standing at a distance from columbus, as if the admiral had been in quarantine, he shouted, at the top of his voice, a message from ovando, to the effect that he (the governor) regretted the admiral's misfortunes very keenly, that he hoped before long to send a ship of sufficient size to take him off. he added, that in the meantime, ovando begged him to accept a slight mark of his friendship. the "slight mark of his friendship" was--a side of bacon, which, with a small cask of wine and a letter from ovando he delivered to the admiral; and rowed off as fast as possible. the whole scheme of this visit, which was probably planned by ovando with the object of ascertaining the real condition and designs of columbus, was in the last degree insulting to him and tantalizing to his companions, with whom d'escobar would not permit any communication to be held. however, the admiral wrote a civil reply to ovando, describing piteously the hardships of his condition, and disclaiming any ulterior design with regard to the government of hispaniola. carrying this missive, d'escobar set sail at once, and was out of sight, on his return voyage, before the morning of the day after his arrival. overtures to mutineers. this mysterious visit was by no means satisfactory to the admiral's companions. as he alone had held communication with d'escobar, he was free to give them whatever account he chose of his interview; and this liberty, it may be parenthetically observed, he did not scruple to exercise somewhat at the expense of strict truth. he represented himself as having refused to depart with d'escobar, because the caravel was too small to carry them all away, and he was determined to share their lot, confident in ovando's assurance of speedy succour. he made overtures for a reconciliation to porras, and endeavoured to persuade the mutineers to return on board the ships. but these overtures were scornfully repulsed and the admiral's messengers were sent back with threats of force. as for the caravel, porras had little difficulty in persuading his credulous followers that it was merely an apparition which columbus had conjured up by magic arts; and such was the reputation for sorcery which the admiral had acquired by his astronomical observations, that even the sight and taste of some tangible bacon (half of that present from ovando of which we have heard) which he sent as a peace offering to the mutineers, failed to convince them of the material character of the supposed phantom ship. resort to arms. soon, however, the differences between the rival parties were brought to an issue. the adelantado received information that porras was planning a descent on the ships, with the object of seizing the stores and capturing the admiral. resolving to anticipate this attack, he placed himself at the head of fifty[25] devoted partisans of columbus, and sallied out to engage the mutineers. a furious struggle ensued; but the adelantado performed prodigies of valour, and his followers were better supplied with fire-arms than the rebels; so that the latter sustained a complete defeat, and their leader porras was carried off as a prisoner to the ships. [footnote 25: it would appear from this number that either there had been some defection from the ranks of the mutineers or that more than half the spaniards had remained faithful to the admiral.] the mutineers conquered. the natives, who had been spectators of the affray, were much perplexed. wiser people than these poor savages have looked with sorrowful wonder on the appeal to brute force to decide the quarrels of nations; and the indians, when they saw strife and death among the beings whom they had formerly considered as heaven-descended and immortal, felt that their estimate of these attributes ought to be lowered. but when curiosity impelled them to examine the corpses of the spaniards who had been killed in the encounter, after minutely inspecting several bodies, they came to that of ledesma--whose name may be remembered as that of the gigantic pilot of seville who swam through the surf at bethlehem to the adelantado's relief--who had now fallen, covered with wounds, fighting on behalf of the mutineers. as the savages proceeded to thrust their fingers into his wounds, ledesma, who had fainted from pain, recovered consciousness, and uttered a stentorian yell which put the indians to flight, says an ancient chronicler, "as if all the dead men were at their heels." and as ledesma eventually recovered, notwithstanding his having received wounds sufficient to kill three ordinary persons, the natives must have been inspired by a proper respect for the almost miraculous vitality of the white men. porras a prisoner. the victory gained by the adelantado was conclusive. the rebels at once submitted to the admiral, who consented to pardon them; reserving only their ringleader, porras, for future punishment. it was arranged that they should not again take up their habitation on board the ships, but columbus sent ashore a trusty lieutenant as their commander, and supplied them at the same time with european articles to barter for food with the natives. and so the two bands of castaways--one on ship and one on shore--awaited the promised succour, with the weariness of hope deferred. chapter xiii. it was not till the 28th of june, 1504, when just a year had elapsed since their arrival at santa gloria, that the spaniards were gladdened by the sight of the two caravels which had been sent--one by mendez, the other by ovando--to their relief. their embarkation, as may be supposed, was quickly effected; but adverse winds made the voyage to hispaniola a long one, and the two vessels did not reach st. domingo before the 13th of august. conflicting jurisdiction. much to the surprise of the admiral, he found himself treated with the most punctilious courtesy by ovando, who even proceeded to the harbour, with a numerous suite, to receive him in state upon his arrival. however, differences soon arose as to the conflicting jurisdictions of the viceroy and the governor; especially with regard to the case of porras, whom ovando, in opposition to the admiral's wish, insisted upon releasing from custody. moreover he even announced his intention of instituting a general enquiry as to the events which had taken place in jamaica, in order to decide whether porras and his associates had been justified in their rebellion. columbus disputed the right of ovando to take upon himself the office of judge in such a matter; and remarked that his own authority as viceroy must have sunk very low indeed, if it did not empower him to punish his officers for mutinying against himself. this dispute was unfortunate as regards the private interests of the admiral, for the revenues arising from his property in the island had been collected under the authority of the governor, who, upon the occurrence of this quarrel, was easily able to raise difficulties in the way of his obtaining a fair account of the proceeds. but he was all the more anxious to return to spain; and, within a month from his arrival at st. domingo, he started homeward in the caravel which had brought him from jamaica. falling fortunes. but even in this last voyage he was forced to "make head against a sea of troubles." his evil star was in the ascendant. twice his vessel nearly foundered. twice her masts were sprung in successive tempests. his own health was succumbing to the acute attacks of gout which had become more and more frequent for the last few years. and so, prostrated by sickness, nearly ruined in means, and now hopeless of encouragement from the sovereigns, the discoverer of the new world arrived at seville, on the 7th of november, 1504, in as miserable a plight as his worst enemy could have wished. he could scarcely expect to be received with much favour at court. he had failed in the search for that strait leading to the kingdom of the grand khan, the discovery of which had been the special object of his expedition; he had lost his ships; he had brought home wonderful stories of golden lands, but no gold. porras[26] was at large, and had influence at court, which enabled him to stimulate the existing prejudice against columbus. [footnote 26: it seems just possible that, as the original narrative of the mutiny of porras was written by fernando columbus, who would naturally take his father's side, something is to be said for porras which has not been said for him by historians.] death of the queen. poor, old, infirm, he had now to receive intelligence which was to deepen all his evils. he remained at seville, too unwell to make a journey himself, but sent his son diego to court, to manage his affairs for him. the complaints of the admiral, that he had no news from court, are quite touching. he says, he desires to hear news each hour. couriers are arriving every day, but none for him: his very hair stands on end to hear things so contrary to what his soul desires. he alludes, i imagine, to the state of the queen's health; for, in a memorandum of instructions to his son, written at this period, the first thing, he says, to be done is, "to commend affectionately, with much devotion," the soul of the queen to god. could the poor indians but have known what a friend to them was dying, one continued wail would have gone up to heaven from hispaniola and all the western islands. the dread decree, however, had gone forth, and on the 26th of november, 1504, it was only a prayer for the departed that could have been addressed; for the great queen was no more. if it be permitted to departing spirits to see those places on earth they yearn much after, we might imagine that the soul of isabella would give "one longing, lingering look" to the far west. oppression of the indians. and if so, what did she see there? how different was the aspect of things from what governors and officers of all kinds had told her: how different from aught that she had thought of, or commanded! she had insisted that the indians were to be free: she would have seen their condition to be that of slaves. she had declared that they were to have spiritual instruction: she would have seen them less instructed than the dogs. she had ordered that they should receive payment for their labour: she would have found that all they received was a mockery of wages, just enough to purchase once, perhaps, in the course of the year, some childish trifles from castile. she had always directed that they should have kind treatment and proper maintenance: she would have seen them literally watching under the tables of their masters, to catch the crumbs which fell there. she would have beheld the indian labouring at the mine under cruel buffetings, his family, neglected, perishing, or enslaved. she would have marked him on his return, after eight months of dire toil, enter a place which knew him not, or a household that could only sorrow over the gaunt creature who had returned to them, and mingle their sorrows with his; or, still more sad, she would have seen indians who had been brought from far distant homes, linger at the mines, too hopeless, or too careless, to return. petitions of columbus; injustice of the king. turning from what might have been seen by queen isabella, had her departing gaze pierced to the outskirts of her dominions, we have to record the closing scene of the strange eventful history of columbus, who did not long survive his benefactress. ever since his return from his fourth voyage to the indies, he had done little else than memorialize, and petition, and negotiate about his rights. but ferdinand, who had always looked coldly on his projects, was disposed to regard his claims with still less favour. columbus professed himself willing to sacrifice the arrears of revenue due to him, but urged strenuously his demand that his son diego should be made viceroy of the indies, in accordance with the terms of the grant making that dignity hereditary in his family. ferdinand did not refuse absolutely: the breach of faith would have been too flagrant. but he procrastinated, and ended by referring the matter to the significantly named board of discharges of the royal conscience, which board regulated its proceedings by the known wishes of the king, and procrastinated too. the proverb, "fear old age, for it does not come alone," was especially applicable to columbus, while suffering sickness without the elasticity to bear it, poverty with high station and debt, and all the delay of suitorship, not at the beginning, but at the close, of a career. a similar decline of fortune is to be seen in the lives of many men; of those, too, who have been most adventurous and successful in their prime. their fortunes grow old and feeble with themselves; and those clouds, which were but white and scattered during the vigour of the day, sink down together, stormful and massive, in huge black lines, across the setting sun. death of columbus shortly after the arrival of philip and his queen in spain, columbus had written to their highnesses, deploring his inability to come to them, through illness, and saying that, notwithstanding his pitiless disease (the gout), he could yet do them service the like of which had not been seen. perhaps he meant service in the way of good advice touching the administration of the indies; perhaps, for he was of an indomitable spirit, that he could yet make more voyages of discovery. but there was then only left for him that voyage in which the peasant who has seen but the little district round his home, and the great travellers in thought and deed, are alike to find themselves upon the unknown waters of further life. looked at in this way, what a great discoverer each of us is to be! but we must not linger too long, even at the deathbed of a hero. having received all the sacraments of the church, and uttering as his last words, "in manus tuas, domine, commendo spiritum meum," columbus died, at valladolid, on ascension day, the 20th of may, 1506. his remains were carried to seville and buried in the monastery of las cuevas; afterwards they were removed to the cathedral at st. domingo; and, in modern times, were taken to the cathedral at havana, where they now rest. the end. chiswick press:--charles whittingham and co. tooks court, chancery lane, london. the columbiad a poem. by joel barlow. tu spiegherai, colombo, a un novo polo lontane sì le fortunate antenne, ch'a pena seguirà con gli occhi il volo la fama, ch' hà mille occhi e mille penne. canti ella alcide, e bacco; e di te solo basti a i posteri tuoi, ch' alquanto accenne: chè quel poco darà lunga memoria di poema degnissima, e d'istoria. gierus, lib. can. xv. 1809 preface. in preparing this work for publication it seems proper to offer some observations explanatory of its design. the classical reader will perceive the obstacles which necessarily presented themselves in reconciling the nature of the subject with such a manner of treating it as should appear the most poetical, and at the same time the most likely to arrive at that degree of dignity and usefulness to which it ought to aspire. the columbiad is a patriotic poem; the subject is national and historical. thus far it must be interesting to my countrymen. but most of the events were so recent, so important and so well known, as to render them inflexible to the hand of fiction. the poem therefore could not with propriety be modelled after that regular epic form which the more splendid works of this kind have taken, and on which their success is supposed in a great measure to depend. the attempt would have been highly injudicious; it must have diminished and debased a series of actions which were really great in themselves, and could not be disfigured without losing their interest. i shall enter into no discussion on the nature of the epopea, nor attempt to prove by any latitude of reasoning that i have written an epic poem. the subject indeed is vast; far superior to any one of those on which the celebrated poems of this description have been constructed; and i have no doubt but the form i have given to the work is the best that the subject would admit. it may be added that in no poem are the unities of time, place and action more rigidly observed: the action, in the technical sense of the word, consisting only of what takes place between columbus and hesper; which must be supposed to occupy but few hours, and is confined to the prison and the mount of vision. but these circumstances of classical regularity are of little consideration in estimating the real merit of any work of this nature. its merit must depend on the importance of the action, the disposition of the parts, the invention and application of incidents, the propriety of the illustrations, the liveliness and chastity of the images, the suitable intervention of machinery, the moral tendency of the manners, the strength and sublimity of the sentiments; the whole being clothed in language whose energy, harmony and elegance shall constitute a style every where suited to the matter they have to treat. it is impossible for me to determine how far i may have succeeded in any of these particulars. this must be decided by others, the result of whose decision i shall never know. but there is one point of view in which i wish the reader to place the character of my work, before he pronounces on its merit: i mean its political tendency. there are two distinct objects to be kept in view in the conduct of a narrative poem; the _poetical_ object and the _moral_ object. the poetical is the fictitious design of the action; the moral is the real design of the poem. in the iliad of homer the poetical object is to kindle, nourish, sustain and allay the anger of achilles. this end is constantly kept in view; and the action proper to attain it is conducted with wonderful judgment thro a long series of incidents, which elevate the mind of the reader, and excite not only a veneration for the creative powers of the poet, but an ardent emulation of his heroes, a desire to imitate and rival some of the great actors in the splendid scene; perhaps to endeavor to carry into real life the fictions with which we are so much enchanted. such a high degree of interest excited by the first object above mentioned, the fictitious design of the action, would make it extremely important that the second object, the real design of the poem, should be beneficial to society. but the real design in the iliad was directly the reverse. its obvious tendency was to inflame the minds of young readers with an enthusiastic ardor for military fame; to inculcate the pernicious doctrine of the divine right of kings; to teach both prince and people that military plunder was the most honorable mode of acquiring property; and that conquest, violence and war were the best employment of nations, the most glorious prerogative of bodily strength and of cultivated mind. how much of the fatal policy of states, and of the miseries and degradations of social man, have been occasioned by the false notions of honor inspired by the works of homer, it is not easy to ascertain. the probability is, that however astonishing they are as monuments of human intellect, and how long soever they have been the subject of universal praise, they have unhappily done more harm than good. my veneration for his genius is equal to that of his most idolatrous readers; but my reflections on the history of human errors have forced upon me the opinion that his existence has really proved one of the signal misfortunes of mankind. the moral tendency of the eneid of virgil is nearly as pernicious as that of the works of homer. its poetical or fictitious design, the settlement of his hero in italy, is well delineated and steadily pursued. this object must have been far more interesting to the romans than the anger of achilles could have been to the greeks. had virgil written his poem one or two centuries earlier than he did, while his countrymen felt that they had a country and were not themselves the property of a master, they must have glowed with enthusiasm in reciting the fabulous labors of their ancestors, and adored the songster who could have thus elevated so endearing a subject; who could have adorned it with such an interesting variety of incidents, such weight of pathos, such majesty of sentiment and harmony of verse. but virgil wrote and felt like a subject, not like a citizen. the real design of his poem was to increase the veneration of the people for a master, whoever he might be, and to encourage like homer the great system of military depredation. lucan is the only republican among the ancient epic poets. but the action of his rambling tho majestic poem is so badly arranged as to destroy, in a poetical sense, the life and interest of the great national subject on which it is founded; at the same time that it abounds in the most exalted sentiments and original views of manners, highly favorable to the love of justice and the detestation of war. if a mind, formed like that of lucan, as to its moral and political cast, and endowed with the creative energy of homer, had sung to the early greeks the fall of troy or the labors of hercules, his work (taking the place which those of homer have unfortunately occupied) as a splendid model for all succeeding ages, would have given a very different turn to the pursuits of heroes and the policy of nations. ambition might then have become a useful passion, instead of a destructive disease. in the poem here presented to the public the objects, as in other works of the kind, are two, the fictitious object of the action and the real object of the poem. the first of these is to sooth and satisfy the desponding mind of columbus; to show him that his labors, tho ill rewarded by his cotemporaries, had not been performed in vain; that he had opened the way to the most extensive career of civilization and public happiness; and that he would one day be recognised as the author of the greatest benefits to the human race. this object is steadily kept in view; and the actions, images and sentiments are so disposed as probably to attain the end. but the real object of the poem embraces a larger scope; it is to inculcate the love of rational liberty, and to discountenance the deleterious passion for violence and war; to show that on the basis of the republican principle all good morals, as well as good government and hopes of permanent peace, must be founded; and to convince the student in political science, that the theoretical question of the future advancement of human society, till states as well as individuals arrive at universal civilization, is held in dispute and still unsettled only because we have had too little experience of organized liberty in the government of nations to have well considered its effects. i cannot expect that every reader, nor even every republican reader, will join me in opinion with respect to the future progress of society and the civilization of states; but there are two sentiments in which i think all men will agree: that the event is desirable, and that to believe it practicable is one step towards rendering it so. this being the case, they ought to pardon a writer, if not applaud him, for endeavoring to inculcate this belief. i have taken the liberty, notwithstanding the recency of the events, to make some changes in the order of several of the principal battles described in this poem. i have associated the actions of starke, herkimer, brown and francis in the battle of saratoga, tho they happened at some distance from that battle, both as to time and place. a like circumstance will be noticed with respect to sumter, jackson of georgia and some others in the battle of eutaw. i have supposed a citadel mined and blown up in the siege of york, and two ships of war grappled and blown up in the naval battle of degrasse and graves. it is presumed that these circumstances require no apology; as in the two latter cases the events are incidental to such situations, and they here serve the principal purpose, being meant to increase our natural horror for the havoc and miseries of war in general. and with regard to the two former cases we ought to consider that, in the epic field, the interest to be excited by the action cannot be sustained by following the gazette, as lucan has done. the desultory parts of the historical action must be brought together and be made to elevate and strengthen each other, so as to press upon the mind with the full force of their symmetry and unity. where the events are recent and the actors known, the only duty imposed by that circumstance on the poet is to do them historical justice, and not ascribe to one hero the actions of another. but the scales of justice in this case are not necessarily accompanied by the calendar and the map. it will occur to most of my readers that the modern modes of fighting, as likewise the instruments and terms now used in war, are not yet rendered familiar in poetical language. it is doubtless from an unwarrantable timidity, or want of confidence in their own powers of description, that modern poets have made so little use of this kind of riches that lay before them. i confess that i imbibed the common prejudice, and remained a long time in the error of supposing that the ancients had a poetical advantage over us in respect to the dignity of the names of the weapons used in war, if not in their number and variety. and when i published a sketch of the present poem, under the title of the vision of columbus, i labored under the embarrassment of that idea. i am now convinced that the advantage, at least as to the weapons, is on the side of the moderns. there are better sounding names and more variety in the instruments, works, stratagems and other artifices employed in our war system than in theirs. in short, the modern military dictionary is more copious than the ancient, and the words at least as poetical. as to the mode of fighting, we have, poetically speaking, lost something in one respect, but we have gained much in another. our battles indeed admit but few single combats, or trials of individual prowess. they do admit them however; and it is not impossible to describe them with as much detail and interest as the nature of the action requires; as voltaire has proved in the single combat of aumale and turenne in the henriad. had he managed his general descriptions and the other parts of the conduct of his poem as well, he would have made it a far more interesting work than he has. however, since our single combats must be insignificant in their consequences, not deciding any thing as to the result of the battle, it would be inconvenient and misplaced to make much use of them in our descriptions. and here lies our disadvantage, compared with the ancients. but in a general engagement, the shock of modern armies is, beyond comparison, more magnificent, more sonorous and more discoloring to the face of nature, than the ancient could have been; and is consequently susceptible of more pomp and variety of description. our heaven and earth are not only shaken and tormented with greater noise, but filled and suffocated with fire and smoke. if homer, with his grecian tongue and all its dialects, had had the battle of blenheim to describe, the world would have possessed a picture and a piece of music which now it will never possess. the description would have astonished all ages, and enriched every language into which it might have been translated. with regard to naval battles the moderns have altogether the advantage. but there has been no naval battle described in modern poetry; neither is there any remaining to us from the ancients, except that in the bay of marseilles by lucan, and that near syracuse by silius. it would seem strange indeed that homer, whose wonderful powers of fiction were not embarrassed by historical realities, and who in other respects is so insatiable of variety, did not introduce a sea fight either in the defence of troy, or in the disastrous voyages of ulysses. but the want of this in homer's two poems amounts almost to a proof that in his time the nations had not yet adopted any method of fighting at sea; so that the poet could have no such image in his mind. the business of war, with all its varieties, makes but a small part of the subject of my poem; it ought therefore to occupy but a small portion of its scenery. this is the reason why i have not been more solicitous to vary and heighten the descriptions of battles and other military operations. i make this observation to satisfy those readers who being accustomed to see a long poem chiefly occupied with this sort of bustle conceive that the life and interest of such compositions depend upon it. how far the majesty or interest of epic song really depends upon the tumultuous conflicts of war i will not decide; but i can assure the reader, so far as my experience goes, that these parts of the work are not the most difficult to write. they are scenes that exhibit those vigorous traits of human character which strike the beholder most forcibly and leave the deepest impression. they delight in violent attitudes; and, painting themselves in the strongest colors on the poet's fancy, they are easy at any time to recal. he varies them at pleasure, he adorns them readily with incidents, and imparts them with spirit to the reader. my object is altogether of a moral and political nature i wish to encourage and strengthen in the rising generation, a sense of the importance of republican institutions; as being the great foundation of public and private happiness, the necessary aliment of future and permanent ameliorations in the condition of human nature. this is the moment in america to give such a direction to poetry, painting and the other fine arts, that true and useful ideas of glory may be implanted in the minds of men here, to take place of the false and destructive ones that have degraded the species in other countries; impressions which have become so wrought into their most sacred institutions, that it is there thought impious to detect them and dangerous to root them out, tho acknowledged to be false. wo be to the republican principle and to all the institutions it supports, when once the pernicious doctrine of the holiness of error shall creep into the creed of our schools and distort the intellect of our citizens! the columbiad, in its present form, is such as i shall probably leave it to its fate. whether it be destined to survive its author, is a question that gives me no other concern than what arises from the most pure and ardent desire of doing good to my country. to my country therefore, with every sentiment of veneration and affection i dedicate my labors. introduction. every circumstance relating to the discovery and settlement of america is an interesting object of inquiry, especially to the great and growing nations of this hemisphere, who owe their existence to those arduous labors. yet it is presumed that many persons, who might be entertained with a poem on this subject, are but slightly acquainted with the life and character of the hero whose extraordinary genius led him to discover the continent, and whose singular sufferings, arising from that service, ought to excite the indignation of the world. christopher columbus was born in genoa about the year 1447, when the navigation of europe was scarcely extended beyond the limits of the mediterranean and the other narrow seas that border the great ocean. the mariner's compass had been invented and in common use for more than a century; yet with the help of this sure guide, and prompted by a laudable spirit of discovery, the mariners of those days rarely ventured from the sight of land. they acquired wonderful applause by sailing along the coast of africa, and discovering some of the neighboring islands; and after pushing their researches with great industry for half a century, the portuguese, who were the most fortunate and enterprising, extended their voyages southward no farther than the equator. the rich commodities of the east had, for several ages, been brought into europe by the red sea and the mediterranean; and it had now become the object of the portuguese to find a passage to india by sailing round the southern extremity of africa, and then taking an eastern course. this great object engaged the general attention, and drew into the portuguese service adventurers from the other maritime nations of europe. every year added to their experience in navigation, and seemed to promise some distant reward to their industry. the prospect however of arriving at india by that route was still by no means encouraging. fifty years perseverance in the same track having brought them only to the equator, it was probable that as many more would elapse before they could accomplish their purpose. but columbus, by an uncommon exertion of genius, formed a design no less astonishing to the age in which he lived than beneficial to posterity. this design was to sail to india by taking a western direction. by the accounts of travellers who had visited that part of asia, it seemed almost without limits on the east; and by attending to the spherical figure of the earth columbus drew the natural conclusion, that the atlantic ocean must be bounded on the west either by india itself, or by some continent not far distant from it. this illustrious navigator, who was then about twenty-seven years of age, appears to have possessed every talent requisite to form and execute the greatest enterprises. he was early educated in such of the useful sciences as were taught in that day. he had made great proficiency in geography, astronomy and drawing, as they were necessary to his favorite pursuit of navigation. he had been a number of years in the service of the portuguese, and had acquired all the experience that their voyages and discoveries could afford. his courage had been put to the severest test; and the exercise of every amiable as well as heroic virtue, the kindred qualities of a great mind, had secured him an extensive reputation. he had married a portuguese lady, by whom he had two sons, diego and ferdinand; the younger of these is the historian of his life. such was the situation of columbus, when he formed and digested a plan, which, in its operation and consequences, has unfolded to the view of mankind one half of the globe, diffused wealth and industry over the other, and is extending commerce and civilization thro the whole. to corroborate the theory he had formed of the existence of a western continent, his discerning mind, which knew the application of every circumstance that fell in his way, had observed several facts which by others would have passed unnoticed. in his voyages to the african islands he had found, floating ashore after a long western storm, pieces of wood carved in a curious manner, canes of a size unknown in that quarter of the world, and human bodies with very singular features. the opinion being well established in his mind that a considerable portion of the earth still remained to be discovered, his temper was too vigorous and persevering to suffer an idea of this importance to rest merely in speculation, as it had done with plato and seneca, who seem to have entertained conjectures of a similar nature. he determined therefore to bring his theory to the test of experiment. but an object of that magnitude required the patronage of a prince; and a design so extraordinary met with all the obstructions that an age of superstition could invent, and personal jealousy enhance. it is happy for mankind that, in this instance, a genius capable of devising the greatest undertakings associated in itself a degree of patience and enterprise, modesty and confidence, which rendered him superior to these misfortunes, and enabled him to meet with fortitude all the future calamities of his life. excited by an ardent enthusiasm to become a discoverer of new countries, and fully sensible of the advantages that would result to mankind from such discoveries, he had the cruel mortification to wear away eighteen years of his life, after his system was well established in his own mind, before he could obtain the means of executing his projected voyage. the greatest part of this period was spent in successive solicitations in genoa, portugal and spain. as a duty to his native country he made his first proposal to the senate of genoa, where it was soon rejected. conscious of the truth of his theory, and of his own abilities to execute his plan, he retired without dejection from a body of men who were incapable of forming any just ideas upon the subject, and applied with fresh confidence to john second, king of portugal; who had distinguished himself as the great patron of navigation, and in whose service columbus had acquired a reputation which entitled him and his project to general confidence. but here he experienced a treatment much more insulting than a direct refusal. after referring the examination of his scheme to the council who had the direction of naval affairs, and drawing from him his general ideas of the length of the voyage and the course he meant to take, that splendid monarch had the meanness to conspire with this council to rob columbus of the glory and advantage he expected to derive from his undertaking. while columbus was amused with the negotiation, in hopes of having his scheme adopted, a vessel was secretly dispatched by order of the king to make the intended discovery. want of skill or courage in the pilot rendered the plot unsuccessful; and columbus, on discovering the treachery, retired with an ingenuous indignation from a court which could be capable of such duplicity. having now performed what was due to the country that gave him birth, and to the one that had adopted him as a subject, he was at liberty to court the patronage of any other which should have the wisdom to accept his proposals. he had communicated his ideas to his brother bartholomew, whom he sent to england to negotiate with henry seventh; at the same time he went himself into spain to apply in person to ferdinand and isabella, who governed the united kingdoms of arragon and castile. the circumstances of his brother's application in england, which appears to have been unsuccessful, are not to my purpose to relate; and the limits prescribed to this biographical sketch will prevent the detail of particulars respecting his own negotiation in spain. this occupied him eight years; in which the various agitations of suspense, expectation and disappointment must have borne hard upon his patience. at length his scheme was adopted by isabella; who undertook, as queen of castile, to defray the expenses of the expedition, and declared herself ever after the friend and patron of the hero who projected it. columbus, who during his ill success in the negotiation never abated any thing of the honors and emoluments which he expected to acquire in the expedition, obtained from ferdinand and isabella a stipulation of every article contained in his first proposals. he was constituted high admiral and viceroy of all the seas, islands and continents which he should discover; with power to receive one tenth of the profits arising from their productions and commerce. which offices and emoluments were to be made hereditary in his family. these articles being adjusted, the preparations for the voyage were brought forward with rapidity; but they were by no means adequate to the importance of the expedition. three small vessels, scarcely sufficient in size to be employed in the coasting business, were appointed to traverse the vast atlantic, and to encounter the storms and currents always to be expected in tropical climates, uncertain seasons and unknown seas. these vessels, as we must suppose them in the infancy of navigation, were ill constructed, in a poor condition, and manned by seamen unaccustomed to distant voyages. but the tedious length of time which columbus had passed in solicitation and suspense, and the prospect of being able soon to obtain the object of his wishes, induced him to overlook what he could not easily remedy; and led him to disregard those circumstances which would have intimidated any other mind. he accordingly equipped his small squadron with as much expedition as possible, manned with ninety men and victualled for one year. with these, on the third of august 1492, amidst a vast crowd of spectators, he set sail on an enterprise which, if we consider the ill condition of his ships, the inexperience of his sailors, the length and precarious nature of his voyage, and the consequences that flowed from it, was the most daring and important that ever was undertaken. he touched at some of the portuguese settlements in the canary isles; where, altho he had been but a few days at sea, he found his vessels needed refitting. he soon made the necessary repairs, and took his departure from the westermost islands that had hitherto been discovered. here he left the former track of navigation, and steered his course due west. not many days after he laid this course he perceived the symptoms of a new scene of difficulty. the sailors now began to contemplate the dangers and uncertain issue of a voyage, the nature and length of which were left entirely open to conjecture. besides the fickleness and timidity natural to men unaccustomed to the discipline of a seafaring life, several circumstances contributed to inspire an obstinate and mutinous disposition; which required the most consummate art as well as fortitude in the admiral to control. having been three weeks at sea, and experienced the uniform course of the trade winds, they contended that, should they continue the same course for a longer time, the same winds would never permit them to return to spain. the magnetic needle began to vary its direction. this being the first time that this phenomenon was ever noticed, it was viewed by the sailors with astonishment; they thought it an indication that nature itself had changed its laws, and that providence was about to punish their audacity in venturing so far beyond the bounds of man. they declared that the commands of the government had been fully obeyed in their proceeding so many days in the same course, and so far surpassing all former navigators in quest of discoveries. every talent requisite for governing, soothing and tempering the passions of men is conspicuous in the conduct of columbus on this occasion. the dignity and affability of his manners, his surprising knowledge and experience in naval affairs, his unwearied and minute attention to the duties of his command, gave him a great ascendency over the minds of his men, and inspired that degree of confidence which would have maintained his authority in almost any circumstances. but here, from the nature of the undertaking, every man had leisure to feed his imagination with the gloominess and uncertainty of the prospect. they found from day to day the same steady gales wafting them with rapidity from their native country, and indeed from all countries of which they had any knowledge. he addressed himself to their passions with all the variety of management that the situation would admit, sometimes by soothing them with the prognostics of approaching land, sometimes by flattering their ambition and feasting their avarice with the glory and wealth they would acquire from discovering the rich countries beyond the atlantic, and sometimes by threatening them with the displeasure of their king, should their disobedience defeat so great an object. but every argument soon lost its effect; and their uneasiness still increased. from secret whisperings it arose to open mutiny and dangerous conspiracy. at length they determined to rid themselves of the remonstrances of columbus by throwing him into the sea. the infection spread from ship to ship, and involved officers as well as sailors. they finally lost all sense of subordination and addressed their commander in an insolent manner, demanding to be conducted immediately back to spain; or, they assured him, they would seek their own safety by taking away his life. columbus, whose sagacity had discerned every symptom of the disorder, was prepared for this last stage of it; and was sufficiently apprized of the danger that awaited him. he found it vain to contend with passions he could no longer control. he therefore proposed that they should obey his orders for three days longer; and should they not discover land in that time, he would then direct his course for spain. they complied with his proposal; and, happily for mankind, in three days they discovered land. this was a small island, to which he gave the name of san salvador. his first interview with the natives was a scene of compassion on the one part and astonishment on the other, but highly interesting to both. the natives were entirely naked, simple and timorous; and they viewed the spaniards as a superior order of beings descended from the sun; which, in that island and in most parts of america, was worshipped as a deity. by this it was easy for columbus to perceive the line of conduct proper to be observed toward that simple and inoffensive people. had his companions and successors of the spanish nation possessed the wisdom and humanity of this great discoverer, the benevolent mind would have had to experience no sensations of regret in contemplating the extensive advantages arising to mankind from the discovery of america. in this voyage columbus discovered the islands of cuba and hispaniola, on the latter of which he erected a small fort; and having left a garrison of thirty-eight men he set sail for spain. returning across the atlantic, he was overtaken by a violent storm, which lasted several days, and increased to such a degree as baffled his naval skill and threatened immediate destruction. in this situation when all were in a state of despair, and it was expected that every sea would swallow up the crazy vessel, he manifested a serenity and presence of mind seldom equalled in cases of like extremity. he wrote a short account of his voyage and of the discoveries he had made; this he hastily wrapt in an oiled cloth, then enclosed it in a cake of wax and put it into an empty cask, which he threw overboard, in hopes that some fortunate accident might preserve a deposit of so much importance to the world. the storm however abated, and he at length arrived in spain, after having been driven by stress of weather into the port of lisbon; where he had opportunity, in an interview with the king of portugal, to prove the truth of his system by arguments more convincing than those he had before advanced in the character of a bold projector but humble suitor. he was received every where in spain with royal honors; his family was ennobled, and his former stipulation respecting his offices and emoluments was ratified in the most solemn manner by ferdinand and isabella; while all europe resounded his praises, and reciprocated their joy and congratulations on the discovery of what they called a new world. the immediate consequence was a second voyage, in which columbus took charge of a squadron of seventeen ships of considerable burden. volunteers of all ranks solicited to be employed in this expedition. he carried over fifteen hundred persons, with the necessaries for establishing a colony and extending his discoveries. in this voyage he explored most of the west india islands; but on his arrival at hispaniola he found that the garrison he had left there had been all destroyed by the natives, and the fort demolished. he proceeded however in the planting of his colony; and by his prudent and humane conduct towards the natives he effectually established the spanish authority in that island. but while he was thus laying the foundation of european dominion in america, some discontented persons, who had returned to spain, uniting with his former opponents and powerful enemies at court, conspired to accomplish his ruin. they represented his conduct in such a light as to create uneasiness in the jealous mind of ferdinand, and make it necessary for columbus again to return to spain, to counteract their machinations and obtain such farther supplies as were necessary to his great political and beneficent purposes. on his arriving at court, and stating with his usual dignity and confidence the whole history of his transactions abroad, every thing wore a favorable appearance. he was received with the same honors as before, and solicited to take charge of another squadron, to carry out farther supplies, to pursue his discoveries, and in every respect to use his discretion in extending the spanish empire in the new world. in this third voyage he discovered the continent of america at the mouth of the river orinoco. he rectified many disorders in his government of hispaniola, which had happened in his absence; and every thing was going on in a prosperous train, when an event was announced to him, which completed his own ruin and gave a fatal turn to the spanish policy and conduct in america. this was the arrival of francis de bovadilla, with a commission to supersede columbus in his government, to arraign him as a criminal, and pronounce judgment on all his former administration. it seems that by this time the enemies of columbus, despairing to complete his overthrow by groundless insinuations of malconduct, had taken the more effectual method of exciting the jealousy of their sovereigns. from the promising samples of gold and other valuable commodities brought from america, they took occasion to represent to the king and queen that the prodigious wealth and extent of the countries he had discovered would soon throw such power into the hands of the viceroy, that he would trample on the royal authority and bid defiance to the spanish power. these arguments were well calculated for the cold and suspicious temper of ferdinand; and they must have had some effect upon the mind of isabella. the consequence was the appointment of bovadilla, the inveterate enemy of columbus, to take the government from his hands. this first tyrant of the spanish nation in america began his administration by ordering columbus to be put in chains on board of a ship, and sending him prisoner to spain. by relaxing all discipline he introduced disorder and licentiousness thro the colony. he subjected the unhappy natives to a most miserable servitude, and apportioned them out in large numbers among his adherents. under this severe treatment perished in a short time many thousands of those innocent people. columbus was carried in his fetters to the spanish court, where the king and queen either feigned or felt a sufficient regret at the conduct of bovadilla towards their illustrious prisoner. he was not only released from confinement; he was treated with all imaginable respect. but, altho the king endeavored to expiate the offence by censuring and recalling bovadilla, yet we may judge of his sincerity from his appointing nicholas de ovando, another well known enemy of columbus, to succeed in the government; and from his ever after refusing to reinstate columbus, or to fulfil any of the conditions on which the discoveries had been undertaken. after two years of solicitation for this or some other employment, he at length obtained a squadron of four small vessels to attempt new discoveries. he then set out, with the enthusiasm of a young adventurer, in quest of what was always his favorite object, a passage into the south sea, by which he might sail to india. he touched at hispaniola, where ovando the governor refused him admittance on shore, even to take shelter during a hurricane, the prognostics of which his experience had taught him to discern. by putting into a creek he rode out the storm, and then bore away for the continent. he spent several months, the most boisterous of the year, in exploring the coast round the gulph of mexico, in hopes of finding the intended navigation to india. at length he was shipwrecked, and driven ashore on the island of jamaica. his cup of calamities seemed now to be full. he was cast upon an island of savages, without provisions, without a vessel, and thirty leagues from any spanish settlement. but the greatest physical misfortunes are capable of being embittered by the insults of our fellow creatures. a few of his companions generously offered, in two indian canoes, to attempt a voyage to hispaniola, in hopes of obtaining a vessel for the relief of the unhappy crew. after suffering every extremity of danger and fatigue, they arrived at the spanish colony in ten days. ovando, excited by personal malice against columbus, detained these messengers for eight months, and then despatched a vessel to jamaica to spy out the condition of columbus and his crew, with positive instructions to the captain not to afford them any relief. this order was punctually executed. the captain approached the shore, delivered a letter of empty compliment from ovando to the admiral, received his answer and returned. about four months afterwards a vessel came to their relief; and columbus, worn out with fatigues and broken by misfortunes, returned for the last time to spain. here a new distress awaited him, which he considered as one of the greatest of his whole life: this was the death of queen isabella, his last and most powerful friend. he did not suddenly abandon himself to despair. he called upon the gratitude and justice of the king; and in terms of dignity demanded the fulfilment of his former contract. notwithstanding his age and infirmities, he even solicited to be farther employed in extending the career of discovery, without a prospect of any other reward than the pleasure of doing good to mankind. but ferdinand, cold ungrateful and timid, dared not comply with any proposal of this kind, lest he should increase his own obligations to a man, whose services he thought it dangerous to reward. he therefore delayed and avoided any decision on these subjects, in hopes that the declining health of columbus would soon rid the court of the remonstrances of a suitor, whose unexampled merit was, in their opinion, a sufficient reason for destroying him. in this they were not disappointed. columbus languished a short time, and gladly resigned a life which had been worn out in the most signal services perhaps that have been rendered by any one man to an ungrateful world. posterity is sometimes more just to the memory of great men than contemporaries were to their persons. but even this consolation, if it be one, has been wanting to the discoverer of our hemisphere. the continent, instead of bearing his name, has been called after one of his followers, a man of no particular merit. and in the modern city of mexico there is instituted and perpetuated, by order of government, an annual festival in honour of hernando cortez, the perfidious butcher of its ancient race; while no public honors have been decreed to christopher columbus, one of the wisest and best among the benefactors of mankind. after his last return from america he seems to have past the short remainder of his life at valladolid, the capital of old castile, and then the seat of the spanish government. he died in that city on the twentieth of august 1506, and was buried in one of its churches. over his body is a plain stone inscribed simply with his name, as it is written in spanish, christoval colon. his son, who wrote his life, has left us a particular description of his person, manners and private character; all of which were agreeable and interesting. his portrait is in possession of the author of this poem. it is painted in oil, half length and the size of life, copied from an original picture in the gallery of florence. the columbiad. book i. argument subject of the poem, and invocation to freedom. condition of columbus in a spanish prison. his monologue on the great actions of his life, and the manner in which they had been rewarded. appearance and speech of hesper, the guardian genius of the western continent. they quit the dungeon, and ascend the mount of vision, which rises over the western coast of spain; europe settling from their sight, and the atlantic ocean spreading far beneath their feet. continent of america draws into view, and is described by its mountains, rivers, lakes, soil and some of the natural productions. i sing the mariner who first unfurl'd an eastern banner o'er the western world, and taught mankind where future empires lay in these fair confines of descending day; who sway'd a moment, with vicarious power, iberia's sceptre on the new found shore, then saw the paths his virtuous steps had trod pursued by avarice and defiled with blood, the tribes he foster'd with paternal toil snatch'd from his hand, and slaughter'd for their spoil. slaves, kings, adventurers, envious of his name, enjoy'd his labours and purloin'd his fame, and gave the viceroy, from his high seat hurl'd. chains for a crown, a prison for a world long overwhelm'd in woes, and sickening there, he met the slow still march of black despair, sought the last refuge from his hopeless doom, and wish'd from thankless men a peaceful tomb: till vision'd ages, opening on his eyes, cheer'd his sad soul, and bade new nations rise; he saw the atlantic heaven with light o'ercast, and freedom crown his glorious work at last. almighty freedom! give my venturous song the force, the charm that to thy voice belong; tis thine to shape my course, to light my way, to nerve my country with the patriot lay, to teach all men where all their interest lies, how rulers may be just and nations wise: strong in thy strength i bend no suppliant knee, invoke no miracle, no muse but thee. night held on old castile her silent reign, her half orb'd moon declining to the main; o'er valladolid's regal turrets hazed the drizzly fogs from dull pisuerga raised; whose hovering sheets, along the welkin driven, thinn'd the pale stars, and shut the eye from heaven. cold-hearted ferdinand his pillow prest, nor dream'd of those his mandates robb'd of rest, of him who gemm'd his crown, who stretch'd his reign to realms that weigh'd the tenfold poise of spain; who now beneath his tower indungeon'd lies, sweats the chill sod and breathes inclement skies. his feverish pulse, slow laboring thro his frame, feeds with scant force its fast expiring flame; a far dim watch-lamp's thrice reflected beam throws thro his grates a mist-encumber'd gleam, paints the dun vapors that the cell invade, and fills with spectred forms the midnight shade; when from a visionary short repose, that nursed new cares and temper'd keener woes, columbus woke, and to the walls addrest the deep felt sorrows bursting from his breast: here lies the purchase, here the wretched spoil of painful years and persevering toil. for these damp caves, this hideous haunt of pain, i traced new regions o'er the chartless main, tamed all the dangers of untraversed waves, hung o'er their clefts, and topt their surging graves, saw traitorous seas o'er coral mountains sweep, red thunders rock the pole and scorch the deep, death rear his front in every varying form, gape from the shoals and ride the roaring storm, my struggling bark her seamy planks disjoin, rake the rude rock and drink the copious brine. till the tired elements are lull'd at last, and milder suns allay the billowing blast, lead on the trade winds with unvarying force, and long and landless curve our constant course. our homeward heaven recoils; each night forlorn calls up new stars, and backward rolls the morn; the boreal vault descends with europe's shore, and bright calisto shuns the wave no more, the dragon dips his fiery-foaming jole, the affrighted magnet flies the faithless pole; nature portends a general change of laws, my daring deeds are deemed the guilty cause; the desperate crew, to insurrection driven, devote their captain to the wrath of heaven, resolve at once to end the audacious strife, and buy their safety with his forfeit life. in that sad hour, this feeble frame to save, (unblest reprieve) and rob the gaping wave, the morn broke forth, these tearful orbs descried the golden banks that bound the western tide. with full success i calm'd the clamorous race, bade heaven's blue arch a second earth embrace; and gave the astonish'd age that bounteous shore, their wealth to nations, and to kings their power. land of delights! ah, dear delusive coast, to these fond aged eyes forever lost! no more thy flowery vales i travel o'er, for me thy mountains rear the head no more, for me thy rocks no sparkling gems unfold, nor streams luxuriant wear their paths in gold; from realms of promised peace forever borne, i hail mute anguish, and in secret mourn. but dangers past, a world explored in vain, and foes triumphant show but half my pain. dissembling friends, each early joy who gave, and fired my youth the storms of fate to brave, swarm'd in the sunshine of my happier days, pursued the fortune and partook the praise, now pass my cell with smiles of sour disdain, insult my woes and triumph in my pain. one gentle guardian once could shield the brave; but now that guardian slumbers in the grave. hear from above, thou dear departed shade; as once my hopes, my present sorrows aid, burst my full heart, afford that last relief, breathe back my sighs and reinspire my grief; still in my sight thy royal form appears, reproves my silence and demands my tears. even on that hour no more i joy to dwell, when thy protection bade the canvass swell; when kings and churchmen found their factions vain, blind superstition shrunk beneath her chain, the sun's glad beam led on the circling way, and isles rose beauteous in atlantic day. for on those silvery shores, that new domain, what crowds of tyrants fix their murderous reign! her infant realm indignant freedom flies, truth leaves the world, and isabella dies. ah, lend thy friendly shroud to veil my sight, that these pain'd eyes may dread no more the light; these welcome shades shall close my instant doom, and this drear mansion moulder to a tornb. thus mourn'd the hapless man: a thundering sound roll'd thro the shuddering walls and shook the ground; o'er all the dungeon, where black arches bend, the roofs unfold, and streams of light descend; the growing splendor fills the astonish'd room, and gales etherial breathe a glad perfume. robed in the radiance, moves a form serene, of human structure, but of heavenly mien; near to the prisoner's couch he takes his stand, and waves, in sign of peace, his holy hand. tall rose his stature, youth's endearing grace adorn'd his limbs and brighten'd in his face; loose o'er his locks the star of evening hung, and sounds melodious moved his cheerful tongue: rise, trembling chief, to scenes of rapture rise; this voice awaits thee from the western skies; indulge no longer that desponding strain, nor count thy toils, nor deem thy virtues vain. thou seest in me the guardian power who keeps the new found world that skirts atlantic deeps, hesper my name, my seat the brightest throne in night's whole heaven, my sire the living sun, my brother atlas with his name divine stampt the wild wave; the solid coast is mine. [note: atlas and hesper were of the race of titans. they were sons of uranus, or of japetus, according as the fable is traced to different countries, whose supreme god (originally the sun) was called by different names. atlas, from being king of mauritania, became a mountain to support the heavens, and gave his name to the western ocean. hesper frequented that mountain in the study of astronomy; till one evening he disappeared, and returned no more. he was then placed in the western heaven; and, having been a beautiful young man, he became a beautiful planet, called the evening star. this circumstance gave his name to the western regions of the earth indefinitely. italy was called hesperia by the greeks, because it lay west from them, and seemed under the influence of the star of evening; spain was called hesperia by the romans, for the same reason. if the nations which adopted this fable had known of a country west of the atlantic, that country must have been hesperia to them all; and pursuing this analogy i have so named it, in several instances, in the course of this poem. considering hesper as the guardian genius, and columbus as the discoverer, of the western continent, it may derive its name, in poetical language, from either of theirs indifferently, and be called hesperia or columbia. atlas is considered in this poem as the guardian genius of africa. see his speech, in the eighth book, on the slavery of his people. this explanation seemed of such immediate importance for understanding the machinery of the poem, as to require its being placed here. the other notes, being numerous and some of them long, have been forced to yield to typographical elegance; and are placed at the end of the volume, with suitable reference to the passages to which they belong.] this hand, which form'd, and in the tides of time laves and improves the meliorating clime, which taught thy prow to cleave the trackless way, and hail'd thee first in occidental day, to all thy worth shall vindicate thy claim, and raise up nations to revere thy name. in this dark age tho blinded faction sways, and wealth and conquest gain the palm of praise; awed into slaves while groveling millions groan, and blood-stain'd steps lead upward to a throne; far other wreaths thy virtuous temples twine, far nobler triumphs crown a life like thine; thine be the joys that minds immortal grace, as thine the deeds that bless a kindred race. now raise thy sorrowed soul to views more bright, the vision'd ages rushing on thy sight; worlds beyond worlds shall bring to light their stores, time, nature, science blend their utmost powers, to show, concentred in one blaze of fame, the ungather'd glories that await thy name. as that great seer, whose animating rod taught jacob's sons their wonder-working god, who led thro dreary wastes the murmuring band, and reach'd the confines of their promised land, opprest with years, from pisgah's towering height, on fruitful canaan feasted long his sight; the bliss of unborn nations warm'd his breast, repaid his toils and sooth'd his soul to rest; thus o'er thy subject wave shalt thou behold far happier realms their future charms unfold, in nobler pomp another pisgah rise, beneath whose foot thy new found canaan lies; there, rapt in vision, hail my favorite clime, and taste the blessings of remotest time. so hesper spoke; columbus raised his head; his chains dropt off; the cave, the castle fled. forth walked the pair; when steep before them stood; slope from the town, a heaven-illumined road; that thro disparting shades arose on high, reach'd o'er the hills, and lengthen'd up the sky, show'd a clear summit, rich with rising flowers, that breathe their odors thro celestial bowers. o'er the proud pyrenees it looks sublime, subjects the alps, and levels europe's clime; spain, lessening to a chart, beneath it swims, and shrouds her dungeons in the void she dims. led by the power, the hero gain'd the height, new strength and brilliance flush'd his mortal sight; when calm before them flow'd the western main, far stretch'd, immense, a sky-encircled plain. no sail, no isle, no cloud invests the bound, nor billowy surge disturbs the vast profound; till, deep in distant heavens, the sun's blue ray topt unknown cliffs and call'd them up to day; slow glimmering into sight wide regions drew, and rose and brighten'd on the expanding view; fair sweep the waves, the lessening ocean smiles, in misty radiance loom a thousand isles; near and more near the long drawn coasts arise, bays stretch their arms and mountains lift the skies, the lakes, high mounded, point the streams their way, slopes, ridges, plains their spreading skirts display, the vales branch forth, high walk approaching groves, and all the majesty of nature moves. o'er the wild hemisphere his glances fly, its form unfolding as it still draws nigh, as all its salient sides force far their sway, crowd back the ocean and indent the day. he saw, thro central zones, the winding shore spread the deep gulph his sail had traced before, the darien isthmus check the raging tide, join distant lands, and neighboring seas divide; on either hand the shores unbounded bend, push wide their waves, to each dim pole ascend; the two twin continents united rise, broad as the main, and lengthen'd with the skies. long gazed the mariner; when thus the guide: here spreads the world thy daring sail descried, hesperia call'd, from my anterior claim; but now columbia, from thy patriarch name. so from phenicia's peopled strand of yore europa sail'd, and sought an unknown shore; there stampt her sacred name; and thence her race, hale, venturous, bold, from jove's divine embrace, ranged o'er the world, predestined to bestride earth's elder continents and each far tide. ages unborn shall bless the happier day, that saw thy streamer shape the guideless way, their bravest heroes trace the path you led, and sires of nations thro the regions spread. behold yon isles, where first thy flag unfurl'd in bloodless triumph o'er the younger world; as, awed to silence, savage bands gave place, and hail'd with joy the sun-descended race. retrace the banks yon rushing waters lave; there orinoco checks great ocean's wave; thine is the stream; it cleaves the well known coast, where paria's walks thy former footsteps boast. but these no more thy wide discoveries bound; superior prospects lead their swelling round; nature's remotest scenes before thee roll, and years and empires open on thy soul. to yon dim rounds first elevate thy view; see quito's plains o'erlook their proud peru; on whose huge base, like isles amid sky driven, a vast protuberance props the cope of heaven; earth's loftiest turrets there contend for height, and all our andes fill the bounded sight. from south to north what long blue swells arise, built thro the clouds, and lost in ambient skies! approaching slow they heave expanding bounds, the yielding concave bends sublimer rounds; whose wearied stars, high curving to the west, pause on the summits for a moment's rest; recumbent there they renovate their force, and roll rejoicing on their downward course. round each bluff base the sloping ravine bends; hills forms on hills, and croupe o'er croupe extends; ascending, whitening, how the crags are lost, o'erhung with headcliffs of eternal frost! broad fields of ice give back the morning ray, like walls of suns, or heaven's perennial day. there folding storms on eastern pinions ride, veil the black void, and wrap the mountains side, rude thunders rake the crags, the rains descend, and the long lightnings o'er the vallies bend; while blasts unburden'd sweep the cliffs of snow, the whirlwinds wheel above, the floods convolve below. there molten rocks explosive rend their tomb; volcanos, laboring many a nation's doom, wild o'er the regions pour their floods of fire; the shores heave backward, and the seas retire. there lava waits my late reluctant call, to roar aloft and shake some guilty wall; thy pride, o lima, swells the sulphurous wave, and fanes and priests and idols crowd thy grave. but cease, my son, these dread events to trace, nor learn the woes that here await thy race. anorth from that broad gulph, where verdant rise those gentler mounds that skirt the temperate skies, a happier hemisphere invites thy view; tis there the old world shall embrace the new: there europe's better sons their seat shall trace, and change of government improve the race. thro all the midsky zones, to yon blue pole, their green hills lengthen, their bright rivers roll; and swelling westward, how their champaigns run! how slope their uplands to the morning sun! so spoke the blest immortal; when more near his northern wilds in all their breadth appear; lands yet unknown, and streams without a name rise into vision and demand their fame. as when some saint first gains his bright abode, vaults o'er the spheres and views the works of god, sees earth, his kindred orb, beneath him roll, here glow the centre, and there point the pole; o'er land and sea his eyes delighted rove, and human thoughts his heavenly joys improve; with equal scope the raptured hero's sight ranged the low vale, or climb'd the cloudy height, as, fixt in ardent look, his opening mind, explored the realms that here invite mankind. from sultry mobile's gulph-indented shore to where ontario hears his laurence roar, stretch'd o'er the broadback'd hills, in long array. the tenfold alleganies meet the day. and show, far sloping from the plains and streams, the forest azure streak'd with orient beams. high moved the scene, columbus gazed sublime, and thus in prospect hail'd the happy clime: blest be the race my guardian guide shall lead where these wide vales their various bounties spread! what treasured stores the hills must here combine! sleep still ye diamonds, and ye ores refine; exalt your heads ye oaks, ye pines ascend, till future navies bid your branches bend; then spread the canvass o'er the watery way, explore new worlds and teach the old your sway. he said, and northward cast his curious eyes on other cliffs of more exalted size. where maine's bleak breakers line the dangerous coast, and isles and shoals their latent horrors boast, high lantern'd in his heaven the cloudless white heaves the glad sailor an eternal light; who far thro troubled ocean greets the guide, and stems with steadier helm the stormful tide. nor could those heights unnoticed raise their head, that swell sublime o'er hudson's shadowy bed; tho fiction ne'er has hung them in the skies, tho white and andes far superior rise, yet hoary kaatskill, where the storms divide, would lift the heavens from atlas' laboring pride. land after land his passing notice claim, and hills by hundreds rise without a name; hills yet unsung, their mystic powers untold; celestials there no sacred senates hold; no chain'd prometheus feasts the vulture there, no cyclop forges thro their summits glare, to phrygian jove no victim smoke is curl'd, nor ark high landing quits a deluged world. but were these masses piled on asia's shore, taurus would shrink, hemodia strut no more, indus and ganges scorn their humble sires, and rising suns salute superior fires; whose watchful priest would meet, with matin blaze, his earlier god, and sooner chaunt his praise. for here great nature, with a bolder hand, roll'd the broad stream, and heaved the lifted land; and here from finish'd earth, triumphant trod the last ascending steps of her creating god. he saw these mountains ope their watery stores, floods quit their caves and seek the distant shores; wild thro disparting plains their waves expand, and lave the banks where future towns must stand. whirl'd from the monstrous andes' bursting sides, maragnon leads his congregating tides; a thousand alps for him dissolve their snow, a thousand rhones obedient bend below, from different zones their ways converging wind, sweep beds of ore, and leave their gold behind, in headlong cataracts indignant rave, rush to his banks and swell the swallowing wave. ucayla, first of all his mighty sons, from cusco's walls a wearied journey runs; pastaza mines proud pambamarca's base, and holds thro sundering hills his lawless race; aloft, where cotopaxa flames on high, the roaring napo quits his misty sky, down the long steeps in whitening torrents driven, like nile descending from his fabled heaven; mound after mound impetuous tigris rends, curved ista folds whole countries in his bends; vast orinoco, summon'd forth to bring his far fetch'd honors to the sateless king, drives on his own strong course to gain the shore, but sends catuba here with half his store; like a broad bosphorus here negro guides the gather'd mass of fifty furious tides; from his waste world, by nameless fountains fed, wild purus wears his long and lonely bed; o'er twelve degrees of earth madera flows, and robs the south of half its treasured snows; zingus, of equal length and heavier force, rolls on, for months, the same continuous course to reach his master's bank; that here constrains topayo, charged with all brazilians rains; while inland seas, and lakes unknown to fame, send their full tributes to the monarch stream; who, swell'd with growing conquest, wheels abroad, drains every land, and gathers all his flood; then far from clime to clime majestic goes, enlarging, widening, deepening as he flows; like heaven's broad milky way he shines alone, spreads o'er the globe its equatorial zone, weighs the cleft continent, and pushes wide its balanced mountains from each crumbling side. sire ocean hears his proud maragnon roar, moves up his bed, and seeks in vain the shore, then surging strong, with high and hoary tide, whelms back the stream and checks his rolling pride. the stream ungovernable foams with ire, climbs, combs tempestuous, and attacks the sire; earth feels the conflict o'er her bosom spread, her isles and uplands hide their wood-crown'd head; league after league from land to water change, from realm to realm the seaborn monsters range; vast midland heights but pierce the liquid plain, old andes tremble for their proud domain; till the fresh flood regains his forceful sway, drives back his father ocean, lash'd with spray; whose ebbing waters lead the downward sweep, and waves and trees and banks roll whirling to the deep. where suns less ardent cast their golden beams, and minor andes pour a waste of streams, the marsh of moxoe scoops the world, and fills (from bahia's coast to cochabamba's hills) a thousand leagues of bog; he strives in vain their floods to centre and their lakes retain; his gulphs o'ercharged their opening sides display, and southern vales prolong the seaward way. columbus traced, with swift exploring eye, the immense of waves that here exalted lie, the realms that mound the unmeasured magazine, the far blue main, the climes that stretch between. he saw xaraya's diamond banks unfold, and paraguay's deep channel paved with gold, saw proud potosi lift his glittering head, and pour down plata thro his tinctured bed. rich with the spoils of many a distant mine, in his broad silver sea their floods combine; wide over earth his annual freshet strays, and highland drains with lowland drench repays; her thirsty regions wait his glad return, and drink their future harvest from his urn. where the cold circles gird the southern sky. brave magellan's wild channel caught his eye; the long cleft ridges wall'd the spreading way. that gleams far westward to an unknown sea. soon as the distant swell was seen to roll, his ancient wishes reabsorb'd his soul; warm from his heaving heart a sudden sigh burst thro his lips; he turn'd his moisten'd eye, and thus besought his angel: speak, my guide, where leads the pass? and what yon purple tide? how the dim waves in blending ether stray! no lands behind them rise, no pinions on them play. there spreads, belike, that other unsail'd main i sought so long, and sought, alas, in vain; to gird this watery globe, and bring to light old india's coast; and regions wrapt in night. restore, celestial friend, my youthful morn, call back my years, and let my fame return; grant me to trace, beyond that pathless sea, some happier shore from lust of empire free; to find in that far world a peaceful bower, from envy safe and curst ovando's power. earth's happiest realms let not their distance hide, nor seas forever roll their useless tide. for nations yet unborn, that wait thy time, demand their seats in that secluded clime; ah, grant me still, their passage to prepare. one venturous bark, and be my life thy care. so pray'd the hero; hesper mild replies, divine compassion softening in his eyes, tho still to virtuous deeds thy mind aspires, and these glad visions kindle new desires, yet hear with reverence what attends thy state, nor wish to pass the eternal bounds of fate. led by this sacred light thou soon shalt see that half mankind shall owe their seats to thee, freedom's first empire claim its promised birth in these rich rounds of sea-encircled earth; let other years, by thine example prest, call forth their heroes to explore the rest. thro different seas a twofold passage lies to where sweet india scents a waste of skies. the circling course, by madagascar's shores, round afric's cape, bold gama now explores; thy well plann'd path these gleamy straits provide, nor long shall rest the daring search untried. this idle frith must open soon to fame, here a lost lusitanian fix his name, from that new main in furious waves be tost, and fall neglected on the barbarous coast. but lo the chief! bright albion bids him rise, speed in his pinions, ardor in his eyes! hither, o drake, display thy hastening sails, widen ye passes, and awake ye gales, march thou before him, heaven-revolving sun, wind his long course, and teach him where to run; earth's distant shores, in circling bands unite, lands, learn your fame, and oceans, roll in light, round all the watery globe his flag be hurl'd, a new columbus to the astonish'd world. he spoke; and silent tow'rd the northern sky wide o'er the hills the hero cast his eye, saw the long floods thro devious channels pour, and wind their currents to the opening shore; interior seas and lonely lakes display their glittering glories to the beams of day. thy capes, virginia, towering from the tide, raise their blue banks, and slope thy barriers wide, to future sails unfold an inland way, and guard secure thy multifluvian bay; that drains uncounted realms, and here unites the liquid mass from alleganian heights. york leads his wave, imbank'd in flowery pride, and nobler james falls winding by his side; back to the hills, thro many a silent vale, while rappahanok seems to lure the sail, patapsco's bosom courts the hand of toil, dull susquehanna laves a length of soil; but mightier far, in sealike azure spread, potowmak sweeps his earth disparting bed. long dwelt his eye where these commingling pour'd, their waves unkeel'd, their havens unexplored; where frowning forests stretch the dusky wing, and deadly damps forbid the flowers to spring; no seasons clothe the field with cultured grain, no buoyant ship attempts the chartless main; then with impatient voice: my seer, he cried, when shall my children cross the lonely tide? here, here my sons, the hand of culture bring, here teach the lawn to smile, the grove to sing: ye laboring floods, no longer vainly glide, ye harvests load them, and ye forests ride; bear the deep burden from the joyous swain, and tell the world where peace and plenty reign. hesper to this return'd him no reply, but raised new visions to his roving eye. he saw broad delaware the shores divide, he saw majestic hudson pour his tide; thy stream, my hartford, thro its misty robe, play'd in the sunbeams, belting far the globe; no watery glades thro richer vallies shine, nor drinks the sea a lovelier wave than thine. mystick and charles refresh their seaward isles, and gay piscateway pays his passing smiles; swift kenebec, high bursting from his lakes, shoots down the hillsides thro the clouds he makes; and hoarse resounding, gulphing wide the shore, dread laurence labors with tremendous roar; laurence, great son of ocean! lorn he lies, and braves the blasts of hyperborean skies. where hoary winter holds his howling reign, and april flings her timid showers in vain, groans the choked flood, in frozen fetters bound, and isles of ice his angry front surround. as old enceladus, in durance vile, spreads his huge length beneath sicilia's isle, feels mountains, crush'd by mountains, on him prest, close not his veins, nor still his laboring breast; his limbs convulse, his heart rebellious rolls, earth shakes responsive to her utmost poles, while rumbling, bursting, boils his ceaseless ire, flames to mid heaven, and sets the skies on fire. so the contristed laurence lays him low, and hills of sleet and continents of snow rise on his crystal breast; his heaving sides crash with the weight, and pour their gushing tides, asouth, whence all his hundred branches bend, relenting airs with boreal blasts contend; far in his vast extremes he swells and thaws, and seas foam wide between his ice-bound jaws. indignant frost, to hold his captive, plies his hosted fiends that vex the polar skies, unlocks his magazines of nitric stores, azotic charms and muriatic powers; hail, with its glassy globes, and brume congeal'd, rime's fleecy flakes, and storm that heaps the field strike thro the sullen stream with numbing force, obstruct his sluices and impede his course. in vain he strives; his might interior fails; nor spring's approach, nor earth's whole heat avails; he calls his hoary sire; old ocean roars responsive echoes thro the shetland shores. he comes, the father! from his bleak domains, to break with liquid arms the sounding chains; clothed in white majesty, he leads from far his tides high foaming to the wintry war. billows on billows lift the maddening brine, and seas and clouds in battling conflict join, o'erturn the vast gulph glade with rending sweep, and crash the crust that bridged the boiling deep; till forced aloft, bright bounding thro the air, moves the blear ice, and sheds a dazzling glare; the torn foundations on the surface ride, and wrecks of winter load the downward tide. the loosen'd ice-isles o'er the main advance, toss on the surge, and thro the concave dance; whirl'd high, conjoin'd, in crystal mountains driven, alp over alp, they build a midway heaven; whose million mirrors mock the solar ray, and give condensed the tenfold glare of day. as tow'rd the south the mass enormous glides. and brineless rivers furrow down its sides; the thirsty sailor steals a glad supply, and sultry trade winds quaff the boreal sky. but oft insidious death, with mist o'erstrown, rides the dark ocean on this icy throne; when ships thro vernal seas with light airs steer their midnight march, and deem no danger near. the steerman gaily helms his course along, and laughs and listens to the watchman's song, who walks the deck, enjoys the murky fog, sure of his chart, his magnet and his log; their shipmates dreaming, while their slumbers last, of joys to come, of toils and dangers past. sudden a chilling blast comes roaring thro the trembling shrouds, and startles all the crew; they spring to quarters, and perceive too late the mount of death, the giant strides of fate. the fullsail'd ship, with instantaneous shock, dash'd into fragments by the floating rock, plunges beneath its basement thro the wave, and crew and cargo glut the watery grave. say, palfrey, brave good man, was this thy doom? dwells here the secret of thy midsea tomb? but, susan, why that tear? my lovely friend, regret may last, but grief should have an end. an infant then, thy memory scarce can trace the lines, tho sacred, of thy father's face; a generous spouse has well replaced the sire; new duties hence new sentiments require. now where the lakes, those midland oceans, lie, columbus turn'd his heaven-illumined eye. ontario's banks, unable to retain the five great caspians from the distant main, burst with the ponderous mass, and forceful whirl'd his laurence forth, to balance thus the world. above, bold erie's wave sublimely stood, look'd o'er the cliff, and heaved his headlong flood; where dread niagara bluffs high his brow, and frowns defiance to the world below. white clouds of mist expanding o'er him play, that tinge their skirts in all the beams of day; pleased iris wantons in perpetual pride, and bends her rainbows o'er the dashing tide. far glimmering in the north, bleak huron runs, clear michigan reflects a thousand suns, and bason'd high, on earth's broad bosom gay, the bright superior silvers down the day. blue mounds beyond them far in ether fade, deep groves between them cast a solemn shade, slow moves their settling mist in lurid streams, and dusky radiance streaks the solar beams. fixt on the view the great discoverer stood, and thus addrest the messenger of good: but why these seats, that seem reserved to grace the social toils of some illustrious race, why spread so wide and form'd so fair in vain? and why so distant rolls the bounteous main? these happy regions must forever rest, of man unseen, by native beasts possest; and the best heritage my sons could boast illude their search in far dim deserts lost, for see, no ship can point her pendants here, no stream conducts nor ocean wanders near; frost, crags and cataracts their north invest, and the tired sun scarce finds their bounds awest. to whom the seraph: here indeed retires the happiest land that feels my fostering fires; here too shall numerous nations found their seat, and peace and freedom bless the kind retreat. led by this arm thy sons shall hither come, and streams obedient yield the heroes room, spread a broad passage to their well known main, nor sluice their lakes, nor form their soils in vain. here my bold missisippi bends his way, scorns the dim bounds of yon bleak boreal day, and calls from western heavens, to feed his stream, the rains and floods that asian seas might claim. strong in his march, and charged with all the fates of regions pregnant with a hundred states. he holds in balance, ranged on either hand, two distant oceans and their sundering land; commands and drains the interior tracts that lie outmeasuring europe's total breadth of sky. high in the north his parent fountains wed, and oozing urns adorn his infant head; in vain proud frost his nursing lakes would close, and choke his channel with perennial snows; from all their slopes he curves his countless rills, sweeps their long marshes, saps their settling hills; then stretching, straighteningsouth, he gaily gleams, swells thro the climes, and swallows all their streams; from zone to zone, o'er earth's broad surface curl'd, he cleaves his course, he furrows half the world, now roaring wild thro bursting mountains driven, now calm reflecting all the host of heaven; where cynthia pausing, her own face admires, and suns and stars repeat their dancing fires. wide o'er his meadowy lawns he spreads and feeds his realms of canes, his waving world of reeds; where mammoth grazed the renovating groves, slaked his huge thirst, and chill'd his fruitless loves; where elks, rejoicing o'er the extinguished race, by myriads rise to fill the vacant space. earth's widest gulph expands to meet his wave, vast isles of ocean in his current lave; glad thetis greets him from his finish'd course, and bathes her nereids in his freshening source. to his broad bed their tributary stores wisconsin here, there lonely peter pours; croix, from the northeast wilds his channel fills, ohio, gather'd from his myriad hills, yazoo and black, surcharged by georgian springs, rich illinois his copious treasure brings; arkansa, measuring back the sun's long course, moine, francis, rouge augment the father's force. but chief of all his family of floods missouri marches thro his world of woods; he scorns to mingle with the filial train, takes every course to reach alone the main; orient awhile his bending swreep he tries, now drains the southern, now the northern skies, searches and sunders far the globe's vast frame, reluctant joins the sire, and takes at last his name. there lies the path thy future sons shall trace, plant here their arts, and rear their vigorous race: a race predestined, in these choice abodes, to teach mankind to tame their fluvial floods, retain from ocean, as their work requires, these great auxiliars, raised by solar fires, force them to form ten thousand roads, and girth with liquid belts each verdant mound of earth, to aid the colon's as the carrier's toil, to drive the coulter, and to fat the soil, learn all mechanic arts, and oft regain their native hills in vapor and in rain. so taught the saint. the regions nearer drew, and raised resplendent to their hero's view rich nature's triple reign; for here elate she stored the noblest treasures of her state, adorn'd exuberant this her last domain, as yet unalter'd by her mimic man, sow'd liveliest gems, and plants of proudest grace, and strung with strongest nerves her animated race. retiring far round hudson's frozen bay, earth's lessening circles shrink beyond the day; snows ever rising with the toils of time choke the chill shrubs that brave the dismal clime; the beasts all whitening roam the lifeless plain, and caves unfrequent scoop the couch for man. where spring's coy steps in cold canadia stray, and joyless seasons hold unequal sway, he saw the pine its daring mantle rear, break the rude blast, and mock the brumal year, shag the green zone that bounds the boreal skies, and bid all southern vegetation rise. wild o'er the vast impenetrable round the untrod bowers of shadowy nature frown'd; millennial cedars wave their honors wide, the fir's tall boughs, the oak's umbrageous pride, the branching beech, the aspen's trembling shade veil the dim heaven, and brown the dusky glade. for in dense crowds these sturdy sons of earth, in frosty regions, claim a stronger birth; where heavy beams the sheltering dome requires, and copious trunks to feed its wintry fires. but warmer suns, that southern zones emblaze, a cool thin umbrage o'er their woodland raise; floridia's shores their blooms around him spread. and georgian hills erect their shady head; whose flowery shrubs regale the passing air with all the untasted fragrance of the year. beneath tall trees, dispersed in loose array, the rice-grown lawns their humble garb display; the infant maize, unconscious of its worth, points the green spire and bends the foliage forth; in various forms unbidden harvests rise, and blooming life repays the genial skies. where mexic hills the breezy gulph defend, spontaneous groves with richer burdens bend. anana's stalk its shaggy honors yields, acassia's flowers perfume a thousand fields, their cluster'd dates the mast-like palms unfold, the spreading orange waves a load of gold, connubial vines o'ertop the larch they climb, the long-lived olive mocks the moth of time, pomona's pride, that old grenada claims, here smiles and reddens in diviner flames; pimento, citron scent the sky serene, white woolly clusters fringe the cotton's green, the sturdy fig, the frail deciduous cane and foodful cocoa fan the sultry plain. here, in one view, the same glad branches bring the fruits of autumn and the flowers of spring; no wintry blasts the unchanging year deform, nor beasts unshelter'd fear the pinching storm; but vernal breezes o'er the blossoms rove, and breathe the ripen'd juices thro the grove. beneath the crystal wave's inconstant light pearls burst their shells to greet the hero's sight; from opening earth in living lustre shine the various treasures of the blazing mine; hills cleft before him all their stores unfold, the pale platina and the burning gold; silver whole mounds, and gems of dazzling ray illume the rocks and shed the beams of day. book ii. argument natives of america appear in vision. their manners and characters. columbus demands the cause of the dissimilarity of men in different countries, hesper replies, that the human body is composed of a due proportion of the elements suited to the place of its first formation; that these elements, differently proportioned, produce all the changes of health, sickness, growth and decay; and may likewise produce any other changes which occasion the diversity of men; that these elemental proportions are varied, not more by climate than temperature and other local circumstances; that the mind is likewise in a state of change, and will take its physical character from the body and from external objects: examples. inquiry concerning the first peopling of america. view of mexico. its destruction by cortez. view of cusco and quito, cities of peru. tradition of capac and oella, founders of the peruvian empire. columbus inquires into their real history. hesper gives an account of their origin, and relates the stratagems they used in establishing that empire. high o'er his world as thus columbus gazed, and hesper still the changing scene emblazed, round all the realms increasing lustre flew, and raised new wonders to the patriarch's view. he saw at once, as far as eye could rove, like scattering herds, the swarthy people move in tribes innumerable; all the waste, wide as their walks, a varying shadow cast. as airy shapes, beneath the moon's pale eye, people the clouds that sail the midnight sky, dance thro the grove and flit along the glade, and cast their grisly phantoms on the shade; so move the hordes, in thickets half conceal'd, or vagrant stalking thro the fenceless field, here tribes untamed, who scorn to fix their home, o'er shadowy streams and trackless deserts roam; while others there in settled hamlets rest, and corn-clad vales a happier state attest. the painted chiefs, in guise terrific drest, rise fierce to war, and beat their savage breast; dark round their steps collecting warriors pour, some fell revenge begins the hideous roar; from hill to hill the startling war-song flies, and tribes on tribes in dread disorder rise, track the mute foe and scour the howling wood, loud as a storm, ungovern'd as a flood; or deep in groves the silent ambush lay, lead the false flight, decoy and seize their prey, their captives torture, butcher and devour, drink the warm blood and paint their cheeks with gore. awhile he paused, with dubious thoughts opprest, and thus to hesper's ear his doubts addrest: say, to what class of nature's sons belong the countless tribes of this untutor'd throng? where human frames and brutal souls combine, no force can tame them, and no arts refine. can these be fashion'd on the social plan, or boast a lineage with the race of man? when first we found them in yon hapless isle, they seem'd to know and seem'd to fear no guile; a timorous herd, like harmless roes, they ran, and call'd us gods, from whom their tribes began. but when, their fears allay'd, in us they trace the well-known image of a mortal race, when spanish blood their wondering eyes beheld, a frantic rage their changing bosoms swell'd; they roused their bands from numerous hills afar, to feast their souls on ruin, waste and war. nor plighted vows nor sure defeat control the same indignant savageness of soul. tell then, my seer, from what dire sons of earth the brutal people drew their ancient birth; if these forgotten shores and useless tides have form'd them different from the world besides, born to subjection, when in happier time a nobler race should reach their fruitful clime; or, if a common source all nations claim, their lineage, form and faculties the same, what sovereign secret cause, yet undisplay'd, this wondrous change in nature's work has made; why various powers of soul and tints of face in different lands diversify the race; to whom the guide: unnumbered causes lie, in earth and sea, in climate, soil and sky, that fire the soul, or damp the genial flame, and work their wonders on the human frame. see beauty, form and color change with place; here charms of health the lively visage grace; there pale diseases float in every wind, deform the figure, and degrade the mind. from earth's own elements thy race at first rose into life, the children of the dust; these kindred elements, by various use, nourish the growth and every change produce; in each ascending stage the man sustain, his breath, his food, his physic and his bane. in due proportions where these atoms lie, a certain form their equal aids supply; and while unchanged the efficient causes reign, age following age the certain form maintain. but where crude atoms disproportion'd rise, and cast their sickening vapors round the skies, unlike that harmony of human frame, that moulded first and reproduce the same, the tribes ill form'd, attempering to the clime, still vary downward with the years of time; more perfect some, and some less perfect yield their reproductions in this wondrous field; till fixt at last their characters abide, and local likeness feeds their local pride. the soul too, varying with the change of clime, feeble or fierce, or groveling or sublime, forms with the body to a kindred plan, and lives the same, a nation or a man. yet think not clime alone the tint controls, on every shore, by altitude of poles; a different cast the glowing zone demands, in paria's groves, from tombut's burning sands, unheeded agents, for the sense too fine, with every pulse, with every thought combine, thro air and ocean, with their changes run, breathe from the ground, or circle with the sun. where these long continents their shores outspread, see the same form all different tribes pervade; thro all alike the fertile forests bloom, and all, uncultured, shed a solemn gloom; thro all great nature's boldest features rise, sink into vales or tower amid the skies; streams darkly winding stretch a broader sway, the groves and mountains bolder walks display; a dread sublimity informs the whole, and rears a dread sublimity of soul. yet time and art shall other changes find, and open still and vary still the mind. the countless clans that tread these dank abodes, who glean spontaneous fruits and range the woods, fixt here for ages, in their swarthy face display the wild complexion of the place. yet when the hordes to happy nations rise, and earth by culture warms the genial skies, a fairer tint and more majestic grace shall flush their features and exalt the race; while milder arts, with social joys refined, inspire new beauties in the growing mind. thy followers too, old europe's noblest pride, when future gales shall wing them o'er the tide, a ruddier hue and deeper shade shall gain, and stalk, in statelier figures, on the plain. while nature's grandeur lifts the eye abroad o'er these last labors of the forming god, wing'd on a wider glance the venturous soul bids greater powers and bolder thoughts unrol; the sage, the chief, the patriot unconfined, shield the weak world and meliorate mankind. but think not thou, in all the range of man, that different pairs each different cast began; or tribes distinct, by signal marks confest, were born to serve or subjugate the rest. the hero heard, and thus resumed the strain: who led these wanderers o'er the dreary main? could their weak sires, unskill'd in human lore, build the bold bark, to seek an unknown shore? a shore so distant from the world beside, so dark the tempests, and so wild the tide, that greece and tyre, and all who tempt the sea, have shunn'd the task, and left the fame to me. when first thy roving race, the power replied, learn'd by the stars the devious sail to guide, from stormy hellespont explored the way, and sought the limits of the midland sea; before alcides form'd his impious plan to check the sail, and bound the steps of man, this hand had led them to this rich abode, and braved the wrath of that strong demigod. driven from the calpian strait, a hapless train roll'd on the waves that sweep the western main; storms from the orient bhcken'd heaven with shade, nor sun nor stars could yield their wonted aid. for many a darksome day o'erwhelm'd and tost, their sails, their oars in swallowing surges lost, at length, the clouds withdrawn, they sad descry their course directing from their native sky. no hope remains; far onward o'er the zone the trade wind bears them with the circling sun; till wreck'd and stranded here, the sylvan coast receives to lonely seats the suffering host. the fruitful vales invite their steps to roam, renounce their sorrows and forget their home; revolving years their ceaseless wanderings led, and from their sons descending nations spread. these in the torrid tracts began their sway, whose cultured fields their growing arts display; the northern tribes a later stock may boast, a race descended from the asian coast. high in the arctic, where anadir glides, a narrow strait the impinging worlds divides; there tartar fugitives from famine sail, and migrant tribes these fruitful shorelands hail. he spoke; when behren's pass before them lay, and moving nations on the margin stray, thick swarming, venturous; sail and oar they ply, climb on the surge and o'er the billows fly. as when autumnal storms awake their force. the storks foreboding tempt their southern course; from all the fields collecting throngs arise, mount on the wing and crowd along the skies: thus, to his eye, from bleak tartaria's shore, thro isles and seas, the gathering people pour, change their cold regions for a happier strand, leap from the wave and tread the welcome land; in growing tribes extend their southern sway, and wander wide beneath a warmer day. but why, the chief replied, if ages past led the bold vagrants to so mild a waste; if human souls, for social compact given, inform their nature with the stamp of heaven. why the wild woods for ever must they rove, nor arts nor social joys their passions move? long is the lapse of ages, since thy hand conducted here thy first adventurous band. on other shores, in every eastern clime, since that unletter'd, distant tract of time, what arts have sprung, imperial powers to grace! what sceptres sway'd the many-master'd race! guilt, grandeur, glory from their seats been hurl'd, and dire divulsions shook the changing world! ere rome's first eagle clave the frighted air, ere sparta form'd her deathlike sons of war, ere tyre and ilion saw their towers arise, or memphian pyramids usurp'd the skies, these tribes have forester'd the fruitful zone, their seats unsettled, and their name unknown. hesper to this replied: a scanty train, in that far age, approach'd the wide domain; the wide domain, with game and fruitage crown'd, supplied their food uncultured from the ground. by nature form'd to rove, the humankind, of freedom fond, will ramble unconfined, till all the region fills, and rival right restrains their steps, and bids their force unite; when common safety builds a common cause, conforms their interest and inspires their laws; by mutual checks their different manners blend, their fields bloom joyous, and their walls ascend. here to the vagrant tribes no bounds arose, they form'd no union, as they fear'd no foes; wandering and wild, from sire to son they stray, a thousand ages, scorning every sway. and what a world their seatless nations led! a total hemisphere around them spread; see the lands lengthen, see the rivers roll, to each far main, to each extended pole! but lo, at last the destined course is run, the realms are peopled and their arts begun. where yon mid region elevated lies, a few famed cities glitter to the skies; there move, in eastern pomp, the toils of state, and temples heave, magnificently great. the hero turn'd to greet the novel sight; when three far splendors, yet confusedly bright, rose like a constellation; till more near, distinctly mark'd their different sites appear; diverging still, beneath their roofs of gold, three cities gay their mural towers unfold. so, led by visions of his guiding god, the seer of patmos o'er the welkin trod, saw the new heaven its flamy cope unbend, and walls and gates and spiry domes descend; his well known sacred city grows, and gains her new built towers, her renovated fanes; with golden skies and suns and rainbows crown'd, jerusalem looks forth and lights the world around. bright on the north imperial mexic rose; a mimic morn her sparkling vanes disclose, her opening streets concentred hues display, give back the sun, and shed internal day; the circling wall with guardian turrets frown'd, and look'd defiance to the realms around; a glimmering lake without the wall retires, inverts the towers, and seems a grove of spires. proud o'er the midst, on columns lifted high, a giant structure claims a loftier sky; o'er the tall gates sublimer arches bend, courts larger lengthen, bolder walks ascend, starr'd with superior gems the porches shine, and speak the royal residence writhin. there, deck'd in state robes, on his golden throne, mid suppliant kings, dread montezuma shone; mild in his eye a temper'd grandeur sate, high seem'd his soul, with conscious power elate; in aspect open, social and serene, enclosed by favorites, and of friends unseen. round the rich throne, in various lustre dight, gems undistinguished cast a changing light; sapphire and emerald soften down the scene, cold azure mingling with the vernal green, pearl, amber, ruby warmer flames unfold, and diamonds brighten from the burning gold; thro all the dome the living blazes blend, and shoot their rainbows where the arches bend. on every ceiling, painted light and gay, symbolic forms their graphic art display; recording, confident of endless fame, each feat of arms, each patriarchal name; like memphian hieroglyphs, to stretch the span of memory frail in momentary man. pour'd thro the gates a hundred nations greet, throng the rich mart and line each ample street, ply different labors, walls and structures rear, or till the fields, or train the ranks of war. thro spreading states the skirts of empire bend, new temples rise and other plains extend; thrice ten wide provinces, in culture gay, bless the same king, and daily firm the sway. a smile benignant kindling in his eyes, o happy realm! the glad columbus cries, far in the midland, safe from every foe, thy arts shall flourish as thy virtues grow, to endless years thy rising fame extend, and sires of nations from thy sons descend. may no gold-thirsty race thy temples tread, insult thy rites, nor heap thy plains with dead; no bovadilla seize the tempting spoil, no dark ovando, no religious boyle, in mimic priesthood grave, or robed in state, overwhelm thy glories in oblivious fate! vain are thy hopes, the sainted power replied, these rich abodes from spanish hordes to hide, or teach hard guilt and cruelty to spare the guardless prize of sacrilegious war. think not the vulture, mid the field of slain, where base and brave promiscuous strow the plain, where the young hero in the pride of charms pours brighter crimson o'er his spotless arms, will pass the tempting prey, and glut his rage on harder flesh, and carnage black with age; o'er all alike he darts his eager eye, whets the blunt beak and hovers down the sky, from countless corses picks the dainty food, and screams and fattens in the purest blood. so the vile hosts, that hither trace thy way, on happiest tribes with fiercest fury prey. thine the dread task, o cortez, here to show what unknown crimes can heighten human woe, on these fair fields the blood of realms to pour, tread sceptres down, and print thy steps in gore, with gold and carnage swell thy sateless mind, and live and die the blackest of mankind. he gains the shore. behold his fortress rise, his fleet high flaming suffocates the skies. the march begins; the nations in affright quake as he moves, and wage the fruitless fight; thro the rich provinces he bends his way, kings in his chain, and kingdoms for his prey; full on the imperial town infuriate falls, and pours destruction o'er its batter'd walls. in quest of peace great montezuma stands, a sovereign supplicant with lifted hands, brings all his treasure, yields the regal sway, bids vassal millions their new lord obey; and plies the victor with incessant prayer, thro ravaged realms the harmless race to spare. but treasures, tears and sceptres plead in vain, nor threats can move him, nor a world restrain; while blind religion's prostituted name and monkish fury guide the sacred flame. o'er crowded fanes their fires unhallow'd bend, climb the wide roofs, the lofty towers ascend, pour thro the lowering skies the smoky flood, and stain the fields, and quench the blaze in blood. columbus heard; and, with a heaving sigh, dropt the full tear that started in his eye: o hapless day! his trembling voice replied, that saw my wandering pennon mount the tide. had but the lamp of heaven to that bold sail ne'er mark'd the passage nor awoke the gale, taught foreign prows these peopled shores to find, nor led those tigers forth to fang mankind; then had the tribes beneath these bounteous skies seen their walls widen and their harvests rise; down the long tracts of time their glory shone, broad as the day and lasting as the sun. the growing realms, behind thy shield that rest, paternal monarch, still thy power had blest, enjoy'd the pleasures that surround thy throne, survey'd thy virtues and improved their own. forgive me, prince; this luckless arm hath led the storm unseen that hovers o'er thy head; taught the dark sons of slaughter where to roam, to seize thy crown and seal the nation's doom. arm, sleeping empire, meet the murderous band, drive back the invaders, save the sinking land.- but vain the call! behold the streaming blood! forgive me, nature! and forgive me, god! while sorrows thus his patriarch pride control, hesper reproving sooths his tender soul: father of this new world, thy tears give o'er, let virtue grieve and heaven be blamed no more. enough for man, with persevering mind, to act his part and strive to bless his kind; enough for thee, o'er thy dark age to soar, and raise to light that long-secluded shore. for this my guardian care thy youth inspired, to virtue rear'd thee, and with glory fired, bade in thy plan each distant world unite, and wing'd thy vessel for the venturous flight. nor think the labors vain; to good they tend; tyrants like these shall ne'er defeat their end; their end that opens far beyond the scope of man's past efforts and his present hope. long has thy race, to narrow shores confined, trod the same round that fetter'd fast the mind; now, borne on bolder plumes, with happier flight, the world's broad bounds unfolding to the sight, the mind shall soar; the coming age expand their arts and lore to every barbarous land; and buried gold, drawn copious from the mine, give wings to commerce and the world refine. now to yon southern cities turn thy view, and mark the rival seats of rich peru. see quito's airy plains, exalted high, with loftier temples rise along the sky; and elder cusco's shining roofs unfold, flame on the day, and shed their suns of gold. another range, in these pacific climes, spreads a broad theatre for unborn crimes; another cortez shall their treasures view, his rage rekindle and his guilt renew; his treason, fraud, and every fell design, o curst pizarro, shall revive in thine. here reigns a prince, whose heritage proclaims a long bright lineage of imperial names; where the brave roll of incas love to trace the distant father of their realm and race, immortal capac. he, in youthful pride, with young oella his illustrious bride, announced their birth divine; a race begun from heaven, the children of their god the sun; by him sent forth a polish'd state to frame, crush the fiend gods that human victims claim, with cheerful rites their pure devotions pay to the bright orb that gives the changing day. on this great plan, as children of the skies, they plied their arts and saw their hamlets rise. first of their works, and sacred to their fame. yon proud metropolis received its name, cusco the seat of states, in peace design'd to reach o'er earth, and civilize mankind. succeeding sovereigns spread their limits far, tamed every tribe, and sooth'd the rage of war; till quito bow'd; and all the heliac zone felt the same sceptre, and confirm'd the throne. near cusco's walls, where still their hallow'd isle bathes in its lake and wears its verdant smile, where these prime parents of the sceptred line their advent made, and spoke their birth divine, behold their temple stand; its glittering spires light the glad waves and aid their father's fires. arch'd in the walls of gold, its portal gleams with various gems of intermingling beams; and flaming from the front, with borrow'd ray, a diamond circlet gives the rival day; in whose bright face forever looks abroad the labor'd image of the radiant god. there dwells the royal priest, whose inner shrine conceals his lore; tis there his voice divine proclaims the laws; and there a cloister'd quire of holy virgins keep the sacred fire. columbus heard; and curious to be taught what pious fraud such wondrous changes wrought, ask'd by what mystic charm, in that dark age, they quell'd in savage souls the barbarous rage, by leagues of peace combined a wide domain, and taught the virtues in their laws to reign. long is the tale; but tho their labors rest by years obscured, in flowery fiction drest, my voice, said hesper, shall revive their name, and give their merits to immortal fame. led by his father's wars, in early prime young capac left his native northern clime; the clime where quito since hath rear'd her fanes, and now no more her barbarous rites maintains. he saw these vales in richer blooms array'd, and tribes more numerous haunt the woodland shade, saw rival clans their local gods adore, their altars staining with their children's gore, yet mark'd their reverence for the sun, whose beam proclaims his bounties and his power supreme; who sails in happier skies, diffusing good, demands no victim and receives no blood. in peace return'd with his victorious sire, new charms of glory all his soul inspire; to conquer nations on a different plan, and build his greatness on the good of man. by nature form'd for hardiest deeds of fame, tall, bold and full-proportion'd rose his frame; strong moved his limbs, a mild majestic grace beam'd from his eyes and open'd in his face; o'er the dark world his mind superior shone, and seem'd the semblance of his parent sun. but tho fame's airy visions lift his eyes, and future empires from his labors rise; yet softer fires his daring views control, and mixt emotions fill his changing soul. shall genius rare, that might the world improve, bend to the milder voice of careless love, that bounds his glories, and forbids to part from bowers that woo'd his fluctuating heart? or shall the toils imperial heroes claim fire his brave bosom with a patriot flame, bid sceptres wait him on peruvia's shore, and loved oella meet his eyes no more? still unresolved he sought the lonely maid, who plied her labors in the silvan shade; her locks loose rolling mantle deep her breast, and wave luxuriant round her slender waist, gay wreaths of flowers her pensive brows adorn, and her white raiment mocks the light of morn. her busy hand sustains a bending bough, where cotton clusters spread their robes of snow, from opening pods unbinds the fleecy store, and culls her labors for the evening bower. for she, the first in all hesperia, fed the turning spindle with the twisting thread; the woof, the shuttle follow'd her command, till various garments grew beneath her hand. and now, while all her thoughts with capac rove thro former scenes of innocence and love, in distant fight his fancied dangers share, or wait him glorious from the finish'd war; blest with the ardent hope, her sprightly mind a vesture white had for the prince design'd; and here she seeks the wool to web the fleece, the sacred emblem of returning peace. sudden his near approach the maid alarms; he flew enraptured to her yielding arms, and lost, dissolving in a softer flame, his distant empire and the fire of fame. at length, retiring thro the homeward field, their glowing souls to cooler converse yield; o'er various scenes of blissful life they ran, when thus the warrior to the maid began: long have we mark'd the inauspicious reign that waits our sceptre in this rough domain; a soil ungrateful and a wayward race, their game but scanty, and confined their space. where late my steps the southern war pursued, the fertile plains grew boundless as i view'd; more numerous nations trod the grassy wild, and joyous nature more delightful smiled. no changing seasons there the flowers deform, no dread volcano and no mountain storm; rains ne'er invade, nor livid lightnings play, nor clouds obscure the radiant king of day. but while his orb, in ceaseless glory bright, rolls the rich day and fires his stars by night, unbounded fulness flows beneath his reign, seas yield their treasures, fruits adorn the plain; his melting mountains spread their annual flood, night sheds her dews, the day-breeze fans the god. tis he inspires me with the vast design to form those nations to a sway divine; destroy the rites of every demon power, whose altars smoke with sacrilegious gore; to laws and labor teach the tribes to yield, and richer fruits to grace the cultured field. but great, my charmer, is the task of fame, their faith to fashion and their lives to tame; full many a spacious wild these eyes must see spread dreary bounds between my love and me; and yon bright godhead circle thrice the year, each lonely evening number'd with a tear. long robes of white my shoulders must embrace, to speak my lineage of ethereal race; that simple men may reverence and obey the radiant offspring of the power of day. when these my deeds the faith of nations gain, and happy millions bless thy capac's reign, then shall he feign a journey to the sun, to bring the partner of his well-earn'd throne; so shall descending kings the line sustain, till earth's whole regions join the vast domain. will then my fair, at my returning hour, forsake these wilds and hail a happier bower? will she consenting now resume her smiles, send forth her warrior to his glorious toils; and, sweetly patient, wait the flight of days, that crown our labors with immortal praise? silent the damsel heard; her moistening eye spoke the full soul, nor could her voice reply; till softer accents sooth'd her wounded ear, composed her tumult and allay'd her fear: think not, heroic maid, my steps would part while silent sorrows heave that tender heart. oella's peace more dear shall prove to me than all the realms that bound the raging sea; nor thou, bright sun, shalt bribe my soul to rest, and leave one struggle in her lovely breast. yet think in tribes so vast, my gentle fair, what millions merit our instructive care; how age to age leads on their joyless gloom, habitual slaughter their poor piteous doom; no social ties their wayward passions prove, nor peace nor pleasure treads the howling grove; mid thousand heroes and a thousand fair no fond oella meets her capac there. yet, taught by thee domestic joys to prize, with softer charms the virgin race shall rise, awake new virtues, every grace improve, and form their minds for happiness and love. ah think, as future years thro time descend, what wide creations on thy voice depend; and, like the sun, whose all-delighting ray to those mild regions gives his purest day, diffuse thy bounties, let me instant fly; in three short moons the generous task i'll try; then swift returning, i'll conduct my fair where realms submissive wait her fostering care. and will my prince, my capac, borne away, thro those dark wilds in quest of empire stray, where tigers fierce command the shuddering wood, and men like tigers thirst for human blood? think'st thou no dangerous deed the course attends, alone, unaided by thy sire and friends? even chains and death may meet my hero there, nor his last groan could reach oella's ear. but no! nor death nor chains shall capac prove unknown to her, while she has power to rove. close by thy side, where'er thy wanderings stray, my equal steps shall measure all the way; with borrow'd soul each chance of fate i'll dare, thy toils to lessen and thy dangers share. quick shall my ready hand two garments weave, whose sunny whiteness shall the tribes deceive; thus clad, their homage shall secure our sway. and hail us children of the god of day. the lovely counsel pleased. the smiling chief approved her courage and dispell'd her grief; then to their homely bower in haste they move. begin their labors and prepare to rove. soon grow the robes beneath her forming care, and the fond parents wed the wondrous pair; but whelm'd in grief beheld the following dawn, their joys all vanish'd and their children gone. nine days they march'd; the tenth effulgent morn saw their white forms that sacred isle adorn. the work begins; they preach to every band the well-form'd fiction, and their faith demand; with various miracles their powers display, to prove their lineage and confirm their sway. they form to different arts the hand of toil, to whirl the spindle and to spade the soil, the sun's bright march with pious finger trace, and his pale sister with her changing face; show how their bounties clothe the labor'd plain, the green maize shooting from its golden grain, how the white cotton tree's expanding lobes file into threads, and swell to fleecy robes; while the tamed llama aids the wondrous plan, and lends his garment to the loins of man. the astonish'd tribes believe, with glad surprise, the gods descended from the favoring skies, adore their persons robed in shining white. receive their laws and leave each horrid rite, build with assisting hands the golden throne, and hail and bless the sceptre of the sun. book iii. argument. actions of the inca capac. a general invasion of his dominions threatened by the mountain savages. rocha, the inca's son, sent with a few companions to offer terms of peace. his embassy. his adventure with the worshippers of the volcano. with those of the storm, on the andes. falls in with the savage armies. character and speech of zamor, their chief. capture of rocha and his companions. sacrifice of the latter. death song of azonto. war dance. march of the savage armies down the mountains to peru. incan army meets them. battle joins. peruvians terrified by an eclipse of the sun, and routed. they fly to cusco. grief of oella, supposing the darkness to be occasioned by the death of rocha. sun appears. peruvians from the city wall discover roch an altar in the savage camp. they march in haste out of the city and engage the savages. exploits of capac. death of zamor. recovery of rocha, and submission of the enemy. now twenty years these children of the skies beheld their gradual growing empire rise. they ruled with rigid but with generous care, diffused their arts and sooth'd the rage of war, bade yon tall temple grace their favorite isle, the mines unfold, the cultured valleys smile, those broad foundations bend their arches high, and rear imperial cusco to the sky; wealth, wisdom, force consolidate the reign from the rude andes to the western main. but frequent inroads from the savage bands lead fire and slaughter o'er the labor'd lands; they sack the temples, the gay fields deface, and vow destruction to the incan race. the king, undaunted in defensive war, repels their hordes, and speeds their flight afar; stung with defeat, they range a wider wood, and rouse fresh tribes for future fields of blood. where yon blue ridges hang their cliffs on high, and suns infulminate the stormful sky, the nations, temper'd to the turbid air, breathe deadly strife, and sigh for battle's blare; tis here they meditate, with one vast blow, to crush the race that rules the plains below. capac with caution views the dark design, learns from all points what hostile myriads join. and seeks in time by proffer'd leagues to gain a bloodless victory, and enlarge his reign. his eldest hope, young rocha, at his call, resigns his charge within the temple wall; in whom began, with reverend forms of awe, the functions grave of priesthood and of law, in early youth, ere yet the ripening sun had three short lustres o'er his childhood run, the prince had learnt, beneath his father's hand, the well-framed code that sway'd the sacred land; with rites mysterious served the power divine, prepared the altar and adorn'd the shrine, responsive hail'd, with still returning praise, each circling season that the god displays, sooth'd with funereal hymns the parting dead, at nuptial feasts the joyful chorus led; while evening incense and the morning song rose from his hand or trembled on his tongue. thus form'd for empire ere he gain'd the sway, to rule with reverence and with power obey, reflect the glories of the parent sun, and shine the capac of his future throne, employed his docile years; till now from far the rumor'd leagues proclaim approaching war; matured for active scenes he quits the shrine, to aid in council or in arms to shine. amid the chieftains that the court compose, in modest mien the stripling pontiff rose, with reverence bow'd, conspicuous o'er the rest, approach'd the throne, and thus the sire addrest: great king of nations, heaven-descended sage, thy second heir has reach'd the destined age to take these priestly robes; to his pure hand i yield them pure, and wait thy kind command. should foes invade, permit this arm to share the toils, the triumphs, every chance of war; for this dread conflict all our force demands, in one wide field to whelm the brutal bands, pour to the mountain gods their wonted food, and save thy realms from future leagues of blood. yet oh, may sovereign mercy first ordain propounded compact to the savage train! i'll go with terms of peace to spread thy sway, and teach the blessings of the god of day. the sire return'd: my great desire you know, to shield from slaughter and preserve the foe, in bands of concord all their tribes to bind, and live the friend and guardian of mankind. should strife begin, thy youthful arm shall share the toils of glory thro the walks of war; but o'er their hills to seek alone the foes, to gain their confidence or brave their blows, bend their proud souls to reason's voice divine, claims hardier limbs and riper years than thine. yet one of heavenly race the task requires, whose mystic rites control the solar fires; so the sooth'd godhead proves to faithless eyes his love to man, his empire of the skies. some veteran chief, in those rough labors tried, shall aid thee on, and go thy faithful guide; o'er dreary heights thy sinking limbs sustain. teach the dark wiles of each insidious train, thro all extremes of life thy voice attend, in counsel lead thee, or in arms defend. and three firm youths, thy chosen friends, shall go to learn the climes and meditate the foe; that wars of future years their skill may find, to serve the realm and save the savage kind. rise then, my son, first partner of my fame, with early toils to build thy sacred name; in high behest, for his own legate known, proclaim the bounties of our sire the sun. tell how his fruits beneath our culture rise, his stars, how glorious, gem our cloudless skies; and how to us his hand hath kindly given his peaceful laws, the purest grace of heaven, with power to widen his terrestrial sway, and give our blessings where he gives the day. yet, should the stubborn nations still prepare the shaft of slaughter for the barbarous war, tell them we know to tread the crimson plain, and god's own children never yield to man. but ah, my child, with steps of caution go, the ways are hideous, and enraged the foe; blood stains their altars, all their feasts are blood, death their delight, and darkness reigns their god; tigers and vultures, storms and earthquakes share their rites of worship and their spoils of war. shouldst thou, my rocha, tempt too far their ire, should those dear relics feed a murderous fire, deep sighs would rend thy wretched mother's breast, the pale sun sink in clouds of darkness drest, thy sire and mournful nations rue the day that drew thy steps from these sad walls away. yet go; tis virtue calls; and realms unknown, won by these works, may bless thy future throne; millions of unborn souls in time may see their doom reversed, and owe their peace to thee, deluded sires, with murdering hands, no more feed fancied demons with their children's gore, but, sway'd by happier sceptres, here behold the rites of freedom and the shrines of gold. be wise, be mindful of thy realm and throne; god speed thy labors and preserve my son! soon the glad prince, in robes of white array'd, call'd his attendants and the sire obey'd. a diamond broad, in burning gold imprest, display'd the sun's bright image on his breast; a pearl-dropt girdle bound his waist below, and the white lautu graced his lofty brow. they journey'd forth, o'ermarching far the mound that flank'd the kingdom on its andean bound; ridge after ridge thro vagrant hordes they past, where each new tribe seem'd wilder than the last; to all they preach and prove the solar sway, and climb fresh mountains on their tedious way. at length, as thro disparting clouds they rise, and hills above them still obstruct the skies, while a dead calm o'er all the region stood? and not a leaf could fan its parent wood, sudden a strange portentous noise began; the birds fled wild, the beasts for shelter ran; slow, sullen, loud, with deep astounding blare, swell the strong tones of subterranean war; behind, before, beneath them groans the ground, earth heaves and labors with the shuddering sound; columns of smoke, that cap the rumbling height, roll reddening far thro heaven, and choke the light; from tottering steeps descend their cliffs of snow, the mountains reel, the valleys rend below; the headlong streams forget their usual round, and shrink and vanish in the gaping ground. the sun descends; but night recals in vain her silent shades, to recommence her reign; the bursting mount gapes high, a sudden glare coruscates wide, till all the purpling air breaks into flame, and wheels and roars and raves and wraps the welkin in its folding waves; light sailing cinders, thro its vortex driven, stream high and brighten to the midst of heaven; and, following slow, full floods of boiling ore swell, swoop aloft and thro the concave roar. torrents of molten rocks, on every side, lead o'er the shelves of ice their fiery tide; hills slide before them, skies around them burn, towns sink beneath and heaving plains upturn; o'er many a league the flaming deluge hurl'd, sweeps total nations from the staggering world. meanwhile, at distance thro the livid light, a busy concourse met their wondering sight; the prince drew near; where lo! an altar stood, rude in its form, and fill'd with burning wood; wrapt in the flames a youth expiring lay, and the fond father thus was heard to pray: receive, o dreadful power, from feeble age, this last pure offering to thy sateless rage; thrice has thy vengeance on this hated land claim'd a dear infant from my yielding hand; thrice have those lovely lips the victim prest, and all the mother torn that tender breast; when the dread duty stifled every sigh, and not a tear escaped her beauteous eye. our fourth and last now meets the fatal doom; groan not, my child, thy god remands thee home; attend once more, thou dark infernal name, from yon far streaming pyramid of flame; snatch from his heaving flesh the blasted breath. sacred to thee and all the fiends of death; then in thy hall, with spoils of nations crown'd, confine thy walks beneath the rending ground; no more on earth the embowel'd flames to pour, and scourge my people and my race no more. thus rocha heard; and to the trembling crowd turn'd the bright image of his beaming god. the afflicted chief, with fear and grief opprest, beheld the sign, and thus the prince addrest: from what far land, o royal stranger, say, ascend thy wandering steps this nightly way? from plains like ours, by holy demons fired? have thy brave people in the flames expired? and hast thou now, to stay the whelming flood, no son to offer to the furious god? from happier lands i came, the prince returns, where no red flaming flood the concave burns, no furious god bestorms our soil and skies, nor yield our hands the bloody sacrifice; but life and joy the power delights to give, and bids his children but rejoice and live. thou seest thro heaven the day-dispensing sun in living radiance wheel his golden throne, o'er earth's gay surface send his genial beams, force from yon cliffs of ice the vernal streams; while fruits and flowers adorn the cultured field, and seas and lakes their copious treasures yield; he reigns our only god. in him we trace the friend, the father of our happy race. late the lone tribes, on those unlabor'd shores, ran wild and served imaginary powers; till he, in pity, taught their feuds to cease, devised their laws, and fashion'd all for peace. my sacred parents first the reign began, sent from his courts to guide the paths of man, to plant his fruits, to manifest his sway, and give their blessings where he gives the day. the sachem proud replied: thy garb and face proclaim thy lineage of superior race; and our progenitors, no less than thine, sprang from a god, and own a birth divine. from that sky-scorching mount, on floods of flame, in elder times my great forefathers came; there dwells the sire, and from his dark abode oft claims, as now, the tribute of a god. this victim due when willing mortals pay, his terrors lessen and his fires decay; while purer sleet regales the mountain air, and our glad hosts are fired for fiercer war. yet know, dread chief, the pious youth rejoin'd, some one prime power produced all human kind: some sire supreme, whose ever-ruling soul creates, preserves, and regulates the whole. that sire supreme must roll his radiant eye round the wide earth and thro the boundless sky; that all their habitants, their gods and men, may rise unveil'd beneath his careful ken. could thy dark fiend, that hides his blind abode, and cauldrons in his cave that fiery flood, yield the rich fruits that distant nations find? or praise or punish or behold mankind? but when my god, resurging from the night, shall gild his chambers with the morning light, by mystic rites he'll vindicate his throne, and own thy servant for his duteous son. meantime, the chief replied, thy cares releast, rest here the night and share our scanty feast; which, driven in hasty rout, our train supplied, when trembling earth foretold the boiling tide. they fared, they rested; till with lucid horn all-cheering phosphor led the lively morn; the prince arose, an altar rear'd in haste, and watch'd the splendors of the reddening east. as o'er the mountain flamed the sun's broad eye, he call'd the host, his holy rites to try; then took the loaves of maize, the bounties brake, gave to the chief, and bade them all partake; the hallow'd relics on the pile he placed, with tufts of flowers the simple offering graced, held to the sun the image from his breast, whose glowing concave all the god exprest; o'er the dried leaves the rays concentred fly, and thus his voice ascends the listening sky: o thou, whose splendors kindle heaven with fire. great soul of nature, man's immortal sire, if e'er my father found thy sovereign grace, or thy blest will ordain'd the incan race, give these lorn tribes to learn thy awful name, receive this offering, and the pile inflame; so shall thy laws o'er wider bounds be known, and earth's whole race be happy as thy own. thus pray'd the prince; the focal flames aspire, the mute beholders tremble and retire, gaze on the miracle, full credence own, and vow obedience to the sacred sun. the legates now their farther course descried, a young cazique attending as a guide, o'er craggy cliffs pursued their eastern way, trod loftier champaigns, meeting high the day, saw timorous tribes, in these sublime abodes, adore the blasts and turn the storms to gods; while every cloud that thunders thro the skies claims from their hands a human sacrifice. awhile the youth, their better faith to gain, strives with his usual art, but strives in vain; in vain he pleads the mildness of the sun; a gale refutes him ere his speech be done; continual tempests from their orient blow, and load the mountains with eternal snow. the sun's own beam, the timid clans declare, drives all their evils on the tortured air; he draws the vapors up their eastern sky, that sail and centre round his dazzling eye; leads the loud storms along his midday course, and bids the andes meet their sweeping force; builds their bleak summits with an icy throne, to shine thro heaven, a semblance of his own; hence the sharp sleet, these lifted lawns that wait, and all the scourges that attend their state. two toilsome days the virtuous inca strove to social life their savage minds to move; when the third morning glow'd serenely bright, he led their elders to an eastern height; the world unlimited beneath them lay, and not a cloud obscured the rising day. vast amazonia, starr'd with twinkling streams, in azure drest, a heaven inverted seems; dim paraguay extends the aching sight, xaraya glimmers like the moon of night, land, water, sky in blending borders play, and smile and brighten to the lamp of day. when thus the prince: what majesty divine! what robes of gold! what flames about him shine! there walks the god! his starry sons on high draw their dim veil and shrink behind the sky; earth with surrounding nature's born anew, and men by millions greet the glorious view! who can behold his all-delighting soul give life and joy, and heaven and earth control, bid death and darkness from his presence move, who can behold, and not adore and love? those plains, immensely circling, feel his beams, he greens the groves, he silvers gay the streams, swells the wild fruitage, gives the beast his food, and mute creation hails the genial god. but richer boons his righteous laws impart, to aid the life and mould the social heart, his arts of peace thro happy realms to spread, and altars grace with sacrificial bread; such our distinguish'd lot, who own his sway, mild as his morning stars and liberal as the day. his unknown laws, the mountain chief replied, may serve perchance your boasted race to guide; and yon low plains, that drink his partial ray, at his glad shrine their just devotions pay. but we nor fear his frown nor trust his smile; vain as our prayers is every anxious toil; our beasts are buried in his whirls of snow, our cabins drifted to his slaves below. even now his placid looks thy hopes beguile, he lures thy raptures with a morning smile; but soon (for so those saffron robes proclaim) his own black tempest shall obstruct his flame, storm, thunder, fire, against the mountains driven, rake deep their sulphur'd sides, disgorging here his heaven. he spoke; they waited, till the fervid ray high from the noontide shot the faithless day; when lo, far gathering under eastern skies, solemn and slow, the dark red vapors rise; full clouds, convolving on the turbid air, move like an ocean to the watery war. the host, securely raised, no dangers harm, they sit unclouded and o'erlook the storm; while far beneath, the sky-borne waters ride, veil the dark deep and sheet the mountain's side; the lightning's glancing fires, in fury curl'd, bend their long forky foldings o'er the world; torrents and broken crags and floods of rain from steep to steep roll down their force amain, in dreadful cataracts; the bolts confound the tumbling clouds, and rock the solid ground. the blasts unburden'd take their upward course, and o'er the mountain top resume their force. swift thro the long white ridges from the north the rapid whirlwinds lead their terrors forth; high walks the storm, the circling surges rise, and wild gyrations wheel the hovering skies; vast hills of snow, in sweeping columns driven, deluge the air and choke the void of heaven; floods burst their bounds, the rocks forget their place, and the firm andes tremble to their base. long gazed the host; when thus the stubborn chief, with eyes on fire, and fill'd with sullen grief: behold thy careless god, secure on high, laughs at our woes and peaceful walks the sky, drives all his evils on these seats sublime, and wafts his favors to a happier clime; sire of the dastard race thy words disclose, there glads his children, here afflicts his foes. hence! speed thy flight! pursue him where he leads; lest vengeance seize thee for thy father's deeds, thy immolated limbs assuage the fire of those curst powers, who now a gift require. the youth in haste collects his scanty train, and, with the sun, flies o'er the western plain; the fading orb with plaintive voice he plies, to guide his steps and light him down the skies. so when the moon and all the host of even hang pale and trembling on the verge of heaven, while storms ascending threat their nightly reign, they seek their absent sire, and sink below the main. now to the south he turns; where one vast plain calls from a hundred hordes the warrior train; of various dress and various form they show'd; each wore the ensign of his local god. from eastern hills a grisly troop descends, whose war song wild the shuddering concave rends; cloak'd in a tiger's hide their grim chief towers, and apes the brinded god his tribe adores. the tusky jaws grin o'er the sachem's brow, the bald eyes glare, the paws depend below, from his bored ears contorted serpents hung, and drops of gore seem'd rolling on his tongue. the northern glens pour forth the vulture-race; brown tufts of quills their shaded foreheads grace; the claws branch wide, the beak expands for blood, and all the armor imitates the god. the condor, frowning from a southern plain, borne on a standard, leads a numerous train: clench'd in his talons hangs an infant dead, his long bill pointing where the sachems tread, his wings, tho lifeless, frighten still the wind, and his broad tail o'ershades the file behind. from other plains and other hills afar, the tribes throng dreadful to the promised war; some twine their forelock with a crested snake, some wear the emblems of a stream or lake; all from the power they serve assume their mode, and foam and yell to taste the incan blood. the prince incautious with his men drew near, known for an inca by his dress and air; till coop'd and caught amid the warrior trains, they bow in silence to the victor's chains. when now the gather'd thousands throng the plain, and echoing skies the rending shouts retain; zamor, the chieftain of the tiger-band, by choice appointed to the first command, shrugg'd up his brinded spoils above the rest, and grimly frowning thus the crowd addrest: warriors, attend! tomorrow leads abroad our sacred vengeance for our brothers' blood. on those scorch'd plains for ever must they lie, their bones still naked to the burning sky? left in the field for foreign hawks to tear, nor our own vultures can the banquet share. but soon, ye mountain gods, yon dreary west shall sate your hunger with an ampler feast; when the proud sun, that terror of the plain, shall grieve in heaven for all his children slain, as o'er his realm our slaughtering armies roam, and give to your sad powers a happier home. meanwhile, ye tribes, these men of solar race, food for the flames, your bloody rites shall grace; each to a different god his panting breath resigns in fire; this night demands their death: all but the inca; him reserved in state these conquering hands ere long shall immolate to all the powers at once that storm the skies, a grateful gift, before his mother's eyes. the sachem ceased; the chiefs of every race lead the bold captives to their destined place; the sun descends, the parting day expires, and earth and heaven display their sparkling fires. soon the raised altars kindle round the gloom, and call the victims to their vengeful doom; led to their pyres, in sullen pomp they tread, and sing by turns the triumphs of the dead. amid the crowd beside his altar stood the youth devoted to the tiger-god; a beauteous form he rose, of noble grace, the only hope of his illustrious race. his aged sire, for numerous years, had shone the first supporter of the incan throne; wise capac loved the youth, and graced his hand with a fair virgin from a neighboring band; and him the legate prince, in equal prime, had chose to share his mission round the clime. he mounts the pyre, the flames approach his breath. and thus he wakes the dauntless song of death: dark vault of heaven, that greet his daily throne. where flee the glories of your absent sun? ye starry hosts, who kindle from his eye, can you behold him in the western sky? or if unseen beneath his watery bed, the wearied god reclines his radiant head, when next his morning steps your courts inflame, and seek on earth for young azonto's name, then point these ashes, mark the smoky pile, and say the hero suffer'd with a smile. so shall the power in vengeance view the place, in crimson clothe his terror-beaming face, pour swift destruction on these curst abodes, whelm the grim tribes and all their savage gods. but ah, forbear to tell my stooping sire his darling hopes have fed a coward fire; why should he know the tortures of the brave? why fruitless sorrows bend him to the grave? nor shalt thou e'er be told, my bridal fair, what silent pangs these panting vitals tear; but blooming still the patient hours employ on the blind hope of future scenes of joy. now haste, ye fiends of death; the sire of day in absent slumber gives your malice way; while fainter light these livid flames supply, and short-lived thousands learn of me to die, he ceased not speaking; when the yell of war drowns all their death songs in a hideous jar; the cries rebounding from the hillsides pour, and wolves and tigers catch the distant roar. now more concordant all their voices join, and round the plain they form the festive line; when, to the music of the dismal din, indignant zamor bids the dance begin. dim thro the shadowy fires each changing form moves like a cloud before an evening storm, when o'er the moon's pale face and starry plain the shifting shades lead on their broken train; the mingling tribes their mazy gambols tread, till the last groan proclaims the victims dead, then part the smoky flesh, enjoy the feast, and lose their labors in oblivious rest. soon as the western hills announced the morn, and falling fires were scarcely seen to burn, grimm'd by the horrors of the dreadful night, the hosts woke fiercer for the promised fight; and dark and silent thro the frowning grove the different tribes beneath their standards move. meantime the solar king collects from far his martial bands, to meet the expected war, camps on the confines of an eastern plain that skirts the steep rough limit of his reign; he trains their ranks, their pliant force combines, to close in columns or extend in lines, to wheel, change front, in broken files dispart, and draw new strength from all the warrior's art. but now the rising sun relumes the plain, and calls to arms the well-accustom'd train. high in the front imperial capac strode, in fair effulgence like the beaming god; a golden girdle bound his snowy vest, a mimic sun hung sparkling on his breast; the lautu's horned wreath his temples twined, the bow, the quiver shade his waist behind; raised high in air his golden sceptre burn'd, and hosts surrounding trembled as he turn'd. o'er eastern hills he cast his watchful eye, thro the broad breaks that lengthen down the sky; in whose blue clefts the sloping pathways bend, where annual floods from melting snows descend. now dry and deep, they lead from every height the savage files that headlong rush to fight; they throng and thicken thro the smoky air, and every breach pours down the dusky war. so when a hundred streams explore their way, down the same slopes, convolving to the sea, they boil, they bend, they force their floods amain, swell o'er obstructing crags, and sweep the plain. capac beholds and waits the coming shock, as for the billows waits the storm-beat rock; and while for fight his ardent troops prepare, thus thro the ranks he breathes the soul of war: ye tribes that flourish in the sun's mild reign, long have your flocks adorn'd the peaceful plain, as o'er the realm his smiles persuasive flow'd, and conquer'd all without the stain of blood; but lo, at last that wild infuriate band with savage war demands your happy land. beneath the dark immeasurable host, descending, swarming, how the crags are lost! already now their ravening eyes behold your star-bright temples and your gates of gold; and to their gods in fancied goblets pour the warm libation of your children's gore. move then to vengeance, meet the sons of blood, led by this arm and lighted by that god; the strife is fierce, your fanes and fields the prize, the warrior conquers or the infant dies. fill'd with his fire, the troops in squared array wait the wild hordes loose huddling to the fray; their pointed arrows, rising on the bow, look up the sky and chide the lagging foe. dread zamor leads the homicidious train, moves from the clefts and stretches o'er the plain. he gives the shriek; the deep convulsing sound the hosts reecho, and the hills around retain the rending tumult; all the air clangs in the conflict of the clashing war; but firm undaunted as a shelvy strand that meets the surge, the bold peruvians stand, with steady aim the sounding bowstring ply, and showers of arrows thicken thro the sky; when each grim host, in closer conflict join'd, clench the dire ax and cast the bow behind; thro broken ranks sweep wide their slaughtering course. now struggle back, now sidelong swray the force. here from grim chiefs is lopt the grisly head; all gride the dying, all deface the dead; there scattering o'er the field in thin array, man tugs with man, and clubs with axes play; with broken shafts they follow and they fly, and yells and groans and shouts invade the sky; round all the shatter'd groves the ground is strow'd with sever'd limbs and corses bathed in blood. long raged the strife; and where, on either side, a friend, a father or a brother died, no trace remain'd of what he was before, mangled with horrid wounds and black with gore. now the peruvians, in collected might, with one wide stroke had wing'd the savage flighty but their bright godhead, in his midday race, with glooms unusual veil'd his radiant face, quench'd all his beams, tho cloudless, in affright, as loth to view from heaven the finish'd fight. a trembling twilight o'er the welkin moves, browns the dim void, and darkens deep the groves; the waking stars, embolden'd at the sight, peep out and gem the anticipated night; day-birds, and beasts of light to covert fly, and owls and wolves begin their evening cry. the astonish'd inca marks, with wild surprise, dead chills on earth, no cloud in all the skies, his host o'ershaded in the field of blood, gored by his foes, deserted by his god. mute with amaze, they cease the war to wage, gaze on their leaders and forget their rage; when pious capac to the listening crowd raised high his wand and pour'd his voice aloud: ye chiefs and warriors of peruvian race, some sore offence obscures my father's face; what moves the numen to desert the plain, nor save his children, nor behold them slain? fly! speed your course, regain the guardian town, ere darkness shroud you in a deeper frown; the faithful walls your squadrons shall defend, while my sad steps the sacred dome ascend, to learn the cause, and ward the woes we fear: haste, haste, my sons! i guard the flying rear. the hero spoke; the trembling tribes obey, while deeper glooms obscure the source of day. sudden the savage bands collect amain, hang on the rear and sweep them o'er the plain; their shouts, redoubling with the flying war. drown the loud groans and torture all the air. the hawks of heaven, that o'er the field had stood, scared by the tumult from the scent of blood, cleave the far gloom; the beasts forget their prey, and scour the waste, and give the war its way. zamor elate with horrid joy beheld the sun depart, his children fly the field, and raised his rending voice: thou darkening sky, deepen thy damps, the fiend of death is nigh; behold him rising from his shadowy throne, to veil this heaven and drive the conquer'd sun; the glaring godhead yields to sacred night, and his foil'd armies imitate his flight. confirm, infernal power, thy rightful reign, give deadlier shades and heap the piles of slain; soon the young captive prince shall roll in fire, and all his race accumulate the pyre. ye mountain vultures, here your food explore, tigers and condors, all ye gods of gore, in these rich fields, beneath your frowning sky, a plenteous feast shall every god supply. rush forward, warriors, hide the plains with dead; twas here our friends in former combat bled; strow'd thro the waste their naked bones demand this tardy vengeance from our conquering hand. he said; and high before the tiger-train with longer strides hangs forward o'er the slain, bends like a falling tree to reach the foe, and o'er tall capac aims a forceful blow. the king beheld the ax, and with his wand struck the raised weapon from the sachem's hand; then clench'd the falling helve, and whirling round, fell'd a close file of heroes to the ground; nor stay'd, but follow'd where his people run, fearing to fight, forsaken by the sun; till cusco's walls salute their longing sight, and the wide gates receive their rapid flight. the folds are barr'd, the foes in shade conceal'd, like howling wolves, rave round the frighted field. the monarch now ascends the sacred dome; the sun's fixt image there partakes the gloom; thro all the shrines, where erst on new-moon day swell'd the full quires of consecrated praise, a tomb-like silence reigns; till female cries burst forth at last, and these sad accents rise: was it for this, my son to distant lands must trace the wilds, and tempt those lawless bands? and does the god obscure his golden throne in mournful darkness for my slaughter'd son? oh, had his beam; ere that disastrous day that call'd the youth from these fond arms away, received my spirit to its native sky, that sad oella might have seen him die! where slept thy shaft of vengeance, o my god, when those fell tigers drank his sacred blood? did not the pious prince, with rites divine, feed the pure flame in this thy hallow'd shrine; and early learn, beneath his father's hand, to shed thy blessings round the favor'd land? form'd by thy laws the royal seat to grace, son of thy son, and glory of his race. where, my lost rocha, rests thy lovely head? where the rent robes thy hapless mother made? i see thee, mid those hideous hills of snow, pursued and slaughter'd by the wildman foe; or, doom'd a feast for some pretended god, drench his black altar with celestial blood. snatch me, o sun, to happier worlds of light- no: shroud me, shroud me with thyself in night. thou hear'st me not, thou dread departed power, thy face is dark, and rocha lives no more. thus heard the silent king; his equal heart caught all her grief, and bore a father's part. the cause, suggested by her tender moan, the cause perchance that veil'd the midday sun, and shouts that spoke the still approaching foe, fixt him suspense, in all the strength of woe. a doubtful moment held his changing choice; now would he sooth her, half assumes his voice; but greater cares the rising wish control, and call forth all his energy of soul. why should he cease to ward the coming fate? or she be told the foes besiege the gate? he turn'd in haste; and now their image-god high on the spire with newborn lustre glow'd; swift thro the portal flew the hero's eye, and hail'd the growing splendor in the sky. the troops courageous at return of light throng round the dome, impatient for the fight; the king descending in the portal stood, and thus addrest the all-delighting god: o sovereign soul of heaven, thy changing face makes or destroys the glory of thy race. if from this mortal life my child he fled, first of thy line that ever graced the dead; if thy bright splendor ceased on high to burn for that loved youth who never must return. forgive thine armies, when in fields of blood they lose their strength and fear the frowning god. as now thy glory, with superior day, glows thro the field and leads the warrior's way, may our exalted souls, to vengeance driven, burn with new brightness in the cause of heaven! for thy slain son the murderous horde shall bleed; we mourn the hero, but avenge the deed. he said; and from the battlement on high a watchful warrior raised a sudden cry: "an inca white on yonder altar tied- tis rocha's self--the flame ascends his side." in sweeping haste the bursting gates unbar, and flood the champaign with a tide of war; a cloud of arrows leads the rapid train, they shout, they swarm, they hide the dusty plain; bows, quivers, girdles strow the field behind, and the raised axes cleave the passing wind. the prince, confest to every warrior's sight, inspires each soul and centres all the fight; each hopes to snatch him from the kindling pyre, each fears his breath already flits in fire. here zamor ranged his ax-men deep and wide, wedged like a wall, and thus the king defied: haste, son of light, pour fast the winged war, the prince, the dying prince demands your care; hear how his death song chides your dull delay, lift longer strides, bend forward to the fray, ere flames infolding suffocate his groan, child of your beaming god, a victim to our own. this said, he raised his shaggy shoulders high, and bade the shafts glide thicker thro the sky. like the broad billows of the lifted main, rolls into sight the long peruvian train; a white sail bounding, on the billows tost, is capac towering o'er the furious host. now meet the dreadful chiefs, with eyes on fire; beneath their blows the parting ranks retire; in whirlwind-sweep their meeting axes bound, wheel, crash in air, and plow the trembling ground; their sinewy limbs in fierce contortions bend, and mutual strokes with equal force descend, parried with equal art, now gyring prest high at the head, now plunging for the breast. the king starts backward from the struggling foe, collects new strength, and with a circling blow rush'd furious on; his flinty edge, whirl'd wide, met zamor's helve, and glancing grazed his side and settled in his groin; so plunged it lay, that scarce the king could tear his ax away. the savage fell; when thro the tiger-train the driving inca turns his force amain; where still compact they hem the murderous pyre, and rocha's voice seems faltering to expire. the phrensied father rages, thunders wild, hews armies down, to save the sinking child; the ranks fall staggering where he lifts his arm, or roll before him like a billowy storm; behind his steps collecting warriors close; deep centred in a circling ridge of foes he cleaves his wasting way; the prince unties, and thus his voice: dread sovereign of the skies. accept my living son, again bestow'd to grace with rites the temple of his god. move, heroes, move; complete the work begun. crush the grim race, avenge your injured sun. the savage host, that view'd the daring deed, and saw their nations with their leader bleed, raised high the shriek of horror; all the plain is trod with flight and cover'd with the slain. the bold peruvians compass round the field, confine their flight, and force the rest to yield; when capac raised his placid voice again; ye conquering troops, collect the vanquish'd train; the sun commands to stay the rage of war, he knows to conquer, but he loves to spare. he ceased; and where the savage leader lay weltering in gore, directs his eager way, unwraps the tiger's hide, and strives in vain to close the wound, and mitigate the pain; and while compassion for a foe distrest mixt with reproach, he thus the chief addrest: too long, proud prince, thy fearless heart withstood our sacred arms, and braved the living god; his sovereign will commands all feuds to cease, his realm is concord and his pleasure peace; this copious carnage, spreading far the plain, insults his bounties, but confirms his reign. enough! tis past; thy parting breath demands the last sad office from my yielding hands. to share thy pains and feel thy hopeless woe, are rites ungrateful to a fallen foe: yet rest in peace; and know, a chief so brave, when life departs, shall find an honor'd grave; myself in princely pomp thy tomb shall rear, and tribes unborn thy hapless fate declare. insult me not with tombs! the monster cried, let closing clods thy coward carcase hide; but these brave bones, unburied on the plain, touch not with dust, nor dare with rites profane; let no curst earth conceal this gory head, nor songs proclaim the dreadful zamor dead, me, whom the hungry gods from plain to plain have follow'd, feasting on thy slaughter'd train, me wouldst thou cover? no! from yonder sky, the wide-beak'd hawk, that now beholds me die, soon with his cowering train my flesh shall tear, and wolves and tigers vindicate their share. receive, dread powers (since i can slay no more), my last glad victim, this devoved gore. thus pour'd the vengeful chief his fainting breath, and lost his utterance in the gasp of death. the sad remaining tribes confess the power, that sheds his bounties round peruvia's shore; all bow obedient to the incan throne, and blest oella hails her living son. book iv. argument destruction of peru foretold. grief of columbus. he is comforte the promise of a vision of future ages. all europe appears in vision. effect of the discovery of america upon the affairs of europe. improvement in commerce; government. revival of letters. order of the jesuits. religious persecution. inquisition. rise and progress of more liberal principles. character of raleigh; who plans the settlement of north america. formation of the coast by the gulph stream. nature of the colonial establishments, the first great asylum and infant empire of liberty. liberty the necessary foundation of morals. delaware arrives with a reinforcement of new settlers, to consolidate the colony of virginia. night scene, as contemplated by these patriarchs, while they are sailing up the chesapeak, and are saluted by the river gods. prophetic speech of potowmak. fleets of settlers from seyeral parts of europe steering for america. in one dark age, beneath a single hand, thus rose an empire in the savage land. its wealth and power with following years increase, its growing nations spread the walks of peace; religion here, that universal name, man's proudest passion, most ungovern'd flame, erects her altars on the same bright base, that dazzled erst, and still deludes the race; sun, moon, all powers that forceful strike his eyes, earth-shaking storms and constellated skies. yet all the pomp his labors here unfold, the vales of verdure and the towers of gold, those infant arts and sovereign seats of state, in short-lived glory hasten to their fate. thy followers, rushing like an angry flood, too soon shall drench them in the nation's blood; nor thou, las casas, best of men, shalt stay the ravening legions from their guardless prey. o hapless prelate! hero, saint and sage, foredoom'd with crimes a fruitless war to wage, to see at last (thy life of virtue run) a realm unpeopled and a world undone! while pious valverde mock of priesthood stands, guilt in his heart, the gospel in his hands, bids, in one field, their unarm'd thousands bleed, smiles o'er the scene and sanctifies the deed. and thou, brave gasca, with persuasive strain, shalt lift thy voice and urge thy power in vain; vain are thy hopes the sinking land to save, or call her slaughter'd millions from the grave. here hesper paused. columbus with a sigh cast o'er the continent his moisten'd eye, and thus replied: ah, hide me in the tomb; why should i live to see the impending doom? if such foul deeds the scheme of heaven compose, and virtue's toils induce redoubled woes, unfold no more; but grant a kind release; give me, tis all i ask, to rest in peace. and thou shalt rest in peace, the saint rejoin'd, ere these conflicting shades involve mankind. but broader views shall first thy mind engage, years far advanced beyond this darksome age shall feast thee here; the fruits of thy long care a grateful world beneath thy ken shall share. europe's contending kings shall soon behold these fertile plains and hills of treasured gold; and in the path of thy adventurous sail their countless navies float on every gale, for wealth and commerce search the western shore. and load each ocean with the shining ore. as up the orient heaven the dawning ray smiles o'er the hills and gives the promised day, drives fraud and rapine from their nightly spoil, and social nature wakes to various toil; so from the blazing mine the golden store mid rival states shall spread from shore to shore, unite their force, its opulence to share, extend the pomp but sooth the rage of war; wide thro the world while genius unconfined tempts loftier flights, and opens all the mind, dissolves the slavish bands of monkish lore, wakes the bold arts and bids the muses soar. then shall thy northern climes their seats display united nations there commence their sway; o'er earth and ocean spread their peerless fame, and send thro time thy patriarchal name. now turn thy view to europe; see the rage of feudal faction every court engage; all honest labor, all commercial ties their kings discountenance, their lords despise. the naked harbors, looking to the main, rear their kind cliffs and break the storms in vain, the willing wave no foreign treasures lade, nor sails nor cities cast a watery shade; save, where yon opening gulph the strand divides, proud venice bathes her in the broken tides, weds her tamed sea, shakes every distant throne, and deems by right the naval world her own. yet must we mark, the bondage of the mind spreads deeper glooms, and subj ugates mankind; the zealots fierce, whom local creeds enrage, in holy feuds perpetual combat wage, support all crimes by full indulgence given, usurp the power and wield the sword of heaven, but lo, where future years their scenes unrol, the rising arts inspire the venturous soul. from all the ports that cleave the coast of spain, new fleets ascending streak the western main; from tago's bank, from albion's rocky round, commercing squadrons o'er the billows bound; thro afric's isles observe the sweeping sails, full pinions tossing in arabian gales, indus and ganges deep in canvass lost, and navies crowding round cambodia's coast; new nations rise, all climes and oceans brave, and shade with sheets the immeasurable wave. see lofty ximenes with solemn gait move from the cloister to the walks of state, and thro the factious monarchies of spain, curb the fierce lords and fix one royal reign. behold dread charles the imperial seat ascends, o'er europe's thrones his conquering arm extends; while wealthier shores, beneath the western day, unfold their treasures to confirm his sway. roused at false glory's fascinating call, see francis train the gallant youths of gaul, o'erstrain the strength of her extended states, scale the proud alps, or burst their granite gates, on pavia's plain for cesar's crown contend, of arms the votary, but of arts the friend. and see proud wolsey rise, securely great, kings at his call and mitres round him wait; from monkish walls the hoarded wealth he draws to aid the tyrant and restrain the laws, wakes albion's genius, neighboring princes braves, and shares with them the commonwealth of waves, behold dark solyman, from eastern skies, with his grim host magnificently rise, wave his broad crescent o'er the midland sea, thro vast hungaria drive his conquering way, crowd close the christian powers, and carry far the rules of homicide, the lore of war. the tuscan dukes excite a nobler strife; lorenzo calls the fine arts forth to life, fair nature's mimic maids; whose powers divine her charms develop and her laws define; from sire to son the splendid labors spread, and leo follows where good cosmo led. waked from the ground that gothic rovers trod, starts the bronze hero and the marble god; monks, prelates, pontiffs pay the reverence due to that bold taste their grecian masters knew; resurgent temples throng the latian shore, the pencil triumphs and the muses soar. o'er the dark world erasmus rears his eye, in schoolman lore sees kings and nations lie, with strength of judgment and with fancy warm, derides their follies and dissolves the charm, tears the deep veil that bigot zeal has thrown on pagan books and science long unknown, from faith in senseless rites relieves mankind, and seats bold virtue in the conscious mind. but still the frightful task, to face alone the jealous vengeance of the papal throne, restrains his hand: he gives the contest o'er, and leaves his hardier sons to curb that power. luther walks forth in yon majestic frame, bright beam of heaven, and heir of endless fame, born, like thyself, thro toils and griefs to wind, from slavery's chains to free the captive mind, brave adverse crowns, control the pontiff sway, and bring benighted nations into day. remark what crowds his name around him brings, schools, synods, prelates, potentates and kings, all gaining knowledge from his boundless store, and join'd to shield him from the papal power. first of his friends, see frederic's princely form ward from the sage divine the gathering storm, in learned wittemburgh secure his seat, high throne of thought, religion's safe retreat. there sits melancthon, mild as morning light, and feuds, tho sacred, soften in his sight; in terms so gentle flows his tuneful tongue, even cloister'd bigots join the pupil throng; by all sectarian chiefs he lives approved, by monarchs courted and by men beloved. and lo, where europe's utmost limits bend, from this new source what various lights ascend! see haughty henry from the papal tie his realms dissever, and the priest defy; while albion's sons disdain a foreign throne, and learn to bound the oppressions of their own. then rises loyola, a strange new name, by paths unseen to reach the goal of fame; thro courts and camps he teaches how to wind, to mine whole states and overreach mankind. train'd in his school, a bold and artful race range o'er the world, and every sect embrace, all creeds and powers and policies explore, new seats of science raise on every shore; till their wide empire gains a wondrous birth, built in all empires o'er this ancient earth. our wildmen too, the tribes of paraguay, receive their rites and bow beneath their sway. the world of men thus moving in thy view improve their state, more useful works pursue; unwonted deeds in rival greatness shine, call'd into life, and first inspired by thine. so while imperial homer tunes the lyre, his living lays unnumber'd bards inspire; from age to age the kindling spirit flies, sounds thro the earth and echoes to the skies. now roll the years, when europe's ample space by peace and culture rears a wiser race, men bred to labor, school'd in freedom's lore, and formed to colonize our favorite shore. to speed their course, the sons of bigot rage in persecution whelm the inquiring age; myriads of martyr'd heroes mount the pyre, and blind devotion lights the sacred fire. led by the dark dominicans of spain, a newborn fury walks the wide domain, gaunt inquisition; mark her giant stride, her blood-nursed vulture screaming at her side. her priestly train the tools of torment brings. racks, wheels and crosses, faggots, stakes and strings; scaffolds and cages round her altar stand, and, tipt with sulphur, waves her flaming brand. her imps of inquest round the fiend advance, suspectors grave, and spies with eye askance, pretended heretics who worm the soul, and sly confessors with their secret scroll, accusers hired, for each conviction paid, judges retain'd and witnesses by trade. dragged from a thousand jails her victim trains, jews, moors and christians, clank alike their chains, read their known sentence in her fiery eyes, and breathe to heaven their unavailing cries; lash'd on the pile their writhing bodies turn, and, veil'd in doubling smoke, begin to burn. where the flames open, lo! their limbs in vain reach out for help, distorted by the pain; till folded in the fires they disappear, and not a sound invades the startled ear. see philip, throned in insolence and pride, enjoy their wailings and their pangs deride; while o'er the same dread scenes, on albion's isles, his well-taught spouse, the cruel mary, smiles. what clouds of smoke hang heavy round the shore! what altars hecatomb'd with christian gore! her sire's best friends, the wise, the brave, the good, roll in the flames or fly the land of blood. to gallia's plains the maddening phrensy turns. religion raves and civil discord burns; leaguers and huguenots their vengeance pour, they swell bartholemy's wide feast of gore, alternate victors bid their gibbets rise, and the foul stench of victims chokes the skies. now cease the factions with the valois line, and bourbon's virtues every voice combine. quell'd by his fame, the furious sects accord, europe respires beneath his guardian sword; batavia's states to independence soar, and curb the cohorts of iberian power. from albion's ports her infant navies heave, stretch forth and thunder on the flandrian wave; her howard there first foils the force of spain, and there begins her mastery of the main. the seraph spoke; when full beneath their eye a new-form'd squadron rose along the sky. high on the tallest deck majestic shone sage raleigh, pointing to the western sun; his eye, bent forward, ardent and sublime, seem'd piercing nature and evolving time; beside him stood a globe, whose figures traced a future empire in each present waste; all former works of men behind him shone graved by his hand in ever-during stone; on his calm brow a various crown displays the hero's laurel and the scholar's bays; his graceful limbs in steely mail were drest, the bright star burning on his lofty breast; his sword, high waving, flash'd the solar ray. illumed the shrouds and rainbow'd far the spray; the smiling crew rose resolute and brave, and the glad sails hung bounding o'er the wave. storms of wild hatteras, suspend your roar, ye tumbling billows, cease to shake the shore; look thro the doubling clouds, thou lamp of day, teach the bold argonauts their chartless way; your viewless capes, broad chesapeak, unfold, and show your promised colchis fleeced with gold. no plundering squadron your new jason brings; no pirate demigods nor hordes of kings from shore to shore a faithless miscreant steers, to steal a maid and leave a sire in tears. but yon wise chief conducts with careful ken the queen of colonies, the best of men, to wake to fruitful life your slumbering soil, and rear an empire with the hand of toil. your fond medea too, whose dauntless breast all danger braves to screen her hunted guest. shall quit her native tribe, but never share the crimes and sufferings of the colchian fair. blest pocahontas! fear no lurking guile; thy hero's love shall well reward thy smile. ah sooth the wanderer in his desperate plight, hide him by day and calm his cares by night; tho savage nations with thy vengeful sire pursue their victim with unceasing ire, and tho their threats thy startled ear assail, let virtue's voice o'er filial fears prevail. fly with the faithful youth, his steps to guide, pierce the known thicket, breast the fordless tide, illude the scout, avoid the ambush'd line, and lead him safely to his friends and thine; for thine shall be his friends, his heart, his name; his camp shall shout, his nation boast thy fame. but now the bay unfolds a passage wide, and leads the squadron up the freshening tide; where pohatan spreads deep her sylvan soil, and grassy lawns allure the steps of toil. here, lodged in peace, they tread the welcome land. an instant harvest waves beneath their hand, spontaneous fruits their easy cares beguile, and opening fields in living culture smile. with joy columbus view'd; when thus his voice: ye grove-clad shores, ye generous hosts, rejoice! exchange your benefits, your gifts combine; what nature fashions, let her sons refine. be thou, my seer, the people's guardian friend, protect their virtues and their lives defend; may wealth and wisdom with their arts unfold, yet save, oh, save them from the thirst of gold! let the poor guardless natives never feel the flamen's fraud, the soldier's fateful steel; but learn the blessings that alone attend on civil rights where social virtues blend, in these brave leaders find a welcome guide, and rear their fanes and empires by their side. smile, great hesperia, smile; the star of morn illumes thy heavens and bids thy day be born; thy opening forests show the work begun, thy plains unshaded drink a purer sun; yield now thy bounties, load the laboring main, give birth to nations, and begin thy reign. the hero spoke; when thus the saint rejoin'd, approved his joy, and feasted still his mind: well may thy voice, with patriarch pride elate, burst forth triumphant at a scene so great; here springs indeed the day, since time began, the brightest, broadest, happiest morn of man. in these prime settlements thy raptures trace the germ, the genius of a sapient race, predestined here to methodise and mould new codes of empire to reform the old. a work so vast a second world required, by oceans bourn'd, from elder states retired; where, uncontaminated, unconfined, free contemplation might expand the mind, to form, fix, prove the well-adjusted plan, and base and build the commonwealth of man. this arm, that leads the stellar host of even, that stretch'd o'er yon rude ridge the western heaven, that heal'd the wounded earth, when from her side the moon burst forth, and left the south sea tide, that calm'd these elements, and taught them where to mould their mass and rib the crusted sphere, line the closed continent with wrecks of life, and recommence their generating strife, that rear'd the mountain, spread the subject plain, led the long stream and roll'd the billowy main, stole from retiring tides the growing strand, heaved the green banks, the shadowy inlets plann'd, strow'd the wild fruitage, gave the beast his place, and form'd the region for thy filial race,- this arm prepared their future seats of state, design'd their limits and prescribed their date. when first the staggering globe its breach repair'd, and this bold hemisphere its shoulders rear'd, back to those heights, whose hovering vapor shrouds my rock-raised world in alleganian clouds, the atlantic waste its coral kingdom spread, and scaly nations here their gambols led; till by degrees, thro following tracts of time, from laboring ocean rose the sedgy clime, as from unloaded waves the rising sand swell'd into light and gently drew to land. for, moved by trade winds o'er the flaming zone, the waves roll westward with the constant sun, meet my firm isthmus, scoop that gulphy bed, wheel to the north, and here their current spread. those ravaged banks, that move beneath their force, borne on the tide and lost along their course, create the shore, consolidate the soil. and hither lead the enlighten'd steps of toil. think not the lust of gold shall here annoy, enslave the nation and its nerve destroy. no useles mine these northern hills enclose, no ruby ripens and no diamond glows; but richer stores and rocks of useful mould repay in wealth the penury of gold. freedom's unconquer'd race, with healthy toil, shall lop the grove and warm the furrow'd soil, from iron ridges break the rugged ore, and plant with men the man-ennobling shore; sails, villas, towers and temples round them heave, shine o'er the realms and light the distant wave. nor think the native tribes shall rue the day that leads our heroes o'er the watery way. a cause like theirs no mean device can mar, nor bigot rage nor sacerdotal war. from eastern tyrants driven, resolved and brave, to build new states or seek a distant grave, our sons shall try a new colonial plan, to tame the soil, but spare their kindred man. thro europe's wilds when feudal nations spread. the pride of conquest every legion led. each fur-clad chief, by servile crowds adored, o'er conquer'd realms assumed the name of lord, built the proud castle, ranged the savage wood, fired his grim host to frequent fields of blood, with new-made honors lured his subject bands, price of their lives, and purchase of their lands; for names and titles bade the world resign their faith, their freedom and their rights divine. contending baronies their terrors spread, and slavery follow'd where the standard led; till, little tyrants by the great o'erthrown, the spoils of nobles build the regal crown; wealth, wisdom, virtue, every claim of man unguarded fall to consummate the plan. ambitious cares, that nature never gave, torment alike the monarch and the slave, thro all degrees in gradual pomp ascend, honor the name, but tyranny the end. far different honors here the heart shall claim, sublimer objects, deeds of happier fame; a new creation waits the western shore, and moral triumphs o'er monarchic power. thy freeborn sons, with genius unconfined, nor sloth can slacken nor a tyrant bind; with self-wrought fame and worth internal blest, no venal star shall brighten on their breast, nor king-created name nor courtly art damp the bold thought or desiccate the heart. above all fraud, beyond all titles great, truth in their voice and sceptres at their feet, like sires of unborn states they move sublime, look empires thro and span the breadth of time, hold o'er the world, that men may choose from far, the palm of peace, or scourge of barbarous war; till their example every nation charms, commands its friendship and its rage disarms. here social man a second birth shall find, and a new range of reason lift his mind, feed his strong intellect with purer light, a nobler sense of duty and of right, the sense of liberty; whose holy fire his life shall temper and his laws inspire, purge from all shades the world-embracing scope that prompts his genius and expands his hope. when first his form arose erect on earth, parturient nature hail'd the wondrous birth, with fairest limbs and finest fibres wrought, and framed for vast and various toils of thought. to aid his promised powers with loftier flight, and stretch his views beyond corporeal sight, prometheus came, and from the floods of day sunn'd his clear soul with heaven's internal ray, the expanding spark divine; that round him springs, and leads and lights him thro the immense of things, probes the dense earth, explores the soundless main, remoulds their mass thro all its threefold reign, o'er great, o'er small extends his physic laws, empalms the empyrean or dissects a gaz, weighs the vast orbs of heaven, bestrides the sky, walks on the windows of an insect's eye; turns then to self, more curious still to trace the whirls of passion that involve the race, that cloud with mist the visual lamp of god, and plunge the poniard in fraternal blood. here fails his light. the proud titanian ray o'er physic nature sheds indeed its day; yet leaves the moral in chaotic jars, the spoil of violence, the sport of wars, presents contrasted parts of one great plan, earth, heaven subdued, but man at swords with man; his wars, his errors into science grown, and the great cause of all his ills unknown. but when he steps on these regenerate shores, his mind unfolding for superior powers, freedom, his new prometheus, here shall rise, light her new torch in my refulgent skies, touch with a stronger life his opening soul, of moral systems fix the central goal, her own resplendent essence. thence expand the rays of reason that illume the land; thence equal rights proceed, and equal laws, thence holy justice all her reverence draws; truth with untarnish'd beam descending thence, strikes every eye, and quickens every sense, bids bright instruction spread her ample page, to drive dark dogmas from the inquiring age, ope the true treasures of the earth and skies, and teach the student where his object lies. sun of the moral world! effulgent source of man's best wisdom and his steadiest force, soul-searching freedom! here assume thy stand, and radiate hence to every distant land; point out and prove how all the scenes of strife, the shock of states, the impassion'd broils of life, spring from unequal sway; and how they fly before the splendor of thy peaceful eye; unfold at last the genuine social plan, the mind's full scope, the dignity of man, bold nature bursting thro her long disguise, and nations daring to be just and wise. yes! righteous freedom, heaven and earth and sea yield or withold their various gifts for thee; protected industry beneath thy reign leads all the virtues in her filial train; courageous probity with brow serene, and temperance calm presents her placid mien contentment, moderation, labor, art, mould the new man and humanize his heart; to public plenty private ease dilates, domestic peace to harmony of states. protected industry, careering far, detects the cause and cures the rage of war, and sweeps, with forceful arm, to their last graves, kings from the earth and pirates from the waves. but slow proceeds the work. long toils, my son, must base the fabric of so vast a throne; where freedom founds her everlasting reign, and earth's whole empires form the fair domain. that great coloniarch, whose exalted soul pervades all scenes that future years unrol, must yield the palm, and at a courtier's shrine his plans relinquish and his life resign; his life that brightens, as his death shall stain, the fair, foul annals of his master's reign. that feeble band, the lonely wilds who tread, their sire, their genius in their raleigh dead, shall pine and perish in the savage gloom, or mount the wave and seek their ancient home. others in vain the generous task pursue, the dangers tempt and all the strife renew; while kings and ministers obstruct the plan, unfaithful guardians of the weal of man. at last brave delaware, with his blithe host, sails in full triumph to the well-known coast, aids with a liberal hand the patriot cause, reforms their policy, designs their laws; till o'er virginia's plains they spread their sway, and push their hamlets tow'rd the setting day. he comes, my delaware! how mild and bland my zephyrs greet him from the long-sought land! from fluvial glades that thro my cantons run, from those rich mounds that mask the falling sun. borne up my chesapeak, as first he hails the flowery banks that scent his slackening sails, descending twilight mellows down the gleam that spreads far forward on the broad blue stream; the moonbeam dancing, as the pendants glide, silvers with trembling tints the ripply tide; the sand-sown beach, the rocky bluff repays the faint effulgence with their amber'd rays; o'er greenwood glens a browner lustre flies, and bright-hair'd hills walk shadowy round the skies. profound solicitude and strong delight absorb the chief, as thro the waste of night he walks the lonely deck, and skirts the lands that wait their nations from his guiding hands. tall thro the tide the river sires by turns rise round the bark and blend their social urns; majestic brotherhood! each feels the power to feed an empire from his future store. they stand stupendous, flooding full the bay, and pointing each thro different climes the way. resplendent o'er the rest, the regent god potowmak towers, and sways the swelling flood; vines clothe his arms, wild fruits o'erfill his horn, wreaths of green maize his reverend brows adorn, his silver beard reflects the lunar day, and round his loins the scaly nations play. the breeze falls calm, the sails in silence rest, while thus his greetings cheer the stranger guest: blest be the bark that seized the promised hour to waft thee welcome to this friendly shore! long have we learnt the fame that here awaits the future sires of our unplanted states; we all salute thee with our mingling tides, our high-fenced havens and our fruitful sides. the hundred realms our myriad fountains drain shall lose their limits in the vast domain; but my bold banks with proud impatience wait the palm of glory in a work so great; on me thy sons their central seat shall raise, and crown my labors with distinguish'd praise. for this, from rock-ribb'd lakes i forced my birth, and climb'd and sunder'd many a mound of earth, rent the huge hills that yonder heave on high and with their tenfold ridges rake the sky, removed whole mountains in my headlong way, strow'd a strong soil around this branching bay, scoop'd wide his basins to the distant main, and hung with headlands every marsh they drain. haste then, my heroes, tempt the fearless toil, enrich your nations with the nurturing spoil; o'er my vast vales let yellow harvests wave, quay the calm ports and dike the lawns i lave. win from the waters every stagnant fen, where truant rills escape my conscious ken; and break those remnant rocks that still impede my current crowding thro the gaps i made. so shall your barks pursue my branching bed, slope after slope, to every fountain's head, seat your contiguous towns on all my shores, and charge my channel with their seaward stores. freedom and peace shall well reward your care, my guardian mounds protect the friendly pair; or if delirious war shall dare draw nigh, and eastern storms o'ercast the western sky, my soil shall rear the chief to guide your host, and drive the demon cringing from the coast; yon verdant hill his sylvan seat shall claim, and grow immortal from his deathless fame. then shall your federal towers my bank adorn, and hail with me the great millennial morn that gilds your capitol. thence earth shall draw her first clear codes of liberty and law; there public right a settled form shall find, truth trim her lamp to lighten humankind, old afric's sons their shameful fetters cast, our wild hesperians humanize at last, all men participate, all time expand the source of good my liberal sages plann'd. this said, he plunges in the sacred flood; that closes calm and lulls the cradled god. exulting at his words, the gallant crew brace the broad canvass and their course pursue: for now the breathing airs, from ocean born, breeze up the bay, and lead the lively morn that lights them to their port. tis here they join their bold precursors in the work divine; and here their followers, yet a numerous train, wind o'er the wave and swell the new domain. for impious laud, on england's wasted shore, renews the flames that mary fed before; contristed sects his sullen fury fly, to seek new seats beneath a safer sky; where faith and freedom yield a forceful charm, and toils and dangers every bosom warm. amid the tried unconquerable train, whom tyrants press and seas oppose in vain, see plymouth colons stretch their standards o'er, face the dark wildmen and the wintry shore; see virtuous baltimore ascend the wave, see peaceful penn its unknown terrors brave; swedes, belgians, gauls their various flags display, full pinions crowding on the watery way; all from their different ports, their sails unfurl'd, point their glad streamers to the western world. book v. argument. vision confined to north america. progress of the colonies. troubles with the natives. settlement of canada. spirit of the english and french colonies compared. hostilities between france and england extended to america. braddock's defeat. washington saves the re of the english army. actions of abercrombie, amherst, wolfe. peace. darkness overspreads the continent. apprehensions of columbus from that appearance. cause explained. cloud bursts away in the centre. of congress, and of the different regions from which its members are delegated. their endeavors to arrest the violence of england compared with those of the genius of rome to dissuade cesar from passing the rubicon. the demon war stalking over the ocean and leading on the english invasion. conflagration of towns from falmouth to norfolk. battle of bunker hill seen thro the smoke. death of warren. american army assembles. review of its chiefs. speech of washington. actions and death of montgomery. loss of newyork. columbus hail'd them with a father's smile, fruits of his cares and children of his toil; while still his eyes, thro tears of joy, descried their course adventurous on the distant tide. thus, when o'er deluged earth her numen stood, the tost ark bounding on the shoreless flood, the sacred treasure fixt his guardian view, while climes unnoticed in the wave withdrew. the hero saw them reach the rising strand, leap from their ships and share the joyous land; receding forests yield the laborers room, and opening wilds with fields and gardens bloom. fill'd with the glance ecstatic, all his soul now seems unbounded with the scene to roll, and now impatient, with retorted eye, perceives his station in another sky: waft me, indulgent angel, waft me o'er, with those blest heroes, to the happy shore; there let me live and die. but all appears a fleeting vision! these are future years. yet grant the illusion still may nearer spread, and my glad steps may seem their walks to tread; while europe, wrapt in momentary night, shall rise no more to intercept the sight. columbus thus; when hesper's potent hand moves brightening o'er the visionary land; the height that bore them still sublimer grew, and earth's whole circuit settled from their view. a dusky deep, serene as breathless even, seem'd vaulting downward like another heaven; the sun, rejoicing on his western way, stampt his fair image in the inverted day: when now hesperia's coast arose more nigh, and life and action fill'd the dancing eye. between the gulphs, where laurence drains the world and where floridia's farthest floods are curl'd, where midlands broad their swelling mountains heave and slope their champaigns to the atlantic wave, the sandy streambank and the woodgreen plain raise into sight the new-made seats of man. the placid ports, that break the seaborn gales, shoot forth their quays and stretch aloft their sails, full harvests wave, new groves with fruitage bend, gay villas smile, defensive towers ascend; all the rich works of art their charms display, to court the planter and his cares repay: till war invades; when soon the dales disclose their meadows path'd with files of savage foes; high tufted quills their painted foreheads press, dark spoils of beasts their shaggy shoulders dress, the bow bent forward for the combat strung, ax, quiver, scalpknife on the girdle hung; discordant yells, convulsing long the air, tone forth at last the war whoop's hideous blare. the patriarch look'd; and every frontier height pours down the swarthy nations to the fight. where kennebec's high source forsakes the sky, where long champlain's yet unkeel'd waters lie, where hudson crowds his hill-dissundering tide, where kaatskill dares the starry vault divide, where the dim alleganies sit sublime and give their streams to every neighboring clime, the swarms descended like an evening shade, and wolves and vultures follow'd where they spread. thus when a storm, on eastern pinions driven, meets the firm andes in the midst of heaven, the clouds convulse, the torrents pour amain, and the black waters sweep the subject plain. thro harvest fields the bloody myriads tread, sack the lone village, strow the streets with dead; the flames in spiry volumes round them rise, and shrieks and shouts redoubling rend the skies. fair babes and matrons in their domes expire, or bursting frantic thro the folding fire they scream, fly, fall; promiscuous rave along the yelling victors and the driven throng; the streams run purple; all the peopled shore is wrapt in flames and trod with steps of gore. till colons, gathering from the shorelands far, stretch their new standards and oppose the war, with muskets match the many-shafted bow, with loud artillery stun the astonish'd foe. when, like a broken wave, the barbarous train lead back the flight and scatter from the plain slay their weak captives, drop their shafts in haste, forget their spoils and scour the trackless waste; from wood to wood in wild confusion hurl'd, they hurry o'er the hills far thro the savage world. now move secure the cheerful works of peace, new temples rise and fruitful fields increase. where delaware's wide waves behold with pride penn's beauteous town ascending on their side, the crossing streets in just allinement run, the walls and pavements sparkle to the sun, like that famed city rose the checker'd plan, whose spacious towers semiramis began; long ages finish'd what her hand design'd, the pride of kings and wonder of mankind. newyork ascends o'er hudson's seaward isles, and flings the sunbeams from her glittering tiles; albania, opening thro the distant wood, rolls her rich treasures on her parent flood; amid a thousand sails young boston laves, high looms majestic newport o'er the waves, patapsco's bay contracts his yielding side, as spreading baltimore invades his tide; aspiring richmond tops the bank of james, and charleston sways her two contending streams. thro each colonial realm, for wisdom great, elected sires assume the cares of state; nursed in equality, to freedom bred, firm is their step and straight the paths they tread; dispensing justice with paternal hand, by laws of peace they rule the happy land; while reason's page their statute codes unfold, and rites and charters flame in figured gold. all rights that britons know they here transfuse, their sense invigorate and expand their views, dare every height of human soul to scan, find, fathom, scope the moral breadth of man, learn how his social powers may still dilate, and tone their tension to a stronger state. round the long glade where lordly laurence strays, gaul's migrant sons their forts and villas raise, stretch over canada their colon sway, and circling far beneath the western day plant sylvan wabash with a watchful post, o'er missisippi spread a mantling host, bid louisiana's lovely clime prepare new arts to prove and infant states to rear; while the bright lakes, that wide behind them spread, unfold their channels to the paths of trade, ohio's waves their destined honors claim, and smile, as conscious of approaching fame. but gallic planters still their trammels wear, their feudal genius still attends them here; dependent feelings for a distant throne gyve the crampt soul that fears to think alone, demand their rulers from the parent land, laws ready made, and generals to command. judge, priest and pedagogue, and all the slaves of foreign masters, crowding o'er the waves, spread thick the shades of vassalage and sloth, absorb their labors and prevent their growth, damp every thought that might their tyrants brave, and keep the vast domain a desert and a grave. too soon the mother states, with jealous fear, transport their feuds and homebred quarrels here. now gallia's war-built barks ascend in sight, white flags unfold, and armies robed in white on all the frontier streams their forts prepare, and coop our cantons with surrounding war. quebec, as proud she rears her rocky seat, feeds their full camp and shades their anchored fleet: oswego's rampart frowns athwart his flood, and wild ontario swells beneath his load. and now a friendly host from albion's strand arrives to aid her young colonial band. they join their force, and tow'rd the falling day impetuous braddock leads their hasty way; o'er allegany heights, like streams of fire, the red flags wave and glittering arms aspire to meet the savage hordes, who there advance their skulking files to join the arms of france. where, old as earth, yet still unstain'd with blood, monongahela roll'd his careless flood, flankt with his mantling groves the fountful hills, drain'd the vast region thro his thousand rills, lured o'er his lawns the buffle herds, and spread for all his fowls his piscatory glade; but now perceives, with hostile flag unfurl'd, a gallic fortress awe the western world; there braddock bends his march; the troops within behold their danger and the fire begin. forth bursting from the gates they rush amain, front, flank and charge the fast approaching train; the batteries blaze, the leaden volleys pour, the vales, the streams, the solid mountains roar; clouds of convolving smoke the welkin spread, the champaign shrouding in sulphureous shade. lost in the rocking thunder's loud career, no shouts nor groans invade the patriarch's ear, nor valorous feats are seen, nor flight nor fall, but one broad burst of darkness buries all; till chased by rising winds the smoke withdrew, and the wide slaughter open'd on his view. he saw the british leader borne afar, in dust and gore, beyond the wings of war; and while delirious panic seized his host, their flags, their arms in wild confusion tost, bold in the midst a youthful warrior strode, and tower'd undaunted o'er the field of blood; he checks the shameful rout, with vengeance burns, and the pale britons brighten where he turns. so, when thick vapors veil the nightly sky, the starry host in half-seen lustre fly, till phosphor rises o'er the twinkling crowd, and gives new splendor thro his parting cloud. swift on a fiery steed the stripling rose, form'd the light files to pierce the line of foes; then waved his gleamy sword that flash'd the day, and thro the gallic legions hew'd his way: his troops press forward like a loose-broke flood, sweep ranks away and smear their paths in blood; the hovering foes pursue the combat far, and shower their balls along the flying war; when the new leader turns his single force, points the flight forward, speeds his backward course; the french recoiling half their victory yield, and the glad britons quit the fatal field. these deathful deeds as great columbus eyed, with anxious tone he thus addrest the guide: why combat here these transatlantic bands, and strow their corses thro thy pathless lands? can europe's realms, the seat of endless strife, afford no trophies for the waste of life? can monarchs there no proud applauses gain, no living laurel for their people slain? nor belgia's plains, so fertile made with gore, hide heroes' bones nor feast the vultures more? will rhine no longer cleanse the crimson stain, nor danube bear their bodies to the main, that infant empires here the shock must feel, and these pure streams with foreign carnage swell? but who that chief? his name, his nation say, whose lifeblood seems his follies to repay; and who the youth, that from the combat lost springs up and saves the remnant of his host? the power replied: each age successive brings their varying views to earth's contentious kings; here roll the years when albion's parent hand, in aid of thy brave children, guards the land; that growing states their veteran force may train, a nobler prize in later fields to gain; in fields where albion's self shall turn their foe, spread broader sails and aim a deadlier blow, recross, in evil hour, the astonish'd wave, her own brave sons to ravage and enslave. but here she combats with the powers of gaul: here her bold braddock finds his destined fall; thy washington, in that young martial frame, from yon lost field begins a life of fame. tis he, in future straits, with loftier stride, the colon states to sovereign rule shall guide; when, prest by wrongs, their own full force they find, to wield the sword for man, and bulwark humankind. the seraph spoke; when thro the purpled air the northern armies spread the flames of war. swift o'er the lake, to crownpoint's fortful strand, rash abercrombie leads his headlong band to fierce unequal fight; the batteries roar, shield the strong foes and rake the banner'd shore; britannia's sons again the contest yield, again proud gaul triumphant sweeps the field. but amherst quick renews the raging toil, and drives wide hosting o'er acadia's isle; young wolfe beside him points the lifted lance, the boast of britain and the scourge of france. the tide of victory here the heroes turn, and gallic navies in their harbors burn; high flame the ships, the billows swell with gore, and the red standard shades the conquer'd shore. wolfe, now detacht and bent on bolder deeds, a sail-borne host up sealike laurence leads, stems the long lessening tide; till abraham's height and famed quebec rise frowning into sight. swift bounding on the bank, the foe they claim. climb the tall mountain like a rolling flame, push wide their wings, high bannering bright the air, and move to fight as comets cope in war. the smoke falls folding thro the downward sky. and shrouds the mountain from the patriarch's eye, while on the towering top, in glare of day, the flashing swords in fiery arches play. as on a side-seen storm, adistance driven, the flames fork round the semivault of heaven, thick thunders roll, descending torrents flow, dash down the clouds and whelm the hills below; or as on plains of light when michael strove, the swords of cherubim to combat move, ten thousand fiery forms together fray, and flash new lightning on empyreal day. long raged promiscuous combat, half conceal'd, when sudden parle suspended all the field; then roar the shouts, the smoke forsakes the plain and the huge hill is topt with heaps of slain. stretch'd high in air britannia's standard waved, and good columbus hail'd his country saved; while calm and silent, where the ranks retire, he saw brave wolfe in victory's arms expire. so the pale moon, when morning beams arise, veils her lone visage in her midway skies; she needs no longer drive the shades away, nor waits to view the glories of the day. again the towns aspire; the cultured field and crowded mart their copious treasures yield; back to his plough the colon soldier moves, and songs of triumph fill the warbling groves, the conscious flocks, returning joys that share, spread thro the grassland o'er the walks of war, streams, freed of gore, their crystal course regain, serener sunbeams gild the tentless plain; a general jubilee, o'er earth and heaven, leads the gay morn and lights the lambent even. rejoicing, confident of long repose, (their friends triumphant, far retired their foes,) the british colonies now feel their sway span the whole north and crowd the western day. acadia, canada, earth's total side, from slave's long lake to pensacola's tide, expand their soils for them; and here unfold a range of highest hope, a promised age of gold. but soon from eastern seas dark vapors rise, sweep the vast occident and shroud the skies, snatch all the vision from the hero's sight, and wrap the coast in sudden shades of night. he turn'd, and sorrowful besought the power: why sinks the scene, or must i view no more? must here the fame of that young world descend? shall our brave children find so quick their end? where then the promised grace? "thou soon shalt see that half mankind shall owe their seats to thee." the saint replied: ere long, beneath thy view the scene shall brighten and thy joys renew. here march the troublous years, when goaded sore thy sons shall rise to change the ruling power; when albion's prince, who sways the happy land, to lawless rule extends his tyrant hand, to bind in slavery's bands the peaceful host, their rights unguarded and their charters lost. now raise thine eye; from this delusive plain; what nations leap to life, what deeds adorn their fame! columbus look'd; and still around them spread, from south to north, the immeasurable shade; at last the central darkness burst away, and rising regions opened on the day. once more bright delaware's commercial stream and penn's throng'd city cast a cheerful gleam; the dome of state, as conscious of his eye, now seem'd to silver in a loftier sky, unfolding fair its gates; when lo, within the assembled states in solemn congress shine. the sires elect from every province came, where wide columbia bore the british name, where freedom's sons their highborn lineage trace, and homebred bravery still exalts the race: her sons who plant each various vast domain that chesapeak's uncounted currents drain; the race who roanoke's clear stream bestride, who fell the pine on apalachia's side, to albemarle's wide wave who trust their store, who dike proud pamlico's unstable shore. whose groaning barks o'erload the long santee, wind thro the realms and labor to the sea, (their cumbrous cargoes, to the sail consign'd, seek distant worlds, and feed and clothe mankind;) the race whose rice-fields suck savanna's urn, whose verdant vines oconee's bank adorn; who freight the delaware with golden grain, who tame their steeds on monmouth's flowery plain, from huge toconnok hills who drag their ore, and sledge their corn to hudson's quay-built shore. who keel connecticut's long meadowy tide, with patient plough his fallow plains divide, spread their white flocks o'er narraganset's vale, or chase to each chill pole the monstrous whale; whose venturous prows have borne their fame afar, tamed all the seas and steer'd by every star, dispensed to earth's whole habitants their store, and with their biting flukes have harrow'd every shore. the virtuous delegates behold with pain the hostile britons hovering o'er the main, lament the strife that bids two worlds engage, and blot their annals with fraternal rage; two worlds in one broad state! whose bounds bestride, like heaven's blue arch, the vast atlantic tide, by language, laws and liberty combined, great nurse of thought, example to mankind. columbia rears her warning voice in vain, brothers to brothers call across the main; britannia's patriots lend a listening ear, but kings and courtiers push their mad career; dissension raves, the sheathless falchions glare, and earth and ocean tremble at the war. thus with stern brow, as worn by cares of state, his bosom big with dark unfolding fate, high o'er his lance the sacred eagle spread, and earth's whole crown still resting on his head, rome's hoary genius rose, and mournful stood on roaring rubicon's forbidden flood, when cesar's ensigns swept the alpine air, led their long legions from the gallic war, paused on the opposing bank with wings unfurl'd, and waved portentous o'er the shuddering world. the god, with outstretch'd arm and awful look, call'd the proud victor and prophetic spoke: arrest, my son, thy parricidious hate, pass not the stream nor stab my filial state, stab not thyself, thy friends, thy total kind, and worlds and ages in one state combined. the chief, regardless of the warning god, rein'd his rude steed and headlong past the flood, cried, farewel, peace! took fortune for his guide, and o'er his country pour'd the slaughtering tide. high on the foremost seat, in living light, resplendent randolph caught the world's full sight. he opes the cause, and points in prospect far thro all the toils that wait impending war: but, reverend sage! thy race must soon be o'er, to lend thy lustre and to shine no more. so the mild morning star, from shades of even, leads up the dawn and lights the front of heaven, points to the waking world the sun's broad way, then veils his own, and vaults above the day. and see bright washington behind thee rise, thy following sun, to gild our morning skies, o'er shadowy climes to pour enlivening flame, the charms of freedom and the fire of fame. for him the patriot bay beheld with pride the hero's laurel springing by its side; his sword still sleeping rested on his thigh, on britain still he cast a filial eye; but sovereign fortitude his visage bore, to meet her legions on the invaded shore. sage franklin next arose with cheerful mien, and smiled unruffled o'er the solemn scene; his locks of age a various wreath embraced, palm of all arts that e'er a mortal graced; beneath him lay the sceptre kings had borne, and the tame thunder from the tempest torn. wythe, mason, pendleton with henry join'd, rush, rodney, langdon, friends of humankind, persuasive dickinson, the former's boast, recording thomson, pride of all the host, nash, jay, the livingstons, in council great, rutledge and laurens held the rolls of fate, o'er wide creation turn'd their ardent eyes, and bade the opprest to selfexistence rise; all powers of state, in their extended plan, spring from consent, to shield the rights of man. undaunted wolcott urged the holy cause, with steady hand the solemn scene he draws; stern thoughtful temperance with his ardorjoin'd, nor kings nor worlds could warp his steadfast mind. with graceful ease but energetic tones; and eloquence that shook a thousand thrones, majestic hosmer stood; the expanding soul darts from his eyebeams while his accents roll. but lo! the shaft of death untimely flew, and fell'd the patriot from the hero's view; wrapt in the funeral shroud he sees descend the guide of nations and the muse's friend. columbus dropt a tear; while hesper's eye traced the freed spirit mounting thro the sky. each generous adams, freedom's favorite pair, and hancock rose the tyrant's rage to dare, groupt with firm jefferson, her steadiest hope, of modest mien but vast unclouded scope. like four strong pillars of her state they stand, they clear from doubt her brave but wavering band; colonial charters in their hands they bore, and lawless acts of ministerial power. some injured right in every page appears, a king in terrors and a land in tears; from all his guileful plots the veil they drew, with eye retortive look'd creation thro, traced moral nature thro her total plan, markt all the steps of liberty and man; crowds rose to reason while their accents rung. and independence thunder'd from their tongue. columbus turn'd; when rolling to the shore swells o'er the seas an undulating roar; slow, dark, portentous, as the meteors sweep. and curtain black the illimitable deep, high stalks, from surge to surge, a demon form, that howls thro heaven and breathes a billowing storm. his head is hung with clouds; his giant hand flings a blue flame far flickering to the land; his blood-stain'd limbs drip carnage as he strides, and taint with gory grume the staggering tides; like two red suns his quivering eyeballs glare, his mouth disgorges all the stores of war, pikes, muskets, mortars, guns and globes of fire. and lighted bombs that fusing trails exspire. percht on his helmet, two twin sisters rode, the favorite offspring of the murderous god, famine and pestilence; whom whilom bore his wife, grim discord, on trinacria's shore; when first their cyclop sons, from etna's forge, fill'd his foul magazine, his gaping gorge: then earth convulsive groan'd, high shriek'd the air. and hell in gratulation call'd him war. behind the fiend, swift hovering for the coast, hangs o'er the wave britannia's sail-wing'd host; they crowd the main, they spread their sheets abroad, from the wide laurence to the georgian flood, point their black batteries to the peopled shore, and spouting flames commence the hideous roar. where fortless falmouth, looking o'er her bay, in terror saw the approaching thunders play, the fire begins; the shells o'er arching fly, and shoot a thousand rainbows thro the sky; on charlestown spires, on bedford roofs they light, groton and fairfield kindle from the flight, norwalk expands the blaze; o'er reading hills high flaming danbury the welkin fills; esopus burns, newyork's delightful fanes and sea-nursed norfolk light the neighboring plains. from realm to realm the smoky volumes bend, reach round the bays and up the streams extend; deep o'er the concave heavy wreaths are roll'd, and midland towns and distant groves infold. thro solid curls of smoke, the bursting fires climb in tall pyramids above the spires, concentring all the winds; whose forces, driven with equal rage from every point of heaven, whirl into conflict, round the scantling pour the twisting flames and thro the rafters roar, suck up the cinders, send them sailing far, to warn the nations of the raging war, bend high the blazing vortex, swell'd and curl'd, careering, brightening o'er the lustred world, absorb the reddening clouds that round them run, lick the pale stars, and mock their absent sun: seas catch the splendor, kindling skies resound, and falling structures shake the smouldering ground. crowds of wild fugitives, with frantic tread, flit thro the flames that pierce the midnight shade, back on the burning domes revert their eyes, where some lost friend, some perisht infant lies. their maim'd, their sick, their age-enfeebled sires have sunk sad victims to the sateless fires; they greet with one last look their tottering walls, see the blaze thicken, as the ruin falls, then o'er the country train their dumb despair, and far behind them leave the dancing glare; their own crusht roofs still lend a trembling light, point their long shadows and direct their flight. till wandering wide they seek some cottage door, ask the vile pittance due the vagrant poor; or faint and faltering on the devious road, they sink at last and yield their mortal load. but where the sheeted flames thro charlestown roar, and lashing waves hiss round the burning shore, thro the deep folding fires dread bunker's height thunders o'er all and shows a field of fight. like nightly shadows thro a flaming grove, to the dark fray the closing squadrons move; they join, they break, they thicken thro the glare, and blazing batteries burst along the war; now wrapt in reddening smoke, now dim in sight, they rake the hill, or wing the downward flight; here, wheel'd and wedged, britannia's veterans turn, and the long lightnings from their muskets burn; there scattering strive the thin colonial train, whose broken platoons still the field maintain; till britain's fresh battalions rise the height, and with increasing vollies give the fight. when, choked with dust, discolor'd deep in gore, and gall'd on all sides from the ships and shore, hesperia's host moves off the field afar, and saves, by slow retreat, the sad remains of war. there strides bold putnam, and from all the plains calls the tired troops, the tardy rear sustains, and, mid the whizzing balls that skim the lowe, waves back his sword, defies the following foe. in this prime prelude of the toil that waits the nascent glories of his infant states, columbus mourn'd the slain. a numerous crowd, half of each host, had bought their fame with blood; from the whole hill he saw the lifestream pour, and sloping pathways trod with tracks of gore. here, glorious warren, thy cold earth was seen, here spring thy laurels in immortal green; dearest of chiefs that ever prest the plain, in freedom's cause with early honors slain; still dear in death, as when before our sight you graced the senate, or you led the fight. the grateful muse shall tell the world your fame, and unborn realms resound the deathless name. now from all plains, as settling smokes decay, the banded freemen rise in open day; tall thro the lessening shadows, half conceal'd, they throng and gather in a central field; in unskill'd ranks but ardent soul they stand, claim quick the foe, and eager strife demand. in front firm washington superior shone, his eye directed to the half-seen sun; as thro the cloud the bursting splendors glow, and light the passage to the distant foe. his waving steel returns the living day, and points, thro unfought fields, the warrior's way; his valorous deeds to be confined no more, monongahela, to thy desert shore. matured with years, with nobler glory warm, fate in his eye and empire on his arm, he feels his sword the strength of nations wield, and moves before them with a broader shield. greene rose beside him emulous in arms, his genius brightening as the danger warms, in counsel great, in every science skill'd, pride of the camp and terror of the field. with eager look, conspicuous o'er the crowd, and port majestic, brave montgomery strode, bared his tried blade, with honor's call elate, claim'd the first field and hasten'd to his fate. lincoln, with force unfolding as he rose, scoped the whole war and measured well the foes; calm, cautious, firm, for frugal counsels known, frugal of other's blood but liberal of his own. heath for impending toil his falchion draws, and fearless wooster aids the sacred cause, mercer advanced an early death to prove, sinclair and mifflin swift to combat move; here stood stern putnam, scored with ancient scars. the living records of his country's wars; wayne, like a moving tower, assumes his post. fires the whole field, and is himself a host; undaunted stirling, prompt to meet his foes, and gates and sullivan for action rose; macdougal, clinton, guardians of the state, stretch the nerved arm to pierce the depth of fate; marion with rapture seized the sword of fame, young laurens graced a father's patriot name; moultrie and sumter lead their banded powers, morgan in front of his bold riflers towers, his host of keen-eyed marksmen, skill'd to pour their slugs unerring from the twisted bore. no sword, no bayonet they learn to wield, they gall the flank, they skirt the battling field, cull out the distant foe in full horse speed, couch the long tube and eye the silver bead, turn as he turns, dismiss the whizzing lead, and lodge the death-ball in his heedless head. so toil'd the huntsman tell. his quivering dart, prest by the bended bowstring, fears to part, dreads the tremendous task, to graze but shun the tender temples of his infant son; as the loved youth (the tyrant's victim led) bears the poised apple tottering on his head. the sullen father, with reverted eye, now marks the satrap, now the bright-hair'd boy; his second shaft impatient lies, athirst to mend the expected error of the first, to pierce the monster, mid the insulted crowd, and steep the pangs of nature in his blood. deep doubling tow'rd his breast, well poised and slow. curve the strain'd horns of his indignant bow; his left arm straightens as the dexter bends, and his nerved knuckle with the gripe distends; soft slides the reed back with the stiff drawn strand, till the steel point has reacht his steady hand; then to his keen fixt eye the shank he brings, twangs the loud cord, the feather'd arrow sings. picks off the pippin from the smiling boy, and uri's rocks resound with shouts of joy. soon by an equal dart the tyrant bleeds, the cantons league, the work of fate proceeds; till austria's titled hordes, with their own gore, fat the fair fields they lorded long before; on gothard's height while freedom first unfurl'd her infant banner o'er the modern world. bland, moylan, sheldon the long lines enforce with light-arm'd scouts, with solid squares of horse; and knox from his full park to battle brings his brazen tubes, the last resort of kings. the long black rows in sullen silence wait, their grim jaws gaping, soon to utter fate; when at his word the carbon clouds shall rise, and well aim'd thunders rock the shores and skies. two foreign youths had caught the splendent flame, to fame's hard school the warm disciples came; to learn sage liberty's unlesson'd lore, to brave the tempest on her war-beat shore, prometheus like, to snatch a beam of day, and homeward bear the unscintillating ray, to pour new life on europe's languid horde, where millions crouch beneath one stupid lord. tho austria's keiser and the russian czar to dungeons doom them, and with fetters mar, fayette o'er gaul's vast realm some light shall spread, brave kosciusko rear sarmatia's head; from garonne's bank to duna's wintry skies, the morn shall move, and slumbering nations rise. and tho their despots quake with wild alarms, and lash and agonize the world to arms, whelm for a while the untutor'd race in blood, and turn against themselves the raging flood; yet shall the undying dawn, with silent pace, reach over earth and every land embrace; till europe's well taught sons the boon shall share, and bless the labors of the imprison'd pair. so leda's twins from colchis raped the fleece, and brought the treasure to their native greece. she hail'd her heroes from their finished wars, assigned their place amid the cluster'd stars, bade round the eternal sky their trophies flame, and charged the zodiac with their deathless fame. --here move the strangers, here in freedom's cause his untried blade each stripling hero draws, on the great chief their eyes in transport roll, and war and washington renerve the soul. steuben advanced, in veteran armor drest, for prussian lore distinguish'd o'er the rest, the tactic lore; to this he bends his care, and here transplants the discipline of war. other brave chieftains of illustrious name rise into sight and equal honors claim; but who can tell the dew-drops of the morn, or count the rays that in the diamond burn? --grieve not, my valiant friends; the faithful song shall soon redress the momentary wrong; your own bright swords have cleaved your course to fame, and all her hundred tongues recognize every claim. now the broad field as untaught warriors shade, the sun's glad beam their shining arms display'd; high waved great washington his glittering steel, bade the long train in circling order wheel; and, while the banner'd youths around him prest, with voice revered he thus the ranks addrest: ye generous bands, behold the task to save, or yield whole nations to an instant grave. see hosted myriads crowding to your shore, hear from all ports their vollied thunders roar; from boston heights their bloody standards play, o'er long champlain they lead their northern way, virginian banks behold their streamers glide, and hostile navies load each southern tide. beneath their steps your towns in ashes lie, your inland empires feast their greedy eye; soon shall your fields to lordly parks be turn'd, your children butcher'd and your villas burn'd; while following millions, thro the reign of time. who claim their birth in this indulgent clime, bend the weak knee, to servile toils consigned, and sloth and slavery still degrade mankind. rise then to war, to timely vengeance rise, ere the gray sire, the helpless infant dies; look thro the world, see endless years descend, what realms, what ages on your arms depend! reverse the fate, avenge the insulted sky, move to the work; we conquer or we die. so spoke columbia's chief; his guiding hand points out their march to every ardent band, assigns to each brave leader, as they claim, his test of valor and his task of fame. with his young host montgomery first moves forth, to crush the vast invasion of the north; o'er streams and lakes their flags far onward play, navies and forts surrendering mark their way; rocks, fens and deserts thwart the paths they go, and hills before them lose their crags in snow. loud laurence, clogg'd with ice, indignant feels their sleet-clad oars, choked helms and crusted keels; they buffet long his tides; when rise in sight quebec's dread walls, and wolfe's unclouded height already there a few brave patriots stood, worn down with toil, by famine half subdued; untrench'd before the town, they dare oppose their fielded cohorts to the forted foes. ah gallant troop! deprived of half the praise that deeds like yours in other times repays, since your prime chief (the favorite erst of fame) hath sunk so deep his hateful, hideous name, that every honest muse with horror flings the name unsounded from her sacred strings; else what high tones of rapture must have told the first great action of a chief so bold! twas his, twas yours, to brave unusual storms, to tame rude nature in her drearest forms; foodless and guideless, thro that waste of earth, you march'd long months; and, sore reduced by dearth, reach'd the proud capital, too feeble far to tempt unaided such a task of war; till now montgomery's host, with hopes elate, joins your scant powers, to try the test of fate. with skilful glance he views the fortress round. bristled with pikes, with dark artillery crown'd; resolves with naked steel to scale the towers, and snatch a realm from britain's hostile powers. now drear december's boreal blasts arise, a roaring hailstorm sweeps the shuddering skies, night with condensing horror mantles all, and trembling watch-lights glimmer from the wall. from bombs o'erarching, fusing, bursting high, the glare scarce wanders thro the loaded sky; and in the louder shock of meteors drown'd, the accustom'd ear in vain expects the sound. he points the assault; and, thro the howling air, o'er rocky ramparts leads audacious war. swift rise the rapid files; the walls are red with flashing flames, that show the piles of dead; till back recoiling from the ranks of slain, they leave their leader with a feeble train, begirt with foes within the sounding wall, who thick beneath his single falchion fall. but short the conflict; others hemm'd him round, and brave montgomery prest the gory ground. a second wolfe columbus here beheld, in youthful charms, a soul undaunted yield; forlorn, o'erpower'd, his hardy host remains, stretch'd by his side, or led in captive chains. macpherson, cheesman share their general's doom; meigs, morgan, dearborn, planning deeds to come, resign impatient prisoners; soon to wield their happier swords in many a broader field. triumphant to newyork's ill forted post britannia turns her vast amphibious host, that seas and storms, obedient to her hand, heave and discharge on every distant land; fleets, floating batteries shake manhattan's shore, and hellgate rocks reverberate the roar. swift o'er the shuddering isles that line the bay the red flags wave, and battering engines play; howe leads aland the interminable train, while his bold brother still bestorms the main, great albion's double pride; both famed afar on each vext element, each world of war; where british rapine follows peaceful toil, and murders nations but to seize their spoil. wide sweep the veteran myriads o'er the strand, outnumbering thrice the raw colonial band; flatbush and harlem sink beneath their fires, brave stirling yields, and sullivan retires. in vain sage washington, from hill to hill, plays round his foes with more than fabian skill, retreats, advances, lures them to his snare, to balance numbers by the shifts of war. for not their swords alone, but fell disease thins his chill camp and chokes the neighboring seas. the baleful malady, from syrius sent, floats in each breeze, impesting every tent, strikes the young soldier with the morning ray, and lays him lifeless ere the close of day, far from his father's house, his mother's care, and all the charities that nursed him there. damp'd is the native rage that first impell'd the insulted colons to the battling field; when first their high-soul'd sentiment of right and full-vein'd vigor nerved their arm to fight. for stript of health, benumb'd thy vital flood, thy muscles lax'd and decomposed thy blood, what is thy courage, man? a foodless flame, a light unseen, a soul without a frame. each day the decimated ranks forgo their dying comrades to repulse the foe, and each damp night, along the slippery trench, breathe at their post the suffocating stench; they sink by hundreds on the vapory soil, till a new fight relieves their deadlier toil. at last from fruitless combat, sore defeat, to croton hills they lead a long retreat; pale, curbed, exanimate, in dull despair, train the scant relics of the twofold war: the sword, the pestilence press hard behind; the body both assail, and one beats down the mind. book vi. argument. british cruelty to american prisoners. prison ship. retreat of washington with the relics of his army, pursued by howe. washington recrossing the delaware in the night, to surprise the british van, is opposed by uncommon obstacles. his success in this audacious enterprise lays the foundation of the american empire. a monument to be ere on the bank of the delaware. approach of burgoyne, sailing up the st. laurence with an army of britons and various other nations. indignant energy of the colonies, compared to that of greece in opposing the invasion of xerxes. formation of an army of citizens, under the command of gates. review of the american and british armies, and of the savage tribes who join the british standard. battle of saratoga. story of lucinda. second battle, and capture of burgoyne and his army. but of all tales that war's black annals hold, the darkest, foulest still remains untold; new modes of torture wait the shameful strife, and britain wantons in the waste of life. cold-blooded cruelty, first fiend of hell, ah think no more with savage hordes to dwell; quit the caribian tribes who eat their slain, fly that grim gang, the inquisitors of spain, boast not thy deeds in moloch's shrines of old, leave barbary's pirates to their blood-bought gold, let holland steal her victims, force them o'er to toils and death on java's morbid shore; some cloak, some color all these crimes may plead; tis avarice, passion, blind religion's deed; but britons here, in this fraternal broil, grave, cool, deliberate in thy service toil. far from the nation's eye, whose nobler soul their wars would humanize, their pride control, they lose the lessons that her laws impart, and change the british for the brutal heart. fired by no passion, madden'd by no zeal, no priest, no plutus bids them not to feel; unpaid, gratuitous, on torture bent, their sport is death, their pastime to torment; all other gods they scorn, but bow the knee, and curb, well pleased, o cruelty, to thee. come then, curst goddess, where thy votaries reign, inhale their incense from the land and main; come to newyork, their conquering arms to greet, brood o'er their camp and breathe along their fleet; the brother chiefs of howe's illustrious name demand thy labors to complete their fame. what shrieks of agony thy praises sound! what grateless dungeons groan beneath the ground! see the black prison ship's expanding womb impested thousands, quick and dead, entomb. barks after barks the captured seamen bear, transboard and lodge thy silent victims there; a hundred scows, from all the neighboring shore, spread the dull sail and ply the constant oar, waft wrecks of armies from the well fought field, and famisht garrisons who bravely yield; they mount the hulk, and, cramm'd within the cave, hail their last house, their living, floating grave. she comes, the fiend! her grinning jaws expand, her brazen eyes cast lightning o'er the strand, her wings like thunder-clouds the welkin sweep, brush the tall spires and shade the shuddering deep; she gains the deck, displays her wonted store, her cords and scourges wet with prisoners' gore; gripes, pincers, thumb-screws spread beneath her feet, slow poisonous drugs and loads of putrid meat; disease hangs drizzling from her slimy locks, and hot contagion issues from her box. o'er the closed hatches ere she takes her place, she moves the massy planks a little space, opes a small passage to the cries below, that feast her soul on messages of woe; there sits with gaping ear and changeless eye, drinks every groan and treasures every sigh, sustains the faint, their miseries to prolong, revives the dying and unnerves the strong. but as the infected mass resign their breath. she keeps with joy the register of death. as tost thro portholes from the encumber'd cave, corpse after corpse fall dashing in the wave; corpse after corpse, for days and months and years, the tide bears off, and still its current clears; at last, o'erloaded with the putrid gore, the slime-clad waters thicken round the shore. green ocean's self, that oft his wave renews, that drinks whole fleets with all their battling crews, that laves, that purifies the earth and sky, yet ne'er before resign'd his natural dye, here purples, blushes for the race he bore to rob and ravage this unconquer'd shore; the scaly nations, as they travel by, catch the contagion, sicken, gasp and die. now hesper turns the hero's tearful eye to other fields where other standards fly; for here constrain'd new warfare to disclose, and show the feats of more than mortal foes, where interposing with celestial might, his own dread labors must decide the fight, he bids the scene with pomp unusual rise, to teach columbus how to read the skies. he marks the trace of howe's triumphant course, and wheels o'er jersey plains his gathering force; where dauntless washington, begirt with foes, still greater rises as the danger grows, and wearied troops, o'er kindred warriors slain, attend his march thro many a sanguine plain. from hudson's bank to trenton's wintry strand, he guards in firm retreat his feeble band; britons by thousands on his flanks advance, bend o'er his rear and point the lifted lance. past delaware's frozen stream, with scanty force, he checks retreat; then turning back his course, remounts the wave, and thro the mingled roar of ice and storm reseeks the hostile shore, wrapt in the gloom of night. the offended flood starts from his cave, assumes the indignant god, rears thro the parting tide his foamy form, and with his fiery eyeballs lights the storm. he stares around him on the host he heard, clears his choked urn and smooths his icy beard, and thus: audacious chief, this troubled wave tempt not; or tempting, here shall gape thy grave. is nothing sacred to thy venturous might? the howling storm, the holy truce of night, high tossing ice-isles crashing round thy side, insidious rocks that pierce the tumbling tide? fear then this forceful arm, and hear once more, death stands between thee and that shelvy shore. the chief beholds the god, and notes his cry, but onward drives, nor pauses to reply; calls to each bark, and spirits every host to toil, gain, tempt the interdicted coast. the crews, regardless of the doubling roar, breast the strong helm, and wrestle with the oar, stem with resurgent prow the struggling spray, and with phosphoric lanterns shape their way. the god perceived his warning words were vain, and rose more furious to assert his reign, lash'd up a loftier surge, and heaved on high a ridge of billows that obstruct the sky; and, as the accumulated mass he rolls, bares the sharp rocks and lifts the gaping shoals. forward the fearless barges plunge and bound, top the curl'd wave, or grind the flinty ground, careen, whirl, right, and sidelong dasht and tost, now seem to reach and now to lose the coast. still unsubdued the sea-drench'd army toils, each buoyant skiff the flouncing godhead foils; he raves and roars, and in delirious woe calls to his aid his ancient hoary foe, almighty frost; when thus the vanquish'd flood bespeaks in haste the great earth-rending god: father of storms! behold this mortal race confound my force and brave me to my face. not all my waves by all my tempests driven, nor black night brooding o'er the starless heaven, can check their course; they toss and plunge amain, and lo, my guardian rocks project their points in vain. come to my help, and with thy stiffening breath clog their strain'd helms, distend their limbs indeath. tho ancient enmity our realms divide, and oft thy chains arrest my laboring tide, let strong necessity our cause combine, thy own disgrace anticipate in mine; even now their oars thy sleet in vain congeals, thy crumbling ice-cakes crash beneath their keels; their impious arms already cope with ours, and mortal man defies immortal powers. roused at the call, the monarch mounts the storm; in muriat flakes he robes his nitrous form, glares thro the compound, all its blast inhales, and seas turn crystal where he breathes his gales. he comes careering o'er his bleak domain, but comes untended by his usual train; hail, sleet and snow-rack far behind him fly, too weak to wade thro this petrific sky, whose air consolidates and cuts and stings, and shakes hoar tinsel from its flickering wings. earth heaves and cracks beneath the alighting god; he gains the pass, bestrides the roaring flood, shoots from his nostrils one wide withering sheet of treasured meteors on the struggling fleet; the waves conglaciate instant, fix in air, stand like a ridge of rocks, and shiver there. the barks, confounded in their headlong surge, or wedged in crystal, cease their oars to urge; some with prone prow, as plunging down the deep, and some remounting o'er the slippery steep seem laboring still, but moveless, lifeless all; and the chill'd army here awaits its fall. but hesper, guardian of hesperia's right, from his far heaven looks thro the rayless night; and, stung to vengeance at the unequal strife, to save her host, in jeopardy of life, starts from his throne, ascends his flamy car. and turns tremendous to the field of war. his wheels, resurging from the depth of even, roll back the night, streak wide the startled heaven, regain their easting with reverted gyres, and stud their path with scintillating fires. he cleaves the clouds; and, swift as beams of day, o'er california sweeps his splendid way; missouri's mountains at his passage nod, and now sad delaware feels the present god, and trembles at his tread. for here to fight rush two dread powers of such unmeasured might, as threats to annihilate his doubtful reign, convulse the heaven and mingle earth and main. frost views his brilliant foe with scornful eye, and whirls a tenfold tempest thro the sky; where each fine atom of the immense of air, steel'd, pointed, barb'd for unexampled war, sings o'er the shuddering ground; when thus he broke contemptuous silence, and to hesper spoke: thou comest in time to share their last disgrace, to change to crystal with thy rebel race, stretch thy huge corse o'er delaware's bank afar, and learn the force of elemental war. or if undying life thy lamp inspire, take that one blast and to thy sky retire; there, roll'd eternal round the heavens, proclaim thy own disaster and my deathless fame. i come, said hesper, not to insult the brave, but break thy sceptre and let loose my wave, teach the proud stream more peaceful tides to roll, and send thee howling to thy stormy pole; that drear dominion shall thy rage confine; this land, these waters and those troops are mine. he added not; and now the sable storm, pierced by strong splendor, burst before his form; his visage stern an awful lustre shed, his pearly planet play'd around his head. he seized a lofty pine, whose roots of yore struck deep in earth, to guard the sandy shore from hostile ravage of the mining tide, that rakes with spoils of earth its crumbling side. he wrencht it from the soil, and o'er the foe whirl'd the strong trunk, and aim'd a sweeping blow, that sung thro air, but miss'd the moving god, and fell wide crashing on the frozen flood. for many a rood the shivering ice it tore, loosed every bark and shook the sounding shore; stroke after stroke with doubling force he plied, foil'd the hoar fiend and pulverized the tide. the baffled tyrant quits the desperate cause; from hesper's heat the river swells and thaws, the fleet rolls gently to the jersey coast, and morning splendors greet the landing host. tis here dread washington, when first the day o'er trenton beam'd to light his rapid way, pour'd the rude shock on britain's vanguard train, and led whole squadrons in his captive chain; where veteran troops to half their numbers yield, tread back their steps, or press the sanguine field, to princeton plains precipitate their flight, thro new disasters and unfinish'd fight, resign their conquests by one sad surprise, sink in their pride and see their rivals rise. here dawn'd the daystar of hesperia's fame, here herald glory first emblazed her name; on delaware's bank her base of empire stands, the work of washington's immortal hands; prompt at his side while gallant mercer trod, and seal'd the firm foundation with his blood. in future years, if right the muse divine, some great memorial on this bank shall shine; a column bold its granite shaft shall rear, swell o'er the strand and check the passing air, cast its broad image on the watery glade, and bristol greet the monumental shade; eternal emblem of that gloomy hour, when the great general left her storm-beat shore, to tempest, night and his own sword consign'd his country's fates, the fortunes of mankind. where sealike laurence, rolling in his pride, with ocean's self disputes the tossing tide, from shore to shore, thro dim distending skies, beneath full sails imbanded nations rise. britain and brunswick here their flags unfold, here hessia's hordes, for toils of slaughter sold, anspach and darmstadt swell the hireling train, proud caledonia crowds the masted main, hibernian kerns and hanoverian slaves move o'er the decks and darken wide the waves. tall on the boldest bark superior shone a warrior ensign'd with a various crown; myrtles and laurels equal honors join'd, which arms had purchased and the muses twined; his sword waved forward, and his ardent eye seem'd sharing empires in the southern sky. beside him rose a herald to proclaim his various honors, titles, feats and fame; who raised an opening scroll, where proudly shone _burgoyne and vengeance from the british throne._ champlain receives the congregated host, and his husht waves beneath the sails are lost; ticonderoga rears his rocks in vain, nor edward's walls the weighty shock sustain; deep george's loaded lake reluctant guides their bounding barges o'er his sacred tides. state after state the splendid pomp appalls, each town surrenders, every fortress falls; sinclair retires; and with his feeble train, in slow retreat o'er many a fatal plain, allures their march; wide moves their furious force, and flaming hamlets mark their wasting course; thro fortless realms their spreading ranks are wheel'd, on mohawk's wrestern wave, on bennington's dread field. at last where hudson, with majestic pace, swells at the sight, and checks his rapid race, thro dark stillwater slow and silent moves, and flying troops with sullen pause reproves, a few firm bands their starry standard rear, wheel, front and face the desolating war. sudden the patriot flame each province warms, deep danger calls, the freemen quit their farms, seize their tried muskets, name their chiefs to lead, endorse their knapsacks and to vengeance speed. o'er all the land the kindling ardor flies, troop follows troop, and flags on flags arise, concentred, train'd, their forming files unite, swell into squadrons and demand the fight. when xerxes, raving at his sire's disgrace, pour'd his dark millions on the coast of thrace, o'er groaning hellespont his broad bridge hurl'd, hew'd ponderous athos from the trembling world, still'd with his weight of ships the struggling main, and bound the billows in his boasted chain, wide o'er proud macedon he wheel'd his course, thrace, thebes, thessalia join'd his furious force. thro six torn states his hovering swarms increase, and hang tremendous on the skirts of greece; deep groan the shrines of all her guardian gods, sad pelion shakes, divine olympus nods, shock'd ossa sheds his hundred hills of snow, and tempe swells her murmuring brook below; wild in her starts of rage the pythian shrieks, dodona's oak the pangs of nature speaks, eleusis quakes thro all her mystic caves, and black trophonius gapes a thousand graves. but soon the freeborn greeks to vengeance rise, brave sparta springs where first the danger lies, her self-devoted band, in one steel'd mass, plunge in the gorge of death, and choke the pass, athenian youths, the unwieldy war to meet, couch the stiff lance, or mount the well arm'd fleet; they sweep the incumber'd seas of their vast load, and fat their fields with lakes of asian blood. so leapt our youths to meet the invading hordes, fame fired their courage, freedom edged their swords. gates in their van on high-hill'd bemus rose, waved his blue steel and dared the headlong foes; undaunted lincoln, laboring on his right, urged every arm, and gave them hearts to fight; starke, at the dexter flank, the onset claims, indignant herkimer the left inflames; he bounds exulting to commence the strife. and buy the victory with his barter'd life. and why, sweet minstrel, from the harp of fame withhold so long that once resounding name? the chief who, steering by the boreal star, o'er wild canadia led our infant war, in desperate straits superior powers display'd, burgoyne's dread scourge, montgomery's ablest aid; ridgefield and compo saw his valorous might with ill-arm'd swains put veteran troops to flight. tho treason foul hath since absorb'd his soul, bade waves of dark oblivion round him roll, sunk his proud heart abhorrent and abhorr'd, effaced his memory and defiled his sword; yet then untarnisht roll'd his conquering car; then famed and foremost in the ranks of war brave arnold trod; high valor warm'd his breast, and beams of glory play'd around his crest. here toils the chief; whole armies from his eye resume their souls, and swift to combat fly. camp'd on a hundred hills, and trench'd in form, burgoyne's long legions view the gathering storm; uncounted nations round their general stand, and wait the signal from his guiding hand. canadia crowds her gallic colons there, ontario's yelling tribes torment the air, wild huron sends his lurking hordes from far, insidious mohawk swells the woodland war; scalpers and ax-men rush from erie's shore, and iroquois augments the war whoop roar; while all his ancient troops his train supply, half europe's banners waving thro the sky; deep squadron'd horse support his endless flanks, and park'd artillery frowns behind the ranks. flush'd with the conquest of a thousand fields, and rich with spoils that all the region yields, they burn with zeal to close the long campaign, and crush columbia on this final plain. his fellow chiefs inhale the hero's flame, nerves of his arm and partners in his fame: phillips, with treasured thunders poised and wheel'd in brazen tubes, prepares to rake the field; the trench-tops darken with the sable rows, and, tipt with fire, the waving match-rope glows. there gallant reidesel in german guise, and specht and breyman, prompt for action, rise; his savage hordes the murderous johnson leads, files thro the woods and treads the tangled weeds, shuns open combat, teaches where to run, skulk, couch the ambush, aim the hunter's gun, whirl the sly tomahawk, the war whoop sing, divide the spoils and pack the scalps they bring. frazer in quest of glory seeks the field;- false glare of glory, what hast thou to yield? how long, deluding phantom, wilt thou blind, mislead, debase, unhumanize mankind? bid the bold youth, his headlong sword who draws, heed not the object, nor inquire the cause; but seek adventuring, like an errant knight, wars not his own, gratuitous in fight, greet the gored field, then plunging thro the fire, mow down his men, with stupid pride expire, shed from his closing eyes the finish'd flame, and ask, for all his crimes, a deathless name? and when shall solid glory, pure and bright, alone inspire us, and our deeds requite? when shall the applause of men their chiefs pursue in just proportion to the good they do, on virtue's base erect the shrine of fame, define her empire, and her code proclaim? unhappy frazer! little hast thou weigh'd the crirneful cause thy valor comes to aid. far from thy native land, thy sire, thy wife, love's lisping race that cling about thy life, thy soul beats high, thy thoughts expanding roam on battles past, and laurels yet to come: alas, what laurels? where the lasting gain? a pompous funeral on a desert plain! the cannon's roar, the muffled drums proclaim, in one short blast, thy momentary fame, and some war minister per-hazard reads in what far field the tool of placemen bleeds. brave heartly strode in youth's o'erweening pride; housed in the camp he left his blooming bride, the sweet lucinda; whom her sire from far, on steeds high bounding o'er the waste of war, had guided thro the lines, and hither led, that fateful morn, the plighted chief to wed. he deem'd, deluded sire! the contest o'er, that routed rebels dared the fight no more; and came to mingle, as the tumult ceased, the victor's triumph with the nuptial feast. they reach'd his tent; when now with loud alarms the morn burst forth and roused the camp to arms; conflicting passions seized the lover's breast, bright honor call'd, and bright lucinda prest:- and wilt thou leave me for that clangorous call? traced i these deserts but to see thee fall? i know thy valorous heart, thy zeal that speeds where dangers press and boldest battle bleeds. my father said blest hymen here should join with sacred love to make lucinda thine; but other union these dire drums foredoom, the dark dead union of the eternal tomb. on yonder plain, soon sheeted o'er with blood, our nuptial couch shall prove a crimson clod; for there this night thy livid corse must lie, i'll seek it there, and on that bosom die. yet go; tis duty calls; but o'er thy head let this white plume its floating foliage spread; that from the rampart, thro the troubled air, these eyes may trace thee toiling in the war. she fixt the feather on his crest above, bound with the mystic knot, the knot of love; he parted silent, but in silent prayer bade love and hymen guard the timorous fair. where saratoga show'd her champaign side, that hudson bathed with still untainted tide, the opposing pickets push'd their scouting files, wheel'd skirmisht, halted, practised all their wiles; each to mislead, insnare, exhaust their foes, and court the conquest ere the armies close. now roll like winged storms the solid lines, the clarion thunders and the battle joins, thick flames in vollied flashes load the air, and echoing mountains give the noise of war; sulphureous clouds rise reddening round the height, and veil the skies, and wrap the sounding fight. soon from the skirts of smoke, where thousands toil, ranks roll away and into light recoil; starke pours upon them in a storm of lead; his hosted swains bestrew the field with dead, pierce with strong bayonets the german reins, whelm two battalions in their captive chains, bid baum, with wounds enfeebled, quit the field, and breyman next his gushing lifeblood yield. this frazer sees, and thither turns his course, bears down before them with britannia's force, wheels a broad column on the victor flank, and springs to vengeance thro the foremost rank. lincoln, to meet the hero, sweeps the plain; his ready bands the laboring starke sustain; host matching host, the doubtful battle burns, and now the britons, now their foes by turns regain the ground; till frazer feels the force of a rude grapeshot in his flouncing horse; nor knew the chief, till struggling from the fall, that his gored thigh had first received the ball. he sinks expiring on the slippery soil; shock'd at the sight, his baffled troops recoil; where lincoln, pressing with redoubled might, broke thro their squadrons and confirmed the flight; when this brave leader met a stunning blow, that stopt his progress and avenged the foe. he left the field; but prodigal of life, unwearied francis still prolong'd the strife; till a chance carabine attained his head, and stretch'd the hero mid the vulgar dead. his near companions rush with ardent gait, swift to revenge, but soon to share his fate; brown, adams, coburn, falling side by side, drench the chill sod with all their vital tide. firm on the west bold herkimer sustains the gather'd shock of all canadia's trains; colons and wildmen post their skulkers there, outflank his pickets and assail his rear, drive in his distant scouts with hideous blare, and press, on three sides close, the hovering war. johnson's own shrieks commence the deafening din, rouse every ambush and the storm begin. a thousand thickets, thro each opening glen, pour forth their hunters to the chase of men; trunks of huge trees, and rocks and ravines lend unnumber'd batteries and their files defend; they fire, they squat, they rise, advance and fly, and yells and groans alternate rend the sky. the well aim'd hatchet cleaves the helmless head, mute showers of arrows and loud storms of lead rain thick from hands unseen, and sudden fling a deep confusion thro the laboring wing. but herkimer undaunted quits the stand, breaks in loose files his disencumbered band, wheels on the howling glens each light-arm'd troop, and leads himself where johnson tones his whoop, pours thro his copse a well directed fire; the semisavage sees his tribes retire, then follows thro the brush in full horse speed, and gains the hilltop where the hurons lead; here turns his courser; when a grateful sight recals his stragglers, and restrains his flight. for herkimer no longer now sustains the loss of blood that his faint vitals drains: a ball had pierced him ere he changed his field; the slow sure death his prudence had conceal'd, till dark derouted foes should yield to flight, and his firm friends could finish well the fight. lopt from his horse the hero sinks at last; the hurons ken him, and with hallooing blast shake the vast wilderness; the tribes around drink with broad ears and swell the rending sound, rush back to vengeance with tempestuous might, sweep the long slopes from every neighboring height, full on their check'd pursuers; who regain, from all their woods, the first contested plain. here open fight begins; and sure defeat had forced that column to a swift retreat, but arnold, toiling thro the distant smoke, beheld their plight, a small detachment took, bore down behind them with his field-park loud, and hail'd his grapeshot thro the savage crowd; strow'd every copse with dead, and chased afar the affrighted relics from the skirts of war. but on the centre swells the heaviest charge, the squares develop and the lines enlarge. here kosciusko's mantling works conceal'd his batteries mute, but soon to scour the field; morgan with all his marksmen flanks the foe, hull, brooks and courtlandt in the vanguard glow; here gallant dearborn leads his light-arm'd train, here scammel towers, here silly shakes the plain. gates guides the onset with his waving brand, assigns their task to each unfolding band, sustains, inspirits, prompts the warrior's rage, now bids the flank and now the front engage, points the stern riflers where their slugs to pour, and tells the unmasking batteries when to roar. for here impetuous powell wheels and veers his royal guards, his british grenadiers; his highland broadswords cut their wasting course, his horse-artillery whirls its furious force. here specht and reidesel to battle bring their scattering yagers from each folding wing; and here, concentred in tremendous might, britain's whole park, descending to the fight, roars thro the ranks; tis phillips leads the train, and toils and thunders o'er the shuddering plain. burgoyne, secure of victory, from his height, eyes the whole field and orders all the fight, marks where his veterans plunge their fiercest fire, and where his foes seem halting to retire, already sees the starry staff give way. and british ensigns gaining on the day; when from the western wing, in steely glare, all-conquering arnold surged the tide of war. columbia kindles as her hero comes; her trump's shrill clangor and her deafening drums redoubling sound the charge; they rage, they burn, and hosted europe trembles in her turn. so when pelides' absence check'd her fate, all ilion issued from her guardian gate; her huddling squadrons like a tempest pour'd, each man a hero and each dart a sword, full on retiring greece tumultuous fall, and greece reluctant seeks her sheltering wall; but pelius' son rebounding o'er the plain, troy backward starts and seeks her towers again. arnold's dread falchion, with terrific sway, rolls on the ranks and rules the doubtful day, confounds with one wide sweep the astonish'd foes, and bids at last the scene of slaughter close. pale rout begins, britannia's broken train tread back their steps and scatter from the plain, to their strong camp precipitate retire, and wide behind them streams the roaring fire. meantime, the skirts of war as johnson gored, his kindred cannibals desert their lord; they scour the waste for undistinguish'd prey, howl thro the night the horrors of the day, scalp every straggler from all parties stray'd, each wounded wanderer thro the moonlight glade; and while the absent armies give them place, each camp they plunder and each world disgrace. one deed shall tell what fame great albion draws from these auxiliars in her barbarous cause, lucinda's fate; the tale, ye nations, hear; eternal ages, trace it with a tear. long from the rampart, thro the imbattled field, she spied her heartly where his column wheel'd, traced him with steadfast eye and tortured breast, that heaved in concert with his dancing crest; and oft, with head advanced and hand outspread, seem'd from her love to ward the flying lead; till, dimm'd by distance and the gathering cloud; at last he vanish'd in the warrior crowd. she thought he fell; and wild with fearless air, she left the camp to brave the woodland war, made a long circuit, all her friends to shun, and wander'd wide beneath the falling sun; then veering to the field, the pickets past, to gain the hillock where she miss'd him last. fond maid, he rests not there; from finish'd fight he sought the camp, and closed the rear of flight. he hurries to his tent;--oh rage! despair! no glimpse, no tidings of the frantic fair; save that some carmen, as acamp they drove, had seen her coursing for the western grove. faint with fatigue and choked with burning thirst, forth from his friends with bounding leap he burst, vaults o'er the palisade with eyes on flame, and fills the welkin with lucinda's name, swift thro the wild wood paths phrenetic springs,- lucind! lucinda! thro the wild wood rings. all night he wanders; barking wolves alone and screaming night-birds answer to his moan; for war had roused them from their savage den; they scent the field, they snuff the walks of men. the fair one too, of every aid forlorn, had raved and wander'd, till officipus morn awaked the mohawks from their short repose, to glean the plunder, ere their comrades rose. two mohawks met the maid,--historian, hold!- poor human nature! must thy shame be told? where then that proud preeminence of birth, thy moral sense? the brightest boast of earth. had but the tiger changed his heart for thine, could rocks their bowels with that heart combine, thy tear had gusht, thy hand relieved her pain, and led lucinda to her lord again. she starts, with eyes upturn'd and fleeting breath, in their raised axes views her instant death, spreads her white hands to heaven in frantic prayer, then runs to grasp their knees, and crouches there. her hair, half lost along the shrubs she past, rolls in loose tangles round her lovely waist; her kerchief torn betrays the globes of snow that heave responsive to her weight of woe. does all this eloquence suspend the knife? does no superior bribe contest her life? there does: the scalps by british gold are paid; a long-hair'd scalp adorns that heavenly head; arid comes the sacred spoil from friend or foe, no marks distinguish, and no man can know. with calculating pause and demon grin, they seize her hands, and thro her face divine drive the descending ax; the shriek she sent attain'd her lover's ear; he thither bent with all the speed his wearied limbs could yield, whirl'd his keen blade, and stretch'd upon the field the yelling fiends; who there disputing stood her gory scalp, their horrid prize of blood. he sunk delirious on her lifeless clay, and past, in starts of sense, the dreadful day. are these thy trophies, carleton! these the swords thy hand unsheath'd and gave the savage hordes, thy boasted friends, by treaties brought from far, to aid thy master in his murderous war? but now britannia's chief, with proud disdain coop'd in his camp, demands the field again. back to their fate his splendid host he drew, swell'd high their rage, and led the charge anew; again the batteries roar, the lightnings play, again they fall, again they roll away; for now columbia, with rebounding might, foil'd quick their columns, but confined their flight. her wings, like fierce tornados, gyring ran, crusht their wide flanks and gain'd their flying van; here arnold charged; the hero storm'd and pour'd a thousand thunders where he turn' no pause, no parley; onward far he fray'd, dispersed whole squadrons every bound he made, broke thro their rampart, seized theircampand stores and pluck'd the standard from their broken towers. aghast, confounded in the midway field, they drop their arms; the banded nations yield. when sad burgoyne, in one disastrous day, sees future crowns and former wreaths decay, his banners furl'd, his long battalions wheel'd to pile their muskets on the battle field; while two pacific armies shade one plain, the mighty victors and the captive train. book vii. argument. coast of france rises in vision. louis, to humble the british power, forms an alliance with the american states. this brings france, spain and holland into the war, and rouses hyder ally to attack the english in india. the vision returns to america, where the military operations continue with various success. battle of monmouth. storming of stonypoint by wayne. actions of lincoln, and surrender of charleston. movements of cornwallis. actions of greene, and battle of eutaw. french army arrives, and joins the american. they march to besiege the english army of cornwallis in york and gloster. naval battle of degrasse and graves. two of their ships grappled and blown up. progress of the siege. a citadel mined and blown up. capture of cornwallis and his army. their banners furled and muskets piled on the field of battle. thus view'd the pair; when lo, in eastern skies, from glooms unfolding, gallia's coasts arise. bright o'er the scenes of state a golden throne, instarr'd with gems and hung with purple, shone; young bourbon there in royal splendor sat, and fleets and moving armies round him wait. for now the contest, with increased alarms, fill'd every court and roused the world to arms; as hesper's hand, that light from darkness brings, and good to nations from the scourge of kings, in this dread hour bade broader beams unfold, and the new world illuminate the old. in europe's realms a school of sages trace the expanding dawn that waits the reasoning race; on the bright occident they fix their eyes, thro glorious toils where struggling nations rise; where each firm deed, each new illustrious name calls into light a field of nobler fame: a field that feeds their hope, confirms the plan of well poized freedom and the weal of man. they scheme, they theorize, expand their scope, glance o'er hesperia to her utmost cope; where streams unknown for other oceans stray, where suns unseen their waste of beams display, where sires of unborn nations claim their birth, and ask their empires in those wilds of earth. while round all eastern climes, with painful eye, in slavery sunk they see the kingdoms lie, whole states exhausted to enrich a throne, their fruits untasted and their rights unknown; thro tears of grief that speak the well taught mind, they hail the æra that relieves mankind. of these the first, the gallic sages stand, and urge their king to lift an aiding hand. the cause of humankind their souls inspired, columbia's wrongs their indignation fired; to share her fateful deeds their counsel moved, to base in practice what in theme they proved: that no proud privilege from birth can spring, no right divine, nor compact form a king; that in the people dwells the sovereign sway, who rule by proxy, by themselves obey; that virtues, talents are the test of awe, and equal rights the only source of law. surrounding heroes wait the monarch's word, in foreign fields to draw the patriot sword, prepared with joy to join those infant powers, who build republics on the western shores. by honest guile the royal ear they bend, and lure him on, blest freedom to defend; that, once recognised, once establisht there, the world might learn her profer'd boon to share. but artful arguments their plan disguise, garb'd in the gloss that suits a monarch's eyes. by arms to humble britain's haughty power, from her to sever that extended shore, contents his utmost wish. for this he lends his powerful aid, and calls the opprest his friends. the league proposed, he lifts his arm to save, and speaks the borrow'd language of the brave: ye states of france, and ye of rising name who work those distant miracles of fame, hear and attend; let heaven the witness bear, we wed the cause, we join the righteous war. let leagues eternal bind each friendly land, given by our voice, and stablisht by our hand; let that brave people fix their infant sway, and spread their blessings with the bounds of day. yet know, ye nations; hear, ye powers above, our purposed aid no views of conquest move; in that young world revives no ancient claim of regions peopled by the gallic name; our envied bounds, already stretch'd afar, nor ask the sword, nor fear encroaching war; but virtue, coping with the tyrant power that drenches earth in her best children's gore, with nature's foes bids former compact cease; we war reluctant, and our wish is peace; for man's whole race the sword of france we draw; such is our will, and let our will be law. he spoke; his moving armies veil'd the plain, his fleets rode bounding on the western main; o'er lands and seas the loud applauses rung, and war and union dwelt on every tongue. the other bourbon caught the splendid strain, to gallia's arms he joins the powers of spain; their sails assemble; crillon lifts the sword, minorca bows and owns her ancient lord. but while dread elliott shakes the midland wave, they strive in vain the calpian rock to brave. batavia's states with equal speed prepare thro western isles to meet the naval war; for albion there rakes rude the tortured main, and foils the force of holland, france and spain. where old indostan still perfumes the skies, to furious strife his ardent myriads rise; fierce hyder there, unconquerably bold, bids a new flag its horned moons unfold, spreads o'er carnatic kings his splendid force, and checks the britons in their waiting course. europe's pacific powers their counsels join, the laws of trade to settle and define. the imperial moscovite around him draws each baltic state to join the righteous cause; whose arm'd neutrality the way prepares to check the ravages of future wars; till by degrees the wasting sword shall cease, and commerce lead to universal peace. thus all the ancient world with anxious eyes enjoy the lights that gild atlantic skies, wake to new life, assume a borrow'd flame, enlarge the lustre and partake the fame. so mounts of ice, that polar heavens invade, tho piled unseen thro night's long wintry shade. when morn at last illumes their glaring throne, give back the day and imitate the sun. but still columbus, on his war-beat shore, sees albion's fleets her new battalions pour; the states unconquer'd still their terrors wield, and stain with mingled gore the embattled field. on pennsylvania's various plains they move, and adverse armies equal slaughter prove; columbia mourns her nash in combat slain, britons around him press the gory plain; skirmish and cannonade and distant fire each power diminish and each nation tire. till howe from fruitless toil demands repose, and leaves despairing in a land of foes his wearied host; who now, to reach their fleet, o'er jersey hills commence their long retreat, tread back the steps their chief had led before, and ask in vain the late abandon'd shore, where hudson meets, the main; for on their rear columbia moves; and checks their swift career. but where green monmouth lifts his grassy height, they halt, they face, they dare the coming fight. howe's proud successor, clinton, hosting there, to tempt once more the desperate chance of war, towers at their head, in hopes to work relief, and mend the errors of his former chief. here shines his day; and here with loud acclaim begins and ends his little task of fame. he vaults before them with his balanced blade, wheels the bright van, and forms the long parade; where britons, hessians crowd the glittering field, and all their powers for ready combat wield. as the dim sun, beneath the skirts of even, crimsons the clouds that sail the western heaven; so, in red wavy rows, where spread the train of men and standards, shone the fateful plain. they shone, till washington obscured their light, and his long ranks roll'd forward to the fight. he points the charge; the mounted thunders roar, and rake the champaign to the distant shore. above the folds of smoke that veil the war, his guiding sword illumes the fields of air; and vollied flames, bright bursting o'er the plain, break the brown clouds, discovering far the slain: till flight begins; the smoke is roll'd away, and the red standards open into day. britons and germans hurry from the field, now wrapt in dust, and now to sight reveal'd; behind, swift washington his falchion drives, thins the pale ranks, but saves submissive lives. hosts captive bow and move behind his arm, and hosts before him wing the sounding storm; when the glad sea salutes their fainting sight, and albion's fleet wide thundering aids their flight; they steer to sad newyork their hasty way, and rue the toils of monmouth's mournful day. but hudson still, with his interior tide, laves a rude rock that bears britannia's pride, swells round the headland with indignant roar, and mocks her thunders from his murmuring shore; when a firm cohort starts from peekskill plain, to crush the invaders and the post regain. here, gallant hull, again thy sword is tried, meigs, fleury, butler, laboring side by side, wayne takes the guidance, culls the vigorous band, strikes out the flint, and bids the nervous hand trust the mute bayonet and midnight skies, to stretch o'er craggy walls the dark surprise. with axes, handspikes on the shoulder hung, and the sly watchword whisper'd from the tongue, thro different paths the silent march they take, plunge, climb the ditch, the palisado break, secure each sentinel, each picket shun, grope the dim postern where the byways run. soon the roused garrison perceives its plight; small time to rally and no means of flight, they spring confused to every post they know, point their poized cannon where they hear the foe, streak the dark welkin with the flames they pour, and rock the mountain with convulsive roar. the swift assailants still no fire return, but, tow'rd the batteries that above them burn, climb hard from crag to crag; and scaling higher they pierce the long dense canopy of fire that sheeted all the sky; then rush amain, storm every outwork, each dread summit gain, hew timber'd gates, the sullen drawbridge fall, file thro and form within the sounding wall. the britons strike their flag, the fort forgo, descend sad prisoners to the plain below. a thousand veterans, ere the morning rose, received their handcuffs from five hundred foes; and stonypoint beheld, with dawning day, his own starr'd standard on his rampart play. from sack'd savanna, whelm'd in hostile fires, a few raw troops brave lincoln now retires; 2l with rapid march to suffering charleston goes, to meet the myriads of concentring foes, who shade the pointed strand. each fluvial flood their gathering fleets and floating batteries load, close their black sails, debark the amphibious host, and with their moony anchors fang the coast. the bold beleaguer'd post the hero gains, and the hard siege with various fate sustains. cornwallis, towering at the british van, in these fierce toils his wild career began; he mounts the forky streams, and soon bestrides the narrow neck that parts converging tides, sinks the deep trench, erects the mantling tower, lines with strong forts the desolated shore, hems on all sides the long unsuccour'd place, with mines and parallels contracts the space; then bids the battering floats his labors crown, and pour their bombard on the shuddering town. high from the decks the mortar's bursting fires sweep the full streets, and splinter down the spires. blaze-trailing fuses vault the night's dim round, and shells and langrage lacerate the ground; till all the tented plain, where heroes tread, is torn with crags and cover'd with the dead. each shower of flames renews the townsmen's woe, they wail the fight, they dread the cruel foe. matrons in crowds, while tears bedew their charms, babes at their sides and infants in their arms, press round their lincoln and his hand implore, to save them trembling from the tyrant's power. he shares their anguish with a moistening eye, and bids the balls rain thicker thro the sky; tries every aid that art and valor yield, the sap, the countermine, the battling field, the bold sortie, by famine urged afar, that dreadful daughter of earth-wasting war. but vain the conflict now; on all the shore the foes in fresh brigades around him pour; he yields at last the well contested prize, and freedom's banners quit the southern skies. the victor britons soon the champaign tread, and far anorth their fire and slaughter spread; thro fortless realms, where unarm'd peasants fly, cornwallis bears his bloody standard high; o'er carolina rolls his growing force, and thousands fall and thousands aid his course; while in his march athwart the wide domain, colonial dastards join his splendid train. so mountain streams thro slopes of melting snow swell their foul waves and flood the world below. awhile the patriarch saw, with heaving sighs, these crimson flags insult the saddening skies, saw desolation whelm his favorite coast, his children scattered and their vigor lost, dekalb in furious combat press the plain, morgan and smallwood every shock sustain, gates, now no more triumphant, quit the field, indignant davidson his lifeblood yield, blount, gregory, williamson, with souls of fire but slender force, from hill to hill retire; when greene in lonely greatness takes the ground, and bids at last the trump of vengeance sound. a few firm patriots to the chief repair, raise the star standard and demand the war. but o'er the regions as he turns his eyes, what foes develop! and what forts arise! rawdon with rapid marches leads their course, from state to state cornwallis whirls their force, impetuous tarleton like a torrent pours, and fresh battalions land along the shores; where, now resurgent from his captive chain, phillips wide storming shakes the field again; and traitor arnold, lured by plunder o'er, joins the proud powers his valor foil'd before. greene views the tempest with collected soul, arid fates of empires in his bosom roll; so small his force, where shall he lift the steel? (superior hosts o'er every canton wheel) or how behold their wanton carnage spread, himself stand idle and his country bleed? fixt in a moment's pause the general stood, and held his warriors from the field of blood; then points the british legions where to steer, marks to their chief a rapid wild career, wide o'er virginia lets him foeless roam, to search for pillage and to find his doom, with short-lived glory feeds his sateless flame, but leaves the victory to a nobler name, gives to great washington to meet his way, nor claims the honors of so bright a day. now to the conquer'd south he turns his force, renerves the nation by his rapid course; forts fall around him, hosts before him fly, and captive bands his growing train supply; a hundred leagues of coast, in one campaign, return reconquer'd to their lords again. at last britannia's vanguard, near the strand, veers on her foe to make one vigorous stand. her gallant stuart here amass'd from far the veteran legions of the georgian war, to aid her hard-pusht powers, and quick restore the british name to that extended shore. he checks their flight, and chooses well their field, flank'd with a marsh, by lofty woods concealed; where eutaw's fountains, tinged of old with gore, still murmuring swell'd amid the bones they bore, destined again to foul their pebbly stream, the mournful monuments of human fame; there albion's columns, ranged in order bright, stand like a fiery wall and wait the shock of fight. swift on the neighboring hill as greene arose, he view'd, with rapid glance, the glittering foes, disposed for combat all his ardent train, to charge, change front, each echelon sustain; roused well their rage, superior force to prove, waved his bright blade and bade the onset move. as hovering clouds, when morning beams arise, hang their red curtains round our eastern skies, unfold a space to hail the promised sun, and catch their splendors from his rising throne; thus glow'd the opposing fronts, whose steely glare glanced o'er the shuddering interval of war. from albion's left the cannonade began, and pour'd thick thunders on hesperia's van, forced in her dexter guards, that skirmisht wide to prove what powers the forest hills might hide; they break, fall back, with measured quickstep tread, form close, and flank the solid squares they led. now roll, with kindling haste, the long stark lines, from wing to wing the sounding battle joins; batteries and field-parks and platoons of fire, in mingled shocks their roaring blasts exspire. each front approaching fast, with equal pace, devours undaunted their dividing space; till, dark beneath the smoke, the meeting ranks slope their strong bayonets, with short firm shanks protruded from their tubes; each bristling van, steel fronting steel, and man encountering man, in dreadful silence tread. as, wrapt from sight, the nightly ambush moves to secret fight; so rush the raging files, and sightless close in plunging thrust with fierce conflicting foes. they reach, they strike, they stagger o'er the slain, deal doubtful blows, or closing clench their man, intwine their twisting limbs, the gun forgo, wrench off the bayonet and dirk the foe; then struggling back, reseize the musket bare, club the broad breech, and headlong whirl to war ranks crush on ranks with equal slaughter gored; warm dripping streams from every lifted sword stain the thin carnaged corps who still maintain, with mutual shocks, the vengeance of the plain. at last where williams fought and campbell fell, unwonted strokes the british line repel. the rout begins; the shattered wings afar roll back in haste and scatter from the war; they drop their arms, they scour the marshy field, whole squadrons fall and faint battalions yield. the great observer, fixt in his midsky, view'd the whole combat, saw them fall and fly: he mark'd where greene with every onset drove, saw death and victory with his presence move, beneath his arm saw marion, sumter, gaine, pickens and sumner shake the astonish'd plain; he saw young washington, the child of fame, preserve in fight the honors of his name. lee, jackson, hampton, pinckney, matcht in might, roll'd on the storm and hurried fast the flight: while numerous chiefs, that equal trophies raise, wrought, not unseen, the deeds of deathless praise. as europe now the newborn states beheld the shock sustain of many a hard-fought field; swift o'er the main, with high-spread sails, advance our brave auxiliars from the coast of france. on the tall decks their curious chiefs explore, with optic tube, our camp-encumber'd shore; and, as the lessening wave behind them flies, wide scenes of conflict open on their eyes. rochambeau foremost with his gleamy brand points to each field and singles every band, sees washington the power of nations guide, and longs to toil and conquer by his side. two brother chiefs, viominil the name, brothers in birth but twins in generous fame, behold with steadfast eye the plains disclose, uncase their arms and claim the promised foes. biron, beneath his sail, in armor bright, frown'd o'er the wave impatient for the fight; a fiery steed beside the hero stood, and his blue blade waved forward o'er the crowd. with eager haste descending on the coast, thro the glad states they march their veteran host, from sea-nursed newport file o'er western roads, pitch many a camp, and bridge a hundred floods, pass the full towns, where joyful crowds admire their foreign speech, gay mien and gilt attire, applaud their generous deeds, the zeal that draws their swords untried in freedom's doubtful cause. thro hartford plains, on litchfield hills they gleam, wave their white flags o'er hudson's loaded stream, band after band with delaware's current pour, shade schuylkill's wave and elk's indented shore, join their new friends, where allied banners lead, demand the foe and bid the war proceed. again columbus turn'd his anxious eye where britain's banner waved along the sky; and, graced with spoils of many fields of blood, cornwallis boastful on a bulwark stood. where york and gloster's rocky towers bestride their parent stream, virginia's midmost tide, he camp'd his hundred nations, to regain their force, exhausted in the long campaign; paused for a moment on a scene so vast, to plan the future and review the past. thro vanquisht provinces and towns in flame he mark'd his recent monuments of fame, his checker'd marches, long and various toils, and camp well stored with wide collected spoils. high glittering to the sun his hands unfold a map new drafted on a sheet of gold; there in delusive haste his burin graved a country conquer'd and a race enslaved. its middle realm, by fairer figures known and rich with fruits, lay bounded for his own; deep thro the centre spreads a branching bay, full sails ascend and golden rivers stray; bright palaces arise relieved in gold, and gates and streets the crossing lines unfold. james furrows o'er the plate with turgid tide, young richmond roughens on his masted side; reviving norfolk from her ashes springs, a golden phoenix on refulgent wings; potowmak's yellow waves reluctant spread, and vernon rears his rich and radiant head, tis here the chief his pointed graver stays, the bank to burnish with a purer blaze, gives all his art, on this bright hill to trace his future seat and glory of his race; deems his long line of lords the realm shall own, the kings predestined to columbia's throne. but while his mind thus quafft its airy food, and gazing thousands round the rampart stood, whom future ease and golden dreams employ, the songs of triumph and the feast of joy; sudden great washington arose in view, and allied flags his stately steps pursue; gaul's veteran host and young hesperia's pride bend the long march concentring at his side, stream over chesapeak, like sheets of flame, and drive tempestuous to the field of fame. far on the wild expanse, where ocean lies, and scorns all confines but incumbent skies, scorns to retain the imprinted paths of men to guide their wanderings or direct their ken; where warring vagrants, raging as they go, ask of the stars their way to find the foe, columbus saw two hovering fleets advance, and rival ensigns o'er their pinions dance. graves, on the north, with albion's flag unfurl'd, waves proud defiance to the watery world; degrasse, from southern isles, conducts his train, and shades with gallic sheets the moving main. now morn, unconscious of the coming fray that soon shall storm the crystal cope of day, glows o'er the heavens, and with her orient breeze fans her fair face and curls the summer seas. the swelling sails, as far as eye can sweep, look thro the skies and awe the shadowy deep, lead their long bending lines; and, ere they close, to count, recognise, circumvent their foes, each hauls his wind, the weathergage to gain and master all the movements of the plain; or bears before the breeze with loftier gait, and, beam to beam, begins the work of fate. as when the warring winds, from each far pole, their adverse storms across the concave roll, thin fleecy vapors thro the expansion run, veil the blue vault and tremble o'er the sun, till the dark folding wings together drive, and, ridged with fire and rock'd with thunder, strive; so, hazing thro the void, at first appear white clouds of canvass floating on the air, then frown the broad black decks, the sails are stay'd, the gaping portholes cast a frightful shade, flames, triple tier'd, and tides of smoke, arise. and fulminations rock the seas and skies. from van to rear the roaring deluge runs, the storm disgorging from a thousand guns, each like a vast volcano, spouting wide his hissing hell-dogs o'er the shuddering tide, whirls high his chainshot, cleaves the mast and strews the shiver'd fragments on the staggering foes; whose gunwale sides with iron globes are gored, and a wild storm of splinters sweeps the board. husht are the winds of heaven; no more the gale breaks the red rolls of smoke nor flaps the sail; a dark dead calm continuous cloaks the glare, and holds the clouds of sulphur on the war, convolving o'er the space that yawns and shines, with frequent flash, between the laboring lines. nor sun nor sea nor skyborn lightning gleams, but flaming phlegethon's asphaltic steams streak the long gaping gulph; where varying glow carbonic curls above, blue flakes of fire below. hither two hostile ships to contact run, both grappling, board to board and gun to gun; each thro the adverse ports their contents pour, rake the lower decks, the interior timbers bore, drive into chinks the illumined wads unseen, whose flames approach the unguarded magazine. above, with shrouds afoul and gunwales mann'd, thick halberds clash; and, closing hand to hand, the huddling troops, infuriate from despair, tug at the toils of death, and perish there; grenados, carcasses their fragments spread, and pikes and pistols strow the decks with dead. now on the gallic board the britons rush, the intrepid gauls the rash adventurers crush; and now, to vengeance stung, with frantic air, back on the british maindeck roll the war. there swells the carnage; all the tar-beat floor is clogg'd with spatter'd brains and glued with gore; and down the ship's black waist fresh brooks of blood course o'er their clots, and tinge the sable flood. till war, impatient of the lingering strife that tires and slackens with the waste of life, opes with engulphing gape the astonish'd wave, and whelms the combat whole, in one vast grave. for now the imprison'd powder caught the flames, and into atoms whirl'd the monstrous frames of both the entangled ships; the vortex wide roars like an ætna thro the belching tide, and blazing into heaven, and bursting high, shells, carriages and guns obstruct the sky; cords, timbers, trunks of men the welkin sweep, and fall on distant ships, or shower along the deep. the matcht armadas still the fight maintain, but cautious, distant; lest the staggering main drive their whole lines afoul, and one dark day glut the proud ocean with too rich a prey. at last, where scattering fires the cloud disclose, hulls heave in sight and blood the decks o'erflows; here from the field tost navies rise to view, drive hack to vengeance and the roar renew, there shatter'd ships commence their flight afar, tow'd thro the smoke, hard struggling from the war; and some, half seen amid the gaping wave, plunge in the whirl they make, and gorge their grave. soon the dark smoky volumes roll'd away, and a long line ascended into day; the pinions swell'd, britannia's cross arose and flew the terrors of triumphing foes; when to virginia's bay, new shocks to brave, the gallic powers their conquering banners wave. glad chesapeak unfolds his bosom wide, and leads their prows to york's contracting tide; where still dread washington directs his way, and seas and continents his voice obey; while brave cornwallis, mid the gathering host, perceives his glories gone, his promised empire lost. columbus here with silent joy beheld his favorite sons the fates of nations wield. here joyous lincoln rose in arms again, nelson and knox moved ardent o'er the plain; scammel alert with force unusual trod, prepared to seal their victory with his blood; cobb, dearborn, laurens, tilghman, green in years but ripe in glory, tower'd amid their peers; death-daring hamilton with splendor shone, and claim'd each post of danger for his own, skill'd every arm in war's whole hell to wield, an ithacus in camp, an ajax in the field. their gallic friends an equal ardor fires; brisk emulation every troop inspires: where tarleton turns, with hopes of flight elate, brave biron moves and drives him back to fate, hems in his host, to wait, on gloster plains, their finish'd labors and their destined chains. two british forts the growing siege outflank, rake its wide works and awe the tide-beat bank; swift from the lines two chosen bands advance, our light-arm'd scouts, the grenadiers of france; these young viominil conducts to fame, and those fayette's unerring guidance claim. no cramm'd cartouch their belted back attires, no grains of sleeping thunder wait their fires; the flint, the ramrod spurn'd, away they cast; the strong bright bayonet, imbeaded fast, stands beaming from the bore; with this they tread, nor heed from high-wall'd foes their showers of lead. each rival band, tho wide and distant far, springs simultaneous to this task of war; for here a twofold force each hero draws, his own proud country and the general cause; and each with twofold energy contends, his foes to vanquish and outstrip his friends. they summon all their zeal, and wild and warm o'er flaming ramparts pour the maddening storm, the mounted cannons crush, and lead the foe two trains of captives to the plain below; an equal prize each gallant troop ameeds, alike their numbers and alike their deeds. a strong high citadel still thundering stood, and stream'd her standard o'er the field of blood, check'd long the siege with fulminating blare, scorn'd all the steel and every globe of war, defied fell famine, heapt her growing store, and housed in bombproof all the host she bore. no rude assault can stretch the scale so high, in vain the battering siege-guns round her ply; mortars well poized their deafening deluge rain, load the red skies and shake the shores in vain; her huge rock battlements rebound the blow, and roll their loose crags on the men below. but while the fusing fireballs scorch the sky, their mining arts the staunch besiegers ply, delve from the bank of york, and gallery far, deep subterranean, to the mount of war; beneath the ditch, thro rocks and fens they go, scoop the dark chamber plumb beneath the foe; there lodge their tons of powder and retire, mure the dread passage, wave the fatal fire, send a swift messenger to warn the foe to seek his safety and the post forgo. a taunting answer comes; he dares defy to spring the mine and all its ætnas try; when a black miner seized the sulphur'd brand, shriek'd high for joy, and with untrembling hand touch'd quick the insidious train; lest here the chief should change his counsel and afford relief: for hard the general's task, to speak the doom that sends a thousand heroes to the tomb; heroes who know no wrong; who thoughtless speed where kings command or where their captains lead, --burst with the blast, the reeling mountain roars, heaves, labors, boils, and thro the concave pours his flaming contents high; he chokes the air with all his warriors and their works of war; guns, bastions, magazines confounded fly, vault wide their fresh explosions o'er the sky, encumber each far camp, and plough profound with their rude fragments every neighboring ground. britain's brave leader, where he sought repose, and deem'd his hill-fort still repulsed the foes, starts at the astounding earthquake, and descries his chosen veterans whirling down the skies. their mangled members round his balcon fall, scorch'd in the flames, and dasht on every wall: sad field of contemplation! here, ye great, kings, priests of god, and ministers of state, review your system here! behold and scan your own fair deeds, your benefits to man! you will not leave him to his natural toil, to tame these elements and till the soil. to reap, share, tithe you what his hand has sown, enjoy his treasures and increase your own, build up his virtues on the base design'd, the well-toned harmonies of humankind. you choose to check his toil, and band his eyes to all that's honest and to all that's wise; lure with false fame, false morals and false lore, to barter fields of corn for fields of gore, to take by bands what single thieves would spare, and methodise his murders into war. now the prest garrison fresh danger warms; they rush impetuous to each post of arms, man the long trench, each embrasure sustain, and pour their langrage on the allied train; whose swift approaches, crowding on the line, each wing envelop and each front confine. o'er all sage washington his arm extends, points every movement, every work defends, bids closer quarters, bloodier strokes proceed, new batteries blaze and heavier squadrons bleed. line within line fresh parallels enclose; here runs a zigzag, there a mantlet grows, round the pent foe approaching breastworks rise, and bombs, like meteors, vault the flaming skies. night, with her hovering wings, asserts in vain the shades, the silence of her rightful reign; high roars her canopy with fiery flakes, and war stalks wilder thro the glare he makes. with dire dismay the british chief beheld the foe advance, his veterans shun the field, despair and slaughter where he turns his eye, no hope in combat and no power to fly; degrasse victorious shakes the shadowy tide, imbodied nations all the champaign hide, fosses and batteries, growing on the sight, still pour new thunders and increase the fight; shells rain before him, rending every mound, crags, gunstones, balls o'erturn the tented ground, from post to post his driven ranks retire, the earth in crimson and the skies on fire. death wantons proud in this decisive round, for here his hand its favorite victim found; brave scammel perisht here. ah! short, my friend, thy bright career, but glorious to its end. go join thy warren's ghost, your fates compare, his that commenced, with thine that closed the war; freedom, with laurel'd brow but tearful eyes, bewails her first and last, her twinlike sacrifice. now grateful truce suspends the burning war, and groans and shouts promiscuous load the air; when the tired britons, where the smokes decay, quit their strong station and resign the day. slow files along the immeasurable train, thousands on thousands redden all the plain, furl their torn bandrols, all their plunder yield. and pile their muskets on the battle field. their wide auxiliar nations swell the crowd, and the coop'd navies, from the neighboring flood, repeat surrendering signals, and obey the landmen's fate on this concluding day. cornwallis first, their late all-conquering lord, bears to the victor chief his conquer'd sword, presents the burnisht hilt, and yields with pain the gift of kings, here brandisht long in vain. then bow their hundred banners, trailing far their wearied wings from all the skirts of war. battalion'd infantry and squadron'd horse dash the silk tassel and the golden torse; flags from the forts and ensigns from the fleet roll in the dust, and at columbia's feet prostrate the pride of thrones; they firm the base of freedom's temple, while her arms they grace. here albion's crimson cross the soil o'erspreads, her lion crouches and her thistle fades; indignant erin rues her trampled lyre, brunswick's pale steed forgets his foamy fire, proud hessia's castle lies in dust o'erthrown, and venal anspach quits her broken crown. long trains of wheel'd artillery shade the shore, quench their blue matches and forget to roar; along the encumber'd plain, thick planted rise high stacks of muskets glittering to the skies, numerous and vast. as when the toiling swains heap their whole harvest on the stubbly plains, gerb after gerb the bearded shock expands, shocks, ranged in rows, hill high the burden'd lands; the joyous master numbers all the piles, and o'er his well-earn'd crop complacent smiles: such growing heaps this iron harvest yield, so tread the victors this their final field. triumphant washington, with brow serene, regards unmoved the exhilarating scene, weighs in his balanced thought the silent grief that sinks the bosom of the fallen chief. with all the joy that laurel crowns bestow, a world reconquer'd and a vanquished foe. thus thro extremes of life, in every state, shines the clear soul, beyond all fortune great; while smaller minds, the dupes of fickle chance, slight woes o'erwhelm and sudden joys entrance. so the full sun, thro all the changing sky, nor blasts nor overpowers the naked eye; tho transient splendors, borrowed from his light, glance on the mirror and destroy the sight. he bids brave lincoln guide with modest air the last glad triumph of the finish'd war; who sees, once more, two armies shade one plain, the mighty victors and the captive train. book viii. argument. hymn to peace. eulogy on the heroes slain in the war; in which the author finds occasion to mention his brother. address to the patriots who have survived the conflict; exhorting them to preserve liberty they have established. the danger of losing it by inattention illustrated in the rape of the golden fleece. freedom succeeding to despotism in the moral world, like order succeeding to chaos in the physical world. atlas, the guardian genius of africa, denounces to hesper the crimes of his people in the slavery of the afripans. the author addresses his countrymen on that subject, and on the principles of their government. hesper, recurring to his object of showing columbus the importance of his discoveries, reverses the order of time, and exhibits the continent again in its savage state. he then displays the progress of arts in america. fur-trade. fisheries. productions. commerce. education. philosophical discoveries. painting. poetry. hail, holy peace, from thy sublime abode mid circling saints that grace the throne of god! before his arm around our embryon earth stretch'd the dim void, and gave to nature birth. ere morning stars his glowing chambers hung, or songs of gladness woke an angel's tongue, veil'd in the splendors of his beamful mind, in blest repose thy placid form reclined, lived in his life, his inward sapience caught, and traced and toned his universe of thought. borne thro the expanse with his creating voice thy presence bade the unfolding worlds rejoice, led forth the systems on their bright career, shaped all their curves and fashion'd every sphere, spaced out their suns, and round each radiant goal, orb over orb, compell'd their train to roll, bade heaven's own harmony their force combine. taught all their host symphonious strains to join, gave to seraphic harps their sounding lays, their joys to angels, and to men their praise. from scenes of blood, these verdant shores that stain, from numerous friends in recent battle slain, from blazing towns that scorch the purple sky, from houseless hordes their smoking walls that fly, from the black prison ships, those groaning graves, from warring fleets that vex the gory waves, from a storm'd world, long taught thy flight to mourn, i rise, delightful peace, and greet thy glad return. for now the untuneful trump shall grate no more; ye silver streams, no longer swell with gore, bear from your war-beat banks the guilty stain with yon retiring navies to the main. while other views, unfolding on my eyes, and happier themes bid bolder numbers rise; bring, bounteous peace, in thy celestial throng. life to my soul, and rapture to my song; give me to trace, with pure unclouded ray, the arts and virtues that attend thy sway, to see thy blissful charms, that here descend, thro distant realms and endless years extend. too long the groans of death and battle's bray have rung discordant thro my turgid lay: the drum's rude clang, the war wolfs hideous howl convulsed my nerves and agonized my soul, untuned the harp for all but misery's pains, and chased the muse from corse-encumber'd plains. let memory's balm its pious fragrance shed on heroes' wounds and patriot warriors dead; accept, departed shades, these grateful sighs, your fond attendants thro your homeward skies. and thou, my earliest friend, my brother dear, thy fall untimely still renews my tear. in youthful sports, in toils, in taste allied, my kind companion and my faithful guide, when death's dread summons, from our infant eyes, had call'd our last loved parent to the skies. tho young in arms, and still obscure thy name, thy bosom panted for the deeds of fame; beneath montgomery's eye, when by thy steel in northern wilds the frequent savage fell. fired by his voice, and foremost at his call, to mount the breach or scale the flamy wall, thy daring hand had many a laurel gain'd, if years had ripen'd what thy fancy feign'd. lamented youth! when thy great leader bled, thro the same wound thy parting spirit fled, join'd the long train, the self-devoted band, the gods, the saviors of their native land. on fame's high pinnacle their names shall shine, unending ages greet the group divine, whose holy hands our banners first unfurl'd, and conquer'd freedom for the grateful world. and you, their peers, whose steel avenged their blood, whose breasts with theirs our sacred rampart stood, illustrious relics of a thousand fields! to you at last the foe reluctant yields. but tho the muse, too prodigal of praise, dares with the dead your living worth to raise, think not, my friends, the patriot's task is done, or freedom safe, because the battle's won. unnumber'd foes, far different arms that wield, wait the weak moment when she quits her shield, to plunge in her bold breast the insidious dart, or pour keen poison round her thoughtless heart. perhaps they'll strive her votaries to divide, from their own veins to draw the vital tide; perhaps, by cooler calculation shown, create materials to construct a throne, dazzle her guardians with the glare of state, corrupt with power, with borrowed pomp inflate, bid thro the land the soft infection creep, whelm all her sons in one lethargic sleep, crush her vast empire in its brilliant birth, and chase the goddess from the ravaged earth. the dragon thus, that watch'd the colchian fleece, foil'd the fierce warriors of wide-plundering greece; warriors of matchless might and wondrous birth, jove's sceptred sons and demigods of earth. high on the sacred tree, the glittering prize hangs o'er its guard, and tires the warriors' eyes; first their hurl'd spears his spiral folds assail, their spears fall pointless from his flaky mail; onward with dauntless swords they plunge amain; he shuns their blows, recoils his twisting train, darts forth his forky tongue, heaves high in air his fiery crest, and sheds a hideous glare, champs, churns his poisonous juice, and hissing loud spouts thick the stifling tempest o'er the crowd; then, with one sweep of convoluted train, rolls back all greece, and besoms wide the plain, o'erturns the sons of gods, dispersing far the pirate horde, and closes quick the war. from his red jaws tremendous triumph roars, dark euxine trembles to its distant shores, proud jason starts, confounded in his might, leads back his peers, and dares no more the fight. but the sly priestess brings her opiate spell, soft charms that hush the triple hound of hell, bids orpheus tune his all-enchanting lyre, and join to calm the guardian's sleepless ire. soon from the tepid ground blue vapors rise, and sounds melodious move along the skies; a settling tremor thro his folds extends, his crest contracts, his rainbow heck unbends, o'er all his hundred hoops the languor crawls, each curve develops, every volute falls, his broad back flattens as he spreads the plain, and sleep consigns him to his lifeless reign. flusht at the sight the pirates seize the spoil, and ravaged colchis rues the insidious toil. yes! fellow freemen, sons of high renown, chant your loud peans, weave your civic crown; but know, the goddess you've so long adored, tho now she scabbards your avenging sword, calls you to vigil ance, to manlier cares, to prove in peace the men she proved in wars: superior task! severer test of soul! tis here bold virtue plays her noblest role and merits most of praise. the warrior's name, tho peal'd and chimed on all the tongues of fame, sounds less harmonious to the grateful mind than his who fashions and improves mankind. and what high meed your new vocation waits! freedom, parturient with a hundred states, confides them to your hand; the nascent prize claims all your care, your soundest wisdom tries. ah nurture, temper, train your infant charge, its force develop and its life enlarge, unfold each day some adolescent grace, some right recognise or some duty trace; mould a fair model for the realms of earth, call moral nature to a second birth, reach, renovate the world's great social plan, and here commence the sober sense of man, for lo, in other climes and elder states, what strange inversion all his works awaits! from age to age, on every peopled shore, stalks the fell demon of despotic power, sweeps in his march the mounds of art away. blots with his breath the trembling disk of day, treads down whole nations every stride he takes, and wraps their labors in his fiery flakes. as anarch erst around his regions hurl'd the wrecks, long crush'd, of time's anterior world; while nature mourn'd, in wild confusion tost, her suns extinguisht and her systems lost; light, life and instinct shared the dreary trance, and gravitation fled the field of chance; no laws remain'd of matter, motion, space; time lost his count, the universe his place; till order came, in her cerulean robes, and launch'd and rein'd the renovated globes, stock'd with harmonious worlds the vast inane, archt her new heaven and fixt her boundless reign: so kings convulse the moral frame, the base of all the codes that can accord the race; and so from their broad grasp, their deadly ban, tis yours to snatch this earth, to raise regenerateman. my friends, i love your fame, i joy to raise the high-toned anthem of my country's praise; to sing her victories, virtues, wisdom, weal, boast with loud voice the patriot pride i feel; warm wild i sing; and, to her failings blind, mislead myself, perhaps mislead mankind. land that i love! is this the whole we owe? thy pride to pamper, thy fair face to show; dwells there no blemish where such glories shine? and lurks no spot in that bright sun of thine? hark! a dread voice, with heaven-astounding strain, swells wee a thousand thunders o'er the main, rolls and reverberates around thy hills, and hesper's heart with pangs paternal fills. thou hearst him not; tis atlas, throned sublime. great brother guardian of old afric's clime; high o'er his coast he rears his frowning form, overlooks and calms his sky-borne fields of storm, flings off the clouds that round his shoulders hung, and breaks from clogs of ice his trembling tongue; while far thro space with rage and grief he glares, heaves his hoar head and shakes the heaven he bears: --son of my sire! o latest brightest birth that sprang from his fair spouse, prolific earth! great hesper, say what sordid ceaseless hate impels thee thus to mar my elder state. our sire assign'd thee thy more glorious reign, secured and bounded by our laboring main; that main (tho still my birthright name it bear) thy sails o'ershadow, thy brave children share; i grant it thus; while air surrounds the ball, let breezes blow, let oceans roll for all. but thy proud sons, a strange ungenerous race, enslave my tribes, and each fair world disgrace, provoke wide vengeance on their lawless land, the bolt ill placed in thy forbearing hand.- enslave my tribes! then boast their cantons free, preach faith and justice, bend the sainted knee, invite all men their liberty to share, seek public peace, defy the assaults of war, plant, reap, consume, enjoy their fearless toil, tame their wild floods, to fatten still their soil, enrich all nations with their nurturing store, and rake with venturous fluke each wondering shore.- enslave my tribes! what, half mankind imban, then read, expound, enforce the rights of man! prove plain and clear how nature's hand of old cast all men equal in her human mould! their fibres, feelings, reasoning powers the same, like wants await them, like desires inflame. thro former times with learned book they tread, revise past ages and rejudge the dead, write, speak, avenge, for ancient sufferings feel, impale each tyrant on their pens of steel, declare how freemen can a world create, and slaves and masters ruin every state.- enslave my tribes! and think, with dumb disdain, to scape this arm and prove my vengeance vain! but look! methinks beneath my foot i ken a few chain'd things that seem no longer men; thy sons perchance! whom barbary's coast can tell the sweets of that loved scourge they wield so well. link'd in a line, beneath the driver's goad, see how they stagger with their lifted load; the shoulder'd rock, just wrencht from off my hill and wet with drops their straining orbs distil, galls, grinds them sore, along the rarnpart led, and the chain clanking counts the steps they tread. by night close bolted in the bagnio's gloom, think how they ponder on their dreadful doom, recal the tender sire, the weeping bride, the home, far sunder'd by a waste of tide, brood all the ties that once endear'd them there, but now, strung stronger, edge their keen despair. till here a fouler fiend arrests their pace: plague, with his burning breath and bloated face, with saffron eyes that thro the dungeon shine, and the black tumors bursting from the groin, stalks o'er the slave; who, cowering on the sod, shrinks from the demon and invokes his god, sucks hot contagion with his quivering breath, and, rack'd with rending torture, sinks in death. nor shall these pangs atone the nation's crime; far heavier vengeance, in the march of time, attends them still; if still they dare debase and hold inthrall'd the millions of my race; a vengeance that shall shake the world's deep frame, that heaven abhors, and hell might shrink to name. nature, long outraged, delves the crusted sphere, and moulds the mining mischief dark and drear; europa too the penal shock shall find, the rude soul-selling monsters of mankind: where alps and andes at their bases meet, in earth's mid caves to lock their granite feet, heave their broad spines, expand each breathing lobe, and with their massy members rib the globe, her cauldron'd floods of fire their blast prepare; her wallowing womb of subterranean war waits but the fissure that my wave shall find, to force the foldings of the rocky rind, crash your curst continent, and whirl on high the vast avulsion vaulting thro the sky, fling far the bursting fragments, scattering wide rocks, mountains, nations o'er the swallowing tide. plunging and surging with alternate sweep, they storm the day-vault and lay bare the deep, toss, tumble, plough their place, then slow subside, and swell each ocean as their bulk they hide; two oceans dasht in one! that climbs and roars, and seeks in vain the exterminated shores, the deep drencht hemisphere. far sunk from day, it crumbles, rolls, it churns the settling sea, turns up each prominence, heaves every side, to pierce once more the landless length of tide; till some poized pambamarca looms at last a dim lone island in the watery waste, mourns all his minor mountains wreck'd and hurl'd, stands the sad relic of a ruin'd world, attests the wrath our mother kept in store, and rues her judgments on the race she bore. no saving ark around him rides the main, nor dove weak-wing'd her footing finds again; his own bald eagle skims alone the sky, darts from all points of heaven her searching eye, kens, thro the gloom, her ancient rock of rest, and finds her cavern'd crag, her solitary nest. thus toned the titan his tremendous knell, and lash'd his ocean to a loftier swell; earth groans responsive, and with laboring woes leans o'er the surge and stills the storm he throws. fathers and friends, i know the boding fears of angry genii and of rending spheres assail not souls like yours; whom science bright thro shadowy nature leads with surer light; for whom she strips the heavens of love and hate, strikes from jove's hand the brandisht bolt of fate, gives each effect its own indubious cause, divides her moral from her physic laws, shows where the virtues find their nurturing food, and men their motives to be just and good. you scorn the titan's threat; nor shall i strain the powers of pathos in a task so vain as afric's wrongs to sing; for what avails to harp for you these known familiar tales? to tongue mute misery, and re-rack the soul with crimes oft copied from that bloody scroll where slavery pens her woes; tho tis but there we learn the weight that mortal life can be. the tale might startle still the accustom'd ear, still shake the nerve that pumps the pearly tear, melt every heart, and thro the nation gain full many a voice to break the barbarous chain. but why to sympathy for guidance fly, (her aids uncertain and of scant supply) when your own self-excited sense affords a guide more sure, and every sense accords? where strong self-interest, join'd with duty, lies, where doing right demands no sacrifice, where profit, pleasure, life-expanding fame league their allurements to support the claim, tis safest there the impleaded cause to trust; men well instructed will be always just. from slavery then your rising realms to save, regard the master, notice not the slave; consult alone for freemen, and bestow your best, your only cares, to keep them so. tyrants are never free; and, small and great, all masters must be tyrants soon or late; so nature works; and oft the lordling knave turns out at once a tyrant and a slave, struts, cringes, bullies, begs, as courtiers must, makes one a god, another treads in dust, fears all alike, and filches whom he can, but knows no equal, finds no friend in man. ah! would you not be slaves, with lords and kings, then be not masters; there the danger springs. the whole crude system that torments this earth, of rank, privation, privilege of birth, false honor, fraud, corruption, civil jars, the rage of conquest and the curse of wars, pandora's total shower, all ills combined that erst o'erwhelm'd and still distress mankind, box'd up secure in your deliberate hand, wait your behest, to fix or fly this land. equality of right is nature's plan; and following nature is the march of man. whene'er he deviates in the least degree, when, free himself, he would be more than free, the baseless column, rear'd to bear his bust, falls as he mounts, and whelms him in the dust. see rome's rude sires, with autocratic gait, tread down their tyrant and erect their state; their state secured, they deem it wise and brave that every freeman should command a slave, and, flusht with franchise of his camp and town, rove thro the world and hunt the nations down; master and man the same vile spirit gains, rome chains the world, and wears herself the chains. mark modern europe with her feudal codes, serfs, villains, vassals, nobles, kings and gods, all slaves of different grades, corrupt and curst with high and low, for senseless rank athirst, wage endless wars; not fighting to be free, but _cujum pecus_, whose base herd they'll be. too much of europe, here transplanted o'er, nursed feudal feelings on your tented shore, brought sable serfs from afric, call'd it gain, and urged your sires to forge the fatal chain. but now, the tents o'erturn'd, the war dogs fled, now fearless freedom rears at last her head matcht with celestial peace,--my friends, beware to shade the splendors of so bright a pair; complete their triumph, fix their firm abode, purge all privations from your liberal code, restore their souls to men, give earth repose, and save your sons from slavery, wars and woes. based on its rock of right your empire lies, on walls of wisdom let the fabric rise; preserve your principles, their force unfold, let nations prove them and let kings behold. equality, your first firm-grounded stand; then free election; then your federal band; this holy triad should forever shine the great compendium of all rights divine, creed of all schools, whence youths by millions draw their themes of right, their decalogues of law; till men shall wonder (in these codes inured) how wars were made, how tyrants were endured. then shall your works of art superior rise, your fruits perfume a larger length of skies, canals careering climb your sunbright hills, vein the green slopes and strow their nurturing rills, thro tunnel'd heights and sundering ridges glide, rob the rich west of half kenhawa's tide, mix your wide climates, all their stores confound, and plant new ports in every midland mound. your lawless missisippi, now who slimes and drowns and desolates his waste of climes, ribb'd with your dikes, his torrent shall restrain, and ask your leave to travel to the main; won from his wave while rising cantons smile, rear their glad nations and reward their toil. thus nile's proud flood to human hands of yore raised and resign'd his tide-created shore, call'd from his ethiop hills their hardy swains, and waved their harvests o'er his newborn plains; earth's richest realm from his tamed current sprung; there nascent science toned her infant tongue, taught the young arts their tender force to try, to state the seasons and unfold the sky; till o'er the world extended and refined, they rule the destinies of humankind. now had columbus well enjoy'd the sight of armies vanquisht and of fleets in flight, from all hesperia's heaven the darkness flown, and colon crowds to sovereign sages grown. to cast new glories o'er the changing clime, the guardian power reversed the flight of time, roll'd back the years that led their course before, stretch'd out immense the wild uncultured shore; then shifts the total scene, and rears to view arts and the men that useful arts pursue. as o'er the canvass when the painter's mind glows with a future landscape well design'd, while panorama's wondrous aid he calls, to crowd whole realms within his circling walls, lakes, fields and forests, ports and navies rise, a new creation to his kindling eyes; he smiles o'er all; sand in delightful strife the pencil moves and calls the whole to life. so while columbia's patriarch stood sublime, and saw rude nature clothe the trackless clime; the green banks heave, the winding currents pour, the bays and harbors cleave the yielding shore, the champaigns spread, the solemn groves arise, and the rough mountains lengthen round the skies; thro all their bounds he traced, with skilful ken, the unform'd seats and future walks of men; mark'd where the field should bloom, the pennon play, great cities grow and empires claim their sway; when, sudden waked by hesper's waving hand, they rose obedient round the cultured land. in western tracts, where still the wildmen tread, from sea to sea an inland commerce spread; on the dim streams and thro the gloomy grove the trading bauds their cumbrous burdens move; furs, peltry, drugs, and all the native store of midland realms descended to the shore. where summer suns, along the northern coast, with feeble force dissolve the chains of frost, prolific waves the scaly nations trace, and tempt the toils of man's laborious race. tho rich brazilian strands, beneath the tide, their shells of pearl and sparkling pebbles hide, while for the gaudy prize a venturous train plunge the dark deep and brave the surging main, drag forth the shining gewgaws into air, to stud a sceptre or emblaze a star; far wealthier stores these genial tides display, and works less dangerous with their spoils repay. the hero saw the hardy crews advance, cast the long line and aim the barbed lance; load the deep floating barks, and bear abroad to every land the life-sustaining food; renascent swarms by nature's care supplied, repeople still the shoals and fin the fruitful tide. where southern streams thro broad savannas bend, the rice-clad vales their verdant rounds extend; tobago's plant its leaf expanding yields, the maize luxuriant clothes a thousand fields; steeds, herds and flocks o'er northern regions rove, embrown the hill and wanton thro the grove. the woodlands wide their sturdy honors bend, the pines, the liveoaks to the shores descend, there couch the keels, the crooked ribs arise, hulls heave aloft and mastheads mount the skies; launcht on the deep o'er every wave they feed tropic isles and europe's looms supply. to nurse the arts and fashion freedom's lore young schools of science rise along the shore; great without pomp their modest walls expand, harvard and yale and princeton grace the land, penn's student halls his youths with gladness greet, on james's bank virginian muses meet, manhattan's mart collegiate domes command, bosom'd in groves, see growing dartmouth stand; bright o'er its realm reflecting solar fires, on yon tall hill rhode island's seat aspires. thousands of humbler name around them rise, where homebred freemen seize the solid prize; fixt in small spheres, with safer beams to shine, they reach the useful and refuse the fine, found, on its proper base, the social plan, the broad plain truths, the common sense of man, his obvious wants, his mutual aids discern, his rights familiarize, his duties learn, feel moral fitness all its force dilate, embrace the village and comprise the state. each rustic here who turns the furrow'd soil, the maid, the youth that ply mechanic toil, in equal rights, in useful arts inured, know their just claims, and see their claims secured; they watch their delegates, each law revise, its faults designate and its merits prize, obey, but scrutinize; and let the test of sage experience prove and fix the best. here, fired by virtue's animating flame, the preacher's task persuasive sages claim, to mould religion to the moral mind, in bands of peace to harmonize mankind, to life, to light, to promised joys above the soften'd soul with ardent hope to move. no dark intolerance blinds the zealous throng, no arm of power attendant on their tongue; vext inquisition, with her flaming brand, shuns their mild march, nor dares approach the land. tho different creeds their priestly robes denote, their orders various and their rites remote, yet one their voice, their labors all combined, lights of the world and friends of humankind. so the bright galaxy o'er heaven displays of various stars the same unbounded blaze; where great and small their mingling rays unite, and earth and skies exchange the friendly light. and lo, my son that other sapient band, the torch of science flamiflg in their hand! thro nature's range their searching souls aspire, or wake to life the canvass and the lyre. fixt in sublimest thought, behold them rise world after world unfolding to their eyes, lead, light, allure them thro the total plan, and give new guidance to the paths of man. yon meteor-mantled hill see franklin tread, heaven's awful thunders tolling o'er his head, convolving clouds the billowy skies deform, and forky flames emblaze the blackening storm, see the descending streams around him burn, glance on his rod and with his finger turn; he bids conflicting fulminants expire the guided blast, and holds the imprison'd fire. no more, when doubling storms the vault o'erspread, the livid glare shall strike thy race with dread, nor towers nor temples, shuddering with the sound, sink in the flames and shake the sheeted ground. his well tried wires, that every tempest wait, shall teach mankind to ward the bolts of fate, with pointed steel o'ertop the trembling spire, and lead from untouch'd walls the harmless flre; fill'd with his fame while distant climes rejoice, wherever lightning shines or thunder rears its voice. and see sage rittenhouse, with ardent eye, lift the long tube and pierce the starry sky; clear in his view the circling planets roll, and suns and satellites their course control. he marks what laws the widest wanderers bind, copies creation in his forming mind, sees in his hall the total semblance rise, and mimics there the labors of the skies. there student youths without their tubes behold the spangled heavens their mystic maze unfold, and crowded schools their cheerful chambers grace with all the spheres that cleave the vast of space. to guide the sailor in his wandering way, see godfrey's glass reverse the beams of day. his lifted quadrant to the eye displays from adverse skies the counteracting rays; and marks, as devious sails bewilder'd roll, each nice gradation from the steadfast pole. west with his own great soul the canvass warms, creates, inspires, impassions human forms, spurns critic rules, and seizing safe the heart, breaks down the former frightful bounds of art; where ancient manners, with exclusive reign, from half mankind withheld her fair domain. he calls to life each patriot, chief or sage, garb'd in the dress and drapery of his age. again bold regulus to death returns, again her falling wolfe britannia mourns; lahogue, boyne, cressy, nevilcross demand and gain fresh lustre from his copious hand; his lear stalks wild with woes, the gods defies, insults the tempest and outstorms the skies; edward in arms to frowning combat moves, or, won to pity by the queen he loves, spares the devoted six, whose deathless deed preserves the town his vengeance doom'd to bleed. with rival force, see copley's pencil trace the air of action and the charms of face. fair in his tints unfold the scenes of state, the senate listens and the peers debate; pale consternation every heart appals, in act to speak, when death-struck chatham fails. he bids dread calpe cease to shake the waves, while elliott's arm the host of bourbon saves; o'er sail-wing'd batteries sinking in the flood, mid flames and darkness, drench'd in hostile blood, britannia's sons extend their generous hand to rescue foes from death, and bear them to the land. fired with the martial deeds that bathed in gore his brave companions on his native shore, trumbull with daring hand their fame recals; he shades with night quebec's beleagured walls, thro flashing flames, that midnight war supplies, the assailants yield, their great montgomery dies. on bunker height, thro floods of hostile fire, his putnam toils till all the troops retire, his warren, pierced with balls, at last lies low, and leaves a victory to the wasted foe. britannia too his glowing tint shall claim, to pour new splendor on her calpean fame; he leads her bold sortie, and from their towers o'erturns the gallic and iberian powers. see rural seats of innocence and ease, high tufted towers and walks of waving trees, the white wates dashing on the craggy shores, meandring streams and meads of mingled flowers, where nature's sons their wild excursions tread, in just design from taylor's pencil spread. stuart and brown the moving portrait raise, each rival stroke the force of life conveys; heroes and beauties round their tablets stand, and rise unfading from their plastic hand; each breathing form preserves its wonted grace, and all the soul stands speaking in the face. two kindred arts the swelling statue heave, wake the dead wax, and teach the stone to live. while the bold chissel claims the rugged strife, to rouse the sceptred marble into life, see wright's fair hands the livelier fire control, in waxen forms she breathes impassion'd soul; the pencil'd tint o'er moulded substance glows, and different powers the peerless art compose. grief, rage and fear beneath her fingers start, roll the wild eye and pour the bursting heart; the world's dead fathers wait her wakening call; and distant ages fill the storied hall. to equal fame ascends thy tuneful throng, the boast of genius and the pride of song; caught from the cast of every age and clime, their lays shall triumph o'er the lapse of time. with lynx-eyed glance thro nature far to pierce, with all the powers and every charm of verse, each science opening in his ample mind, his fancy glowing and his taste refined, see trumbull lead the train. his skilful hand hurls the keen darts of satire round the land. pride, knavery, dullness feel his mortal stings, and listening virtue triumphs while he sings; britain's foil'd sons, victorious now no more, in guilt retiring from the wasted shore, strive their curst cruelties to hide in vain; the world resounds them in his deathless strain. on wings of faith to elevate the soul beyond the bourn of earth's benighted pole, for dwight's high harp the epic muse sublime hails her new empire in the western clime. tuned from the tones by seers seraphic sung, heaven in his eye and rapture on his tongue, his voice revives old canaan's promised land, the long-fought fields of jacob's chosen band. in hanniel's fate, proud faction finds its doom, ai's midnight flames light nations to their tomb, in visions bright supernal joys are given, and all the dark futurities of heaven. while freedom's cause his patriot bosom warms, in counsel sage, nor inexpert in arms, see humphreys glorious from the field retire, sheathe the glad sword and string the soothing lyre; that lyre which erst, in hours of dark despair, roused the sad realms to finish well the war. o'er fallen friends, with all the strength of woe, fraternal sighs in his strong numbers flow; his country's wrongs, her duties, dangers, praise, fire his full soul and animate his lays: wisdom and war with equal joy shall own so fond a votary and so brave a son. book ix. argument. vision suspended. night scene, as contemplated from the mount of vision. columbus inquires the reason of the slow progress of science, and its frequent interruptions. hesper answers, that all things in the physical as well as the moral and intellectual world are progressive in like manner. he traces their progress from the birth of the universe to the present state of the earth and its inhabitants; asserts the future advancement of society, till perpetual peace shall be established. columbus proposes his doubts; alleges in support of them the successive rise and downfal of ancient nations; and infers future and periodical convulsions. hesper, in answer, exhibits the great distinction between the ancient and modern state of the arts and of society. crusades. commerce. hanseatic league. copernicus. kepler. newton, galileo. herschel. descartes. bacon. printing press. magnetic needle. geographical discoveries. federal system in america. a similar system to be extended over the whole earth. columbus desires a view of this. but now had hesper from the hero's sight veil'd the vast world with sudden shades of night. earth, sea and heaven, where'er he turns his eye, arch out immense, like one surrounding sky lamp'd with reverberant fires. the starry train paint their fresh forms beneath the placid main; fair cynthia here her face reflected laves, bright venus gilds again her natal waves, the bear redoubling foams with fiery joles, and two dire dragons twine two arctic poles. lights o'er the land, from cities lost in shade, new constellations, new galaxies spread, and each high pharos double flames provides, one from its fires, one fainter from the tides. centred sublime in this bivaulted sphere, on all sides void, unbounded, calm and clear, soft o'er the pair a lambent lustre plays, their seat still cheering with concentred rays; to converse grave the soothing shades invite. and on his guide columbus fixt his sight: kind messenger of heaven, he thus began, why this progressive laboring search of man? if men by slow degrees have power to reach these opening truths that long dim ages teach, if, school'd in woes and tortured on to thought, passion absorbing what experience taught, still thro the devious painful paths they wind, and to sound wisdom lead at last the mind, why did not bounteous nature, at their birth, give all their science to these sons of earth, pour on their reasoning powers pellucid day, their arts, their interests clear as light display? that error, madness and sectarian strife might find no place to havock human life. to whom the guardian power: to thee is given to hold high converse and inquire of heaven, to mark untraversed ages, and to trace whate'er improves and what impedes thy race. know then, progressive are the paths we go in worlds above thee, as in thine below nature herself (whose grasp of time and place deals out duration and impalms all space) moves in progressive march; but where to tend, what course to compass, how the march must end, her sons decide not; yet her works we greet imperfect in their parts, but in their whole complete. when erst her hand the crust of chaos thirl'd, and forced from his black breast the bursting world, high swell'd the huge existence crude and crass, a formless dark impermeated mass; no light nor heat nor cold nor moist nor dry, but all concocting in their causes lie. millions of periods, such as these her spheres learn since to measure and to call their years, she broods the mass; then into motion brings and seeks and sorts the principles of things, pours in the attractive and repulsive force, whirls forth her globes in cosmogyral course, by myriads and by millions, scaled sublime, to scoop their skies, and curve the rounds of time. she groups their systems, lots to each his place, strow'd thro immensity, and drown'd in space, all yet unseen; till light at last begun, and every system found a centred sun, call'd to his neighbor and exchanged from far his infant gleams with every social star; rays thwarting rays and skies o'erarching skies robed their dim planets with commingling dyes, hung o'er each heaven their living lamps serene, and tinged with blue the frore expanse between: then joyous nature hail'd the golden morn, drank the young beam, beheld her empire born. lo the majestic movement! there they trace their blank infinitudes of time and space, vault with careering curves her central goal, pour forth her day and stud her evening stole, heedless of count; their numbers still unknown, unmeasured still their progress round her throne; for none of all her firstborn sons, endow'd with heavenly sapience and pretensions proud, no seraph bright, whose keen considering eye and sunbeam speed ascend from sky to sky, has yet explored or counted all their spheres, or fixt or found their past record of years. nor can a ray from her remotest sun, shot forth when first their splendid morn begun, borne straight, continuous thro the void of space, doubling each thousand years its rapid pace and hither posting, yet have reach'd this earth, to bring the tidings of its master's birth. and mark thy native orb! tho later born, tho still unstored with light her silver horn, as seen from sister planets, who repay far more than she their borrow'd streams of day, yet what an age her shell-rock ribs attest! her sparry spines, her coal-encumber'd breast! millions of generations toil'd and died to crust with coral and to salt her tide, and millions more, ere yet her soil began, ere yet she form'd or could have nursed her man. then rose the proud phenomenon, the birth most richly wrought, the favorite child of earth; but frail at first his frame, with nerves ill strung, unform'd his footsteps, long untoned his tongue, unhappy, unassociate, unrefined, unfledged the pinions of his lofty mind, he wander'd wild, to every beast a prey, more prest with wrants, and feebler far than they; for countless ages forced from place to place, just reproduced but scarce preserved his race. at last, a soil more fixt and streams more sweet inform the wretched migrant where to seat; euphrates' flowery banks begin to smile, fruits fringe the ganges, gardens grace the nile; nile, ribb'd with dikes, a length of coast creates, and giant thebes begins her hundred gates, mammoth of human works! her grandeur known these thousand lustres by its wrecks alone; wrecks that humiliate still all modern states, press the poized earth with their enormous weights, refuse to quit their place, dissolve their frame and trust, like ilion, to the bards their fame. memphis amass'd her piles, that still o'erclimb the clouds of heaven, and task the tooth of time; belus and brama tame their vagrant throngs, and homer, with his monumental songs, builds far more durable his splendid throne than all the pharaohs with their hills of stone. high roll'd the round of years that hung sublime these wondrous beacons in the night of time; studs of renown! that to thine eyes attest the waste of ages that beyond them rest; ages how fill'd with toils! how gloom'd with woes! trod with all steps that man's long march compose, dim drear disastrous; ere his foot could gain a height so brilliant o'er the bestial train. in those blank periods, where no man can trace the gleams of thought that first illumed his race, his errors, twined with science, took their birth, and forged their fetters for this child of earth. and when, as oft, he dared expand his view, and work with nature on the line she drew, some monster, gender'd in his fears, unmann'd his opening soul, and marr'd the works he plann'd. fear, the first passion of his helpless state, redoubles all the woes that round him wait, blocks nature's path and sends him wandering wide, without a guardian and without a guide. beat by the storm, refresht by gentle rain, by sunbeams cheer'd or founder'd in the main, he bows to every force he can't control, indows them all with intellect and soul, with passions various, turbulent and strong, rewarding virtue and avenging wrong, gives heaven and earth to their supernal doom, and swells their sway beyond the closing tomb. hence rose his gods, that mystic monstrous lore of blood-stain'd altars and of priestly power, hence blind credulity on all dark things, false morals hence, and hence the yoke of kings. yon starry vault that round him rolls the spheres, and gives to earth her seasons, days and years, the source designates and the clue imparts of all his errors and of all his arts. there spreads the system that his ardent thought first into emblems, then to spirits wrought; spirits that ruled all matter and all mind, nourish'd or famish'd, kill'd or cured mankind, bade him neglect the soil whereon he fed, work with hard hand for that which was not bread, erect the temple, darken deep the shrine, yield the full hecatomb with awe divine, despise this earth, and claim with lifted eyes his health and harvest from the meteor'd skies. accustom'd thus to bow the suppliant head, and reverence powers that shake his heart with dread, his pliant faith extends with easy ken from heavenly hosts to heaven-anointed men; the sword, the tripod join their mutual aids, to film his eyes with more impervious shades, create a sceptred idol, and enshrine the robber chief in attributes divine, arm the new phantom with the nation's rod, and hail the dreadful delegate of god. two settled slaveries thus the race control, engross their labors and debase their soul; till creeds and crimes and feuds and fears compose the seeds of war and all its kindred woes. unfold, thou memphian dungeon! there began the lore of mystery, the mask of man; there fraud with science leagued, in early times, plann'd a resplendent course of holy crimes, stalk'd o'er the nations with gigantic pace, with sacred symbols charm'd the cheated race, taught them new grades of ignorance to gain, and punish truth with more than mortal pain,- unfold at last thy cope! that man may see the mines of mischief he has drawn from thee. --wide gapes the porch with hieroglyphics hung, and mimic zodiacs o'er its arches flung; close labyrinth'd here the feign'd omniscient dwells, dupes from all nations seek the sacred cells; inquiring strangers, with astonish'd eyes, dive deep to read these subterranean skies, to taste that holiness which faith bestows, and fear promulgates thro its world of woes. the bold initiate takes his awful stand, a thin pale taper trembling in his hand; thro hells of howling monsters lies the road, to season souls and teach the ways of god. down the crampt corridor, far sunk from day, on hands and bended knees he gropes his way, swims roaring streams, thro dens of serpents crawls, descends deep wells and clambers flaming walls; now thwart his lane a lake of sulphur gleams, with fiery waves and suffocating steams; he dares not shun the ford; for full in view fierce lions rush behind and force him thro. long ladders heaved on end, with banded eyes he mounts, and mounts, and seems to gain the skies; then backward falling, tranced with deadly fright, finds his own feet and stands restored to light. here all dread sights of torture round him rise; lash'd on a wheel, a whirling felon flies; a wretch, with members chain'd and liver bare, writhes and disturbs the vulture feasting there: one strains to roll his rock, recoiling still; one, stretch'd recumbent o'er a limpid rill, burns with devouring thirst; his starting eyes, swell'd veins and frothy lips and piercing cries accuse the faithless eddies, as they shrink and keep him panting still, still bending o'er the brink. at last elysium to his ravisht eyes spreads flowery fields and opens golden skies; breathes orphean music thro the dancing groves, trains the gay troops of beauties, graces, loves, lures his delirious sense with sweet decoys, fine fancied foretaste of eternal joys, fastidious pomp or proud imperial state,- illusions all, that pass the ivory gate! various and vast the fraudful drama grows, feign'd are the pleasures, as unfelt the woes; where sainted hierophants, with well taught mimes, play'd first the role for all succeeding times; which, vamp'd and varied as the clime required, more trist or splendid, open or retired, forms local creeds, with multifarious lore, creates the god and bids the world adore. lo at the lama's feet, as lord of all, age following age in dumb devotion fall; the youthful god, mid suppliant kings enshrined, dispensing fate and ruling half mankind, sits with contorted limbs, a silent slave, an early victim of a secret grave; his priests by myriads famish every clime and sell salvation in the tones they chime. see india's triad frame their blood-penn'd codes, old ganges change his gardens for his gods, ask his own waves from their celestial hands, and choke his channel with their sainted sands. mad with the mandates of their scriptured word, and prompt to snatch from hell her dear dead lord, the wife, still blooming, decks her sacred urns, mounts the gay pyre, and with his body burns. shrined in his golden fane the delphian stands, shakes distant thrones and taxes unknown lands. kings, consuls, khans from earth's whole regions come, pour in their wealth, and then inquire their doom; furious and wild the priestess rends her veil, sucks, thro the sacred stool, the maddening gale, starts reddens foams and screams and mutters loud, like a fell fiend, her oracles of god. the dark enigma, by the pontiff scroll'd in broken phrase, and close in parchment roll'd, from his proud pulpit to the suppliant hurl'd, shall rive an empire and distract the world. and where the mosque's dim arches bend on high, mecca's dead prophet mounts the mimic sky; pilgrims, imbanded strong for mutual aid, thro dangerous deserts that their faith has made, train their long caravans, and famish'd come to kiss the shrine and trembling touch the tomb, by fire and sword the same fell faith extend, and howl their homilies to earth's far end. phenician altars reek with human gore, gods hiss from caverns or in cages roar, nile pours from heaven a tutelary flood, and gardens grow the vegetable god. two rival powers the magian faith inspire, primeval darkness and immortal fire; evil and good in these contending rise, and each by turns the sovereign of the skies. sun, stars and planets round the earth behold their fanes of marble and their shrines of gold; the sea, the grove, the harvest and the vine spring from their gods and claim a birth divine; while heroes, kings and sages of their times, those gods on earth, are gods in happier climes; minos in judgment sits, and jove in power, and odin's friends are feasted there with gore. man is an infant still; and slow and late must form and fix his adolescent state, mature his manhood, and at last behold his reason ripen and his force unfold. from that bright eminence he then shall cast a look of wonder on his wanderings past, congratulate himself, and o'er the earth firm the full reign of peace predestined at his birth. so hesper taught; and farther had pursued a theme so grateful as a world renew'd; but dubious thoughts disturb'd the hero's breast, who thus with modest mien the seer addrest: say, friend of man, in this unbounded range, where error vagrates and illusions change, what hopes to see his baleful blunders cease, and earth commence that promised age of peace? like a loose pendulum his mind is hung, from wrong to wrong by ponderous passion swung, it vibrates wide, and with unceasing flight sweeps all extremes and scorns the mean of right. tho in the times you trace he seems to gain a steadier movement and a path more plain, and tho experience will have taught him then to mark some dangers, some delusions ken, yet who can tell what future shocks may spread new shades of darkness round his lofty head, plunge him again in some broad gulph of woes, where long and oft he struggled, wreck'd and rose? what strides he took in those gigantic times that sow'd with cities all his orient climes! when earth's proud floods he tamed, made many a shore, and talk'd with heaven from babel's glittering tower! did not his babylon exulting say, i sit a queen, for ever stands my sway? thebes, memphis, nineveh, a countless throng, caught the same splendor and return'd the song; each boasted, promised o'er the world to rise, spouse of the sun, eternal as the skies. where shall we find them now? the very shore where ninus rear'd his empire is no more: the dikes decay'd, a putrid marsh regains the sunken walls, the tomb-encumber'd plains, pursues the dwindling nations where they shrink, and skirts with slime its deleterious brink. the fox himself has fled his gilded den, nor holds the heritage he won from men; lapwing and reptile shun the curst abode, and the foul dragon, now no more a god, trails off his train; the sickly raven flies; a wide strong-stencht avernus chokes the skies. so pride and ignorance fall a certain prey to the stanch bloodhound of despotic sway. then past a long drear night, with here and there a doubtful glimmering from a single star; tyre, carthage, syracuse the gleam increase, till dawns at last the effulgent morn of greece, here all his muses meet, all arts combine to nerve his genius and his works refine; morals and laws and arms, and every grace that e'er adorn'd or could exalt the race, wrought into science and arranged in rules, swell the proud splendor of her cluster'd schools, build and sustain the state with loud acclaim, and work those deathless miracles of fame that stand unrivall'd still; for who shall dare another field with marathon compare? who speaks of eloquence or sacred song, but calls on greece to modulate his tongue? and where has man's fine form so perfect shone in tint or mould, in canvass or in stone? yet from that splendid height o'erturn'd once more, he dasht in dust the living lamp he bore. dazzled with her own glare, decoy'd and sold for homebred faction and barbaric gold, greece treads on greece, subduing and subdued, new crimes inventing, all the old renew'd, canton o'er canton climbs; till, crush'd and broke, all yield the sceptre and resume the yoke. where shall we trace him next, the migrant man, to try once more his meliorating plan? shall not the macedonian, where he strides o'er asian worlds and nile's neglected tides, prepare new seats of glory, to repay the transient shadows with perpetual day? his heirs erect their empires, and expand the beams of greece thro each benighted land; seleucia spreads o'er ten broad realms her sway, and turns on eastern climes the western ray; palmyra brightens earth's commercial zone, and sits an emblem of her god the sun; while fond returning to that favorite shore where ammon ruled and hermes taught of yore, all arts concentrate, force and grace combine to rear and blend the useful with the fine, restore the egyptian glories, and retain, where science dawn'd, her great resurgent reign. from egypt chased again, he seeks his home, more firmly fixt in sage considerate rome. here all the virtues long resplendent shone all that was greek, barbarian and her own; she school'd him sound, and boasted to extend thro time's long course and earth's remotest end his glorious reign of reason; soon to cease the clang of arms, and rule the world in peace. great was the sense he gain'd, and well defined the various functions of his tutor'd mind; could but his sober sense have proved his guide, and kind experience pruned the shoots of pride. a field magnificent before him lay; land after land received the spreading ray; franchise and friendship travell'd in his train, bandits of earth and pirates of the main rose into citizens, their rage resign'd. and hail'd the great republic of mankind. if ever then state slaughter was to pause, and man from nature learn to frame his laws. this was the moment; here the sunbeam rose to hush the human storm and let the world repose. but drunk with pomp and sickening at the light, he stagger d wild on this delirious height; forgot the plainest truths he learnt before, and barter'd moral for material power. from calpe's rock to india's ardent skies, o'er shuddering earth his talon'd eagle flies, to justice blind, and heedless where she drove, as when she bore the brandisht bolt of jove. rome loads herself with chains, seals fast her eyes, and tells the insulted nations when to rise; and rise they do, like sweeping tempests driven, swarm following swarm, o'ershading earth and heaven, roll back her outrage, and indignant shed the world's wide vengeance on her sevenfold head. then dwindling back to littleness and shade man soon forgets the gorgeous glare he made, sinks to a savage serf or monkish drone, roves in rude hordes or counts his beads alone, wars with his arts, obliterates his lore, and burns the books that rear'd his race before. shrouded in deeper darkness now he veers the vast gyration of a thousand years, strikes out each lamp that would illume his way, disputes his food with every beast of prey; imbands his force to fence his trist abodes, a wretched robber with his feudal codes. at length, it seems, some parsimonious rays collect from each far heaven a feeble blaze, dance o'er his europe, and again excite his numerous nations to receive the light. but faint and slow the niggard dawn expands, diffused o'er various far dissunder'd lands, dreading, as well it may, to prove once more the same sad chance so often proved before. and why not lapse again? celestial seer, forgive my doubts, and ah remove my fear! man is my brother; strong i feel the ties, from strong solicitude my doubts arise; my heart, while opening with the boundless scope that swells before him and expands his hope, forebodes another fall; and tho at last thy world is planted and with light o'ercast, tho two broad continents their beams combine round his whole globe to stream his day divine, perchance some folly, yet uncured, may spread a storm proportion'd to the lights they shed, veil both his continents, and leave again between them stretch'd the impermeable main; all science buried, sails and cities lost, their lands uncultured, as their seas uncrost. till on thy coast, some thousand ages hence, new pilots rise, bold enterprise commence, some new columbus (happier let him be, more wise and great and virtuous far than me) launch on the wave, and tow'rd the rising day like a strong eaglet steer his untaught way, gird half the globe, and to his age unfold a strange new world, the world we call the old. from finland's glade to calpe's storm-beat head he'll find some tribes of scattering wildmen spread; but one vast wilderness will shade the soil, no wreck of art, no sign of ancient toil tell where a city stood; nor leave one trace of all that honors now, and all that shames the race. if such the round we run, what hope, my friend, to see our madness and our miseries end?- here paused the patriarch: mild the saint return'd, and as he spoke, fresh glories round him burn'd: my son, i blame not but applaud thy grief; inquiries deep should lead to slow belief. so small the portion of the range of man his written stories reach or views can span, that wild confusion seems to clog his march, and the dull progress made illudes thy search. but broad beyond compare, with steadier hand traced o'er his earth, his present paths expand. in sober majesty and matron grace sage science now conducts her filial race; and if, while all their arts around them shine, they culture more the solid than the fine, tis to correct their fatal faults of old, when, caught by tinsel, they forgot the gold; when their strong brilliant imitative lines traced nature only in her gay designs, rear'd the proud column, toned her chanting lyre, warm'd the full senate with her words of fire, pour'd on the canvass every pulse of life, and bade the marble rage with human strife. these were the arts that nursed unequal sway, that priests would pamper and that kings would pay, that spoke to vulgar sense, and often stole the sense of right and freedom from the soul. while, circumscribed in some concentred clime, they reach'd but one small nation at a time, dazzled that nation, pufft her local pride, proclaim'd her hatred to the world beside, drew back returning hatred from afar, and sunk themselves beneath the storms of war. as, when the sun moves o'er the flaming zone, collecting clouds attend his fervid throne, superior splendors, in his morn display'd, prepare for noontide but a heavier shade; thus where the brilliant arts alone prevail'd, their shining course succeeding storms assail'd; pride, wrong and insult hemm'd their scanty reign, a nile their stream, a hellespont their main, content with tiber's narrow shores to wind, they fledged their eagle but to fang mankind; ere great inventions found a tardy birth, and with their new creations blest the earth. now sober'd man a steadier gait assumes, broad is the beam that breaks the gothic glooms. at once consenting nations lift their eyes, and hail the holy dawn that streaks the skies; arabian caliphs rear the spires of spain, the lombards keel their adriatic main, great charles, invading and reviving all, plants o'er with schools his numerous states of gaul; and alfred opes the mines whence albion draws the ore of all her wealth,--her liberty and laws. ausonian cities interchange and spread the lights of learning on the wings of trade; bologna's student walls arise to fame, germania, thine their rival honors claim; halle, gottinge, upsal, kiel and leyden smile, oxonia, cambridge cheer britannia's isle; where, like her lark, gay chaucer leads the lay, the matin carol of his country's day. blind war himself, that erst opposed all good, and whelm'd meek science in her votaries' blood, now smooths, by means unseen, her modest way, extends her limits and secures her sway. from europe's world his mad crusaders pour their banded myriads on the asian shore; the mystic cross, thro famine toil and blood, leads their long marches to the tomb of god. thro realms of industry their passage lies, and labor'd affluence feasts their curious eyes; till fields of slaughter whelm the broken host, their pride appall'd, their warmest zealots lost, the wise remains to their own shores return, transplant all arts that hagar's race adorn, learn from long intercourse their mutual ties, and find in commerce where their interest lies. from drave's long course to biscay's bending shores, where adria sleeps, to where the bothnian roars, in one great hanse, for earth's whole trafic known, free cities rise, and in their golden zone bind all the interior states; nor princes dare infringe their franchise with voracious war. all shield them safe, and joy to share the gain that spreads o'er land from each surrounding main, makes indian stuffs, arabian gums their own, plants persian gems on every celtic crown, pours thro their opening woodlands milder day, and gives to genius his expansive play. this blessed moment, from the towers of thorn new splendor rises; there the sage is born! the sage who starts these planetary spheres, deals out their task to wind their own bright years, restores his station to the parent sun, and leads his duteous daughters round his throne. each mounts obedient on her wheels of fire, whirls round her sisters, and salutes the sire, guides her new car, her youthful coursers tries, curves careful paths along her alter'd skies, learns all her mazes thro the host of even, and hails and joins the harmony of heaven. --fear not, copernicus! let loose the rein, launch from their goals, and mark the moving train; fix at their sun thy calculating eye, compare and count their courses round their sky. fear no disaster from the slanting force that warps them staggering in elliptic course; thy sons with steadier ken shall aid the search, and firm and fashion their majestic march, kepler prescribe the laws no stars can shun, and newton tie them to the eternal sun. by thee inspired, his tube the tuscan plies, and sends new colonies to stock the skies, gives jove his satellites, and first adorns effulgent phosphor with his silver horns. herschel ascends himself with venturous wain, and joins and flanks thy planetary train, perceives his distance from their elder spheres, and guards with numerous moons the lonely round he steers. yes, bright copernicus, thy beams, far hurl'd, shall startle well this intellectual world, break the delusive dreams of ancient lore, new floods of light on every subject pour, thro physic nature many a winding trace, and seat the moral on her sister's base. descartes with force gigantic toils alone, unshrines old errors and propounds his own; like a blind samson, gropes their strong abodes, whelms deep in dust their temples and their gods, buries himself with those false codes they drew, and makes his followers frame and fix the true. bacon, with every power of genius fraught, spreads over worlds his mantling wings of thought, draws in firm lines, and tells in nervous tone all that is yet and all that shall be known, withes proteus matter in his arms of might, and drags her tortuous secrets forth to light, bids men their unproved systems all forgo, informs them what to learn, and how to know, waves the first flambeau thro the night that veils egyptian fables and phenician tales, strips from all-plundering greece the cloak she wore, and shows the blunders of her borrow'd lore. one vast creation, lately borne abroad, cheers the young nations like a nurturing god, breathes thro them all the same wide-searching soul. forms, feeds, refines and animates the whole, guards every ground they gain, and forward brings glad science soaring on cerulean wings, trims her gay plumes, directs her upward course, props her light pinions and sustains her force, instructs all men her golden gifts to prize, and catch new glories from her beamful eyes,- tis the prolific press; whose tablet, fraught by graphic genius with his painted thought, flings forth by millions the prodigious birth, and in a moment stocks the astonish'd earth. genius, enamor'd of his fruitful bride, assumes new force and elevates his pride. no more, recumbent o'er his finger'd style, he plods whole years each copy to compile, leaves to ludibrious winds the priceless page, or to chance fires the treasure of an age; but bold and buoyant, with his sister fame, he strides o'er earth, holds high his ardent flame, calls up discovery with her tube and scroll, and points the trembling magnet to the pole. hence the brave lusitanians stretch the sail, scorn guiding stars, and tame the midsea gale; and hence thy prow deprest the boreal wain, rear'd adverse heavens, a second earth to gain, ran down old night, her western curtain thirl'd, and snatch'd from swaddling shades an infant world. rome, athens, memphis, tyre! had you butknown this glorious triad, now familiar grown, the press, the magnet faithful to its pole, and earth's own movement round her steadfast goal, ne'er had your science, from that splendid height, sunk in her strength, nor seen succeeding night. her own utility had forced her sway, all nations caught the fast-extending ray, nature thro all her kingdoms oped the road, resign'd her secrets and her wealth bestow'd; her moral codes a like dominion rear'd, freedom been born and folly disappear'd, war and his monsters sunk beneath her ban, and left the world to reason and to man. but now behold him bend his broader way, lift keener eyes and drink diviner day, all systems scrutinize, their truths unfold, prove well the recent, well revise the old, reject all mystery, and define with force the point he aims at in his laboring course,- to know these elements, learn how they wind their wondrous webs of matter and of mind, what springs, what guides organic life requires, to move, rule, rein its ever-changing gyres, improve and utilise each opening birth, and aid the labors of this nurturing earth. but chief their moral soul he learns to trace, that stronger chain which links and leads the race; which forms and sanctions every social tie, and blinds or clears their intellectual eye. he strips that soul from every filmy shade that schools had caught, that oracles had made, relumes her visual nerve, develops strong the rules of right, the subtle shifts of wrong; of civil power draws clear the sacred line, gives to just government its right divine, forms, varies, fashions, as his lights increase, till earth is fill'd with happiness and peace. already taught, thou know'st the fame that waits his rising seat in thy confederate states. there stands the model, thence he long shall draw his forms of policy, his traits of law; each land shall imitate, each nation join the well-based brotherhood, the league divine, extend its empire with the circling sun, and band the peopled globe beneath its federal zone. as thus he spoke, returning tears of joy suffused the hero's cheek and pearl'd his eye: unveil, said he, my friend, and stretch once more beneath my view that heaven-illumined shore; let me behold her silver beams expand, to lead all nations, lighten every land, instruct the total race, and teach at last their toils to lessen and their chains to cast, trace and attain the purpose of their birth, and hold in peace this heritage of earth. the seraph smiled consent, the hero's eye watch'd for the daybeam round the changing sky. book x. argument the vision resumed, and extended over the whole earth. present character of different nations. future progress of society with respect to commerce; discoveries; inland navigation; philosophical, med and political knowledge. science of government. assimilation and final union of all languages. its effect on education, and on the advancement of physical and moral science. the physical precedes the moral, as phosphor precedes the sun. view of a general congress from all nations, assembled to establish the political harmony of mankind. conclusion. hesper again his heavenly power display'd, and shook the yielding canopy of shade. sudden the stars their trembling fires withdrew. returning splendors burst upon the view, floods of unfolding light the skies adorn, and more than midday glories grace the morn. so shone the earth, as if the sideral train, broad as full suns, had sail'd the ethereal plain; when no distinguisht orb could strike the sight, but one clear blaze of all-surrounding light o'erflow'd the vault of heaven. for now in view remoter climes and future ages drew; whose deeds of happier fame, in long array, call'd into vision, fill the newborn day. far as seraphic power could lift the eye, or earth or ocean bend the yielding sky, or circling sutis awake the breathing gale, drake lead the way, or cook extend the sail; where behren sever'd, with adventurous prow, hesperia's headland from tartaria's brow; where sage vancouvre's patient leads were hurl'd, where deimen stretch'd his solitary world; all lands, all seas that boast a present name, and all that unborn time shall give to fame, around the pair in bright expansion rise, and earth, in one vast level, bounds the skies. they saw the nations tread their different shores, ply their own toils and wield their local powers, their present state in all its views disclose, their gleams of happiness, their shades of woes, plodding in various stages thro the range of man's unheeded but unceasing change. columbus traced them with experienced eye, and class'd and counted all the flags that fly; he mark'd what tribes still rove the savage waste, what cultured realms the sweets of plenty taste; where arts and virtues fix their golden reign, or peace adorns, or slaughter dyes the plain. he saw the restless tartar, proud to roam, move with his herds and pitch a transient home; tibet's long tracts and china's fixt domain, dull as their despots, yield their cultured grain; cambodia, siam, asia's myriad isles and old indostan, with their wealthy spoils attract adventures masters, and o'ershade their sunbright ocean with the wings of trade. arabian robbers, syrian kurds combined, create their deserts and infest mankind; the turk's dim crescent, like a day-struck star, as russia's eagle shades their haunts of war, shrinks from insulted europe, who divide the shatter'd empire to the pontic tide. he mark'd impervious afric, where alone she lies encircled with the verdant zone that lines her endless coast, and still sustains her northern pirates and her eastern swains, mourns her interior tribes purloined away, and chain'd and sold beyond atlantic day. brazilla's wilds, mackensie's savage lands with bickering strife inflame their furious bands; atlantic isles and europe's cultured shores heap their vast wealth, exchange their growing stores, all arts inculcate, new discoveries plan, tease and torment but school the race of man. while his own federal states, extending far, calm their brave sons now breathing from the war, unfold their harbors, spread their genial soil, and welcome freemen to the cheerful toil. a sight so solemn, as it varied sound, fill'd his fond heart with reveries profound; he felt the infinitude of thoughts that pass and guide and govern that enormous mass. the cares that agitate, the creeds that blind, the woes that waste the many-master'd kind, the distance great that still remains to trace, ere sober sense can harmonize the race, held him suspense, imprest with reverence meek, and choked his utterance as he wish'd to speak: when hesper thus: the paths they here pursue, wide as they seem unfolding to thy view, show but a point in that long circling course which cures their weakness and confirms their force, lends that experience which alone can close the scenes of strife, and give the world repose. yet here thou seest the same progressive plan that draws for mutual succour man to man, from twain to tribe, from tribe to realm dilates, in federal union groups a hundred states, thro all their turns with gradual scale ascends, their powers; their passions and their interest blends; while growing arts their social virtues spread, enlarge their compacts and unlock their trade; till each remotest clan, by commerce join'd, links in the chain that binds all humankind, their bloody banners sink in darkness furl'd, and one white flag of peace triumphant walks the world. as infant streams, from oozing earth at first with feeble force and lonely murmurs burst, from myriad unseen fountains draw the rills and curl contentious round their hundred hills, meet, froth and foam, their dashing currents swell, o'er crags and rocks their furious course impel, impetuous plunging plough the mounds of earth, and tear the fostering flanks that gave them birth; mad with the strength they gain, they thicken deep their muddy waves and slow and sullen creep, o'erspread whole regions in their lawless pride, then stagnate long, then shrink and curb their tide; anon more tranquil grown, with steadier sway, thro broader banks they shape their seaward way, from different climes converging, join and spread their mingled waters in one widening bed, profound, transparent; till the liquid zone bands half the globe and drinks the golden sun, sweeps onward still the still expanding plain, and moves majestic to the boundless main. tis thus society's small sources rise; thro passions wild her infant progress lies; fear, with its host of follies, errors, woes, creates her obstacles and forms her foes; misguided interest, local pride withstand, till long-tried ills her growing views expand, till tribes and states and empires find their place, whose mutual wants her widest walks embrace; enlightened interest, moral sense at length combine their aids to elevate her strength, lead o'er the world her peace-commanding sway. and light her steps with everlasting day. from that mark'd stage of man we now behold, more rapid strides his coming paths unfold; his continents are traced, his islands found, his well-taught sails on all his billows bound, his varying wants their new discoveries ply, and seek in earth's whole range their sure supply. first of his future stages, thou shalt see his trade unfetter'd and his ocean free. from thy young states the code consoling springs, to strip from vulture war his naval wings; in views so just all europe's powers combine, and earth's full voice approves the vast design. tho still her inland realms the combat wage and hold in lingering broils the unsettled age, yet no rude shocks that shake the crimson plain shall more disturb the labors of the main; the main that spread so wide his travell'd way, liberal as air, impartial as the day, that all thy race the common wealth might share, exchange their fruits and fill their treasures there, their speech assimilate, their counsels blend, till mutual interest fix the mutual friend. now see, my son, the destined hour advance; safe in their leagues commercial navies dance, leave their curst cannon on the quay-built strand, and like the stars of heaven a fearless course command. the hero look'd; beneath his wondering eyes gay streamers lengthen round the seas and skies; the countless nations open all their stores, load every wave and crowd the lively shores; bright sails in mingling mazes streak the air, and commerce triumphs o'er the rage of war. from baltic streams, from elba's opening side, from rhine's long course and texel's laboring tide, from gaul, from albion, tired of fruitless fight, from green hibernia, clothed in recent light, hispania's strand that two broad oceans lave, from senegal and gambia's golden wave, tago the rich, and douro's viny shores, the sweet canaries and the soft azores, commingling barks their mutual banners hail, and drink by turns the same distending gale. thro calpe's strait that leads the midland main, from adria, pontus, nile's resurgent reign, the sails look forth and wave their bandrols high and ask their breezes from a broader sky. where asia's isles and utmost shorelands bend, like rising suns the sheeted masts ascend; coast after coast their flowing flags unrol, from deimen's rocks to zembla's ice-propt pole, where behren's pass collapsing worlds divides, where california breaks the billowy tides, peruvian streams their golden margins boast, or chili bluffs or plata flats the coast. where, clothed in splendor, his atlantic way spreads the blue borders of hesperian day, from all his havens, with majestic sweep, the swiftest boldest daughters of the deep swarm forth before him; till the cloudlike train from pole to pole o'ersheet the whitening main. so some primeval seraph, placed on high, from heaven's sublimest point o'erlooke'd the sky, when space unfolding heard the voice of god, and suns and stars and systems roll'd abroad, caught their first splendors from his beamful eye, began their years and vaulted round their sky; their social spheres in bright confusion play, exchange their beams and fill the newborn day. nor seas alone the countless barks behold; earth's inland realms their naval paths unfold. her plains, long portless, now no more complain of useless rills and fountains nursed in vain; canals curve thro them many a liquid line, prune their wild streams, their lakes and oceans join. where darien hills o'erlook the gulphy tide, cleft in his view the enormous banks divide; ascending sails their opening pass pursue, and waft the sparkling treasures of peru. moxoe resigns his stagnant world of fen, allures, rewards the cheerful toils of men, leads their long new-made rivers round his reign, drives off the stench and waves his golden grain, feeds a whole nation from his cultured shore, where not a bird could skim the skies before. from mohawk's mouth, far westing with the sun, thro all the midlands recent channels run, tap the redundant lakes, the broad hills brave, and hudson marry with missouri's wave. from dim superior, whose uncounted sails shade his full seas and bosom all his gales, new paths unfolding seek mackensie's tide, and towns and empires rise along their side; slave's crystal highways all his north adorn, like coruscations from the boreal morn. proud missisippi, tamed and taught his road, flings forth irriguous from his generous flood ten thousand watery glades; that, round him curl'd, vein the broad bosom of the western world. from the red banks of arab's odorous tide their isthmus opens, and strange waters glide; europe from all her shores, with crowded sails, looks thro the pass and calls the asian gales. volga and obi distant oceans join. delighted danube weds the wasting rhine; elbe, oder, neister channel many a plain, exchange their barks and try each other's main. all infant streams and every mountain rill choose their new paths, some useful task to fill, each acre irrigate, re-road the earth, and serve at last the purpose of their birth. earth, garden'd all, a tenfold burden brings; her fruits, her odors, her salubrious springs swell, breathe and bubble from the soil they grace, string with strong nerves the renovating race, their numbers multiply in every land, their toils diminish and their powers expand; and while she rears them with a statelier frame their soul she kindles with diviner flame, leads their bright intellect with fervid glow thro all the mass of things that still remains to know. he saw the aspiring genius of the age soar in the bard and strengthen in the sage: the bard with bolder hand assumes the lyre, warms the glad nations with unwonted fire, attunes to virtue all the tones that roll their tides of transport thro the expanding soul. for him no more, beneath their furious gods, old ocean crimsons and olympus nods, uprooted mountains sweep the dark profound, or titans groan beneath the rending ground, no more his clangor maddens up the mind to crush, to conquer and enslave mankind, to build on ruin'd realms the shrines of fame, and load his numbers with a tyrant's name. far nobler objects animate his tongue, and give new energies to epic song; to moral charms he bids the world attend, fraternal states their mutual ties extend, o'er cultured earth the rage of conquest cease, war sink in night and nature smile in peace. soaring with science then he learns to string her highest harp, and brace her broadest wing, with her own force to fray the paths untrod, with her own glance to ken the total god, thro heavens o'ercanopied by heavens behold new suns ascend and other skies unfold, social and system'd worlds around him shine, and lift his living strains to harmony divine. the sage with steadier lights directs his ken, thro twofold nature leads the walks of men, remoulds her moral and material frames, their mutual aids, their sister laws proclaims, disease before him with its causes flies, and boasts no more of sickly soils and skies; his well-proved codes the healing science aid, its base establish and its blessing spread, with long-wrought life to teach the race to glow, and vigorous nerves to grace the locks of snow. from every shape that varying matter gives, that rests or ripens, vegetates or lives, his chymic powers new combinations plan, yield new creations, finer forms to man, high springs of health for mind and body trace, add force and beauty to the joyous race, arm with new engines his adventurous hand, stretch o'er these elements his wide command, lay the proud storm submissive at his feet, change, temper, tame all subterranean heat, probe laboring earth and drag from her dark side the mute volcano, ere its force be tried; walk under ocean, ride the buoyant air, brew the soft shower, the labor'd land repair, a fruitful soil o'er sandy deserts spread, and clothe with culture every mountain's head. where system'd realms their mutual glories lend, and well-taught sires the cares of state attend, thro every maze of man they learn to wind, note each device that prompts the proteus mind, what soft restraints the tempered breast requires, to taste new joys and cherish new desires, expand the selfish to the social flame, and rear the soul to deeds of nobler fame. they mark, in all the past records of praise, what partial views heroic zeal could raise; what mighty states on others' ruins stood, and built unsafe their haughty seats in blood; how public virtue's ever borrow'd name with proud applauses graced the deeds of shame, bade each imperial standard wave sublime, and wild ambition havoc every clime; from chief to chief the kindling spirit ran, heirs of false fame and enemies of man. where grecian states in even balance hung, and warm'd with jealous fires the patriot's tongue, the exclusive ardor cherish'd in the breast love to one land and hatred to the rest. and where the flames of civil discord rage, and roman arms with roman arms engage, the mime of virtue rises still the same, to build a cesar's as a pompey's name. but now no more the patriotic mind, to narrow views and local laws confined, gainst neighboring lands directs the public rage. plods for a clan or counsels for an age; but soars to loftier thoughts, and reaches far beyond the power, beyond the wish of war; for realms and ages forms the general aim, makes patriot views and moral views the same, works with enlighten'd zeal, to see combined the strength and happiness of humankind. long had columbus with delighted eyes mark'd all the changes that around him rise, lived thro descending ages as they roll, and feasted still the still expanding soul; when now the peopled regions swell more near, and a mixt noise tumultuous stuns his ear. at first, like heavy thunders roll'd in air, or the rude shock of cannonading war, or waves resounding on the craggy shore, hoarse roll'd the loud-toned undulating roar. but soon the sounds like human voices rise, all nations pouring undistinguisht cries; till more distinct the wide concussion grown rolls forth at times an accent like his own. by turns the tongues assimilating blend, and smoother idioms over earth ascend; mingling and softening still in every gale, o'er discord's din harmonious tones prevail. at last a simple universal sound winds thro the welkin, sooths the world around, from echoing shores in swelling strain replies, and moves melodious o'er the warbling skies. such wild commotions as he heard and view'd, in fixt astonishment the hero stood, and thus besought the guide: celestial friend, what good to man can these dread scenes intend? some sore distress attends that boding sound that breathed hoarse thunder and convulsed the ground. war sure hath ceased; or have my erring eyes misread the glorious visions of the skies? tell then, my seer, if future earthquakes sleep, closed in the conscious caverns of the deep, waiting the day of vengeance, when to roll and rock the rending pillars of the pole. or tell if aught more dreadful to my race in these dark signs thy heavenly wisdom trace; and why the loud discordance melts again in the smooth glidings of a tuneful strain. the guardian god replied: thy fears give o'er; war's hosted hounds shall havoc earth no more; no sore distress these signal sounds foredoom, but give the pledge of peaceful years to come; the tongues of nations here their accents blend. till one pure language thro the world extend. thou know'st the tale of babel; how the skies fear'd for their safety as they felt him rise, sent unknown jargons mid the laboring bands, confused their converse and unnerved their hands, dispersed the bickering tribes and drove them far, from peaceful toil to violence and war; bade kings arise with bloody flags unfurl'd, bade pride and conquest wander o'er the world, taught adverse creeds, commutual hatreds bred, till holy homicide the climes o'erspread. --for that fine apologue, writh mystic strain, gave like the rest a golden age to man, ascribed perfection to his infant state, science unsought and all his arts innate; supposed the experience of the growing race must lead him retrograde and cramp his pace, obscure his vision as his lights increast, and sink him from an angel to a beast. tis thus the teachers of despotic sway strive in all times to blot the beams of day, to keep him curb'd, nor let him lift his eyes to see where happiness, where misery lies. they lead him blind, and thro the world's broad waste perpetual feuds, unceasing shadows cast, crush every art that might the mind expand, and plant with demons every desert land; that, fixt in straiten'd bounds, the lust of power may ravage still and still the race devour, an easy prey the hoodwink'd hordes remain, and oceans roll and shores extend in vain. long have they reign'd; till now the race at last shake off their manacles, their blinders cast, overrule the crimes their fraudful foes produce, by ways unseen to serve the happiest use, tempt the wide wave, probe every yielding soil, fill with their fruits the hardy hand of toil, unite their forces, wheel the conquering car, deal mutual death, but civilize by war. dear-bought the experiment and hard the strife of social man, that rear'd his arts to life. his passions wild that agitate the mind, his reason calm, their watchful guide designed, while yet unreconciled, his march restrain, mislead the judgment and betray the man. fear, his first passion, long maintain'd the sway, long shrouded in its glooms the mental ray, shook, curb'd, controll'd his intellectual force, and bore him wild thro many a devious course. long had his reason, with experienced eye, perused the book of earth and scaled the sky, led fancy, memory, foresight in her train, and o'er creation stretch'd her vast domain; yet would that rival fear her strength appal; in that one conflict always sure to fall, mild reason shunn'd the foe she could not brave, renounced her empire and remained a slave. but deathless, tho debased, she still could find some beams of truth to pour upon the mind; and tho she dared no moral code to scan, thro physic forms she learnt to lead the man; to strengthen thus his opening orbs of sight, and nerve and clear them for a stronger light. that stronger light, from nature's double codes, now springs expanding and his doubts explodes; all nations catch it, all their tongues combine to hail the human morn and speak the day divine. at this blest period, when the total race shall speak one language and all truths embrace, instruction clear a speedier course shall find, and open earlier on the infant mind. no foreign terms shall crowd with barbarous rules the dull unmeaning pageantry of schools; nor dark authorities nor names unknown fill the learnt head with ignorance not its own; but wisdom's eye with beams unclouded shine, and simplest rules her native charms define; one living language, one unborrow'd dress her boldest flights with fullest force express; triumphant virtue, in the garb of truth, win a pure passage to the heart of youth, pervade all climes where suns or oceans roll, and warm the world with one great moral soul, to see, facilitate, attain the scope of all their labor and of all their hope. as early phosphor, on his silver throne, fair type of truth and promise of the sun, smiles up the orient in his dew-dipt ray, illumes the front of heaven and leads the day; thus physic science, with exploring eyes, first o'er the nations bids her beauties rise, prepares the glorious way to pour abroad her sister's brighter beams, the purest light of god. then moral science leads the lively mind thro broader fields and pleasures more refined; teaches the temper'd soul, at one vast view, to glance o'er time and look existence thro, see worlds and worlds, to being's formless end, with all their hosts on her prime power depend, seraphs and suns and systems, as they rise, live in her life and kindle from her eyes, her cloudless ken, her all-pervading soul illume, sublime and harmonize the whole; teaches the pride of man its breadth to bound in one small point of this amazing round, to shrink and rest where nature fixt its fate, a line its space, a moment for its date; instructs the heart an ampler joy to taste, and share its feelings with each human breast, expand its wish to grasp the total kind of sentient soul, of cogitative mind; till mutual love commands all strife to cease, and earth join joyous in the songs of peace. thus heard columbus, eager to behold the famed apocalypse its years unfold; the soul stood speaking thro his gazing eyes, and thus his voice: oh let the visions rise! command, celestial guide, from each far pole, john's vision'd morn to open on my soul, and raise the scenes, by his reflected light, living and glorious to my longing sight. let heaven unfolding show the eternal throne, and all the concave flame in one clear sun; on clouds of fire, with angels at his side, the prince of peace, the king of salem ride, with smiles of love to greet the bridal earth, call slumbering ages to a second birth, with all his white-robed millions fill the train, and here commence the interminable reign! such views, the saint replies, for sense too bright, would seal thy vision in eternal night; man cannot face nor seraph power display the mystic beams of such an awful day. enough for thee, that thy delighted mind should trace the temporal actions of thy kind; that time's descending veil should ope so far beyond the reach of wretchedness and war, till all the paths in nature's sapient plan fair in thy presence lead the steps of man, and form at last, on earth's extended ball, union of parts and happiness of all. to thy glad ken these rolling years have shown the boundless blessings thy vast labors crown, that, with the joys of unborn ages blest, thy soul exulting may retire to rest, but see once more! beneath a change of skies, the last glad visions wait thy raptured eyes. eager he look'd. another train of years had roll'd unseen, and brighten'd still their spheres; earth more resplendent in the floods of day assumed new smiles, and flush'd around him lay. green swell the mountains, calm the oceans roll, fresh beams of beauty kindle round the pole; thro all the range where shores and seas extend, in tenfold pomp the works of peace ascend. robed in the bloom of spring's eternal year, and ripe with fruits the same glad fields appear; o'er hills and vales perennial gardens run, cities unwall'd stand sparkling to the sun; the streams all freighted from the bounteous plain swell with the load and labor to the main, whose stormless waves command a steadier gale and prop the pinions of a bolder sail: sway'd with the floating weight each ocean toils, and joyous nature's full perfection smiles. fill'd with unfolding fate, the vision'd age now leads its actors on a broader stage; when clothed majestic in the robes of state, moved by one voice, in general congress meet the legates of all empires. twas the place where wretched men first firm'd their wandering pace; ere yet beguiled, the dark delirious hordes began to fight for altars and for lords; nile washes still the soil, and feels once more the works of wisdom press his peopled shore. in this mid site, this monumental clime, rear'd by all realms to brave the wrecks of time a spacious dome swells up, commodious great, the last resort, the unchanging scene of state. on rocks of adamant the walls ascend, tall columns heave and sky-like arches bend; bright o'er the golden roofs the glittering spires far in the concave meet the solar fires; four blazing fronts, with gates unfolding high, look with immortal splendor round the sky: hither the delegated sires ascend, and all the cares of every clime attend. as that blest band, the guardian guides of heaven, to whom the care of stars and suns is given, (when one great circuit shall have proved their spheres, and time well taught them how to wind their years) shall meet in general council; call'd to state the laws and labors that their charge await; to learn, to teach, to settle how to hold their course more glorious, as their lights unfold: from all the bounds of space (the mandate known) they wing their passage to the eternal throne; each thro his far dim sky illumes the road, and sails and centres tow'rd the mount of god; there, in mid universe, their seats to rear, exchange their counsels and their works compare: so, from all tracts of earth, this gathering throng in ships and chariots shape their course along, reach with unwonted speed the place assign'd to hear and give the counsels of mankind. south of the sacred mansion, first resort the assembled sires, and pass the spacious court. here in his porch earth's figured genius stands, truth's mighty mirror poizing in his hands; graved on the pedestal and chased in gold, man's noblest arts their symbol forms unfold, his tillage and his trade; with all the store of wondrous fabrics and of useful lore: labors that fashion to his sovereign sway earth's total powers, her soil and air and sea; force them to yield their fruits at his known call, and bear his mandates round the rolling ball. beneath the footstool all destructive things, the mask of priesthood and the mace of kings, lie trampled in the dust; for here at last fraud, folly, error all their emblems cast. each envoy here unloads his wearied hand of some old idol from his native land; one flings a pagod on the mingled heap, one lays a crescent, one a cross to sleep; swords, sceptres, mitres, crowns and globes and stars, codes of false fame and stimulants to wars sink in the settling mass; since guile began, these are the agents of the woes of man. now the full concourse, where the arches bend, pour thro by thousands and their seats ascend. far as the centred eye can range around, or the deep trumpet's solemn voice resound, long rows of reverend sires sublime extend, and cares of worlds on every brow suspend. high in the front, for soundest wisdom known, a sire elect in peerless grandeur shone; he open'd calm the universal cause, to give each realm its limit and its laws, bid the last breath of tired contention cease, and bind all regions in the leagues of peace; till one confederate, condependent sway spread with the sun and bound the walks of day, one centred system, one all-ruling soul live thro the parts and regulate the whole. here then, said hesper, with a blissful smile, behold the fruits of thy long years of toil. to yon bright borders of atlantic day thy swelling pinions led the trackless way, and taught mankind such useful deeds to dare, to trace new seas and happy nations rear; till by fraternal hands their sails unfurl'd have waved at last in union o'er the world. then let thy steadfast soul no more complain of dangers braved and griefs endured in vain, of courts insidious, envy's poison'd stings, the loss of empire and the frown of kings; while these broad views thy better thoughts compose to spurn the malice of insulting foes; and all the joys descending ages gain, repay thy labors and remove thy pain. notes. tho it would be more convenient to the reader to find some of these notes, especially the shorter ones, at the bottom of the pages to which they refer, yet most of them are of such a length as would render that mode of placing them disadvantageous to the symmetry of the pages and the general appearance of the work. it seemed necessary that these should be collected at the end of the poem; and it was thought proper that the others should not be separated from them. the notes will probably be found too voluminous for the taste of some readers; but others would doubtless be better pleased to see them still augmented, as several of the philosophical subjects and historical references are left unexplained. were i to offer apologies in this case, i should hardly know on which side to begin. i will therefore only say that in this appendage, as in the body of the work, i have aimed, as well as i was able, at blending in due proportions the useful with the agreeable. no. 1. _one gentle guardian once could shield the brave; but now that guardian slumbers in the grave._ book i. line 105. the death of queen isabella, which happened before the last return of columbus from america, was a subject of great sorrow to him. in her he lost his only powerful friend in spain, on whose influence he was accustomed to rely in counteracting the perpetual intrigues of a host of enemies, whose rank and fortune gave them a high standing at the court of valladolid. their situation and connexions must havee commanded a weight of authority not easily resisted by an individual foreigner, however illustrious from his merit. it was a grievous reflection for columbus that his services, tho great in themselves and unequalled in their consequences to the world, had been performed in an age and for a nation which knew not their value, as well as for an ungrateful monarch who chose to disregard them. no. 2. _as, awed to silence, savage lands gave place, and hail'd with joy the sun-descended race._ book i. line 243. the original inhabitants of hispaniola were worshippers of the sun. the europeans, when they first landed there, were supposed by them to be gods, and consequently descended from the sun. see the subject of solar worship treated more at large in a subsequent note. no. 3. _high lanterned in his heaven the cloudless white heaves the glad sailor an eternal light;_ book i. line 333. the white mountain of newhampshire, tho eighty miles from the sea, is the first land to be discovered in approaching that part of the coast of north america. it serves as a landmark for a considerable length of coast, of difficult navigation. no. 4. _whirl'd from the monstrous andes' bursting sides, maragnon leads his congregating tides;_ book i. line 365. this river, from different circumstances, has obtained several different names. it has been called amazon, from an idea that some part of the neighboring country was inhabited by a race of warlike women, resembling what herodotus relates of the amazons of scythia. it has been called orellana, from its having been discovered by a spanish officer of that name, who, on a certain expedition, deserted from the younger pizarro on one of the sources of this river, and navigated it from thence to the ocean. maragnon is the original name given it by the natives; which name i choose to follow. if we estimate its magnitude by the length of its course and the quantity of water it throws into the sea, it is much the greatest river that has hitherto come to our knowledge. its navigation is said by condamine and others to be uninterrupted for four thousand miles from the sea. its breadth, within the banks, is sixty geographical miles; it receives in its course a variety of great rivers, besides those described in the text. many of these descend from elevated countries and mountains covered with snow, the melting of which annually swells the maragnon above its banks; when it overflows and fertilizes a vast extent of territory. no. 5. _he saw xaraycts diamond lanks unfold, and paraguay's deep channel paved with gold._ book i. line 435. some of the richest diamond mines are found on the banks of the lake xaraya. the river paraguay is remarkable for the quantities of gold dust found in its channel. the rio de la plata, properly so called, has its source in the mountains of potosi; and it was probably from this circumstance that it received its name, which signifies river of silver. this river, after having joined the paraguay, which is larger than itself, retains its own name till it reaches the sea. near the mouth, it is one hundred and fifty miles wide; but in other respects it is far inferior to the maragnon. no. 6. _soon as the distant swell was seen to roll, his ancient wishes reabsorb'd his soul;_ book i. line 449. the great object of columbus, in most of his voyages, was to discover a western passage to india. he navigated the gulph of mexico with particular attention to this object, and was much disappointed in not finding a pass into the south sea. the view he is here supposed to have of that ocean would therefore naturally recal his former desire of sailing to india. no. 7. _this idle frith must open soon to fame, here a lost lusitanian fix his name,_ book i. line 491. the straits of magellan, so called from having been discovered by a portuguese navigator of that name, who first attempted to sail round the world, and lost his life in the attempt. no. 8. _say, palfrey, brave good man, was this thy doom? dwells here the secret of thy midsea tomb?_ book i. line 627. colonel palfrey of boston was an officer of distinction in the american army during the war of independence. soon after the war he proposed to visit europe, and embarked for england; but never more was heard of. the ship probably perished in the ice. his daughter, here alluded to, is now the wife of william lee, american consul at bordeaux. no. 9. _the beasts all whitening roam the lifeless plain, and caves unfrequent scoop the couch for man._ book i. line 753. the color of animals is acquired partly from the food they eat, thro successive generations, and partly from the objects with which they are usually surrounded. dr. darwin has a curious note on this subject, in which he remarks on the advantages that insects and other small animals derive from their color, as a means of rendering them invisible to their more powerful enemies; who thus find it difficult to distinguish them from other objects where they reside. some animals which inhabit cold countries turn white in winter, when the earth is covered with snow; such as the snowbird of the alps. others in snowy regions are habitually white; such as the white bear of russia. no. 10. _a different cast the glowing zone demands, in paria's blooms, from tombut's burning sands._ book ii. line 97. paria is a fertile country near the river orinoco; the only part of the continent of america that columbus had seen. tombut, in the same latitude, is the most sterile part of africa. america embraces a greater compass of latitude by many degrees than the other continent; and yet its inhabitants present a much less variety in their physical and moral character. when shall we be able to account for this fact? no. 11. _yet when the hordes to happy nations rise, and earth by culture warms the genial skies_, book ii. line 119. without entering into any discussion on the theory of heat and cold (a point not yet settled in our academies) i would just observe, in vindication of the expression in the text, that some solid matter, such for instance as the surface of the earth, seems absolutely necessary to the production of heat. at least it must be a matter more compact than that of the sun's rays; and perhaps its power of producing heat is in proportion to its solidity. the warmth communicated to the atmosphere is doubtless produced by the combined causes of the earth and the sun; but the agency of the former is probably more powerful in this operation than that of the latter, and its presence more indispensable. for masses of matter will produce heat by friction, without the aid of the sun; but no experiment has yet proved that the rays of the sun are capable of producing heat without the aid of other and more solid matter. the air is temperate in those cavities of the earth where the sun is the most effectually excluded; whereas the coldest regions yet known to us are the tops of the andes, where the sun's rays have the most direct operation, being the most vertical and the least obstructed by vapors. those regions are deprived of heat by being so far removed from the broad surface of the earth; a body that appears requisite to warm the surrounding atmosphere by its cooperation with the action of the sun. from these principles we may conclude that cultivation, in a woody country, tends to warm the atmosphere and ameliorate a cold climate; as, by removing the forests and marshes, it opens the earth to the sun, and allows them to act in conjunction upon the air. according to the descriptions given of the middle parts of europe by cesar and tacitus, it appears that those countries were much colder in their days than they are at present; cultivation seems to have softened that climate to a great degree. the same effect begins to be perceived in north america. possibly it may in time become as apparent as the present difference in the temperature of the two continents. no. 12. _a ruddier hue and deeper shade shall gain, and stalk, in statelier figures, on the plain._ book ii. line 127. the complexion of the inhabitants of north america, who are descended from the english and dutch, is evidently darker, and their stature taller, than those of the english and dutch in europe. no. 13. _like memphian hieroglyphs, to stretch the span of memory frail in momentary man._ book ii. line 287. we may reckon three stages of improvement in the graphic art, or the art of communicating our thoughts to absent persons and to posterity by visible signs. first, the invention of _painting ideas,_ or representing actions, dates and other circumstances of historical fact, by the images of material things, drawn usually on a flat surface, or sometimes carved or moulded in a more solid form. this was the state at which the art had arrived in egypt before the introduction of letters, and in mexico before the arrival of the spaniards. the greeks in egypt called it hieroglyphic. second, the invention of _painting sounds,_ which we do by the use of letters, or the alphabet, and which we call writing. this was a vast improvement; as it simplified in a wonderful degree the communication of thought. for ideas are infinite in number and variety; while the simple sounds we use to convey them to the ear are few, distinct and easy to be understood. it would indeed be impossible to express all our ideas by distinct and visible images. and even if the writer were able to do this, not many readers could be made to understand him; since it would be necessary that every new idea should have a new image invented and agreed upon between the writer and the reader, before it could be used. which preliminary could not be settled without the writer should see and converse with the reader. and he might as well, in this case, convey his ideas by oral speech; so that his writing could be of little use beyond a certain routine of established signs. the number of simple sounds in human language, used in discourse, is not above eighteen or twenty; and these are so varied in the succession in which they are uttered, as to express an inconceivable and endless variety of thought and sentiment. then, by the help of an alphabet of about twenty-six letters or visible signs, these sounds are translated from the ear to the eye; and we are able, by thus painting the sound, to arrest its fleeting nature, render it permanent, and talk with distant nations and future ages, without any previous convention whatever, even supposing them to be ignorant of the language in which we write. this is the present state of the art, as commonly practised in all the countries where an alphabet is used. it is called the art of writing; and to understand it is called reading. third, another invention, which is still in its infancy, is the art of _painting phrases,_ or sentences; commonly called shorthand writing. this is yet but little used, and only by a few dexterous persons, who make it a particular study. probably the true principles on which it ought to be founded are yet to be discovered. but it may be presumed, that in this part of the graphic art there remains to the ingenuity of future generations a course of improvements totally inconceivable to the present; by which the whole train of impressions now made upon the mind by reading a long and well written treatise may be conveyed by a few strokes of the pen, and be received at a glance of the eye. this desideratum would be an abridgment of labor in our mental acquisitions, of which we cannot determine the consequences. it might make, in the progress of human knowledge, an epoch as remarkable as that which was made by the invention of alphabetical writing, and produce as great a change in the mode of transmitting the history of events. one consequence of the invention of alphabetical writing seems to have been to throw into oblivion all previous historical facts; and it has thus left an immense void, which the imagination knows not how to fill, in contemplating the progress of our race. how many important discoveries, which still remain to our use, must have taken their origin in that space of time which is thus left a void to us! a vast succession of ages, and ages of improvement, must have preceded (for example) the invention of the wheel. the wheel must have been in common use, we know not how long, before alphabetical writing; because we find its image employed in painting ideas, during the first stage of the graphic art above described. the wheel was likewise in use before the mysteries of ceres or those of isis were established; as is evident from its being imagined as an instrument of punishment in hell, in the case of ixion, as represented in those mysteries. the taming of the ox and the horse, the use of the sickle and the bow and arrow, a considerable knowledge of astronomy, and its application to the purposes of agriculture and navigation, with many other circumstances, which show a prodigious improvement, must evidently have preceded the date of the zodiac; a date fixed by dupuis, with a great degree of probability, at about seventeen thousand years from our time. this epoch would doubtless carry us back many thousand years beyond that of the alphabet; the invention of which was sufficient of itself to obliterate the details of previous history, as the event has proved. how far the loss of these historical details is to be regretted, as an impediment to our progress in useful knowledge, i will not decide; but in one view, which i am going to state, it may be justly considered as a misfortune. the art of painting ideas, being arrested in the state in which the use of the alphabet found it, went into general disuse for common purposes; and the works then extant, as well as the knowledge of writing in that mode, being no longer intelligible to the people, became objects of deep and laborious study, and known only to the learned; that is, to the men of leisure and contemplation. these men consequently ran it into mystery; making it a holy object, above the reach of vulgar inquiry. on this ground they established, in the course of ages, a profitable function or profession, in the practice of which a certain portion of men of the brightest talents could make a reputable living; taking care not to initiate more than a limited number of professors; no more than the people could maintain as priests. this mode of writing then assumed the name of hieroglyphic, or sacred painting, to distinguish it from that which had now become the vulgar mode of writing, by the use of the alphabet. this is perhaps the source of that ancient, vast and variegated system of false religion, with all its host of errors and miseries, which has so long and so grievously weighed upon the character of human nature. in noticing the distinction of the three stages in the graphic art above described, i have not mentioned the wonderful powers we derive from it in the language of the mathematics and the language of music. in each of these, though its effects are already astonishing, there is no doubt but great improvements are still to be made. our present mode of writing in these, as in literature, belongs to the _second_ or _alphabetical_ stage of the graphic art. the ten ciphers, and the other signs used in the mathematical sciences, form the alphabet in which the language of those sciences is written. the few musical notes, and the other signs which accompany them, furnish an alphabet for writing the language of music. the mode of writing in china is still different from any of those i have mentioned. the chinese neither paint ideas nor sounds: but they make a character for every word; which character must vary according to the different inflections and uses of that word. the characters must therefore be insupportably numerous, and be still increasing as the language is enriched with new words by the augmentation and correction of ideas. the english language is supposed to contain about twelve thousand distinct words, and the italian about seventeen thousand, in the present state of our sciences. i know not how many the chinese may contain; but if we were to write our languages in the chinese method, it would be the business of a whole life for a man to learn his mother tongue, so as to read and write it for his ordinary purposes. as the chinese have not adopted an alphabet, but have adhered to an invariable state of the graphic art, which is probably more ancient by several thousand years than our present method, may we not venture to conjecture that the traces of their very ancient history have been, for that reason, better preserved? and that their pretensions to a very high antiquity, which we have been used to think extravagant and ridiculous, are really not without foundation? if so, we might then allow a little more latitude to ourselves, and conclude that we are in fact as old as they, and might have been as sensible of it, if we had adhered to our ancient method of writing; and not changed it for a new one which, while it has facilitated the progress of our science, has humbled our pride of antiquity, by obliterating the dates of those labors and improvements of our early progenitors, to which we are indebted for more of the rudiments of our sciences and our arts than we usually imagine. it is much to be regretted, that the spanish devastation in mexico and peru was so universal as to leave us but few monuments of the history of the human mind in those countries, which presented a state of manners so remarkably different from what can be found in any other part of the world. the pictorial writing of the mexicans, tho sometimes called hieroglyphic, does not appear to merit that name, as it was not exclusively appropriated by the priests to sacred purposes. indeed it could not be so appropriated till a more convenient method could be discovered and adopted for common purposes. for a thing cannot become sacred, in this sense of the word, until it ceases to be common. no. 14. _no bovadilla seize the tempting spoil, no dark ovando, no religious boyle,_ book ii. line 303. bovadilla and ovando are mentioned in the introduction as the enemies and successors of columbus in the government of hispaniola. they began that system of cruelty towards the natives which in a few years almost depopulated that island, and was afterwards pursued by cortez, pizarro and others, in all the first settlements in spanish america. boyle was a fanatical priest who accompanied ovando, and, under pretence of christianizing the natives by the sword, gave the sanction of the church to the most shocking and extensive scenes of slaughter. no. 15. _he gains the shore. behold his fortress rise, his fleet high flaming suffocates the skies._ book ii. line 329. the conduct of cortez, when he first landed on the coast of mexico, was as remarkable for that hardy spirit of adventure, to which success gives the name of policy, as his subsequent operations were for cruelty and perfidy. as soon as his army was on shore, he dismantled his fleet of such articles as would be useful in building a new one; he then set fire to his ships, and burnt them in presence of his men; that they might fight their battles with more desperate courage, knowing that it would be impossible to save themselves from a victorious enemy by flight. he constructed a fort, in which the iron and the rigging were preserved. no. 16. _with cheerful rites their pure devotions pay to the bright orb that gives the changing day._ book ii. line 421. it is worthy of remark, that the countries where the worship of the sun has made the greatest figure are egypt and peru; the two regions of the earth the most habitually deprived of rain, and probably of clouds, which in other countries so frequently obstruct his rays and seem to dispute his influence. tho in the rude ages of society it is certainly natural in all countries to pay adoration to the sun, as one of the visible agents of those changes in the atmosphere which most affect the people's happiness, yet it is reasonable to suppose that this adoration would be more unmixed, and consequently more durable, in climates where the agency of the sun appears unrivalled and supreme. on the supposition that greece and western asia, regions whose early traditions are best known to us, derived their first theological ideas from egypt, it is curious to observe how the pure heliosebia of egypt degenerated in those climates in proportion as other visible agents seemed to exert their influence in human affairs. greece is a mountainous country, subject to a great deal of lightning and other meteors, whose effects are tremendous and make stronger impressions on rude savages than the gentle energies of the sun. the greeks therefore, having forgotten the source of their religious system, ceased to consider the sun as their supreme god; his agency being, in their opinion, subject to a more potent divinity, the power of the air or jupiter, whom they styled the thunderer. so that apollo, the god of light, became, in their mythology, the subject and offspring of the supreme god of the atmosphere. this religion became extremely confused and complicated with new fables, according to the temperature and other accidents of the different climates thro which it passed. the god of thunder obtained the supreme veneration generally in europe: known in the south by the name of jupiter or zeus and in the north by that of thor. europe in general has an uneven surface and a vapory sky, liable to great concussions in the lower regions of the atmosphere which border the habitation of man. there is no wonder that in such a region the god of the air should appear more powerful than the god of light. this disposition of the elements has given a gloomy cast to the mind, and in the north more than in the south. the thor of the celtic nations was more tremendous, more feared and less beloved, than the jupiter of the greeks and romans; he was worshipped accordingly with more bloody sacrifices. but in all europe, western asia and the northwestern coast of africa, where the earth is uneven and the climate variable, their religion was more gloomy and their gods more ferocious than among the ancient egyptians. a like difference is observed in the religions of the two countries in america where civilization was most advanced before the arrival of the spaniards. peru enjoyed a climate of great serenity and regularity. of all the sensible agents that operated on the earth and air, the sun was apparently the most uniform and energetic. the worship of the sun was therefore the most predominant and durable; and it inspired a mildness of manners analogous to his mild and beneficent influence. in mexico and other uneven countries, where storms and earthquakes were frequent, the sun, altho he was reckoned among their deities, was not considered so powerful as those of a more boisterous and maleficent nature. the mexican worship was therefore addressed chiefly to ferocious beings, enemies to human happiness, who delighted in the tears and blood of their votaries. the difference in the moral cast of religion in peru and mexico, as well as in egypt and greece, must have been greatly owing to climate. indeed in what else should it be found? since the origin of religious ideas must have been in the energies of those visible agents which form the distinctive character of climates. no. 17. _long is the tale; but tho their labors rest by years obscured, in flowery fiction drest,_ book ii. line 455. the traditions respecting these founders of the peruvian empire are indeed obscure; but they excite in us the same sort of veneration that we feel for the most amiable and distinguished characters of remote antiquity. the honest zeal of garcilasso de la vega in collecting these traditions into one body of history, as a probable series of facts, is to be applauded; since he has there presented us with one of the most striking examples of the _beau ideal_ in political character, that can be found in the whole range of literature. he treats his subject with more natural simplicity, tho with less talent, than plutarch or xenophon, when they undertake a similar task, that of drawing traditional characters to fill up the middle space between fable and history. with regard to the true position that the portrait of manco capac ought to hold in this middle space, how near it should stand to history and how near to fable, we should find it difficult to say, and perhaps useless to inquire. plutarch has gravely given us the lives and actions of several heroes who are evidently more fabulous than capac, and of others who should be placed on the same line with him. the existence of theseus, romulus and numa is more doubtful and their actions less probable than his. the character of capac, in regard to its reality, stands on a parallel with that of the lycurgus of plutarch and the cyrus of xenophon; not purely historical nor purely fabulous, but presented to us as a compendium of those talents and labors which might possibly be crowded into the capacity of one mind, and be achieved in one life, but which more probably belong to several generations; the talents and labors that could reduce a great number of ferocious tribes into one peaceable and industrious state. garcilasso was himself an inca by maternal descent, born and educated at cusco after the spanish conquest. he writes apparently with the most scrupulous regard to truth, with little judgment and no ornament. he discovers a credulous zeal to throw a lustre on his remote ancestor manco capac, not by inventing new incidents, but by collecting with great industry all that had been recorded in the annals of the family. and their manner of recording events, tho not so perfect as that of writing, was not so liable to error as traditions merely oral, like those of the caledonian and other celtic bards, with respect to the ancient heroes of their countries. his account states, that about four centuries previous to the discovery of that country by the spaniards, the natives of peru were as rude savages as any in america. they had no fixed habitations, no ideas of permanent property; they wandered naked like the beasts, and like them depended on the events of each day for a subsistence. at this period manco capac and his wife mauna oella appeared on a small island in the lake titiaca, near which the city of cusco was afterwards built. these persons, to establish a belief of their divinity in the minds of the people, were clothed in white garments of cotton, and declared themselves descended from the sun, who was their father and the god of that country. they affirmed that he was offended at their cruel and perpetual wars, their barbarous modes of worship, and their neglecting to make the best use of the blessings he was constantly bestowing, in fertilizing the earth and producing vegetation; that he pitied their wretched state, and had sent his own children to instruct them and to establish a number of wise regulations, by which they might be rendered happy. by some uncommon method of persuasion, these persons drew together a few of the savage tribes, laid the foundation of the city of cusco, and established what is called the kingdom of the sun, or the peruvian empire. in the reign of manco capac, the dominion was extended about eight leagues from the city; and at the end of four centuries it was established fifteen hundred miles on the coast of the pacific ocean, and from that ocean to the andes. during this period, thro a succession of twelve monarchs, the original constitution, established by the first inca, remained unaltered; and this constitution, with the empire itself, was at last overturned by an accident which no human wisdom could foresee or prevent. for a more particular detail of the character and institutions of this extraordinary personage the reader is referred to a subsequent note, in which he will find a dissertation on that subject. in the passage preceding this reference, i have alluded to the fabulous traditions relating to these children of the sun. in the remainder of the second and thro the whole of the third book, i have given what may be supposed a probable narrative of their real origin and actions. the space allowed to this episode may appear too considerable in a poem whose principal object is so different. but it may be useful to exhibit in action the manners and sentiments of savage tribes, whose aliment is war; that the contrast may show more forcibly the advantages of civilized life, whose aliment is peace. no. 18. _long robes of white my shoulders must embrace, to speak my lineage of ethereal race;_ book ii. line 553. as the art of spinning is said to have been invented by oella, it is no improbable fiction to imagine that they first assumed these white garments of cotton as an emblem of the sun, in order to inspire that reverence for their persons which was necessary to their success. such a dress may likewise be supposed to have continued in the family as a badge of royalty. no. 19. dissertation on the institutions of manco capac. for the end of book ii. altho the original inhabitants of america in general deserve to be classed among the most unimproved savages that had been, discovered before those of new holland, yet the mexican and peruvian governments exhibited remarkable exceptions, and seemed to be fast approaching to a state of civilization. in the difference of national character between the people of these two empires we may discern the influence of political systems on the human mind, and infer the importance of the task which a legislator undertakes, in attempting to reduce a barbarous people under the control of government and laws. the mexican constitution was formed to render its subjects brave and powerful; but, while it succeeded in this object, it kept them far removed from the real blessings of society. according to the spanish accounts (which for an obvious reason may however be suspected of exaggeration) the manners of the mexicans were uncommonly ferocious, and their religion gloomy, sanguinary, and unrelenting. but the establishments of manco capac, if we may follow garcilasso in attributing the whole of the peruvian constitution to that wonderful personage, present the aspect of a most benevolent and pacific system; they tended to humanize the world and render his people happy; while his ideas of deity were so elevated as to bear a comparison with the sublime doctrines of socrates or plato. the characters, whether real or fabulous, who are the most distinguished as lawgivers among barbarous nations, are moses, lycurgus, solon, numa, mahomet, and peter of russia. of these, only the two former and the two latter appear really to deserve the character of lawgivers. solon and numa possessed not the opportunity of showing their talents in the work of original legislation. athens and rome were considerably civilized before these persons arose. the most they could do was to correct and amend constitutions already formed. solon may be considered as a wise politician, but by no means as the founder of a nation. the athenians were too far advanced in society to admit any radical change in their form of government; unless recourse could have been had to the representative system, by establishing an equality of rank, and instructing all the people in their duties and their rights; a system which was never understood by any ancient legislator. the institutions of numa (if such a person as numa really existed) were more effective and durable. his religious ceremonies were, for many ages, the most powerful check on the licentious and turbulent romans, the greater part of whom were ignorant slaves. by inculcating a remarkable reverence for the gods, and making it necessary to consult the auspices when any thing important was to be transacted, his object was to render the popular superstition subservient to the views of policy, and thus to give the senate a steady check upon the plebeians. but the constitutions of rome and athens, notwithstanding the abundant applause that has been bestowed upon them, were never fixed on any permanent principles; tho the wisdom of some of their rulers, and the spirit of liberty that inspired the citizens, may justly demand our admiration. each of the other legislators above mentioned deserves a particular consideration, as having acted in stations somewhat similar to that of the peruvian patriarch. three objects are to be attended to by the legislator of a barbarous people: first, that his system be such as is capable of reducing the greatest number of men under one jurisdiction: second, that it apply to such principles in human nature for its support as are universal and permanent, in order to insure the duration of the government: third, that it admit of improvements correspondent to any advancement in knowledge or variation of circumstances that may happen to its subjects, without endangering the principle of government by such innovations. so far as the systems of such legislators agree with these fundamental principles; they are worthy of respect; and so far as they deviate, they may be considered as defective. to begin with moses and lycurgus: it is proper to observe that, in order to judge of the merit of any institutions, we must take into view the peculiar character of the people for whom they were framed. for want of this attention, many of the laws of moses and some of those of lycurgus have been ridiculed and censured. the jews, when led by moses out of egypt, were not only uncivilized, but having just risen to independence from a state of servitude they united the manners of servants and savages; and their national character was a compound of servility, ignorance, filthiness and cruelty. of their cruelty as a people we need no other proof than the account of their avengers of blood, and the readiness with which the whole congregation turned executioners, and stoned to death the devoted offenders. the leprosy, a disease now scarcely known, was undoubtedly produced by a want of cleanliness continued for successive generations. in this view, their frequent ablutions, their peculiar modes of trial and several other institutions, may be vindicated from ridicule and proved to be wise regulations. the spartan lawgiver has been censured for the toleration of theft and adultery. among that race of barbarians these habits were too general to admit of total prevention or universal punishment. by vesting all property in the commonwealth, instead of encouraging theft, he removed the possibility of the crime; and, in a nation where licentiousness was generally indulged, it was a great step towards introducing a purity of manners, to punish adultery in all cases wherein it was committed without the consent of all parties interested in its consequences. until the institution of representative republics, which are of recent date, it was found that those constitutions of government were best calculated for immediate energy and duration, which were interwoven with some religious system. the legislator who appears in the character of an inspired person renders his political institutions sacred, and interests the conscience as well as the judgment in their support. the jewish lawgiver had this advantage over the spartan: he appeared not in the character of a mere earthly governor, but as an interpreter of the divine will. by enjoining a religious observance of certain rites he formed his people to habitual obedience; by directing their cruelty against the breakers of the laws he at least mitigated the rancor of private hatred; by directing that real property should return to the original families in the year of jubilee he prevented too great an equality of wealth; and by selecting a single tribe to be the interpreters of religion he prevented its mysteries from being the subject of profane and vulgar investigation. with a view of securing the permanence of his institutions, he prohibited intercourse with foreigners by severe restrictions, and formed his people to habits and a character disagreeable to other nations; so that any foreign intercourse was prevented by the mutual hatred of both parties. to these institutions the laws of lycurgus bear a striking resemblance. the features of his constitution were severe and forbidding; it was however calculated to inspire the most enthusiastic love of liberty and martial honor. in no country was the patriotic passion more energetic than in sparta; no laws ever excluded the idea of separate property in an equal degree, or inspired a greater contempt for the manners of other nations. the prohibition of money, commerce and almost every thing desirable to effeminate nations, excluded foreigners from sparta; and while it inspired the people with contempt for strangers it made them agreeable to each other. by these means lycurgus rendered the nation warlike; and to insure the duration of the government he endeavored to interest the consciences of his people by the aid of oracles, and by the oath he is said to have exacted from them to obey his laws till his return, when he went into perpetual exile. from this view of the jewish and spartan institutions, applied to the principles before stated, they appear in the two first articles considerably imperfect, and in the last totally defective. neither of them was calculated to bring any considerable territory or number of men under one jurisdiction: from this circumstance alone they could not be rendered permanent, as nations so restricted in their means of extension must be constantly exposed to their more powerful neighbors. but the third object of legislation, that of providing for the future progress of society, which as it regards the happiness of mankind is the most important of the three, was in both instances entirely neglected. these symptoms appear to have been formed with an express design to prevent future improvement in knowledge or enlargement of the human mind, and to fix those nations in a state of ignorance and barbarism. to vindicate their authors from an imputation of weakness or inattention in this particular, it may be urged that they were each of them surrounded by nations more powerful than their own; it was therefore perhaps impossible for them to commence an establishment upon any other plan. the institutions of mahomet are next to be considered. the first object of legislation appears to have been better understood by him than by either of the preceding sages; his jurisdiction was capable of being enlarged to any extent of territory, and governing any number of nations that might be subjugated by his enthusiastic armies; and his system of religion was admirably calculated to attain this object. like moses, he convinced his people that he acted as the vicegerent of god; but with this advantage, adapting his religion to the natural feelings and propensities of mankind, he multiplied his followers by the allurements of pleasure and the promise of a sensual paradise. these circumstances were likewise sure to render his constitution durable. his religious system was so easy to be understood, so splendid and so inviting, there could be no danger that the people would lose sight of its principles, and no necessity of future prophets to explain its doctrines or reform the nation. to these advantages if we add the exact and rigid military discipline, the splendor and sacredness of the monarch, and that total ignorance among the people which such a system will produce and perpetuate, the establishment must have been evidently calculated for a considerable extent and duration. but the last and most important end of government, that of mental improvement and social happiness, was deplorably lost in the institution. there was probably more learning and cultivated genius in arabia, in the days of this extraordinary man, than can now be found in all the mahometan dominions. on the contrary, the enterprising mind of the russian monarch appears to have been wholly bent on the arts of civilization and the improvement of society among his subjects. established in a legal title to a throne which already commanded a prodigious extent of country, he found the first object of government already secured; and by applying himself with great sagacity to the third object, that of improving his people, it was reasonable to suppose that the second, the durability of his system, would become a necessary consequence. he effected his purposes, important as they were, merely by the introduction of the arts and the encouragement of politer manners. the greatness of his character appears not so much in his institutions, which he copied from other nations, as in the extraordinary measures he followed to introduce them, the judgment he showed in selecting and adapting them to the genius of his subjects, and the surprising assiduity by which he raised a savage people to an elevated rank among european nations. to the nature and operation of the several forms of government above mentioned i will compare that of the peruvian lawgiver. i have observed in a preceding note that the knowledge we have of manco capac is necessarily imperfect and obscure, derived thro traditions and family registers (without the aid of writing) for four hundred years; from the time he is supposed to have lived, till that of his historian and descendant, inca garcilasso de la vega. about an equal interval elapsed from the supposed epoch of the first kings of rome to that of their first historians; a longer space from lycurgus to herodotus; probably not a shorter one from the time of the great cyrus to that of xenophon, author of the elegant romance on the actions of that hero. i recal the reader's attention to these comparisons, not with a view of contending that our accounts of the actions ascribed to capac are derived from authentic records, and that he is a subject of real history, like mahomet or peter; but to show that, our channels of information with regard to him being equally respectable with those that have brought us acquainted with the classical and venerable names of lycurgus, romulus, numa and cyrus, we may be as correct in our reasonings from the modern as from the ancient source of reference, and fancy ourselves treading a ground as sacred on the tomb of the western patriarch, as on those more frequented and less scrutinized in the east, consecrated to the demigods of sparta, rome and persia. it is probable that the savages of peru before the time of capac, among other objects of adoration, paid homage to the sun. by availing himself of this popular sentiment he appeared, like moses and mahomet, in the character of a divine legislator endowed with supernatural powers. after impressing these ideas on the minds of the people, drawing together a number of the tribes and rendering them subservient to his benevolent purposes, he applied himself to forming the outlines of a plan of policy capable of founding and regulating an extensive empire, wisely calculated for long duration, and well adapted to improve the knowledge, peace and happiness of a considerable portion of mankind. in the allotment of the lands as private property he invented a mode somewhat resembling the feudal system of europe: yet this system was checked in its operation by a law similar to that of moses which regulated landed possessions in the year of jubilee. he divided the lands into three parts; the first was consecrated to the uses of religion, as it was from the sacerdotal part of his system that he doubtless expected its most powerful support. the second portion was set apart for the inca and his family, to enable him to defray the expenses of government and appear in the style of a monarch. the third and largest portion was allotted to the people; which allotment was repeated every year, and varied according to the number and exigences of each family. as the incan race appeared in the character of divinities, it seemed necessary that a subordination of rank should be established, to render the distinction between the monarch and his people more perceptible. with this view he created a band of nobles, who were distinguished by personal and hereditary honors. these were united to the monarch by the strongest ties of interest; in peace they acted as judges and superintended the police of the empire; in war they commanded in the armies. the next order of men were the respectable landholders and cultivators, who composed the principal strength of the nation. below these was a class of men who were the servants of the public and cultivated the public lands. they possessed no property, and their security depended on their regular industry and peaceable demeanor. above all these orders were the inca and his family. he possessed absolute and uncontrolable power; his mandates were regarded as the word of heaven, and the double guilt of impiety and rebellion attended on disobedience. to impress the utmost veneration for the incan family, it was a fundamental principle that the royal blood should never be contaminated by any foreign alliance. the mysteries of religion were preserved sacred by the high priest of the royal family under the control of the king, and celebrated with rites capable of making the deepest impression on the multitude. the annual distribution of the lands, while it provided for the varying circumstances of each family, was designed to strengthen the bands of society by perpetuating that distinction of rank among the orders which is supposed necessary to a monarchical government; the peasants could not vie with their superiors, and the nobles could not be subjected by misfortune to a subordinate station. a constant habit of industry was inculcated upon all ranks by the force of example. the cultivation of the soil, which in most other countries is considered as one of the lowest employments, was here regarded as a divine art. having had no knowledge of it before, and being taught it by the children of their god, the people viewed it as a sacred privilege, a national honor, to assist the sun in opening the bosom of the earth to produce vegetation. that the government might be able to exercise the endearing acts of beneficence, the produce of the public lands was reserved in magazines, to supply the wants of the unfortunate and as a resource in case of scarcity or invasion. these are the outlines of a government the most simple and energetic, and at least as capable as any monarchy within our knowledge of reducing great and populous countries under one jurisdiction; at the same time, accommodating its principle of action to every stage of improvement, by a singular and happy application to the passions of the human mind, it encouraged the advancement of knowledge without being endangered by success. in the traits of character which distinguish this institution we may discern all the great principles of each of the legislators above mentioned. the pretensions of capac to divine authority were as artfully contrived and as effectual in their consequences as those of mahomet; his exploding the worship of evil beings and objects of terror, forbidding human sacrifices and accommodating the rites of worship to a god of justice and benevolence, produced a greater change in the national character of his people than the laws of moses did in his; like peter he provided for the future improvement of society, while his actions were never measured on the contracted scale which limited the genius of lycurgus. thus far we find that altho the political system of capac did not embrace that extensive scope of human nature which is necessary in forming republican institutions, and which can be drawn only from long and well recorded experience of the passions and tendencies of social man, yet it must be pronounced at least equal to those of the most celebrated monarchical law-givers, whether ancient or modern. but in some things his mind seems to have attained an elevation with which few of theirs will bear a comparison; i mean in his religious institutions, and the exalted ideas he had formed of the agency and attributes of supernatural beings. from what source he could have drawn these ideas it is difficult to form a satisfactory conjecture. the worship of the sun is so natural to an early state of society, in a mild climate with a clear atmosphere, that it may be as reasonable to suppose it would originate in peru as in egypt or persia; where we find that a similar worship did originate and was wrought into a splendid system; whence it was probably extended, with various modifications, over most of the ancient world. or if we reject this theory, and suppose that only one nation, from some circumstance peculiar to itself, could create the materials of such a system, and has consequently had the privilege of giving its religion to the human race; we may in this case imagine that the phenicians (who colonized cadiz and other places in the west of europe, at the time when they possessed the solar worship in all its glory) must have had a vessel driven across the atlantic; and thus conveyed a stock of inhabitants, with their own religious ideas, to the western continent. the first theory is doubtless the most plausible. and the mild regions of peru, for the reasons mentioned in a former note, became, like egypt, the seat of an institution so congenial to its climate. but in more boisterous climates, where storms and other violent agents prevail, many different fables have wrought themselves into the system, as remarked in the same note; and the solar religion in such countries has generally lost its name and the more beneficent parts of its influence. being thus corrupted, religion in almost every part of the earth assumed a gloomy and sanguinary character. savage nations create their gods from such materials as they have at hand, the most striking to their senses. and these are in general an assemblage of destructive attributes. they usually form no idea of a general superintending providence; they consider not their god as the author of their beings, the creator of the world and the dispenser of the happiness they enjoy; they discern him not in the usual course of nature, in the sunshine and in the shower, the productions of the earth and the blessing of society; they find a deity only in the storm, the earthquake and the whirlwind, or ascribe to him the evils of pestilence and famine; they consider him as interposing in wrath to change the course of nature and exercise the attributes of rage and revenge. they adore him with rites suited to these attributes, with horror, with penance and with sacrifice; they imagine him pleased with the severity of their mortifications, with the oblations of blood and the cries of human victims; and they hope to compound for greater judgments by voluntary sufferings and horrid sacrifices, suited to the relish of his taste. perhaps no single criterion can be given which will determine more accurately the state of society in any age or nation than their general ideas concerning the nature and attributes of deity. in the most enlightened periods of antiquity, only a few of their philosophers, a socrates, tully or confucius, ever formed a rational idea on the subject, or described a god of purity, justice and benevolence. but capac, erecting his institutions in a country where the visible agents of nature inspired more satisfactory feelings, adopted a milder system. as the sun, with its undisturbed influence, seemed to point itself out as the supreme controller and vital principle of nature, he formed the idea, as the egyptians had done before, of constituting that luminary the chief object of adoration. he taught the nation to consider the sun as the parent of the universe, the god of order and regularity; ascribing to his influence the rotation of the seasons, the productions of the earth and the blessings of health; especially attributing to his inspiration the wisdom of their laws, and that happy constitution which was the delight and veneration of the people. a system so just and benevolent, as might be expected, was attended with success. in about four centuries the dominion of the incas had extended fifteen hundred miles in length, and had introduced peace and prosperity thro the whole region. the arts of society had been carried to a considerable degree of improvement, and the authority of the incan race universally acknowledged, when an event happened which disturbed the tranquillity of the empire. huana capac, the twelfth monarch, had reduced the powerful kingdom of quito and annexed it to his dominions. to conciliate the affections of his new subjects, he married a daughter of the ancient king of quito, who was not of the race of incas. thus, by violating a fundamental law of the empire, he left at his death a disputed succession to the throne. atabalipa, the son of huana by the heiress of quito, being in possession of the principal force of the peruvian armies, left at that place on the death of his father, gave battle to his brother huascar, who was the elder son of huana by a lawful wife, and legal heir to the crown. after a long and destructive civil war the former was victorious; and thus was that flourishing kingdom left a prey to regal dissensions and to the few soldiers of pizarro, who happened at that juncture to make a descent upon the coast. in this manner he effected an easy conquest and an utter destruction of a numerous, brave, unfortunate people. it is however obvious that this deplorable event is not to be charged on capac, as the consequence of any defect in his institution. it is impossible that an original legislator should effectually guard against the folly of all future sovereigns. capac had not only removed every temptation that could induce a wise prince to wish for a change in the constitution, but had connected the ruin of his authority with the change; for he who disregards any part of institutions deemed sacred teaches his people to consider the whole as an imposture. had he made a law ordaining that the peruvians should be absolved from their allegiance to a prince who should violate the laws, it would have implied possible error and imperfection in those persons whom the people were ordered to regard as divinities; the reverence due to characters who made such high pretensions would have been weakened; and instead of rendering the constitution perfect, such a law would have been its greatest defect. besides, it is probable the rupture might have been healed and the suecession settled, with as little difficulty as frequently happens with partial revolutions in other kingdoms, had not the descent of the spaniards prevented it. and this event, for that age and country, must have been beyond the possibility of human foresight. but viewing the concurrence of these fatal accidents, which reduced this flourishing empire to a level with many other ruined and departed kingdoms, it only furnishes an additional proof that no political system has yet had the privilege to be perfect. on the whole it is evident that the system of capac (if the peruvian constitution may be so called) is one of the greatest exertions of genius to be found in the history of mankind. when, we consider him as an individual emerging from the midst of a barbarous people, having seen no example of the operation of laws in any country, originating a plan of religion and policy never equalled by the sages of antiquity, civilizing an extensive empire and rendering religion and government subservient to the general happiness of a great people, there is no danger that we grow too warm in his praise, or pronounce too high an eulogiurn on his character. no. 20. _bade yon tall temple grace their favorite isle, the mines unfold, the cultured valleys smile._ book iii. line 5. one of the great temples of the sun was built on an island in the lake titiaca near cusco, to consecrate the spot of ground where capac and oella first made their appearance and claimed divine honors as children of the sun. no. 21. _his eldest hope, young rocha, at his call, resigns his charge within the temple, wall;_ book iii. line 29. the high priest of the sun was always one of the royal family; and in every generation after the first, was brother to the king. this office probably began with rocha; as he was the first who was capable of receiving it, and as it was necessary, in the education of the prince, that he should be initiated in the sacred mysteries. no. 22. _a pearl-dropt girdle bound his waist below, and the white lautu graced his lofty brow._ book iii. line 135. the lautu was a cotton band, twisted and worn on the head of the incas as a badge of royalty. it made several turns round the head; and, according to the description of garcilasso, it must have resembled the turkish turban. it is possible that both the lautu and the turban had their remote origin in the ancient astronomical religion, whose principal god was the sun and usually represented under the figure of a man with the horns of the ram; that is, the sun in the sign of aries. the form of the lautu and of the turban (which i suppose to be the same) seems to indicate that they were originally designed as emblems or badges; and when properly twisted and wound round the head, as turks of distinction usually wear the turban, they resemble the horns of the ram as represented in those figures of jupiter ammon where the horns curl close to the head. there is an engraving in garcilasso representing the first inca and his wife, capac and oella; and the heads of both are ornamented with rams' horns projecting out from the lautu. whether the figures of these personages were usually so represented in peru previous to the spanish devastation, would be difficult at this day to ascertain. if it could be ascertained that they were usually so represented there, we might esteem it a remarkable circumstance in proof of the unity of the origin of their religion with that of the ancient egyptians; from which all the early theological systems of asia and europe, as far as they have come to our knowledge, were evidently derived. no. 23. _receive, o dreadful power, from feeble age. this last pure offering to thy sateless rage;_ book iii. line 181. garcilasso declares that the different tribes of those mountain savages worshipped the various objects of terror that annoyed the particular parts of the country where they dwelt; such as storms, volcanos, rivers, lakes, and several beasts and birds of prey. all of them believed that their forefathers were descended from the gods which they worshipped. no. 24. _held to the sun the image from his breast whose glowing concave all the god exprest;_ book iii. line 273. the historian of the incas relates that, by the laws of the empire, none but sacred fire could be used in sacrifices; and that there were three modes in which it might be procured. first, the most sacred fire was that which was drawn immediately from the sun himself by means of a concave mirror, which was usually made of gold or silver highly polished. second, in case of cloudy weather or other accident, the fire might be taken from the temple, where it was preserved by the holy virgins; whose functions and discipline resembled those of the vestals of rome. third, when the sacrifice was to be made in the provinces at an inconvenient distance from the temple, and when the weather was such as to prevent drawing the fire immediately from the sun, it was permitted to procure it by the friction of two pieces of dry wood. the two latter modes were resorted to only in cases of necessity. not to be able to obtain fire by means of the mirror was a bad omen, a sign of displeasure in the god; it cast a gloom over the whole ceremony and threw the people into lamentations, fearing their offering would not be well received. this method of procuring fire directly from the sun, to burn a sacrifice, must have appeared so miraculous to the savages who could not understand it, that it doubtless had a powerful effect in converting them to the solar religion and to the incan government. no. 25. _dim paraguay extends the aching sight, xaraya glimmers like the moon of night,_ book iii. line 321. xaraya is a lake in the country of paraguay, and is the principal source of the river paraguay. this river is the largest branch of the plata. no. 26. _the condor frowning from a southern plain. borne on a standard, leads a numerous train:_ book iii. line 421. the condor is supposed to be the largest bird of prey hitherto known. his wings, from one extreme to the other, are said to measure fifteen feet; he is able to carry a sheep in his talons, and he sometimes attacks men. he inhabits the high mountains of peru, and is supposed by some authors to be peculiar to the american continent. buffon believes him to be of the same species with the laemmer-geyer (lamb-vulture) of the alps. the similarity of their habitations favors this conjecture; but the truth is, the condor of peru has not been well examined, and his history is imperfectly known. no. 27. _so shall the power in vengeance view the place, in crimson clothe his terror-beaming face,_ book iii. line 493. it is natural for the worshippers of the sun to consider any change in the atmosphere as indicative of the different passions of their deity. with the peruvians a sanguine appearance in the sun denoted his anger. no. 28. _thro all the shrines, where erst on new-moon days swell'd the full quires of consecrated praise,_ book iii. line 687. new-moon days were days of high festival with the incas, according to garcilasso. eclipses of the sun must therefore have happened on solemn days, and have interrupted the service of the temple. no. 29. _las casas. valverde. gasca._ book iv. line 17-27. _bartholomew de las casas_ was a dominican priest of a most amiable and heroic character. he first went to hispaniola with columbus in his second voyage, where he manifested an ardent but honest zeal, first in attempting to instruct the natives in the principles of the catholic faith, and afterwards in defending them against the insufferable cruelties exercised by the spanish tyrants who succeeded columbus in the discoveries and settlements in south america. he early declared himself _protector of the indians;_ a title which seems to have been acknowledged by the spanish government. he devoted himself ever after to the most indefatigable labors in the service of that unhappy people. he made several voyages to spain, to solicit, first from ferdinand, then from cardinal ximenes, and finalty from charles v, some effectual restrictions against the horrid career of depopulation which every where attended the spanish arms. he followed these monsters of cruelty into all the conquered countries; where, by the power of his eloquence and that purity of morals which commands respect even from the worst of men, he doubtless saved the lives of many thousands of innocent people. his life was a continued struggle agaiust that deplorable system of tyranny, of which he gives a description in a treatise addressed to philip prince of spain, entitled _brevissima relacion de la destruycion de las yndias_. it is said by the spanish writers that the inhabitants of hispaniola, when first discovered by the spaniards, amounted to more than one million. this incredible population was reduced, in fifteen years, to sixty thousand souls. _vincent valverde_ was a fanatical priest who accompanied pizarro in his destructive expedition to peru. if we were to search the history of mankind, we should not find another such example of the united efforts of ecclesiastical hypocrisy and military ferocity, of unresisted murder and insatiable plunder, as we meet with in the account of this expedition. father valverde, in a formal manner, gave the sanction of the church to the treacherous murder of atabalipa and his relations; which was immediately followed by the destruction and almost entire depopulation of a flourishing empire. _pedro de la gasca_ was one of the few men whose virtues form a singular contrast with the vices which disgraced the age in which he lived and the country in which he acquired his glory. he was sent over to peru by charles v without any military force, to quell the rebellion of the younger pizarro and to prevent a second depopulation, by a civil war, of that country which had just been drenched in the blood of its original inhabitants. he effected this great purpose by the weight only of his personal authority and the veneration inspired by his virtues. as soon as he had suppressed the rebellion and established the government of the colony he hastened to resign his authority into the hands of his master. and tho his victories had been obtained in the richest country on earth he returned to spain as poor as cincinnatus; having resisted every temptation to plunder, and refused to receive any emolument for his services. no. 30. _first of his friends, see frederic's princely form ward from the sage divine the gathering storm;_ book iv. line 157. frederic of saxony, surnamed the wise, was the first sovereign prince who favored the doctrines of luther. he became at once his pupil and his patron, defended him from the persecutions of the pope, and gave him an establishment as professor in the university of wittemburgh. no. 31. _by monarchs courted and by men beloved._ book iv. line 165. francis i, out of respect to the great learning and moderation of melancthon, and disregarding the pretended danger of discussing the dogmas of the church, invited him to come to france and establish himself at paris; but the intrigues of the cardinal de tournon frustrated the king's intention. if every leader of religious sects had possessed the amiable qualities of melancthon, and every monarch who wished to oppose the introduction of new opinions had partaken of the wisdom of francis, the blood of many hundreds of millions of the human species, which has flowed at the shrine of fanaticism, would have been spared. this circumstance alone would have made of human society by this time a state totally different from what we actually experience; and its influence on the progress of improvement in national happiness and general civilization must have been beyond our ordinary calculation. no. 32. _while kings and ministers obstruct the plan, unfaithful guardians of the weal of man._ book iv. line 529. the british colonies in all their early struggles for existence complained, and with reason, of the uniform indifference and discouragement which they experienced from the government of the mother country. but it was probably to that very indifference that they owed the remarkable spirit of liberty and self-dependence which created their prosperity, by inducing them uniformly to adopt republican institutions. these circumstances prepared the way for that mutual confidence and federal union which have finally formed them into a flourishing nation. ministers who feel their power over a distant colony to be uncontrolled are so naturally inclined to govern too much, that it may be a fortunate circumstance for the colony to be neglected altogether. this neglect was indeed fatal to the first virginia settlers sent out by sir walter raleigh; and the companies who afterwards succeeded in their establishments at jamestown in virginia and at plymouth in massachusetts were very near sharing the fate of their predecessors. but after these settlements had acquired so much consistence as to assure their own continuance, it may be assumed as an historical fact, that the want of encouragement from government was rather beneficial than detrimental to the british colonies in general. these establishments were in the nature of private adventures, undertaken by a few individuals at their own expense, rather than organised colonies sent abroad for a public purpose. they were companies incorporated for plantation and trade. all they asked of the mother country (after obtaining acts of incorporation enabling them to acquire property and exercise other civil functions, such as incorporated companies at home could exercise) was to give them charters of political franchise, ascertaining the extent and limits of their rights and duties as subjects of the british crown forming nations in parts of the earth that had been found in an uncultivated state, and far removed from the mother country. as they could not in this situation be represented in the parliament of england, these charters stipulated their right of having parliaments or legislative assemblies of their own, with executive and judiciary institutions established within their territories. the acknowledgment of these rights placed them on a different footing from any other modern colonies; and the restricting clause, by which their trade was confined to the mother country, rendered their situation unlike that of the colonies of ancient greece. indeed the british system of colonization in america differed essentially from every other, whether ancient or modern; if that may properly be called a system, which was rather the result of early indifference to the cries of needy adventurers, and subsequent attempts to seize upon their earnings when they became objects of rapacity. this singular train of difficulties must be considered as one of the causes of our ancient prosperity and present freedom. no. 33. _where freedom's sons their high-born lineage trace, and homebred bravery still exalts the race:_ book v. line 345. the author of this poem will not be suspected of laying any stress on the mere circumstance of lineage or birth, as relating either to families or nations. the phrase however in the text is not without its meaning. among the colonies derived from the several nations of europe in modern times, those from the english have flourished far better than the others, under a parity of circumstances, such as climate, soil and productions. the reason of this undeniable fact deserves to be explained. colonies naturally carry with them the civil, political and religious institutions of their mother countries. these institutions in england are much more favorable to liberty and the development of industry than in any other part of europe which has sent colonies abroad. but this is not all: when men for several generations have been bred up in the habit of feeling and exercising such a portion of liberty as the english nation has enjoyed, their minds are prepared to open and expand themselves as occasion may offer. they are able to embrace new circumstances, to perceive the improvements that may be drawn from them, and not only make a temperate use of that portion of self-control to which they are accustomed, but devise the means of extending it to other objects of their political relations, till they become familiar with all the interests of men in society. the habitual use of the liberty of the press, of trial by jury in open court, of the accountability of public agents and of some voice in the election of legislators, must create, in a man or a nation, a character quite different from what it could be under the habitual disuse of these advantages. and when these habits are transplanted with a young colony to a distant region of the earth, enjoying a good soil and climate, with an unlimited and unoccupied country, the difference will necessarily be more remarkable. a most striking illustration of this principle is exhibited in the colonies of north america. this coast, from the st. laurence to the missisippi, was colonized by the french and english, (i make no account of the dutch establishment on the hudson nor of the swedish on the delaware; they being of little importance, and early absorbed in the english settlements.) if we look back only one hundred years from the present time, we find the french and english dominions here about equally important in point of extent and population. the french canada, acadia, cape breton, newfoundland, florida and louisiana were then as far advanced in improvement as the english settlements which they flanked on each side. and the french had greatly the advantage in point of soil, interior navigation and capability of extension. they commanded and possessed the two great rivers which almost met together on the english frontier. and the space between the waters of those rivers on the west was planted with french military posts, so as to complete the investment. new orleans was begun before philadelphia, and was much better situated to become a great commercial capital. quebec and montreal were older, and had the advantage of most of our other cities. add to this that the french nation at home was about twice as populous as the english nation at home; and as that part of the increase of colonial population which comes from emigration must naturally be derived from their respective mother countries, it might have been expected that the comparative rapidity of increase would have been in favor of the french at least two to one. but the french colonists had not been habituated to the use of liberty before their emigration; and they were not prepared nor permitted to enjoy it in any degree afterwards. their laws were made for them in their mother country, by men who could not know their wants and who fell no interest in their prosperity; and then they were administered by a set of agents as ignorant as their masters; men who, from the nature of their employment and accountability, must in general be oppressive and rapacious. the result has solved a great problem in political combination. one of these clusters of colonies has grown to a powerful empire, giving examples to the universe in most of the great objects which constitute the dignity of nations. the other, after having been a constant expense to the mother country, and serving for barter and exchange in the capricious vicissitudes of european despotism, presents altogether at this day a mass of population and wealth scarcely equal to one of our provinces. this note is written at the moment when louisiana, one of the most extensive but least peopled of the french colonies, is ceded to the united states. the world will see how far the above theory will now be confirmed by the rapid increase of population and improvement in that interesting portion of our continent. no. 34. _beneath him lay the sceptre kings had borne, and the tame thunder from the tempest torn._ book v. line 429. eripuit coelo fulmen, sceptrumque tyrannis. this epigraph, written by turgot on the bust of franklin, seems to have been imitated from a line in manilius; where noticing the progress of science in ascribing things to their natural and proper causes instead of supernatural ones, he says, eriput jovi fulmen, viresque tonandi, et sonitum ventis concessit, nubibus ignem. no. 35. _and knox from his full park to battle brings his brazen tubes, the last resort of kings._ book v. line 665. ultima ratio regum; a device of louis xiv engraved on his ordnance, and afterwards adopted by other powers. when we consider men as reasonable beings and endowed with the qualities requisite for living together in society, this device looks like a satire upon the species; but in reality it only proves the imperfect state to which their own principles of society have yet advanced them in the long and perhaps interminable progress of which they are susceptible. this _ultima ratio_ being already taken out of the hands of individuals and confided only to the chiefs of nations is as clear a proof of a great progress already made, as its remaining in the hands of those chiefs is a proof that we still remain far short of that degree of wisdom and experience which will enable all the nations to live at peace one with another. there certainly was a time when the same device might have been written on the hatchet or club or fist of every man; and the best weapon of destruction that he could wield against his neighbour might have been called _ultima ratio virarum_, meaning that human reason could go no farther. but the wisdom we have drawn from experience has taught us to restrain the use of mortal weapons, making it unlawful and showing it to be unreasonable to use them in private disputes. the principles of social intercourse and the advantages of peace are so far understood as to enable men to form great societies, and to submit their personal misunderstandings to common judges; thus removing the ultima ratio from their own private hands to the hands of their government. hitherto there has usually been a government to every nation; but the nations are increasing in size and diminishing in number; so that the hands which now hold the _ultima ratio_ by delegation are few, compared with what they have been. i mean this observation to apply only to those extensions of nationality which have been formed on the true principles of society and acquiesced in from a sense of their utility. i mean not to apply it to those unnatural and unwieldy stretches of power, whose overthrow is often and erroneously cited as an argument against the progress of civilization; such as the conquests of alexander, the roman generals, omar, gengis khan and others of that brilliant description. these are but meteors of compulsive force, which pass away and discourage, rather than promote, the spirit of national extension of which i speak. this spirit operates constantly and kindly; nor is its progress so slow but that it is easily perceived. even within the short memorials of modern history we find a heptarchy in england. ossian informs us that in his time there was a great number of warlike states in ireland and as many more in scotland. without going back to the writings of julius cesar to discover the comparative condition of france, we may almost remember when she counted within her limits six or seven different governments, generally at war among themselves and inviting foreign enemies to come and help them destroy each other. every province in spain is still called a kingdom; and it is not long since they were really so in fact, with the _ultima ratio_ in the hands of every king. the publicist who in any of those modern heroic ages could have imagined that all the hundred nations who inhabited the western borders of europe, from the orknies to gibraltar, might one day become so far united in manners and interests as to form but three great nations, would certainly have passed for a madman. had he been a minister of phararnond or of fingal he could no more have kept his place than turgot could keep his after pointing out the means of promoting industry and preventing wars. he would have been told that the inhabitants of each side of the humber were natural enemies one to the other; that if their chiefs were even disposed to live in peace they could not do it; their subjects would demand war and could not live without it. the same would have been said of the seine, the loire and every other dividing line between their petty communities. it would have been insisted on that such rivers were the natural boundaries of states and never could be otherwise. but now since the people of those districts find themselves no longer on the frontiers of little warlike states, but in the centre of great industrious nations, they have lost their relish for war, and consider it as a terrible calamity; they cherish the minister who gives them peace, and abhor the one who drives them into unnecessary wars. their local disputes, which used to be settled by the sword, are now referred to the tribunals of the country. they have substituted a moral to a physical force. they have changed the habits of plunder for those of industry; and they find themselves richer and happier for the change. who will say that the progress of society will stop short in the present stage of its career? that great communities will not discover a mode of arbitrating their disputes, as little ones have done? that nations will not lay aside their present ideas of independence and rivalship, and find themselves more happy and more secure in one great universal society, which shall contain within itself its own principles of defence, its own permanent security? it is evident that national security, in order to be permanent, must be founded on the moral force of society at large, and not on the physical force of each nation independently exerted. the _ultima ratio_ must not be a cannon, but a reference to some rational mode of decision worthy of rational beings. no. 36. _else what high tones of rapture must have told the first great action of a chief so bold!_ book v. line 767. general arnold, the leader of this detachment, had acquired by this and many other brilliant achievements a degree of military fame almost unequalled among the american generals. his shameful defection afterwards, by the foulest of treason, should be lamented as a national dishonor; it has not only obliterated his own glory, but it seems in some sort to have cast a shade on that of others whose brave actions had been associated with his in the acquisition of their common and unadulterated fame. the action here alluded to, the march thro the wilderness from casco to quebec, was compared in the gazettes of that day to the passage of the alps by hannibal. and really, considered as a scene of true military valor, patient suffering and heroic exertion (detached from the idea of subsequent success in the ulterior expedition) the comparison did not disgrace the carthaginian. yet since the defection of arnold, which happened five years afterwards, this audacious and once celebrated exploit is scarcely mentioned in our annals. and meigs, dearborn, morgan and other distinguished officers in the expedition, whom that alone might have immortalized, have been indebted to their subsequent exertions of patriotic valor for the share of celebrity their names now enjoy. see the character of arnold treated more at large in the sixth book. no. 37. _see the black prison ship's expanding womb impested thousands, quick and dead, entomb._ book vi. line 35. the systematic and inflexible course of cruelties exercised by the british armies on american prisoners during the three first years of the war were doubtless unexampled among civilized nations. considering it as a war against rebels, neither their officers nor soldiers conceived themselves bound by the ordinary laws of war. the detail of facts on this subject, especially in what concerned the prison ships, has not been sufficiently noticed in our annals; at least not so much noticed as the interest of public morals would seem to require. mr. boudinot, who was the american commissary of prisoners at the time, has since informed the author of this poem that in one prison ship alone, called the jersey, which was anchored near newyork, _eleven thousand_ american prisoners died in eighteen months; almost the whole of them from the barbarous treatment of being stifled in a crowded hold with infected air, and poisoned with unwholesome food. there were several other prison ships, as well as the sugar-house prison in the city, whose histories ought to be better known than they are. i say this not from any sort of enmity to the british nation, for i have none. i respect the british nation; as will be evident from the views i have given of her genius and institutions in the course of this work. i would at all times render that nation every service consistent with my duty to my own; and surely it is worthy of her magnanimity to consider as a real service every true information given her relative to the crimes of her agents in distant countries. these crimes are as contrary to the spirit of the nation at home as they are to the temper of her laws. no. 38. _myrtles and laurels equal honors join'd, which arms had purchased and the muses twined;_ book vi, line 273. general burgoyne had gained some celebrity by his pen, as well as by his sword, previous to the american war. he was author of the comedy called _the heiress_, and of some other theatrical pieces which had been well received on the london theatres. no. 39. _deep george's loaded lake reluctant guides their bounding larges o'er his sacred tides._ book vi. line 285. the water of lake george was held in particular veneration by the french catholics of canada. of this they formerly made their holy water; which was carried and distributed to the churches thro the province, and probably produced part of the revenues of the clergy. this water is said to have been chosen for the purpose on account of its extreme clearness. the lake was called _lac du saint sacrement_. no. 40. _his savage hordes the murderous johnson leads, files thro the woods and treads the tangled weeds,_ book vi. line 389. this was general sir john johnson, an american royalist in the british service. he was the son of sir william johnson, who had been a rich proprietor and inhabitant in the mohawk country, in the colony of new york, and had been employed by the king as superintendant of indian affairs. sir william had married a mohawk savage wife; and it was supposed that the great influence which he had long exercised over that and the neighboring tribes must have descended to his son. it was on this account that he was employed on the expedition of burgoyne; in which he had the rank of brigadier general, and the special direction of the savages. no. 41. _are these thy trophies, carleton! these the swords thy hand unsheath'd and gave the savage hordes,_ book vi. line 685. general sir guy carleton, afterwards lord dorchester, was the british governor of canada and superintendant of indian affairs at the time of burgoyne's campaign. having great influence with the warlike tribes who inhabited the west of canada and the borders of the lakes, he was ordered by the minister to adopt the barbarous and unjustifiable measure of arming and bringing them into the king's service in aid of this expedition. this was doubtless done with the consent of burgoyne, tho he seems to have been apprehensive of the difficulty of managing a race of men whose manners were so ferocious, and whose motives to action must have been so different from those of the principal parties in the war. burgoyne, in his narrative of this campaign, informs us that he took precautions to discourage that inhuman mode of warfare which had been customary among those savages. he ordered them to kill none but such persons as they should find in arms fighting against the king's troops; to spare old men, women, children and prisoners; and not to scalp any but such as they should kill in open war. he intimated to them that he should not pay for any scalps but those thus taken from enemies killed in arms. it is unfortunate for the reputation of the general and of his government, that they did not reflect on the futility of such an order and the improbability of its being executed. a certain price was offered for scalps; the savages must know that in a bag of scalps, packed and dried and brought into camp and counted out before the commissary to receive payment, it would be impossible to distinguish the political opinions or the occupation, age or sex of the heads to which they had belonged; it could not be ascertained whether they had been taken from americans or british, whigs or tories, soldiers killed in arms or killed after they had resigned their arms, militia men or peasants, old or young, male or female. the event proved the deplorable policy of employing such auxiliaries, especially in such multitudes as were brought together on this occasion. no sooner did hostilities begin between the two armies than these people, who could have no knowledge of the cause nor affection for either party, and whose only object was plunder and pay, began their indiscriminate and ungovernable ravages on both sides. they robbed and murdered peasants, whether royalists or others; men, women, children, straggling and wounded soldiers of both armies. the tragical catastrophe of a young lady of the name of macrea, whose story is almost literally detailed in the foregoing paragraphs of the text, is well known. it made a great impression on the public mind at the time, both in england and america. general carleton, in the preceding campaigns, when the war was carried into canada, had been applauded for his humanity in the treatment of prisoners. but the part he took in this measure of associating the savages in the operations of the british army was a stain upon his character; and the measure was highly detrimental to the royal cause, on account of the general indignation it excited thro the country. no. 42. _that no proud privilege from birth can spring, no right divine, nor compact form a king;_ book vii. line 39. the assumed right of kings, or that supreme authority which one man exercises over a nation, and for which he is not held accountable, has been contended for on various grounds. it has been sometimes called the _right of conquest;_ in which is involved the absolute disposal of the lives and labors of the conquered nation, in favor of the victorious chief and his descendants to perpetuity. sometimes it is called the _divine right;_ in which case kings are considered as the vicegerents of god. this notion is very ancient, and it is almost universal among modern nations. homer is full of it; and from his unaffected recurrence to the same idea every where in his poems, it is evident that in his day it was not called in question. the manner in which the jews were set at work to constitute their first king proves that they were convinced that, if they must have a king, he must be given them from god, and receive that solemn consecration which should establish his authority on the same divine right which was common to other nations, from whom they borrowed the principle. there are some few instances in history wherein this divine right has been set aside; but it has generally been owing rather to the violence of circumstances, which sometimes drive men to act contrary to their prejudices, tho they still retain them, than to any effort of reasoning by which they convinced themselves that this was a prejudice, and that no divine right existed in reality. for it does not violate this supposed right, to change one king for another, or one race of kings for another, tho done in a manner the most unjust and inhuman. in this case the same divine right remains, and only changes, with the diadem, from one head to another. and tho this change should happen six times in one day (as in one instance it has done in algiers by the murder of six successive kings) they would still say it was god who did it all; and the action would only tend to prove to the credulous people, that god was made after their own image, as changeable as themselves. it is only in the case of tarquin and a few others (whose overthrow has been followed by a more popular form of government) that it can be said that the principle of the divine right has been disregarded, laid aside and forgotten for any length of time. the english are perhaps the first and only people that ever overturned this doctrine of the divinity of kings, without changing their form of government. this was brought on by circumstances, and took effect in the expulsion of james ii. books were then written to prove that the divine right of kings did not exist; at least, not in the sense in which it had been understood. and these writings completely silenced the old doctrine in england. this indeed was gaining an immense advantage in favor of liberty; tho the effort of reason, to arrive at it, seems to be so small. but while the english were discarding the old principle they set up a new one; which indeed is not so pernicious because it cannot become so extensive, but which is scarcely more reasonable: it is the right of kings by _compact;_ that is, a compact, whether written or understood, by which the representatives of a nation are supposed to bind their constituents and their descendants to be the subjects of a certain prince and of his descendants to perpetuity. this singular doctrine is developed with perspicuity, but ill supported by argument, in burke's _reflections on the french revolution._ the principle of the american government denies the right of any representatives to make such a compact, and the right of any prince to carry it into execution if it were made. whatever varieties or mixtures there may be in the _forms_ of government, there are but two distinct principles on which government is founded. one supposes the source of power to be _out_ of the people, and that the governor is not accountable to them for the manner of using it; the other supposes the source of power to be _in_ the people, and that the governor is accountable to them for the manner of using it. the latter is our principle. in this sense no _right divine_ nor _compact_ can form a king; that is, a person, exercising underived and unreverting power. no. 43. _but while dread elliott shakes the midland wave, they strive in vain the calpian rock to brave._ book vii. line 89. the english general elliott commanded the post of gibraltar, against which the combined forces of france and spain made a vigorous but fruitless attack in the year 1781. this attack furnished the subjects for two celebrated pictures alluded to in the eighth book: _the burning of the floating batteries_ painted by copley; and _the sortie_, painted by trumbull. no. 44. _to guide the sailor in his wandering way, see godfrey's glass reverse the beams of day._ book viii. line 681. it is less from national vanity than from a regard to truth and a desire of rendering personal justice, that the author wishes to rectify the history of science in the circumstance here alluded to. the instrument known by the name of hartley's quadrant, now universally in use and generally attributed to dr. hartley, was invented by thomas godfrey of philadelphia. see jefferson's notes on virginia; likewise miller's retrospect of the eighteenth century, in which the original documents relative to godfrey's invention are fully detailed. no. 45. _west with his own great soul the canvass warms, creates, inspires, impassions human forms._ book viii. line 587. benjamin west, president of the royal academy in london, was born and educated in pennsylvania. at the age of twenty-three he went to italy to perfect his taste in the art to which his genius irresistibly impelled him; in which he was destined to cast a splendor upon the age in which he lives, and probably to excel all his cotemporaries, so far at least as we can judge from the present state of their works. after passing two years in that country of models, where canvass and marble seem to contribute their full proportion of the population, he went to london. here he soon rendered himself conspicuous for the boldness of his designs, in daring to shake off the trammels of the art so far as to paint modern history in modern dress. he had already staggered the connoisseurs in italy while he was there, by his picture of _the savage chief taking leave of his family on going to war_. this extraordinary effort of the american pencil on an american subject excited great admiration at venice. the picture was engraved in that city by bartolozzi, before either he or west went to england. the artists were surprised to find that the expression of the passions of men did not depend on the robes they wore. and his early works in london, _the death of wolfe_, _the battles of the boyne_, _lahogue_, &c., engraved by woollett and others, not only established his reputation, but produced a revolution in the art. so that modern dress has now become as familiar in fictitious as in real life; it being justly considered essential in painting modern history. the engraving from his wolfe has been often copied in france, italy and germany; and it may be said that in this picture the revolution in painting really originated. it would now be reckoned as preposterous in an artist to dress modern personages in grecian or roman habits, as it was before to give them the garb of the age and country to which they belonged. the merit of mr. west was early noticed and encouraged by the king; who took him into pay with a convenient salary, and the title of historical painter to his majesty. in this situation he has decorated the king's palaces, chapels and churches with most of those great pictures from the english history and from the old and new testament, which compose so considerable a portion of his works. the following catalogue of his pictures was furnished me by mr. west himself in the year 1802. it comprises only his principal productions in _historical_ painting, and only his _finished_ pictures; without mentioning his numerous portraits, or his more numerous sketches and drawings. the pictures marked thus * have been engraved. the ciphers express the size of the pictures. when the same subject is mentioned more than once, there is more than one picture on that subject. in the queen's house. * regulus departing from rome. * hannibal sworn when a child. * death of wolfe. damsel accusing peter. * death of epaminondas. apotheosis of the two young princes. * death of chevalier bayard. germanicus, with segestus and his daughter prisoners. * cyrus, with a king and family captives. in the king's apartments at windsor. edward iii crossing the somme. battle of cressy, edward embracing his son. edward iii crowning ribemond at calais. st. george destroying the dragon. the six burgesses of calais before edward. battle of poietiers, king of france prisoner to the black prince. institution of the order of the garter. battle of nevilcross. christ's crucifixion. the same on glass for the west window of the church at windsor, 36 feet by 28. peter, john and women at the sepulchre. the same on glass for the east window of the same church, 36 feet by 28. the angels appearing to the shepherds. nativity of christ. kings presenting gifts to christ. in the marble gallery, windsor castle. hymen dancing with the hours before peace and plenty. boys with the insignia of the fine arts. boys with the insignia of riches. in the king's chapel at windsor. a complete history of revealed religion, divided into four dispensations, and comprised in thirty-eight pictures. patriarchal dispensation. adam and eve created. 9 feet by 6. adam and eve driven from paradise. do. the deluge. do. noah sacrificing. do. abraham going to sacrifice isaac. do. birth of jacob and esau. do. death of jacob, surrounded by his sons. do. bondage of the israelites in egypt. do. mosaical dispensation. moses called. do. moses and aaron before pharaoh, their rods turned to serpents. 15 feet by 10. pharaoh's army lost in the sea. moses receiving the law. 18 feet by 12. hoses consecrating aaron and his sons to the priesthood. 15 feet by 10. moses shows the brazen serpent. 15 feet by 10. moses on mount pisgah sees the promised land and dies. 9 feet by 6. joshua passing the jordan, do. the twelve tribes drawing their lots. do. david called and anointed, do. gospel dispensation. john baptist called and named. do. christ born. do. christ offered gifts by the wise men. do. christ among the doctors, do. christ baptized, and the holy spirit descending on him. 15 feet by 10. christ healing the sick. do. christ's last supper. do. christ's crucifixion. 36 feet by 28. christ's resurrection, peter, john and the women at the sepulchre. do. * christ's ascension. 18 feet by 12. peter's first sermon, descent of the holy spirit. 15 feet by 10. the apostles preaching and working miracles. do. paul and barnabas turning from the jews to the gentiles. do. apocalyptic dispensation. john seeing the son of man, and called to write. 9 feet by 6. the throne surrounded by the four beasts, and saints laying down their crowns. 9 feet by 6. death on the pale horse, and the opening of the seals. do. the white horse and his legions, and the man destroying the old beast. do. general resurrection, the end of death. do. christ's second coming. do. the new jerusalem. do. in the collection of mr. beckford. michael and his angels casting out the red dragon and his angels. the woman clothed with the sun. john called to write the apocalypse. the beast rising out of the sea. the mighty angel, one foot on sea the other on land. st. anthony of padua. the madre dolorosa. simeon with the child in his arms. landscape, with a hunt in the back ground. abraham and isaac going to sacrifice. thomas à becket. angel in the sun. order of the garter, differing in composition from that at windsor. in the collection of earl grosvenor. the shunamite's son raised to life by elisha. jacob blessing the sons of joseph. * death of wolfe. * battle of lahogue. * battle of the boyne. * restoration of charles ii. * cromwell dissolving the parliament. the golden age. general wolfe when a boy. in the collection of mr. hope. * telemachus and calypso. * angelica and madora. the damsel and orlando. cicero at the tomb of archimedes. st. paul's conversion. st. paul persecuting the christians. his restoration to sight by ananias. mr. hope's family; nine figures, size of life. in the historical gallery, pallmall. the queen soliciting king henry to pardon her son john. in greenwich hospital. paul shaking the viper from his finger. paul preaching at athens. elymas the sorcerer struck blind. cornelius and the angel. peter delivered from prison. conversion of st. paul. paul before felix. return of the prodigal son. large figures of faith, hope, charity, innocence, matthew, mark, luke, matthias, thomas, simon, james major, james minor, philip, peter, malachi, micah, zachariah, daniel, jude, john, andrew, bartholomew. in different churches. michael chaining the dragon. angels announcing the birth of christ. st. stephen stoned to death. raising of lazarus. paul shaking off the viper. the last supper. resurrection of christ. peter denying christ. moses showing the brazen serpent. john seeing the lamb of god. a mother leading her children to the temple of virtue. in various collections. lord clive taking the dunny from the mogul. the same. christ receiving the sick. _pensyl. hospital._ * leonidas exiling cleombrotus and family. the two marys at the sepulchre. alexander and his physician. cesar reading the life of alexander. death of adonis. continence of scipio. * savage warrior taking leave of his family. venus and cupid. alfred dividing his loaf with the beggar. helen presented to paris. cupid stung by a bee. simeon and the child. * william penn treating with the savages. destruction of the spanish armada. philippa soliciting of edward the pardon of the citizens of calais. europa on the bull. death of hyacinthus. death of cesar. venus presenting her cestus to juno. rinaldo and armida. pharaoh's daughter with the child moses. the stolen kiss. angelica and madora. woman of samaria at the well with christ. agrippina leaning on the urn of germanicus. death of wolfe. the same; smaller size. romeo and juliet. king lear and his daughters. belisarius and the boy. sir francis baring and family. * mr. west and family. a mother and child. jupiter and semele. petus and arria. venus and cupid smiling at europa when jupiter had left her. rebecca coming to jacob. rebecca receiving the bracelets at the well. agrippina landing at brundusium with the ashes of germanieus, the same. the same. endymion and diana. in the collection of robert fulton. ophelia distracted, before the king and queen *king lear in the storm, in mr. west's own collection. hector taking leave of his wife and child. elisha raising the shunamite's son. the raising of lazarus. macbeth and the witches. the return of tobias. return of the prodigal son. ariadne on the sea shore. death of adonis. king of france brought to the black prince. * death of wolfe. venus and adonis. battle of lahogue. edward iii crossing the somme. philippa at the battle of nevilcross. angels announcing the birth of christ. kings bringing presents to christ. view on the river thames. view on the susquehanna. picture of tankers mill at eton. chryseis restored to her father. antiochus and stratoftice. king lear and his daughters. chryseus on the sea shore. nathan and david. _thou art the man_. elijah raising the widow's son. choice of hercules. venus and europa. daniel interpreting the writing on the wall. marius on the ruins of carthage. * cymon and iphigenia. cicero at the tomb of archimedes. * alexander, king of scotland, rescued from the stag. battle of cressy. * mr. west and his family. * anthony shows cesar's robe and will. egysthus viewing the body of clytemnestra. recovery of king george in 1789. a large landscape in windsor forest. ophelia before the king and queen. leonidas taking leave of his family. phaeton receiving from apollo the chariot of the sun. the eagle giving the cup of water to psyche. moonlight and the beckoning ghost. _pope._ angel sitting on the stone at the sepulchre. the same subject differently composed. * angelica and madora. the damsel and orlando. the good samaritan. old beast and false prophet destroyed. christ healing the sick in the temple. death on the pale horse. jason and the dragon. venus and adonis seeing the cupids bathe. moses and aaron before pharaoh. passage boat on the canal. paul and barnabas rejecting the jews and turning to the gentiles. diomed, his horses struck with lightning. milk-woman in st. james's park. expulsion of adam and eve from paradise. order of the garter. orion on the dolphin's back. the deluge. queen elizabeth's procession to st. paul's. christ showing a child, emblem of heaven. harvest home. washing sheep. st. paul shaking off the viper. sun setting at twickenham on thames. driving sheep and cows to water. cattle drinking, and mr. west drawing, in windsor park. pharaoh and his boat in the red sea. telemachus and calypso. moses consecrating aaron and his sons. a mother inviting her little boy to come to her thro a brook. brewer's porter and hod carrier. venus attended by the graces. naming of samuel. birth of jacob and esau. ascension of christ. samuel presented to eli. moses shown the promised land. christ among the doctors. reaping scene. adonis and his dog. mothers with their children in water. joshua crossing the jordan with the ark. christ's nativity. * pyrrhus when a child before king glaucus. the man laying his bread on the bridle of the dead ass. _sterne._ the captive. _ditto._ cupid letting loose two doves. cupid asleep. children eating cherries. st. anthony of padua and the child. jacob and laban with his two daughters. the women looking into the sepulchre and seeing two angels where the lord lay. the angel unchaining peter in prison. death of sir philip sidney. death of epaminondas. death of chevalier bayard. death of cephalus. * kosciusko on a couch. abraham and isaac. _here is the wood and fire, but where is the lamb to sacrifice?_ eponina with her children giving bread to her husband when in concealment. king henry pardoning his brother. john at the prayer of his mother. death of lord chatham. presentation of the crown to william the conqueror. europa crowning the bull with flowers. west's garden, gallery and painting room. cave of despair. _spencer_. arethusa bathing. cupid shows venus his finger stung by a bee. ubald brings his three daughters to alfred for him to choose one for his wife. * pylades and orestes. besides the two hundred and ninety-nine large finished pictures here mentioned, mr. west has done about one hundred portraits, and upwards of two hundred drawings with the pen; which last, for sublimity of conception, are among the finest of his works. so that the whole of his pieces amount to above six hundred. some of them are larger in size than any in the national gallery of france; and he has not been assisted by any other painter. mr. west is now about sixty-eight years of age. he discovers no abatement in the activity of his genius, nor in the laborious exercise of his talents. he has painted several fine pictures since the above catalogue was made. three of which i have particularly noticed in his painting room: tobet and tobias with the fish; abraham sending away hagar with her child; achilles receiving from thetis the new armor; and we hear that he has lately painted the death of nelson. he may yet produce many more original works; tho it is presumed he has already exceeded all other historical painters, except rubens, in the number and variety of his productions. with regard to the merit of his pictures, i cannot pretend to form a judgment that would be of any use in directing that of others. he is doubtless the most classical painter, except raphael, whose works are known to us. the critics find fault with the coloring of mr. west. but in his works, as in those of raphael, we do not look for coloring. it is dignity of character, fine expression, delicate design, correct drawing and beautiful disposition of drapery which fix the suffrage of the real judge. all which qualities can only spring from an elevated mind. no. 46. _nile pours from heaven a tutelary flood, and gardens grow the vegetable god._ book ix. line 287. o sanctas gentes, quibus haec nascuntur in hortis numina. juv. sat. 15. no. 47. _tis to correct their fatal faults of old, when, caught by tinsel, they forgot the gold._ book ix. line 499. the state of the arts and sciences among the ancients, viewed with reference to the event of universal civilization, was faulty in two respects. first, in their comparative estimation: second, in their flourishing only in one nation at a time. these circumstances might be favorable to the exertions of individual genius; and they may be assigned both as causes of the universal destruction of the arts and sciences by the gothic conquest, and as reasons why we should not greatly lament that destruction. from the political state of mankind in the days of their ancient splendor it was natural that those arts which depend on the imagination, such as architecture, statuary, painting, eloquence and poetry, should claim the highest rank in the estimation of a people. in several, perhaps all of these, the ancients remain unrivalled. but these are not the arts which tend the most to the general improvement of society. a man in those days would have rendered more service to the world by ascertaining the true figure and movements of the earth, than by originating a heaven and filling it with all the gods of homer; and had the expenses of the egyptian pyramids been employed in furnishing ships of discovery and sending them out of the mediterranean, the nations called civilized would not have been afterwards overrun by barbarians. but the sciences of geography, navigation and commerce, with their consequent improvements in natural philosophy and humanity, could not, from the nature of things at that time, become objects of great encouragement or enterprise. talent was therefore confined to the cultivation of arts more striking to the senses. as these arts were adapted to gratify the vanity of princes, to help carry on the sacred frauds of priests, to fire the ambition of heroes, or to gain causes in popular assemblies, they were brought to a degree of perfection which prevented their being relished or understood by barbarous neighbors. the improvements of the world therefore, whether in literature, sciences or arts, descended with the line of conquest from one nation to another, till the whole were concentred in the roman empire. their tendency there was to inspire a contempt for nations less civilized, and to teach the romans to consider all mankind as the proper objects of their military despotism. these circumstances prepared, thro a course of ages, and finally opened a scene of wretchedness at which the human mind has been taught to shudder. but some such convulsion seemed necessary to reduce the nations to a position capable of commencing regular improvements. and, however novel the sentiment may appear, i will venture to say that, as to the prospect of universal civilization, mankind were in a better situation in the time of charlemagne than they were in the days of augustus. the final destruction of the roman empire left the nations of europe in circumstances similar to each other; and their consequent rivalship prevented any disproportionate refinement from appearing in any particular region. the principles of government, firmly rooted in the feudal system, unsocial and unphilosophical as they were, laid the foundation of that balance of power which discourages the cesars and alexanders of modern ages from attempting the conquest of the world. it seems necessary that the arrangement of events in civilizing the world should be in the following order: _first_, all parts of it must be considerably peopled; _second_, the different nations must be known to each other; _third_, their wants must be increased, in order to inspire a passion for commerce. the first of these objects was not probably accomplished till a late period. the second for three centuries past has been greatly accelerated. the third is a necessary consequence of the two former. the spirit of commerce is happily calculated to open an amicable intercourse between all countries, to soften the horrors of war, to enlarge the field of science, and to assimilate the manners, feelings and languages of all nations. this leading principle, in its remoter consequences, will produce advantages in favor of free government, give patriotism the character of philanthropy, induce all men to regard each other as brethren and friends, and teach them the benefits of peace and harmony among the nations. i conceive it no objection to this theory that the progress has hitherto been slow; when we consider the magnitude of the object, the obstructions that were to be removed, and the length of time taken to accomplish it. the future progress will probably be more rapid than the past. since the invention of printing, the application of the properties of the magnet, and the knowledge of the structure of the solar system, it is difficult to conceive of a cause that can produce a new state of barbarism; unless it be some great convulsion in the physical world, so extensive as to change the face of the earth or a considerable part of it. this indeed may have been the case already more than once, since the earth was first peopled with men, and antecedent to our histories. but such events have nothing to do with the present argument. no. 48. _herschel ascends himself with venturous wain, and joins and flanks thy planetary train,_ book ix. line 601. the planet discovered by herschel was called by him georgium sidus; but in all countries except england it is named herschel, and probably will be so named there after his death and that of the patron to whom his gratitude led him to make this extraordinary dedication. i would observe that, besides the impropriety of giving it another name than that of the discoverer, it is inconvenient to use a double name, or a name composed of two words. let it be either george or herschel. the passage referred to in this note was written before the discovery of the three other planets which are now added to our catalogue. could my voice have weight in deciding on the names to be given to these new children of the sun, i would call them by the names of their respective discoverers, piazzi, gibers and harding, instead of the senseless and absurd appellations of ceres, pallas and juno. the former method would at least assist us in preserving the history of science; the latter will only tend farther to confuse a very ancient mythology which is already extremely confused, and increase the difficulty of following the faint traces of real knowledge that seems couched under the mass of that mythology; traces which may one day lead to many useful truths in philosophy and morals. no. 49. _to build on ruin'd realms the shrine of fame, and load his numbers with a tyrant's name._ book x. line 261. a most useful book might be written on this subject. it should be a review of poets and historians, as to the moral and political tendency of their works. it should likewise treat of the importance of the task assigned to these two classes of writers. it might attempt to point out the true object they ought to have in view; perhaps do this with such clearness and energy as to gain the attention of writers as well as readers, and thus serve in some measure as a guide to future historians and poets. at least it would prove a guide to readers; and by teaching them how to judge, and what to praise or blame in the accounts of human actions, whether real or fictitious, the public taste would be reformed by degrees. in this case the recorders of heroic actions, as well as the authors of them, would find it necessary to follow this reform, or they must necessarily fail of obtaining the celebrity to which they all aspire. i think every person who will give himself the trouble to form an opinion on the manner in which actions, called heroic, have been recorded, must find it faulty; and must lament, as one of the misfortunes of society, that writers of these two classes almost universally, from homer down to gibbon, have led astray the moral sense of man. in this view we may say in general of poets and historians, as we do of their heroes, that they have injured the cause of humanity almost in proportion to the fame they have acquired. i would not be understood by this observation to mean that such writers have done no good. even the works of homer, which have caused more mischief to mankind than those of any other, have likewise been a fruitful source of a certain species of benefits. they elevate the mind of every reader; they have called forth great exertions of genius in poets, artists, philosophers and heroes, thro a long succession of ages. but it remains to be considered what a fruitful source they have likewise been of those false notions of honor and erroneous systems of policy which have governed the actions of men from his day to ours. if, instead of the iliad, he had given us a work of equal splendor founded on an opposite principle; whose object should have been to celebrate the useful arts of agriculture and navigation; to build the immortal fame of his heroes, and occupy his whole hierarchy of gods, on actions that contribute to the real advancement of society, instead of striking away every foundation on which society ought to be established or can be greatly advanced; mankind, enriched with such a work at that early period, would have given a useful turn to their ambition thro all succeeding ages. it is not easy to conceive how different the state of nations would have been at this day from what we now find it, had such a bent been given to the pursuits of genius, and such glory cast upon actions truly worthy of imitation. i have treated this subject more at large in the third chapter of _advise to the privileged orders_. but it will be asked how this kind of censure can attach to the writers of history, whose business is to invent nothing, to confine themselves to the simple narration of facts, and relate the actions of men, not as they should be, but as they are. this is indeed a part of the duty of the historian; but it is not his whole duty. his narrative should be clear and simple; but he should likewise develop the political and moral tendency of the transactions he details. in reviewing actions or doctrines which favor despotism, injustice, false morals or political errors, he should not suffer them to pass without an open and well supported censure. he should show how the authors of such actions might have conducted themselves and succeeded in gaining the celebrity which they sought, by doing good instead of harm to the age and country where they acquired their fame. the history of human actions, in a political view, has generally been the history of human errors. the writers who have given it to us do not appear to have been sensible of this. how then are young readers to be sensible of it? their minds are still to be formed; and those who are destined for public life must in a great measure take their bias from the study of history. but history in general, to answer the purpose of sound instruction to the future guides of nations, must be rewritten. for example: among the hundred historians who have treated of what is called the roman republic i know not one who has told us this important fact, that rome never had a republic. the same may be said of athens, and of several other turbulent associations of men in former ages. and it is for want of this attention or this knowledge in the writers of their histories, that the republican principle of government is so generally associated, even at this day, with the idea of insurrection, anarchy and the desire of conquest. whereas it is in fact the _want_ of the republican principle, not the _practice_ of it, which has occasioned all the insurrections, anarchy and desire of conquest, that have disturbed the order of society both in ancient and modern times. again: in relating the destruction of carthage, a measure which the zealous patriots, both before and after, considered so essential to the glory of the roman state, and which has immortalized so many heroes as the authors and projectors of that destruction, i believe no historian has told us that the disease, decay and downfall of rome itself were occasioned by that measure, and must be dated from that epoch; and that the actions of regulus and scipio, the themes of universal applause, were really more injurious to their country than those of marias and sylla, the objects (and justly so) of universal detestation. if these principles had been understood by polybius and his successors in the brilliant heritage of history, and had been properly impressed on the minds of their readers, we should not have heard old cato's vociferation _delenda est carthago_ applied to the american states by an orator of the british parliament, as we did during the war; because every member of that parliament must have understood that the prosperity of these states would be highly advantageous to britain, from the extensive commercial intercourse that the relative situation of the two countries required. neither should we see at this day the french english nations seeking to impoverish and extirpate each other; each of them entertaining the erroneous and absurd opinion that its own prosperity is to be increased by the adversity of its neighbor. we should have learned long ago from the plain dictates of reason, instead of having it beat into us some ages hence by costly experience, that the true dignity of a state is in the happiness of its members; and that their happiness is best promoted by the pursuit of industry at home and the free exchange of their productions abroad. we should have perceived the real and constant interest that every nation has in the prosperity of its neighbors, instead of their destruction. france would have perceived that the wealth of the english would be beneficial to her, by enabling them to receive and pay for more of her produce. england would have seen the same thing with regard to the french; and such would have been the sentiments of other nations reciprocally and universally. i know i must be called an extravagant theorist if i insinuate that all these good things would have resulted from having history well written and poetry well conceived. no man will doubt however that such would have been the tendency; nor can we deny that the contrary has resulted, at least in some degree, from the manner in which such writings have been composed. and why should we write at all, if not to benefit mankind? the public mind, as well as the individual mind, receives its propensities; it is equally the creature of habit. nations are educated, like a single child. they only require a longer time and a greater number of teachers. no. 50. _for that fine apologue, in mystic strain, gave like the rest a golden age to man,_ book x. line 393. absurdities in speculative opinion are commonly considered as innocent things; and we are told every day that they are not worth refuting. so far as opinions are sure to rest merely in speculation, and cannot in any degree become practical, this is doubtless the proper way of treating them. but there are few opinions of this dormant and indifferent kind, especially among those that become general and classical among the nations. the activity of such, tho imperceptible, is extensive. they get wrought into our intellectual existence, and govern our modes of acting as well as thinking. the interest of society therefore requires that they should be scrutinized, and that such as are erroneous should be exposed, in order to be rejected; when their place may be supplied by truth and reason, which nourish the mind and accelerate the progress of improvement. among the absurd notions which early turned the heads of the teachers of mankind, and which are so ridiculous as generally to escape our censure, is that of a golden age; or the idea that men were more perfect, more moral and more happy in some early stage of their intercourse, before they cultivated the earth and formed great societies. the author of don quixote has played his artillery upon this doctrine to very good effect; he has summoned against it all the force of our contempt by making it the text of one of the gravest discourses of his hero. but my sensibility is such on moral and political errors, as rarely to be satisfied with the weapon of ridicule; tho i know it to be one of the most mortal of intellectual weapons. the notion that the social state of men cannot ameliorate, that they have formerly been better than they now are, and that they are continually growing worse, is pregnant with infinite mischief. i know no doctrine in the whole labyrinth of imposture that has a more immoral tendency. it discourages the efforts of all political virtue; it is a constant and practical apology for oppression, tyranny, despotism, in every shape, in every corner of society, as well as from the throne, the pulpit, the tribunal and the camp. it inculcates the belief that ignorance is better than knowledge; that war and violence are more natural than industry and peace; that deserts and tombs are more glorious than joyful cities and cultivated fields. one of the most operative means of bringing forward our improvements and of making mankind wiser and better than they are, is to convince them that they are capable of becoming so. without this conviction they may indeed improve slowly, unsteadily and almost imperceptibly, as they have done within the period in which our histories are able to trace them. but this conviction, impressed on the minds of the chiefs and teachers of nations, and inculcated in their schools, would greatly expedite our advancement in public happiness and virtue. perhaps it would in a great measure insure the world against any future shocks and retrograde steps, such as heretofore it has often, experienced. postscript. i am well aware that some readers will be dissatisfied in certain instances with my orthography. their judgments are respectable; and as it is not a wanton deviation from ancient usage on my part, the subject may justify a moment's retrospect from this place. since we have arrived at the end of a work that has given me more pleasure in the composition than it probably will in its reception by the public, they must pardon me if i thus linger awhile in taking leave. it is a favorite object of amusement as well as labor, which i cannot hope to replace. our language is constantly and rapidly improving. the unexampled progress of the sciences and arts for the last thirty years has enriched it with a great number of new words, which are now become as necessary to the writer as his ancient mother tongue. the same progress which leads to farther extensions of ideas will still extend the vocabulary; and our neology must and will keep pace with the advancement of our knowledge. hence will follow a closer definition and more accurate use of words, with a stricter attention to their orthography. such innovations ought undoubtedly to be admitted with caution; and they will of course be severely scrutinized by men of letters. a language is public property, in the most extensive sense of the word; and readers as well as writers arc its guardians. but they ought to have no objection to improving the estate as it passes thro their hands, by making a liberal tho rigid estimate of what may be offered as ameliorations. some respectable philologists have proposed a total and immediate reform of our orthography and even of our alphabet; but the great body of proprietors in this heritage are of opinion that the attempt would be less advantageous than the slow and certain improvements which are going forward, and which will necessarily continue to attend the active state of our literature. we have long since laid aside the latin diphthongs æ and oe in common english words, and in some proper names tho not in all. uniformity in this respect is desirable and will prevail. names of that description which occur in this work i have therefore written with the simple vowel, as _cesar_, _phenicia_, _etna_, _medea_. another class of our words are in a gradual state of reform. they are those latin nouns ending in _or_, which having past thro france on their way from rome, changed their _o_ into _eu_. the norman english writers restored the latin _o_, but retained the french _u;_ and tho the latter has been since rejected in most of these words, yet in others it is still retained by many writers. it is quite useless in pronunciation; and propriety as well as analogy requires that the reform should be carried thro. no writer at this day retains the _u_ in _actor_, _author_, _emperor_ and the far greater part, perhaps nine tenths, of this class of nouns; why then should it be continued in the few that remain, such as _labor_, _honor?_ the most accurate authors reject it in all these, and i have followed the example. i have also respectable authorities in prose as well as poetry for expunging the three last letters in _though_ and _through;_ they being totally disregarded in pronunciation and awkward in appearance. the long sound of _o_ in many words, as _go, fro_, puts it out of doubt with respect to _tho;_ and its sound of _oo_, which, frequently occurs, as in _prove, move_, is an equal justification of _thro_. all the british poets, from pope downwards, and several eminent prose writers, including shaftsbury and staunton, have by their practice supported this orthography. some verbs in the past tense, where the usual ending in _ed_ is harsh and uncouth, hare long ago changed it for _t_, as _fixt_, _capt_, _meant_, _past_, _blest_. poetry has extended this innovation to many other verbs which are necessarily uttered with the sound of _t_, tho in prose they may still retain for a while their ancient _ed_. i consider this reform as a valuable improvement in the language, because it brings a numerous class of words to be written as they are spoken; and the proportion of the reformed ones is already so considerable that analogy, or regularity of conjugation, requires us to complete the list. i have not carried this reform much farther than other poets have done before me. examples might perhaps be found for nearly all the instances in which i have indulged it, such as _perisht_, _astonisht_, tho i have not been solicitous to seek them. the correction might well be extended to several remaining verbs of the same class; but it is difficult in this particular case to fix the proper limit. with regard to the apostrophe, as employed to mark the elision in the past tense of verbs, i have followed the example of the most accurate poets; who use it where the verb in the present tense does not end in _e_, as _furl'd_, because the _ed_ would add a syllable and destroy the measure. but where the present tense ends in _e_, it is retained in the past with the _d_, as _robed_, because it does not add a syllable. the letter _k_ we borrowed from the greek, and the _c_ from the latin. the power of each of these letters at the end of a word is precisely the same; and the power of one is the same as that of both. yet our early writers placed them both at the end of certain words, with the _c_ before the _k_, as _musick_, _publick_, why they did not put the _k_ first, as being the most ancient character, does not appear. modern authors have rejected the _k_ sit the end of this class of words; and no correct writer will think of replacing such an inconvenient appendage. the idea of putting a stop to innovation in a living language is absurd, unless we put a stop to thinking. when a language becomes fixt it becomes a dead language. men must leave it for a living one, in which they can express their ideas with all their changes, extensions and corrections. the duty of the critic in this case is only to keep a steady watch over the innovations that are offered, and require a rigid conformity to the general principles of the idiom. noah webster, to whose philological labors our language will be much indebted for its purity and regularity, has pointed out the advantages of a steady course of improvement, and how it ought to be conducted. the preface to his new dictionary is an able performance. he might advantageously give it more development, with some correction, and publish it as a prospectus to the great work he now has in hand. the uniform tendency of our language is towards simplicity as well as regularity. with this view the final e, in words where it is quite silent and useless, is dropping off, and will soon disappear. having long since resigned the place it held in the greater part of these words, as _joye_, _ruine_, and more recently in some others, it must finally quit the remainder where it is still found a superfluous letter, as _active_, _decisive_, _determine_. we may even hazard a prediction that our whole class of adjectives ending in _ous_ will be reformed and brought nearer to their pronunciation by rejecting the _o_. a similar change may be expected in words ending in _ss_. these words have already undergone one reform; they were formerly written with a final _e_, as _wildernesse_. they have lost the _e_ because it was useless; and as the final _s_ has now become equally useless, it might be dismissed with as little violence to the language. but these two projected innovations have not yet been ventured upon in any degree; and it is not desirable to be the first in so daring an enterprise, when it is not immediately important. [illustration: columbus monument, piazza acquaverde, genoa, italy. sculptor, signor lanzio. dedicated 1862. (see page 141.)] christopher columbus and his monument columbia being a concordance of choice tributes to the great genoese, his grand discovery, and his greatness of mind and purpose. _the testimony of ancient authors, the tributes of modern men._ adorned with the sculptures, scenes, and portraits of the old world and the new. compiled by j. m. dickey. chicago and new york: rand, mcnally & company, publishers. 1892. copyright, 1892, by rand, mcnally & co. columbus. preface. history places in prominence columbus and america. they are the brightest jewels in her crown. columbus is a permanent orb in the progress of civilization. from the highest rung of the ladder of fame, he has stepped to the skies. america "still hangs blossoming in the garden of time, while her penetrating perfume floats all round the world, and intoxicates all other nations with the hope of liberty." if possible, these tributes would add somewhat to the luster of fame which already encircles the nation and the man. many voices here speak for themselves. six hundred authors and more have written of columbus or his great discovery. an endless task therefore would it be to attempt to enumerate, much less set out, the thousands who have incidentally, and even encomiastically, referred to him. equally impossible would it be to hope to include a tithe of their utterances within the limits of any single volume, even were it of colossal proportions. this volume of tributes essays then to be but a concordance of some of the most choice and interesting extracts, and, artistically illustrated with statues, scenes, and inscriptions, is issued at an appropriate time and place. the compiler desires in this preface to acknowledge his sincere obligations and indebtedness to the many authors and publishers who so courteously and uniformly extended their consents to use copyright matter, and to express an equal sense of gratitude to his friend, stuart c. wade, for his valuable assistance in selecting, arranging, and indexing much of the matter herein contained. in one of the galleries of florence there is a remarkable bust of brutus, left unfinished by the great sculptor michael angelo. some writer explained the incomplete condition by indicating that the artist abandoned his labor in despair, "overcome by the grandeur of the subject." with similar feeling, this little book is submitted to the admirers of columbus and columbia, wherever they may be found. j. m. d. colorado springs, colo., july, 1892. table of contents. page preface, 5 table of contents, 7 list of illustrations, 9 life of columbus, 11-40 selected letters of columbus, 41-57 tributes to columbus, 61-323 tributes to columbia, 327-384 index of authors--columbus, 385-388 index of authors--columbia, 389-390 index of head lines, 391-396 index of statuary and inscriptions, 397 list of illustrations. the columbus statue, genoa, _frontispiece_ columbus at salamanca, 17 the de bry portrait, 24 the embarkation at palos, 32 columbus in chains, 49 fac-simile of columbus' letter to the bank of st. george, genoa, 52 columbus statue, on barcelona monument, 64 columbus monument, barcelona, 81 the paseo colon, barcelona, 96 columbus statue, city of colon, 113 zearing's head of columbus, 120 park's statue of columbus, chicago, 128 house of columbus, genoa, 145 the antonio moro portrait, 160 toscanelli's map, 177 samartin's statue of columbus, madrid, 192 suñol's statue of columbus, madrid, 209 map of herrera (columbus' historian), 224 modern map of the bahamas, 241 map of columbus' pilot, 256 columbus monument, mexico, 273 columbus monument, new york city, 288 bas-relief, new york monument, 296 bas-relief, new york monument, 305 columbus statue, havana, 312 columbus statue, philadelphia, 320 part of columbus statue, new york city, 328 the convent of santa maria de la rábida, 337 the santa maria caravel, 352 the columbus fleet, 360 vanderlyn's picture of the landing of columbus, 369 columbus statue, st. louis, mo., 384 columbus and his monument columbia. the life of columbus. christopher columbus, the eldest son of dominico colombo and suzanna fontanarossa, was born at genoa in 1435 or 1436, the exact date being uncertain. as to his birthplace there can be no legitimate doubt; he says himself of genoa, in his will, "della salí y en ella naci" (from there i came, and there was i born), though authorities, authors, and even poets differ. some, like tennyson, having stay'd the wheels at cogoletto and drank, and loyally drank, to him. his father was a wool-comber, of some small means, who was living two years after the discovery of the west indies, and who removed his business from genoa to savona in 1469. christopher, the eldest son, was sent to the university of pavia, where he devoted himself to the mathematical and natural sciences, and where he probably received instruction in nautical astronomy from antonio da terzago and stefano di faenza. on his removal from the university it appears that he worked for some months at his father's trade; but on reaching his fifteenth year he made his choice of life, and became a sailor. of his apprenticeship, and the first years of his career, no records exist. the whole of his earlier life, indeed, is dubious and conjectural, founded as it is on the half-dozen dark and evasive chapters devoted by hernando, his son and biographer, to the first half-century of his father's times. it seems certain, however, that these unknown years were stormy, laborious, and eventful; "wherever ship has sailed," he writes, "there have i journeyed." he is known, among other places, to have visited england, "ultima thule" (iceland), the guinea coast, and the greek isles; and he appears to have been some time in the service of rené of provence, for whom he is recorded to have intercepted and seized a venetian galley with great bravery and audacity. according to his son, too, he sailed with colombo el mozo, a bold sea captain and privateer; and a sea fight under this commander was the means of bringing him ashore in portugal. meanwhile, however, he was preparing himself for greater achievements by reading and meditating on the works of ptolemy and marinus, of nearchus and pliny, the cosmographia of cardinal aliaco, the travels of marco polo and mandeville. he mastered all the sciences essential to his calling, learned to draw charts and construct spheres, and thus fitted himself to become a consummate practical seaman and navigator. in 1470 he arrived at lisbon, after being wrecked in a sea fight that began off cape st. vincent, and escaping to land on a plank. in portugal he married felipa moñiz de perestrello, daughter of bartollomeu perestrello, a captain in the service of prince henry, called the navigator, one of the early colonists and the first governor of porto santo, an island off madeira. columbus visited the island, and employed his time in making maps and charts for a livelihood, while he pored over the logs and papers of his deceased father-in-law, and talked with old seamen of their voyages and of the mystery of the western seas. about this time, too, he seems to have arrived at the conclusion that much of the world remained undiscovered, and step by step to have conceived that design of reaching asia by sailing west which was to result in the discovery of america. in 1474 we find him expounding his views to paolo toscanelli, the florentine physician and cosmographer, and receiving the heartiest encouragement. these views he supported with three different arguments, derived from natural reasons, from the theories of geographers, and from the reports and traditions of mariners. "he believed the world to be a sphere," says helps; "he underestimated its size; he overestimated the size of the asiatic continent. the farther that continent extended to the east, the nearer it came round toward spain." and he had but to turn from the marvelous propositions of mandeville and aliaco to become the recipient of confidences more marvelous still. the air was full of rumors, and the weird imaginings of many generations of mediæval navigators had taken shape and substance, and appeared bodily to men's eyes. martin vicente, a portuguese pilot, had found, 450 leagues to the westward of cape st. vincent, and after a westerly gale of many days' duration, a piece of strange wood, sculptured very artistically, but not with iron. pedro correa, his own brother-in-law, had seen another such waif near the island of madeira, while the king of portugal had information of great canes, capable of holding four quarts of wine between joint and joint, which herrera declares the king received, preserved, and showed to columbus. from the colonists on the azores columbus heard of two men being washed up at flores, "very broad-faced, and differing in aspect from christians." the transport of all these objects being attributed to the west winds and not to the gulf stream, the existence of which was then totally unsuspected. west of the azores now and then there hove in sight the mysterious islands of st. brandan; and 200 leagues west of the canaries lay somewhere the lost island of the seven cities, that two valiant genoese had vainly endeavored to discover, and in search of which, yearly, the merchants of bristol sent expeditions, even before columbus sailed. in his northern journey, too, some vague and formless traditions may have reached his ear of the voyages of biorn and lief, and of the pleasant coasts of helleland, markland, and vinland that lay toward the setting sun. all were hints and rumors to bid the bold mariner sail westward, and this he at length determined to do. there is also some vague and unreliable tradition as to a portuguese pilot discovering the indies previous to columbus, and on his deathbed revealing the secret to the genoese explorer. it is at the best but a fanciful tale. the concurrence of some state or sovereign, however, was necessary for the success of this design. the senate of genoa had the honor to receive the first offer, and the responsibility of refusing it. rejected by his native city, the projector turned next to john ii. of portugal. this king had already an open field for discovery and enterprise along the african coast; but he listened to the genoese, and referred him to the committee of council for geographical affairs. the council's report was altogether adverse; but the king, who was yet inclined to favor the theory of columbus, assented to the suggestion of the bishop of ceuta that the plan should be carried out in secret, and without columbus' knowledge, by means of a caravel or light frigate. the caravel was dispatched, but it returned after a brief absence, the sailors having lost heart, and having refused to venture farther. upon discovering this dishonorable transaction, columbus felt so outraged and indignant that he sent off his brother bartholomew to england with letters for henry vii., to whom he had communicated his ideas. he himself left lisbon many other friends, and here met with beatrix enriquez, the mother of his second son, hernando, who was born august 15, 1488. a certain class of writers pretend that beatrix enriquez was the lawful wife of columbus.[1] if so, when he died she would of right have been vice-queen dowager of the indies. is it likely that $56 would have been the pension settled upon a lady of such rank? señor castelar, than whom there is no greater living authority, scouts the idea of a legal marriage; and, indeed, it is only a few irresponsible and peculiarly aggressive catholic writers who have the hardihood to advance this more than improbable theory. mr. henry harrisse, a most painstaking critic, thinks that felipa moñiz died in 1488. she was buried in the monastery do carmo, at lisbon, and some trace of her may hereafter be found in the archives of the provedor or registrar of wills, at lisbon, when these papers are arranged, as she must have bequeathed a sum to the poor, under the customs then prevailing. from cordova, columbus followed the court to salamanca, where he was introduced to the notice of the grand cardinal, pedro gonzales de mendoza, "the third king of spain." the cardinal, while approving the project, thought that it savored strongly of heterodoxy; but an interview with the projector brought him over, and through his influence columbus at last got audience of the king. the matter was finally referred, however, to fernando de talavera, who, in 1487, summoned a junta of astronomers and cosmographers to confer with columbus, and examine his design and the arguments by which he supported it. the dominicans of san estebàn in salamanca entertained columbus during the conference. the jurors, who were most of them ecclesiastics, were by no means unprejudiced, nor were they disposed to abandon their pretensions to for spain (1484), taking with him his son diego, the only issue of his marriage with felipa moñiz. he departed secretly, according to some writers to give the slip to king john, according to others to escape his creditors. in one of his letters columbus says: "when i came from such a great distance to serve these princes, i abandoned a wife and children, whom, for this cause, i never saw again." the first traces of columbus at the court of spain are on may 5, 1487, when an entry in some accounts reads: "given to-day 3,000 maravedis (about $18) to cristobal colomo, a stranger." three years after (march 20, 1488), a letter was sent by the king to "christopher colon, our especial friend," inviting him to return, and assuring him against arrest and proceedings of any kind; but it was then too late. columbus next betook himself to the south of spain, and seems to have proposed his plan first to the duke of medina sidonia (who was at first attracted by it, but finally threw it up as visionary and impracticable), and next to the duke of medina celi. the latter gave him great encouragement, entertained him for two years, and even determined to furnish him with the three or four caravels. finally, however, being deterred by the consideration that the enterprise was too vast for a subject, he turned his guest from the determination he had come to, of making instant application to the court of france, by writing on his behalf to queen isabella; and columbus repaired to the court at cordova at her bidding. [illustration: christopher columbus before the dominican junta at salamanca, spain. from the celebrated painting by señor v. izquierdo. (see page 16.)] it was an ill moment for the navigator's fortune. castille and leon were in the thick of that struggle which resulted in the final defeat of the moors; and neither ferdinand nor isabella had time to listen. the adventurer was indeed kindly received; he was handed over to the care of alonzo de quintanilla, whom he speedily converted into an enthusiastic supporter of his theory. he made knowledge without a struggle. columbus argued his point, but was overwhelmed with biblical texts, with quotations from the great divines, with theological objections, and in a short time the junta was adjourned. señor rodriguez pinilla, the learned salamantine writer, holds that the first refusal of columbus' project was made in the official council at cordova. in 1489, columbus, who had been following the court from place to place (billeted in towns as an officer of the king and gratified from time to time with sums of money toward his expenses), was present at the siege of malaga. in 1490 the junta decided that his project was vain and impracticable, and that it did not become their highnesses to have anything to do with it; and this was confirmed, with some reservation, by their highnesses themselves, at seville. columbus was now in despair. so reduced in circumstances was he that (according to the eminent spanish statesman and orator, emilio castelar) he was jocularly and universally termed "the stranger with the threadbare coat." he at once betook himself to huelva, where his brother-in-law resided, with the intention of taking ship to france. he halted, however, at palos, a little maritime town in andalusia. at the monastery of santa maria de la rábida[2] he knocked and asked for bread and water for his boy diego, and presently got into conversation with fray juan perez de marchena, the prior, who invited him to take up his quarters in the monastery, and introduced him to garci fernandez, a physician and an ardent student of geography. to these good men did columbus propound his theory and explain his plan. juan perez had been the queen's confessor; he wrote to her and was summoned to her presence, and money was sent to columbus to bring him once more to court. he reached granada in time to witness the surrender of the city by the moors, and negotiations were resumed. columbus believed in his mission, and stood out for high terms; he asked the rank of admiral at once, the vice-royalty of all he should discover, and a tenth of all the gain, by conquest or by trade. these conditions were rejected, and the negotiations were again interrupted. an interview with mendoza appears to have followed, but nothing came of it, and in january, 1492, columbus actually set out for france. at length, however, on the entreaty of luis de santangel, receiver of the ecclesiastical revenues of the crown of aragon, isabella was induced to determine on the expedition. a messenger was sent after columbus, and overtook him at the bridge of piños, about two leagues from granada. he returned to the camp at santa fé, and on april 17, 1492, the agreement between him and their catholic majesties was signed and sealed. this agreement being familiarly known in spanish history as "the capitulations of santa fé." his aims were nothing less than the discovery of the marvelous province of cipango and the conversion to christianity of the grand khan, to whom he received a royal and curious blank letter of introduction. the town of palos was, by forced levy, as a punishment for former rebellion, ordered to find him three caravels, and these were soon placed at his disposal. but no crews could be got together, columbus even offering to throw open the jails and take all criminals and broken men who would serve on the expedition; and had not juan perez succeeded in interesting martin alonzo pinzon and vicente yañez pinzon in the cause, columbus' departure had been long delayed. at last, however, men, ships, and stores were ready. the expedition consisted of the gallega, rechristened the santa maria, a decked ship, with a crew of fifty men, commanded by the admiral in person; and of two caravels--the pinta, with thirty men, under martin pinzon, and the niña, with twenty-four men, under his brother, vicente yañez pinzon, afterward (1499) the first to cross the line in the american atlantic. the adventurers numbered 120 souls, and on friday, august 3, 1492, at 8 in the morning, the little fleet weighed anchor and stood out for the canary islands, sailing as it were "into a world unknown--the corner-stone of a nation." deeply significant was one incident of their first few days' sail. emilio castelar tells us that these barks, laden with bright promises for the future, were sighted by other ships, laden with the hatreds and rancors of the past, for it chanced that one of the last vessels transporting into exile the jews, expelled from spain by the religious intolerance of which the recently created and odious tribunal of the faith was the embodiment, passed by the little fleet bound in search of another world, where creation should be newborn, a haven be afforded to the quickening principle of human liberty, and a temple be reared to the god of enfranchised and redeemed consciences. an abstract of the admiral's diary made by the bishop las casas is yet extant; and from it many particulars may be gleaned concerning this first voyage. three days after the ships had set sail the pinta lost her rudder. the admiral was in some alarm, but comforted himself with the reflection that martin pinzon was energetic and ready-witted; they had, however, to put in (august 9th) at teneriffe to refit the caravel. on september 6th they weighed anchor once more with all haste, columbus having been informed that three portuguese caravels were on the lookout for him. on september 13th the variations of the magnetic needle were for the first time observed;[3] and on the 15th a wonderful meteor fell into the sea at four or five leagues distance. on the 16th they arrived at those vast plains of seaweed called the sargasso sea; and thenceforward, writes the admiral, they had most temperate breezes, the sweetness of the mornings being most delightful, the weather like an andalusian april, and only the song of the nightingale wanting. on the 17th the men began to murmur. they were frightened by the strange phenomena of the variations of the compass, but the explanation columbus gave restored their tranquillity. on the 18th they saw many birds and a great ridge of low-lying cloud, and they expected to see land. on the 20th they saw two pelicans, and they were sure the land must be near. in this, however, they were disappointed, and the men began to be afraid and discontented; and thenceforth columbus, who was keeping all the while a double reckoning--one for the crew and one for himself--had great difficulty in restraining the men from the excesses which they meditated. on the 25th alonzo pinzon raised the cry of land, but it proved a false alarm; as did the rumor to the same effect on october 7th, when the niña hoisted a flag and fired a gun. on the 11th the pinta fished up a cane, a log of wood, a stick wrought with iron, and a board, and the niña sighted a branch of hawthorne laden with ripe luscious berries, "and with these signs all of them breathed and were glad." at 8 o'clock on that night, columbus perceived and pointed out a light ahead,[4] pedro gutierrez also seeing it; and at 2 in the morning of friday, october 12, 1492, rodrigo de triana, a sailor aboard the niña, a native of seville, announced the appearance of what proved to be the new world.[5] the land sighted was an island called by the indians guanahani, and named by columbus san salvador.[6] the same morning columbus landed, richly clad, and bearing the royal banner of spain. he was accompanied by the brothers pinzon, bearing banners of the green cross, a device of his own, and by great part of the crew. when they had all "given thanks to god, kneeling down upon the shore, and kissed the ground with tears of joy, for the great mercy received," the admiral named the island, and took solemn possession of it for their catholic majesties of castille and leon. at the same time such of the crews as had shown themselves doubtful and mutinous sought his pardon weeping, and prostrated themselves at his feet. had columbus kept the course he laid on leaving ferrol, says castelar, his landfall would have been in the florida of to-day, that is, upon the main continent; but, owing to the deflection suggested by the pinzons, and tardily accepted by him, it was his hap to strike an island, very fair to look upon, but small and insignificant when compared with the vast island-world in whose waters he was already sailing. into the details of this voyage, of highest interest as it is, it is impossible to go further. the letter of columbus, hereinafter printed, gives further and most interesting details. it will be enough to say here that it resulted in the discovery of the islands of santa maria del concepcion, exuma, isabella, juana or cuba, bohio, the cuban archipelago (named by its finder the jardin del rey), the island of santa catalina, and that of española, now called haiti or san domingo. off the last of these the santa maria went aground, owing to the carelessness of the steersman. no lives were lost, but the ship had to be unloaded and abandoned; and columbus, who was anxious to return to europe with the news of his achievement, resolved to plant a colony on the island, to build a fort out of the material of the stranded hulk, and to leave the crew. the fort was called la navidad; forty-three europeans were placed in charge, including the governor diego de arana; two lieutenants, pedro gutierrez and rodrigo de escobedo; an irishman named william ires (? harris), a native of galway; an englishman whose name is given as tallarte de lajes,[7] and the remainder being spaniards. on january 16, 1493, columbus, who had lost sight of martin pinzon, set sail alone in the niña for the east; and four days afterward the pinta joined her sister ship off monte christo. a storm, however, separated the vessels, during which (according to las casas) columbus, fearing the vessel would founder, cast his duplicate log-book, which was written on parchment and inclosed in a cake of wax, inside a barrel, into the sea. the log contained a promise of a thousand ducats to the finder on delivering it to the king of spain. then a long battle with the trade winds caused great delay, and it was not until february 18th that columbus reached the island of santa maria in the azores. here he was threatened with capture by the portuguese governor, who could not for some time be brought to recognize his commission. on february 24th, however, he was allowed to proceed, and on march 4th the niña dropped anchor off lisbon. the king of portugal received the admiral with the highest honors; and on march 13th the niña put out from the tagus, and two days afterward, friday, march 15th, dropped anchor off palos. the court was at barcelona, and thither, after dispatching a letter[8] announcing his arrival, columbus proceeded in person. he entered the city in a sort of triumphal procession, and was received by their majesties in full court, and, seated in their presence, related the story of his wanderings, exhibiting the "rich and strange" spoils of the new-found lands--the gold, the cotton, the parrots, the curious arms, the mysterious plants, the unknown birds and beasts, and the nine indians he had brought with him for baptism. all his honors and privileges were confirmed to him; the title of don was conferred on himself and his brothers; he rode at the king's bridle; he was served and saluted as a grandee of spain. and, greatest honor of all, a new and magnificent escutcheon was blazoned for him (may 4, 1493), whereon the royal castle and lion of castille and leon were combined with the four anchors of his own old coat of arms. nor were their catholic highnesses less busy on their own account than on that of their servant. on may 3d and 4th, alexander vi. granted bulls confirming to the crowns of castille and leon all the lands discovered,[9] or to be discovered, beyond a certain line of demarcation, on the same terms as those on which the portuguese held their colonies along the african coast. a new expedition was got in readiness with all possible dispatch to secure and extend the discoveries already made. [illustration: the de bry portrait of columbus.] after several delays the fleet weighed anchor on september 25th and steered westward. it consisted of three great carracks (galleons) and fourteen caravels (light frigates), having on board about 1,500 men, besides the animals and materials necessary for colonization. twelve missionaries accompanied the expedition, under the orders of bernardo boyle, a benedictine friar; and columbus had been directed (may 29, 1493) to endeavor by all means in his power to christianize the inhabitants of the islands, to make them presents, and to "honor them much," while all under him were commanded to treat them "well and lovingly," under pain of severe punishment. on october 13th the ships, which had put in at the canaries, left ferrol, and so early as sunday, november 3d, after a single storm, "by the goodness of god and the wise management of the admiral," land was sighted to the west, which was named dominica. northward from this new-found island the isles of maria galante and guadaloupe were discovered and named; and on the northwestern course to la navidad, those of montserrat, antigua, san martin, and santa cruz were sighted, and the island now called puerto rico was touched at, hurriedly explored, and named san juan. on november 22d columbus came in sight of española, and, sailing eastward to la navidad, found the fort burned and the colony dispersed. he decided on building a second fort, and, coasting on forty miles east of cape haytien, he pitched on a spot, where he founded the city and settlement of isabella. it is remarkable that the first notice of india rubber on record is given by herrera, who, in the second voyage of columbus, observed that the natives of haiti "played a game with balls made of the gum of a tree." the character in which columbus had appeared had till now been that of the greatest of mariners; but from this point forward his claims to supremacy are embarrassed and complicated with the long series of failures, vexations, miseries, insults, that have rendered his career as a planter of colonies and as a ruler of men most pitiful and remarkable. the climate of navidad proved unhealthy; the colonists were greedy of gold, impatient of control, and as proud, ignorant, and mutinous as spaniards could be; and columbus, whose inclinations drew him westward, was doubtless glad to escape the worry and anxiety of his post, and to avail himself of the instructions of his sovereigns as to further discoveries. in january, 1494, he sent home, by antonio de torres, that dispatch to their catholic highnesses by which he may be said to have founded the west indian slave trade. he founded the mining camp of san tomaso in the gold country; and on april 24, 1494, having nominated a council of regency under his brother diego, and appointed pedro de margarite his captain-general, he put again to sea. after following the southern shore of cuba for some days, he steered southward, and discovered the island of jamaica, which he named santiago. he then resumed his exploration of the cuban coast, threading his way through a labyrinth of islets supposed to be the morant keys, which he named the garden of the queen, and after coasting westward for many days he became convinced that he had discovered the mainland, and called perez de luna, the notary, to draw up a document attesting his discovery (june 12, 1494), which was afterward taken round and signed, in presence of four witnesses, by the masters, mariners, and seamen of his three caravels, the niña, the cadera, and the san juan. he then stood to the southeast and sighted the island of evangelista; and after many days of difficulties and anxieties he touched at and named the island la mona. thence he had intended to sail eastward and complete the survey of the carribbean archipelago. but he was exhausted by the terrible wear and tear of mind and body he had undergone (he says himself that on this expedition he was three-and-thirty days almost without any sleep), and on the day following his departure from la mona he fell into a lethargy that deprived him of sense and memory, and had well nigh proved fatal to life. at last, on september 29th, the little fleet dropped anchor off isabella, and in his new city the great admiral lay sick for five months. the colony was in a sad plight. everyone was discontented, and many were sick, for the climate was unhealthy and there was nothing to eat. margarite and boyle had quitted española for spain; but ere his departure the former, in his capacity as captain-general, had done much to outrage and alienate the indians. the strongest measures were necessary to undo this mischief; and, backed by his brother bartholomew, a bold and skillful mariner, and a soldier of courage and resource, who had been with diaz in his voyage around the cape of good hope, columbus proceeded to reduce the natives under spanish sway.[10] alonzo de ojeda succeeded, by a brilliant _coup de main_, in capturing the cacique caonabo, and the rest submitted. five ship-loads of indians were sent off to seville (june 24, 1495) to be sold as slaves; and a tribute was imposed upon their fellows, which must be looked upon as the origin of that system of _repartimientos_ or _encomiendas_ which was afterward to work such cruel mischief among the conquered. but the tide of court favor seemed to have turned against columbus. in october, 1495, juan aguada arrived at isabella, with an open commission from their catholic majesties, to inquire into the circumstances of his rule; and much interest and recrimination followed. columbus found that there was no time to be lost in returning home; he appointed his brother bartholomew "adelantado" of the island, and on march 10, 1496, he quitted española in the niña. the vessel, after a protracted and perilous voyage, reached cadiz on june 11, 1496. the admiral landed in great dejection, wearing the costume of a franciscan. reassured, however, by the reception of his sovereigns, he asked at once for eight ships more, two to be sent to the colony with supplies and six to be put under his orders for new discoveries. the request was not immediately granted, as the spanish exchequer was not then well supplied. but principally owing to the interest of the queen, an agreement was come to similar to that of 1492, which was now confirmed. by this royal patent, moreover, a tract of land in española, of fifty leagues by twenty, was made over to him. he was offered a dukedom or a marquisate at his pleasure; for three years he was to receive an eighth of the gross and a tenth of the net profits on each voyage, the right of creating a mayorazgo or perpetual entail of titles and estates was granted him, and on june 24th his two sons were received into isabella's service as pages. meanwhile, however, the preparing of the fleet proceeded slowly, and it was not till may 30, 1498, that he and his six ships set sail. from san lucar he steered for gomera, in the canaries, and thence dispatched three of his ships to san domingo. he next proceeded to the cape verde islands, which he quitted on july 4th. on the 31st of the same month, being greatly in need of water, and fearing that no land lay westward as they had hoped, columbus had turned his ship's head north, when alonzo perez, a mariner of huelva, saw land about fifteen leagues to the southwest. it was crowned with three hilltops, and so, when the sailors had sung the _salve regina_, the admiral named it trinidad, which name it yet bears. on wednesday, august 1st, he beheld for the first time, in the mainland of south america, the continent he had sought so long. it seemed to him but an insignificant island, and he called it zeta. sailing westward, next day he saw the gulf of paria, which was named by him the golfo de la belena, and was borne into it--an immense risk--on the ridge of breakers formed by the meeting with the sea of the great rivers that empty themselves, all swollen with rain, into the ocean. for many days he coasted the continent, esteeming as islands the several projections he saw and naming them accordingly; nor was it until he had looked on and considered the immense volume of fresh water poured out through the embouchure of the river now called the orinoco, that he concluded that the so-called archipelago must be in very deed a great continent. unfortunately at this time he was suffering intolerably from gout and ophthalmia; his ships were crazy; and he was anxious to inspect the infant colony whence he had been absent so long. and so, after touching at and naming the island of margarita, he bore away to the northeast, and on august 30th the fleet dropped anchor off isabella. he found that affairs had not prospered well in his absence. by the vigor and activity of the adelantado, the whole island had been reduced under spanish sway, but at the expense of the colonists. under the leadership of a certain roldan, a bold and unprincipled adventurer, they had risen in revolt, and columbus had to compromise matters in order to restore peace. roldan retained his office; such of his followers as chose to remain in the island were gratified with _repartimientos_ of land and labor; and some fifteen, choosing to return to spain, were enriched with a number of slaves, and sent home in two ships, which sailed in the early part of october, 1499. five ship-loads of indians had been deported to spain some little time before. on arrival of these living cargoes at seville, the queen, the stanch and steady friend of columbus, was moved with compassion and indignation. no one, she declared, had authorized him to dispose of her vassals in any such manner; and proclamations at seville, granada, and other chief places ordered (june 20, 1499) the instant liberation and return of all the last gang of indians. in addition to this, the ex-colonists had become incensed against columbus and his brothers. they were wont to parade their grievances in the very court-yards of the alhambra; to surround the king, when he came forth, with complaints and reclamations; to insult the discoverer's young sons with shouts and jeers. there was no doubt that the colony itself, whatever the cause, had not prospered so well as might have been desired. historians do not hesitate to aver that columbus' over-colored and unreliable statements as to the amount of gold to be found there were the chief causes of discontent. and, on the whole, it is not surprising that ferdinand, whose support to columbus had never been very hearty, should about this time have determined to suspend him. accordingly, on march 21, 1499, francisco de bobadilla was ordered to "ascertain what persons had raised themselves against justice in the island of española, and to proceed against them according to law." on may 21st the government of the island was conferred on him, and he was accredited with an order that all arms and fortresses should be handed over to him; and on may 26th he received a letter, for delivery to columbus, stating that the bearer would "speak certain things to him" on the part of their highnesses, and praying him to "give faith and credence, and to act accordingly." bobadilla left spain in july, 1500, and landed in española in october. columbus, meanwhile, had restored such tranquillity as was possible in his government. with roldan's help he had beaten off an attempt on the island by the adventurer ojeda, his old lieutenant; the indians were being collected into villages and christianized. gold mining was actively and profitably pursued; in three years, he calculated, the royal revenues might be raised to an average of 60,000,000 reals. the arrival of bobadilla, however, on august 23, 1500, speedily changed this state of affairs into a greater and more pitiable confusion than the island had ever before witnessed. on landing, he took possession of the admiral's house, and summoned him and his brothers before him. accusations of severity, of injustice, of venality even, were poured down on their heads, and columbus anticipated nothing less than a shameful death. bobadilla put all three in irons, and shipped them off to spain. andreas martin, captain of the caravel in which the illustrious prisoners sailed, still retained a proper sense of the honor and respect due to columbus, and would have removed the fetters; but to this columbus would not consent. he would wear them until their highnesses, by whose order they had been affixed, should order their removal; and he would keep them afterward "as relics and memorials of the reward of his services." he did so. his son hernando "saw them always hanging in his cabinet, and he requested that when he died they might be buried with him." whether this last wish was complied with is not known. a heart-broken and indignant letter from columbus to doña juana de la torres, the governess of the infant don juan, arrived at court before the dispatch of bobadilla. it was read to the queen, and its tidings were confirmed by communications from alonso de villejo and the alcaide of cadiz. there was a great movement of indignation; the tide of popular and royal feeling turned once more in the admiral's favor. he received a large sum to defray his expenses; and when he appeared at court, on december 17th, he was no longer in irons and disgrace, but richly appareled and surrounded with friends. he was received with all honor and distinction. the queen is said to have been moved to tears by the narration of his story. their majesties not only repudiated bobadilla's proceedings, but declined to inquire into the charges that he at the same time brought against his prisoners, and promised columbus compensation for his losses and satisfaction for his wrongs. a new governor, nicolas de ovando, was appointed in bobadilla's room, and left san lucar on february 18, 1502, with a fleet of thirty ships. the latter was to be impeached and sent home. the admiral's property was to be restored and a fresh start was to be made in the conduct of colonial affairs. thus ended columbus' history as viceroy and governor of the new indies, which he had presented to the country of his adoption. [illustration: departure of columbus to discover america, from the port of palos, spain, on august 3, 1492. from the celebrated painting by señor a. gisbert. (see page 19.)] his hour of rest, however, was not yet come. ever anxious to serve their catholic highnesses, "and particularly the queen," he had determined to find a strait through which he might penetrate westward into portuguese asia. after the usual inevitable delays his prayers were granted, and on may 9, 1502, with four caravels and 150 men, he weighed anchor from cadiz and sailed on his fourth and last great voyage. he first betook himself to the relief of the portuguese fort of arzilla, which had been besieged by the moors, but the siege had been raised voluntarily before he arrived. he put to sea westward once more, and on june 13th discovered the island of martinique. he had received positive instructions from his sovereigns on no account to touch at española, but his largest caravel was greatly in need of repairs, and he had no choice but to abandon her or disobey orders. he preferred the latter alternative, and sent a boat ashore to ovando, asking for a new ship and for permission to enter the harbor to weather a hurricane which he saw was coming on. but his requests were refused, and he coasted the island, casting anchor under lee of the land. here he weathered the storm, which drove the other caravels out to sea and annihilated the homeward-bound fleet, the richest till then that had been sent from española. roldan and bobadilla perished with others of the admiral's enemies; and hernando colon, who accompanied his father on this voyage, wrote, long years afterward, "i am satisfied it was the hand of god, for had they arrived in spain they had never been punished as their crimes deserved, but rather been favored and preferred." after recruiting his flotilla at azua, columbus put in at jaquimo and refitted his four vessels, and on july 14, 1502, he steered for jamaica. for nine weeks the ships wandered painfully among the keys and shoals he had named the garden of the queen, and only an opportune easterly wind prevented the crews from open mutiny. the first land sighted was the islet of guanaja, about forty miles to the east of the coast of honduras. here he got news from an old indian of a rich and vast country lying to the eastward, which he at once concluded must be the long-sought-for empire of the grand khan. steering along the coast of honduras great hardships were endured, but nothing approaching his ideal was discovered. on september 13th cape gracias-á-dios was sighted. the men had become clamorous and insubordinate; not until december 5th, however, would he tack about and retrace his course. it now became his intention to plant a colony on the river veragua, which was afterward to give his descendants a title of nobility; but he had hardly put about when he was caught in a storm which lasted eight days, wrenched and strained his crazy, worm-eaten ships severely, and finally, on the epiphany, blew him into an embouchure, which he named bethlehem. gold was very plentiful in this place, and here he determined to found his settlement. by the end of march, 1503, a number of huts had been run up, and in these the adelantado, with eighty men, was to remain, while columbus returned to spain for men and supplies. quarrels, however, arose with the natives, the adelantado made an attempt to seize on the person of the cacique and failed, and before columbus could leave the coast he had to abandon a caravel to take the settlers on board, and to relinquish the enterprise. steering eastward he left a second caravel at porto bello, and on may 31st he bore northward for cuba, where he obtained supplies from the natives. from cuba he bore up for jamaica, and there, in the harbor of santa gloria, now st. anne's bay, he ran his ships aground in a small inlet called don christopher's cove. the expedition was received with the greatest kindness by the natives, and here columbus remained upward of a year awaiting the return of his lieutenant diego mendez, whom he had dispatched to ovando for assistance. during his critical sojourn here the admiral suffered much from disease and from the lawlessness of his followers, whose misconduct had alienated the natives, and provoked them to withhold their accustomed supplies, until he dexterously worked upon their superstitions by prognosticating an eclipse. two vessels having at last arrived for their relief from mendez and ovando, columbus set sail for spain, after a tempestuous voyage landing once more at seville on september 7, 1504. as he was too ill to go to court, his son diego was sent thither in his place, to look after his interests and transact his business. letter after letter followed the young man from seville, one by the hands of amerigo vespucci. a license to ride on mule-back was granted him on february 23, 1505;[11] and in the following may he was removed to the court at segovia, and thence again to valladolid. on the landing of philip and juan at coruña (april 25, 1506), although "much oppressed with the gout and troubled to see himself put by his rights," he is known to have sent the adelantado to pay them his duty and to assure them that he was yet able to do them extraordinary service. the last documentary note of him is contained in a codicil to the will of 1498, made at valladolid on may 19, 1506; the principal portion is said, however, to have been signed at segovia on august 25, 1506. by this the old will is confirmed; the mayorazgo is bequeathed to his son diego and his heirs male; failing these to hernando, his second son, and failing these to the heirs male of bartholomew. only in the event of the extinction of the male line, direct or collateral, is it to descend to the females of the family; and those into whose hands it may fall are never to diminish it, but always to increase and ennoble it by all means possible. the head of the house is to sign himself "the admiral." a tenth of the annual income is to be set aside yearly for distribution among the poor relations of the house. a chapel is founded and endowed for the saying of masses. beatrix enriquez is left to the care of the young admiral in most grateful terms. among other legacies is one of "half a mark of silver to a jew who used to live at the gate of the jewry in lisbon." the codicil was written and signed with the admiral's own hand. next day (may 20, 1506) he died. the body of columbus was buried in the parish church of santa maria de la antigua in valladolid. it was transferred in 1513 to the cartuja de las cuevas, near seville, where on the monument was inscribed that laconic but pregnant tribute: _á castilla y a leon, nuevo mundo dió colon._ (to castille and leon, columbus gave a new world.) here the bones of diego, the second admiral, were also laid. exhumed in 1536, the bodies of both father and son were taken over sea to española (san domingo), and interred in the cathedral. in 1795-96, on the cession of that island to the french, the august relics were re-exhumed, and were transferred with great state and solemnity to the cathedral of havana, where, it is claimed, they yet remain. the male issue of the admiral became extinct with the third generation, and the estates and titles passed by marriage to a scion of the house of braganca. "in person, columbus was tall and shapely, long-faced and aquiline, white-eyed and auburn-haired, and beautifully complexioned. at thirty his hair was quite gray. he was temperate in eating and drinking and in dress, and so strict in religious matters, that for fasting and saying all the divine office he might be thought possessed in some religious order." his piety, as his son has noted, was earnest and unwavering; it entered into and colored alike his action and his speech; he tries his pen in a latin distich of prayer; his signature is a mystical pietistic device.[12] he was pre-eminently fitted for the task he created for himself. through deceit and opprobrium and disdain he pushed on toward the consummation of his desire; and when the hour for action came, the man was not found wanting. within the last seven years research and discovery have thrown some doubt upon two very important particulars regarding columbus. one of these is the identity of the island which was his first discovery in the new world; the other, the final resting-place of his remains. there is no doubt whatever that columbus died in valladolid, and that his remains were interred in the church of the carthusian monastery at seville, nor that, some time between the years 1537 and 1540, in accordance with a request made in his will, they were removed to the island of española (santo domingo). in 1795, when spain ceded to france her portion of the island, spanish officials obtained permission to remove to the cathedral at havana the ashes of the discoverer of america. there seems to be a question whether the remains which were then removed were those of columbus or his son don diego. in 1877, during the progress of certain work in the cathedral at santo domingo, a crypt was disclosed on one side of the altar, and within it was found a metallic coffin which contained human remains. the coffin bore the following inscription: "the admiral don luis colon, duke of veragua, marquis of jamaica," referring, undoubtedly, to the grandson of columbus. the archbishop señor roque cocchia then took up the search, and upon the other side of the altar were found two crypts, one empty, from which had been taken the remains sent to havana, and the other containing a metallic case. the case bore the inscription: "d. de la a per ate," which was interpreted to mean: "descubridor de la america, primer almirante" (discoverer of america, the first admiral). the box was then opened, and on the inside of the cover were the words: "illtre y esdo varon, dn cristoval colon"--illustrissime y esclarecido varon don cristoval colon (illustrious and renowned man, don christopher columbus). on the two ends and on the front were the letters, "c.c.a."--cristoval colon, almirante (christopher columbus, admiral). the box contained bones and bone-dust, a small bit of the skull, a leaden ball, and a silver plate two inches long. on one side of the plate was inscribed: _ua. pte. de los rtos del pmr. alte d. cristoval colon desr._ (urna perteneciente de los restos del primer almirante don cristoval colon, descubridor--urn containing the remains of the first admiral don christopher columbus, discoverer.) on the other side was: "u. cristoval colon" (the coffin of christopher columbus). these discoveries have been certified to by the archbishop roque cocchia, and by others, including don emiliana tejera, a well-known citizen. the royal academy of history at madrid, however, challenged the foregoing statements and declared that the remains of columbus were elsewhere than at havana. tejera and the archbishop have since published replies affirming the accuracy of their discovery.[13] regarding the identity of the island first seen by columbus, capt. g. v. fox, in a paper published by the u. s. coast survey in 1882, discusses and reviews the evidence, and draws a different conclusion and inference from that heretofore commonly accepted. his paper is based upon the original journals and log-book of columbus, which were published in 1790 by don m. f. navarrete, from a manuscript of bishop las casas, the contemporary and friend of columbus, found in the archives of the duke del infanta. in this the exact words of the admiral's diary are reproduced by las casas, extending from the 11th to the 29th of october, the landing being on the 12th. from the description the diary gives, and from a projection of a voyage of columbus before and after landing, capt. fox concludes that the island discovered was neither grand turk's, mariguana, watling's, nor cat island (guanahani), but samana, lat. 23 deg. 05 min., n.; long. 75 deg. 35 min., w. if we accept the carefully drawn deductions of capt. fox there is reason to believe that the island discovered was samana. footnotes: [footnote 1: markham, in his "life of columbus," advances the ingenious suggestion of a marriage invalidated by the pre-contract of beatrix to one enriquez. no authority is adduced for this theory.] [footnote 2: the monastery has been restored and preserved as a national memorial since 1846.] [footnote 3: the invention of the mariner's compass is claimed by the chinese for the emperor hong-ti, a grandson of noah, about 2634 b. c. a compass was brought from china to queen elizabeth a. d. 1260 by p. venutus. by some the invention is ascribed to marcus paulus, a venetian, a. d. 1260. the discovery of the compass was long attributed to flavio gioja, a neapolitan sailor, a. d. 1302, who in reality made improvements on then existing patterns and brought them to the form now used. the variation of the needle was known to the chinese, being mentioned in the works of the chinese philosopher keon-tsoung-chy, who flourished about a. d. 1111. the dip of the needle was discovered a. d. 1576 by robert norman of london. time was measured on voyages by the hour-glass. compare shakespere: or four and twenty times the pilot's glass hath told the thievish minutes how they pass. ] [footnote 4: capt. parker, in _goldthwaithe's geographical monthly_, argues ably that the myth that a light was seen by columbus at 8 p. m. of the night of the discovery should be dropped simply as rubbish; it is incredible. more than one hundred men in the three vessels were anxiously looking for signs of land, and two "think" they see a light. to say that columbus felt sure that he saw a light is to pronounce him an imbecile. for if ahead, he would have stopped; if abeam, stood for it. his log does not say where or in what direction the light was--an important omission--and columbus _ran forty sea miles after he saw this mythical light_. we may safely decide that watling island, named after a buccaneer or pirate of the seventeenth century, is best supported by investigation as the landfall of columbus. cronau, who visited watling island in 1890, supposes that columbus' ships, after making the land, continued on their course, under the reduced sail, at the rate of four or five miles an hour; and at daylight found themselves off the northwest end of the island. mr. cronau evidently is not a seafaring man or he would know that no navigator off an unknown island at night would stand on, even at the rate of one mile an hour, ignorant of what shoal or reefs might lie off the end of the island.] [footnote 5: the following from las casas' epitome of the log is all the information we have concerning the "sighting" of the new world: "thursday, october 11, 1492.--_navegó al ouesudueste, turvieron mucho mar mas que en todo el viage habian tenido. despues del sol puesto navegó á su primer camino al oueste; andarian doce millas cada hora. a las dos horas despues de media noche pareció la tierra, de la cual estarian dos leguas. amainaron todas las velas y quedaron con el treo que es la vela grande sin bonetas, y pusiérouse á la corda temporizando hasta el dia viernes que llegaron á uná isleta de los lucayos que se llamaba en lengua de indios guanahani._" that is: "they steered west-southwest and experienced a much heavier sea than they had had before in the whole voyage. after sunset they resumed their former course west, and sailed twelve miles an hour. at 2 o'clock in the morning the land appeared (was sighted), two leagues off. they lowered all the sails and remained under the storm sail, which is the main sail without bonnets, and hove to, waiting for daylight; and friday [found they had] arrived at a small island of the lucayos which the indians called guanahani." it will be observed that these are the words of las casas, and they were evidently written some years after the event.] [footnote 6: helps refers to the island as "one of the bahamas." it has been variously identified with turks island, by navarette (1825); with cat island, by irving (1828) and humboldt (1836); with mayaguara, by varnhagen (1864); and finally, with greatest show of probability, with watling island, by muñoz (1798), supported by becher (1856), peschel (1857), and major (1871).] [footnote 7: see page 217, _post_.] [footnote 8: the greatest blot on the character of columbus is contained in this and a succeeding letter. under the shallow pretense of benefiting the souls of idolators, he suggested to the spanish rulers the advisability of shipping the natives to spain as slaves. he appeals to their cupidity by picturing the revenue to be derived therefrom, and stands convicted in the light of history as the prime author of that blood-drenched rule which exterminated millions of simple aborigines in the west indian archipelago.] [footnote 9: the countries which he had discovered were considered as a part of india. in consequence of this notion the name of indies is given to them by ferdinand and isabella in a ratification of their former agreement, which was granted to columbus after his return.--robertson's "history of america."] [footnote 10: the will of diego mendez, one of columbus' most trusted followers, states that the governor of xaragua in seven months burned and hanged eighty-four chiefs, including the queen of san domingo.] [footnote 11: owing to the difficulty in securing animals for the cavalry in spain (about a. d. 1505), an edict had been published by the king forbidding the use of mules in traveling, except by royal permission. while columbus was in seville he wished to make a journey to the court, then sitting at granada, to plead his own cause. cardinal mendoza placed his litter at the disposal of the admiral, but he preferred a mule, and wrote to diego, asking him to petition the king for the privilege of using one. the request was granted in the following curious document: _decree granting to don cristoval colon permission to ride on a mule, saddled and bridled, through any part of these kingdoms._ the king: as i am informed that you, cristoval colon, the admiral, are in poor bodily health, owing to certain diseases which you had or have, and that you can not ride on horse-back without injury to your health; therefore, conceding this to your advanced age, i, by these presents, grant you leave to ride on a mule, saddled and bridled, through whatever parts of these kingdoms or realms you wish and choose, notwithstanding the law which i issued thereto; and i command the subjects of all parts of these kingdoms and realms not to offer you any impediment or allow any to be offered to you, under penalty of ten thousand maravedi in behalf of the treasury, of whoever does the contrary. given in the city of toro, february 23, 1505.] [footnote 12: .s. .s. s .s. x m y xpo ferens. columbus' cipher.--the interpretation of the seven-lettered cipher, accepting the smaller letters of the second line as the final ones of the words, seems to be _servate-me, xristus, maria, yosephus_. the name christopher appears in the last line.] [footnote 13: see washington irving, life and voyages of columbus, london, 1831; humboldt, examen critique de l'histoire de la geographie du nouveau continent, paris, 1836; sportorno, codice diplomatico colombo-americano, genoa, 1823; hernan colon, vita dell' ammiraglio, 1571; (english translation in vol. xi of churchill's voyages and travels, third edition, london, 1744; spanish, 1745); prescott, history of ferdinand and isabella, london, 1870; major, select letters of columbus, hakluyt society, london, 1847, and "on the landfall of columbus," in journal of royal geographical society for 1871; sir arthur helps, life of columbus, london, 1868; navarrete, coleccion de viages y descubrimientos desde fines del siglo xv., madrid, 1825; ticknor, history of spanish literature, london, 1863. see also pietro martire d'anghiera, opus epistolarum, 1530, and de rebus oceanicis et de orbe novo, 1511; gomora, in historiadores primitivos de indias, vol. xxii of rivadaneyra's collection; oveido y valdes, cronica de las indias, salamanca, 1547; ramusio, raccolta delle navigatione et viaggi iii, venetia, 1575; herrera de tordesillas, historia de las indias occidentales, 1601; antonio leon pinelo, epitome de la biblioteca oriental y occidental, madrid, 1623; muñoz, historia del nuevo mundo, madrid, 1793; cancellieri, notizia di christoforo colombo, 1809; bossi, vita di christoforo colombo, 1819; charlevoix, histoire de san domingo; lamartine, christoph colomb, paris, 1862 (spanish translation, 1865); crompton, life of columbus, london, 1859; voyages and discoveries of columbus, sixth edition, london, 1857; h. r. st. john, life of columbus, london, 1850.] selected letters of columbus translation of the letter of christopher columbus offering his services to king ferdinand of spain: _most serene prince: i have been engaged in navigating from my youth. i have voyaged on the seas for nearly forty years. i have visited all known quarters of the world and have conversed with a great number of learned men--with ecclesiastics, with seculars, with latins, with greeks, with moors, and with persons of all sorts of religions. i have acquired some knowledge of navigation, of astronomy, and of geometry. i am sufficiently expert in designing the chart of the earth to place the cities, the rivers, and the mountains where they are situated. i have applied myself to the study of works on cosmography, on history, and on philosophy. i feel myself at present strongly urged to undertake the discovery of the indies; and i come to your highness to supplicate you to favor my enterprise. i doubt not that those who hear it will turn it into ridicule; but if your highness will give me the means of executing it, whatever the obstacles may be i hope to be able to make it succeed._[14] translation of a letter written by christopher columbus from the court of queen isabella at barcelona to padre juan perez de marchena, a franciscan monk, prior of the convent of santa maria de la rábida, huelva, spain (date, 1492): _our lord god has heard the prayers of his servants. the wise and virtuous isabel, touched by the grace of heaven, has kindly listened to this poor man's words. all has turned out well. i have read to them our plan, it has been accepted, and i have been called to the court to state the proper means for carrying out the designs of providence. my courage swims in a sea of consolation, and my spirit rises in praise to god. come as soon as you can; the queen looks for you, and i much more than she. i commend myself to the prayers of my dear sons and you._ _the grace of god be with you, and may our lady of rábida bless you._ columbus' own account of his great discovery. translation of a letter sent by columbus to luis de santangel, chancellor of the exchequer of aragon, respecting the islands found in the indies; inclosing another for their highnesses (ferdinand and isabella). r. h. major, f. s. a., keeper of the department of maps and charts in the british museum and honorary secretary of the royal geographical society of england, states that the peculiar value of the following letter, descriptive of the first important voyage of columbus, is that the events described are from the pen of him to whom the events occurred. in it we have laid before us, as it were from columbus' own mouth, a clear statement of his opinions and conjectures on what were to him great cosmical riddles--riddles which have since been solved mainly through the light which his illustrious deeds have shed upon the field of our observation: _sir: believing that you will take pleasure in hearing of the great success which our lord has granted me in my voyage, i write you this letter, whereby you will learn how in thirty-three[15] days' time i reached the indies with the fleet which the most illustrious king and queen, our sovereigns, gave to me, where i found very many islands thickly peopled, of all which i took possession, without resistance, for their highnesses, by proclamation made and with the royal standard unfurled. to the first island that i found i gave the name of san salvador,[16] in remembrance of his high majesty, who hath marvelously brought all these things to pass; the indians call it guanahani. to the second island i gave the name of santa maria de conception; the third i called fernandina; the fourth, isabella; the fifth, juana; and so to each one i gave a new name._ _when i reached juana, i followed its coast to the westward, and found it so large that i thought it must be the mainland,--the province of cathay; and as i found neither towns nor villages on the sea-coast, but only a few hamlets, with the inhabitants of which i could not hold conversation because they all immediately fled, i kept on the same route, thinking that i could not fail to light upon some large cities and towns._ _at length, after proceeding of many leagues and finding that nothing new presented itself, and that the coast was leading me northward (which i wished to avoid, because winter had already set in, and it was my intention to move southward; and because, moreover, the winds were contrary), i resolved not to wait for a change in the weather, but returned to a certain harbor which i had remarked, and from which i sent two men ashore to ascertain whether there was any king or large cities in that part. they journeyed for three days and found countless small hamlets with numberless inhabitants, but with nothing like order; they therefore returned. in the meantime i had learned from some other indians whom i had seized that this land was certainly an island; accordingly, i followed the coast eastward for a distance of 107 leagues, where it ended in a cape. from this cape i saw another island to the eastward, at a distance of eighteen leagues from the former, to which i gave the name of "la española." thither i went, and followed its northern coast to the eastward (just as i had done with the coast of juana) 178 full leagues due east. this island like all the others is extraordinarily large, and this one extremely so. in it are many seaports, with which none that i know in christendom can bear comparison, so good and capacious that it is wonder to see. the lands are high, and there are many very lofty mountains with which the island of cetefrey can not be compared. they are all most beautiful, of a thousand different shapes, accessible, and covered with trees of a thousand kinds, of such great height that they seemed to reach the skies. i am told that the trees never lose their foliage, and i can well understand it, for i observed that they were as green and luxuriant as in spain in the month of may. some were in bloom, others bearing fruit, and others otherwise, according to their nature. the nightingale was singing as well as other birds of a thousand different kinds; and that in november, the month in which i myself was roaming amongst them. there are palm trees of six or eight kinds, wonderful in their beautiful variety; but this is the case with all the other trees and fruits and grasses; trees, plants, or fruits filled us with admiration. it contains extraordinary pine groves and very extensive plains. there is also honey, a great variety of birds, and many different kinds of fruits. in the interior there are many mines of metals and a population innumerable. española is a wonder. its mountains and plains, and meadows and fields, are so beautiful and rich for planting and sowing, and rearing cattle of all kinds, and for building towns and villages. the harbors on the coast, and the number and size and wholesomeness of the rivers, most of them bearing gold, surpass anything that would be believed by one who had not seen them. there is a great difference between the trees, fruits, and plants of this island and those of juana. in this island there are many spices and extensive mines of gold and other metals. the inhabitants of this and of all the other islands i have found or gained intelligence of, both men and women, go as naked as they were born, with the exception that some of the women cover one part only with a single leaf of grass or with a piece of cotton made for that purpose. they have neither iron nor steel nor arms, nor are they competent to use them; not that they are not well-formed and of handsome stature, but because they are timid to a surprising degree. their only arms are reeds, cut in the seeding time,_[17] _to which they fasten small sharpened sticks, and even these they dare not use; for on several occasions it has happened that i have sent ashore two or three men to some village to hold a parley, and the people have come out in countless numbers, but as soon as they saw our men approach, would flee with such precipitation that a father would not even stop to protect his son; and this not because any harm had been done to any of them, for from the first, wherever i went and got speech with them, i gave them of all that i had, such as cloth and many other things, without receiving anything in return; but they are, as i have described, incurably timid. it is true that when they are reassured and thrown off this fear they are guileless, and so liberal of all they have that no one would believe it who had not seen it. they never refuse anything that they possess when it is asked of them; on the contrary, they offer it themselves, and they exhibit so much loving kindness that they would even give their hearts; and, whether it be something of value or of little worth that is offered to them, they are satisfied. i forbade that worthless things, such as pieces of broken porringers and broken glass, and ends of straps, should be given to them; although, when they succeeded in obtaining them, they thought they possessed the finest jewel in the world. it was ascertained that a sailor received for a leather strap a piece of gold weighing two castellanos_[18] _and a half, and others received for other objects, of far less value, much more. for new blancas_[19] _they would give all they had, whether it was two or three castellanos in gold or one or two arrobas[20] of spun cotton. they took even bits of the broken hoops of the wine barrels, and gave, like fools, all that they possessed in exchange, insomuch that i thought it was wrong and forbade it. i gave away a thousand good and pretty articles which i had brought with me in order to win their affection; and that they might be led to become christians, and be well inclined to love and serve their highnesses and the whole spanish nation, and that they might aid us by giving us things of which we stand in need, but which they possess in abundance. they are not acquainted with any kind of worship, and are not idolaters; but believe that all power and, indeed, all good things are in heaven; and they are firmly convinced that i, with my vessels and crews, came from heaven, and with this belief received me at every place at which i touched, after they had overcome their apprehension. and this does not spring from ignorance, for they are very intelligent, and navigate all these seas, and relate everything to us, so that it is astonishing what a good account they are able to give of everything; but they have never seen men with clothes on, nor vessels like ours. on my reaching the indies, i took by force, in the first island that i discovered, some of these natives, that they might learn our language and give me information in regard to what existed in these parts; and it so happened that they soon understood us and we them, either by words or signs, and they have been very serviceable to us. they are still with me, and, from repeated conversations that i have had with them, i find that they still believe that i come from heaven. and they were the first to say this wherever i went, and the others ran from house to house and to the neighboring villages, crying with a loud voice: "come, come, and see the people from heaven!" and thus they all, men as well as women, after their minds were at rest about us, came, both large and small, and brought us something to eat and drink, which they gave us with extraordinary kindness. they have in all these islands very many canoes like our rowboats; some larger, some smaller, but most of them larger than a barge of eighteen seats. they are not so wide, because they are made of one single piece of timber; but a barge could not keep up with them in rowing, because they go with incredible speed, and with these canoes they navigate among these islands, which are innumerable, and carry on their traffic. i have seen in some of these canoes seventy and eighty men, each with his oar. in all these islands i did not notice much difference in the appearance of the inhabitants, nor in their manners, nor language, except that they all understood each other, which is very singular, and leads me to hope that their highnesses will take means for their conversion to our holy faith, toward which they are very well disposed. i have already said how i had gone 107 leagues in following the seacoast of juana in a straight line from west to east; and from that survey i can state that the island is larger than england and scotland together, because beyond these 107 leagues there lie to the west two provinces which i have not yet visited, one of which is called avan, where the people are born with a tail. these two provinces can not be less than from fifty to sixty leagues, from what can be learned from the indians that i have with me, and who are acquainted with all these islands. the other, española, has a greater circumference than all spain, from catalonia by the seacoast to fuenterabia in biscay, since on one of its four sides i made 188 great leagues in a straight line from west to east. this is something to covet, and, when found, not to be lost sight of. although i have taken possession of all these islands in the name of their highnesses, and they are all more abundant in wealth than i am able to express; and although i hold them all for their highnesses, so that they can dispose of them quite as absolutely as they can of the kingdoms of castille, yet there was one large town in española of which especially i took possession, situated in a locality well adapted for the working of the gold mines, and for all kinds of commerce, either with the mainland on this side or with that beyond, which is the land of the great khan, with which there will be vast commerce and great profit. to that city i gave the name of villa de navidad, and fortified it with a fortress, which by this time will be quite completed, and i have left in it a sufficient number of men with arms,[21] artillery, and provisions for more than a year, a barge, and a sailing master skillful in the arts necessary for building others. i have also established the greatest friendship with the king of that country, so much so that he took pride in calling me his brother, and treating me as such. even should these people change their intentions toward us and become hostile, they do not know what arms are, but, as i have said, go naked, and are the most timid people in the world; so that the men i have left could, alone, destroy the whole country, and this island has no danger for them, if they only know how to conduct themselves. in all those islands it seems to me that the men are content with one wife, except their chief or king, to whom they give twenty. the women seem to me to work more than the men. i have not been able to learn whether they have any property of their own. it seems to me that what one possessed belonged to all, especially in the matter of eatables. i have not found in those islands any monsters, as many imagined; but, on the contrary, the whole race is well formed, nor are they black as in guinea, but their hair is flowing, for they do not dwell in that part where the force of the sun's rays is too powerful. it is true that the sun has very great power there, for the country is distant only twenty-six degrees from the equinoctial line. in the islands where there are high mountains, the cold this winter was very great, but they endure it, not only from being habituated to it, but by eating meat with a variety of excessively hot spices. as to savages, i did not even hear of any, except at an island which lies the second in one's way coming to the indies._[22] _it is inhabited by a race which is regarded throughout these islands as extremely ferocious, and eaters of human flesh. these possess many canoes, in which they visit all the indian islands, and rob and plunder whatever they can. they are no worse formed than the rest, except that they are in the habit of wearing their hair long, like women, and use bows and arrows made of reeds, with a small stick at the end, for want of iron, which they do not possess. they are ferocious amongst these exceedingly timid people; but i think no more of them than of the rest. these are they which have intercourse with the women of matenino,[23] the first island one comes to on the way from spain to the indies, and in which there are no men. these women employ themselves in no labor suitable to their sex, but use bows and arrows made of reeds like those above described, and arm and cover themselves with plates of copper, of which metal they have a great quantity._ [illustration: the return of columbus in chains to spain. marble statuary by señor v. vallmitjana, formerly in the ministry of the colonies, madrid; now in havana, cuba. (see page 31.)] _they assure me that there is another island larger than española in which the inhabitants have no hair. it is extremely rich in gold; and i bring with me indians taken from these different islands, who will testify to all these things. finally, and speaking only of what has taken place in this voyage, which has been so hasty, their highnesses may see that i shall give them all the gold they require, if they will give me but a very little assistance; spices also, and cotton, as much as their highnesses shall command to be shipped; and mastic--hitherto found only in greece, in the island of chios, and which the signoria[24] sells at its own price--as much as their highnesses shall command to be shipped; lign aloes, as much as their highnesses shall command to be shipped; slaves, as many of these idolaters as their highnesses shall command to be shipped. i think i have also found rhubarb and cinnamon, and i shall find a thousand other valuable things by means of the men that i have left behind me, for i tarried at no point so long as the wind allowed me to proceed, except in the town of navidad, where i took the necessary precautions for the security and settlement of the men i had left there. much more i would have done if my vessels had been in as good a condition as by rights they ought to have been. this is much, and praised be the eternal god, our lord, who gives to all those who walk in his ways victory over things which seem impossible; of which this is signally one, for, although others have spoken or written concerning these countries, it was all mere conjecture, as no one could say that he had seen them--it amounting only to this, that those who heard listened the more, and regarded the matter rather as a fable than anything else. but our redeemer has granted this victory to our illustrious king and queen and their kingdoms, which have acquired great fame by an event of such high importance, in which all christendom ought to rejoice, and which it ought to celebrate with great festivals and the offering of solemn thanks to the holy trinity with many solemn prayers, both for the great exaltation which may accrue to them in turning so many nations to our holy faith, and also for the temporal benefits which will bring great refreshment and gain, not only to spain, but to all christians. this, thus briefly, in accordance with the events._ _done on board the caravel, off the canary islands, on the fifteenth of february, fourteen hundred and ninety-three._ _at your orders, the admiral._ _after this letter was written, as i was in the sea of castille, there arose a southwest wind, which compelled me to lighten my vessels, and run this day into this port of lisbon, an event which i consider the most marvelous thing in the world, and whence i resolved to write to their highnesses. in all the indies i have always found the weather like that in the month of may. i reached them in thirty-three days, and returned in twenty-eight, with the exception that these storms detained me fourteen days knocking about in this sea. all seamen say that they have never seen such a severe winter nor so many vessels lost._ _done on the fourteenth day of march._ the prayer of columbus on landing at guanahani on the morning of friday, october 12, 1492: _lord! eternal and almighty god! who by thy sacred word hast created the heavens, the earth, and the seas, may thy name be blessed and glorified everywhere. may thy majesty be exalted, who hast deigned to permit that by thy humble servant thy sacred name should be made known and preached in this other part of the world._[25] columbus and genoa. columbus in bequeathing a large portion of his income to the bank of st. george in genoa, upon trust, to reduce the tax upon provisions, only did what dario de vivaldi had accomplished in 1471 and 1480, as we read on the pedestal of his statue, erected in the hall of the bank. this example was followed by antonio doria, francesco lomellini, eliano spinola, ansaldo grimaldo, and others, as the inscriptions on their statues testify. a fac-simile letter of columbus, announcing the bequest, is shown on the opposite page. [illustration: fac-simile of columbus' letter to the bank of st. george, genoa dated april 2, 1502. (see page 52.)] the letter in english is as follows: _high noble lords: although the body walks about here, the heart is constantly over there. our lord has conferred on me the greatest favor ever granted to any one since david. the results of my undertaking already appear, and would shine greatly, were they not concealed by the blindness of the government. i am going again to the indies under the auspices of the holy trinity, soon to return, and since i am mortal i leave it with my son diego that you receive every year, forever, one-tenth of the entire revenue, such as it may be, for the purpose of reducing the tax upon corn, wine, and other provisions.[26] if that tenth amounts to something, collect it. if not, take at least the will for the deed. i beg of you to entertain regard for the son i have recommended to you. mr. nicolo de oderigo knows more about my own affairs than i do myself, and i have sent him the transcripts of my privileges and letters for safe keeping. i should be glad if you could see them. my lords, the king and queen, endeavor to honor me more than ever. may the holy trinity preserve your noble persons and increase the most magnificent house (of st. george). done in sevilla on the second day of april, 1502._ _the chief admiral of the ocean, vice-roy and governor-general of the islands and continent of asia, and the indies of my lords, the king and queen, their captain-general of the sea, and of their council._ _"s." "s. a. s." "x. m. y." "xpo. ferens."_[27] his patience and nobility of mind under suffering and in the midst of undeserved indignities. the reply of columbus to andreas martin, captain of the caravel conveying him a prisoner to spain, upon an offer to remove his fetters: _since the king has commanded that i should obey his governor, he shall find me as obedient in this as i have been to all his other orders; nothing but his command shall release me. if twelve years' hardship and fatigue; if continual dangers and frequent famine; if the ocean first opened, and five times passed and repassed, to add a new world, abounding with wealth, to the spanish monarchy; and if an infirm and premature old age, brought on by these services, deserve these chains as a reward, it is very fit i should wear them to spain, and keep them by me as memorials to the end of my life._ from a letter to the king and queen: _this country (the bahamas) excels all others as far as the day surpasses the night in splendor; the natives love their neighbors as themselves; their conversation is the sweetest imaginable, and their faces are always smiling. so gentle and so affectionate are they that i swear to your highness there is no better people in the world._ from the same: _the fish rival the birds in tropical brilliancy of color, the scales of some of them glancing back the rays of light like precious stones, as they sported about the ships and flashed gleams of gold and silver through the clear water._ speech of a west indian chief to columbus, on his arrival in cuba: _whether you are divinities or mortal men, we know not. you have come into these countries with a force, against which, were we inclined to resist, it would be folly. we are all therefore at your mercy; but if you are men, subject to mortality like ourselves, you can not be unapprised that after this life there is another, wherein a very different portion is allotted to good and bad men. if therefore you expect to die, and believe, with us, that every one is to be rewarded in a future state according to his conduct in the present, you will do no hurt to those who do none to you._ shipwreck and marriage. from the "life of columbus," by his son hernando: _i say, that whilst the admiral sailed with the aforesaid "columbus the younger," which was a long time, it fell out that, understanding the before-mentioned four great venetian galleys were coming from flanders, they went out to seek, and found them beyond lisbon, about cape st. vincent, which is in portugal, where, falling to blows, they fought furiously and grappled, beating one another from vessel to vessel with the utmost rage, making use not only of their weapons but artificial fireworks; so that after they had fought from morning until evening, and abundance were killed on both sides, the admiral's ship took fire, as did a great venetian galley, which, being fast grappled together with iron hooks and chains used to this purpose by seafaring men, could neither of them be relieved because of the confusion there was among them and the fright of the fire, which in a short time was so increased that there was no other remedy but for all that could to leap into the water, so to die sooner, rather than bear the torture of the fire._ _but the admiral being an excellent swimmer, and seeing himself two leagues or a little farther from land, laying hold of an oar, which good fortune offered him, and, sometimes resting upon it, sometimes swimming, it pleased god, who had preserved him for greater ends, to give him strength to get to shore, but so tired and spent with the water that he had much ado to recover himself. and because it was not far from lisbon, where he knew there were many genoeses, his countrymen, he went away thither as fast as he could, where, being known by them, he was so courteously received and entertained that he set up house and married a wife in that city. and forasmuch as he behaved himself honorably, and was a man of comely presence, and did nothing but what was just, it happened that a lady whose name was dona felipa moñiz, of a good family, and pensioner in the monastery of all saints, whither the admiral used to go to mass, was so taken with him that she became his wife._ put not your trust in princes. from a letter of christopher columbus to ferdinand and isabella: _such is my fate that twenty years of service, through which i passed with so much toil and danger, have profited me nothing; and at this day i do not possess a roof in spain that i can call my own. if i wish to eat or sleep, i have nowhere to go but to the inn or tavern, and i seldom have wherewith to pay the bill. i have not a hair upon me that is not gray; my body is infirm; and all that was left me, as well as to my brothers, has been taken away and sold, even to the frock that i wore, to my great dishonor. i implore your highnesses to forgive my complaints. i am indeed in as ruined a condition as i have related. hitherto i have wept over others; may heaven now have mercy upon me, and may the earth weep for me._ the self-sacrifice and devotion of columbus. from columbus' own account of his discovery: _such is my plan; if it be dangerous to execute, i am no mere theorist who would leave to another the prospect of perishing in carrying it out, but am ready to sacrifice my life as an example to the world in doing so. if i do not reach the shores of asia by sea, it will be because the atlantic has other boundaries in the west, and these boundaries i will discover._ the trust of columbus. from a letter of columbus to a friend: _for me to contend for the contrary, would be to contend with the wind. i have done all that i could do. i leave the rest to god, whom i have ever found propitious to me in my necessities._ signature of columbus. _s. i. e. servidor_ _s. a. s. sus altezas sacras_ _x. m. y. jesus maria ysabel_ _xpo. ferens christo-pher_ _el almirante el almirante._ in english: servant--of their sacred highnesses--jesus, mary, and isabella--christopher--the admiral. --becher. the last words of columbus. _lord, into thy hands i commend my spirit._ footnotes: [footnote 14: this letter received no answer.] [footnote 15: columbus left the canary isles september 8th, made the land october 11th--thirty-three days.] [footnote 16: watling's island.] [footnote 17: these canes are probably the flowering stems of large grasses, similar to the bamboo or to the _arundinaria_ used by the natives of guiana for blowing arrows.] [footnote 18: an old spanish coin, equal to the fiftieth part of a mark of gold.] [footnote 19: small copper coins, equal to about the quarter of a farthing.] [footnote 20: one arroba weighs twenty-five pounds.] [footnote 21: there appears to be a doubt as to the exact number of men left by columbus at española, different accounts variously giving it as thirty-seven, thirty-eight, thirty-nine, and forty. there is, however, a list of their names included in one of the diplomatic documents printed on navarrete's work, which makes the number amount to forty, independent of the governor diego de arana and his two lieutenants, pedro gutierrez and rodrigo de escobedo. all these men were spaniards, with the exception of two; one an irishman named william ires, a native of galway, and one an englishman, whose name was given as tallarte de lajes, but whose native designation it is difficult to guess at. the document in question was a proclamation to the effect that the heirs of those men should, on presenting at the office of public business at seville sufficient proof of their being the next of kin, receive payment in conformity with the royal order to that purpose, issued at burgos on december 20, 1507.] [footnote 22: dominica.] [footnote 23: martinique.] [footnote 24: of genoa. the island of chios belonged to the genoese republic from 1346 to 1566.] [footnote 25: this prayer of columbus, which is printed by padre claudio clementi in the "tablas chronologicas de los descubridores" (valencia, 1689), was afterward repeated, by order of the sovereigns of castille, in subsequent discoveries. hernando cortez, vasco nuñez de balboa, pizarro, and others, had to use it officially.] [footnote 26: it is very much to be regretted that christopher columbus' intentions in this respect were not carried out because the protectors would have certainly decreed that a marble statue should be erected to commemorate so great a gift, and we would then possess an authentic portrait of the discoverer of america, which does not exist anywhere. nor do i believe that the portrait of columbus ever was drawn, carved, or painted from the life. there were doubtless painters already in spain at the close of the fifteenth century, such, for instance, as juan sanchez de castro, pedro berruguette, juan de borgona, antonio del rincon, and the five artists whom cardinal ximenes intrusted with the task of adorning the paranymph of the university of alcala, but they painted only religious subjects. it is at a later period that portrait painting commenced in spain. one of those artists may have thought of painting a portrait of columbus, but there is no trace of any such intention in the writings of the time, nor of the existence of an authentic effigy of the great navigator in spain or any other country. we must recollect that the enthusiasm created by the news of the discovery of america was far from being as great as people now imagine, and if we may judge from the silence of spanish poets and historians of the fifteenth century, it produced less effect in spain than anywhere else. at all events, the popularity of columbus lasted scarcely six months, as deceptions commenced with the first letters that were sent from hispaniola, and they never ceased whilst he was living. in fact, it is only between april 20, 1493, which is the date of his arrival in barcelona, and the 20th of may following, when he left that city to embark for the second expedition (during the short space of six weeks), that his portrait might have been painted; although it was not then a spanish notion, by any means. neither boabdil nor gonzalvo de cordova, whose exploits were certainly much more admired by the spaniards than those of columbus, were honored in that form during their lifetime. even the portraits of ferdinand and isabella, although attributed to antonio del rincon, are only fancy pictures of the close of the sixteenth century. the popularity of columbus was short-lived because he led the spanish nation to believe that gold was plentiful and easily obtained in cuba and hispaniola, whilst the spaniards who, seduced by his enthusiastic descriptions, crossed the atlantic in search of wealth, found nothing but sufferings and poverty. those who managed to return home arrived in spain absolutely destitute. they were noblemen, who clamored at the court and all over the country, charging "the stranger" with having deceived them. (historia de los reyes catolicos, cap. lxxxv, f. 188; las casas, lib. i, cap. cxxii, vol. ii, p. 176; andres bernaldez, cap. cxxxi, vol. ii, p. 77.) it was not under such circumstances that spaniards would have caused his portrait to be painted. the oldest effigy of columbus known (a rough wood-cut in _jovius_, illustrium virorum vitæ, florentiæ, 1549, folio), was made at least forty years after his death, and in italy, where he never returned after leaving it as a poor and unknown artizan. let it be enough for us to know that he was above the medium height, robust, with sandy hair, a face elongated, flushed and freckled, vivid light gray eyes, the nose shaped like the beak of an eagle, and that he always was dressed like a monk. (bernaldez, oviedo, las casas, and the author of the libretto, all eye-witnesses.)--h. harrisse's "columbus, and the bank of st. george, in genoa."] [footnote 27: what strikes the paleographer, when studying the handwriting of christopher columbus, is the boldness of the penmanship. you can see at a glance that he was a very rapid caligrapher, and one accustomed to write a great deal. this certainly was his reputation. the numberless memoirs, petitions, and letters which flew from his pen gave even rise to jokes and bywords. francesillo de zuñiga, charles v.'s jester, in one of his jocular epistles exclaims: "i hope to god that gutierrez will always have all the paper he wants, for he writes more than ptolemy and than columbus, the discoverer of the indies."--harrisse.] columbus and columbia. columbus. look up, look forth, and on. there's light in the dawning sky. the clouds are parting, the night is gone. prepare for the work of the day. --_bayard taylor._ _a castilla y leon, nuevo mundo dió colon._ to castille and leon columbus gave a new world. inscription upon hernando columbus' tomb, in the pavement of the cathedral at seville, spain. also upon the columbus monument in the paseo de recoletos, madrid. columbus reverence and wonder. john adams, american lawyer and statesman, second president of the united states. born at braintree (now quincy), norfolk county, mass., october 19, 1735. president, march 4, 1797-march 4, 1801. died at braintree july 4, 1826. i always consider the discovery of america, with reverence and wonder, as the opening of a grand scene and design in providence, for the illumination of the ignorant and the emancipation of the slavish part of mankind all over the earth. the greatness of columbus. william livingston alden, an american author. born in massachusetts october 9, 1837. from his "life of columbus" (1882), published by messrs. henry holt & co., new york city. whatever flaws there may have been in the man, he was of a finer clay than his fellows, for he could dream dreams that their dull imaginations could not conceive. he belonged to the same land which gave birth to garibaldi, and, like the great captain, the great admiral lived in a high, pure atmosphere of splendid visions, far removed from and above his fellow-men. the greatness of columbus can not be argued away. the glow of his enthusiasm kindles our own even at the long distance of four hundred years, and his heroic figure looms grander through successive centuries. ancient anchors. two anchors that columbus carried in his ships are exhibited at the world's fair. the anchors were found by columbian commissioner ober near two old wells at san salvador. he had photographs and accurate models made. these reproductions were sent to paris, where expert antiquarians pronounced them to be fifteenth century anchors, and undoubtedly those lost by columbus in his wreck off san salvador. one of these has been presented to the united states and the other is loaned to the fair. columbus and the convent of la rábida. (anonymous.) it was at the door of the convent of la rábida that columbus, disappointed and down-hearted, asked for food and shelter for himself and his child. it was here that he found an asylum for a few years while he developed his plans, and prepared the arguments which he submitted to the council at salamanca. it was in one of the rooms of this convent that he met the dominican monks in debate, and it was here also that he conferred with alonzo pinzon, who afterward commanded one of the vessels of his fleet. in this convent columbus lived while he was making preparations for his voyage, and on the morning that he sailed from palos he attended himself the little chapel. there is no building in the world so closely identified with his discovery as this. the earnestness of columbus. (anonymous.) look at christopher columbus. consider the disheartening difficulties and vexatious delays he had to encounter; the doubts of the skeptical, the sneers of the learned, the cavils of the cautious, and the opposition, or at least the indifference, of nearly all. and then the dangers of an untried, unexplored ocean. is it by any means probable he would have persevered had he not possessed that earnest enthusiasm which was characteristic of the great discoverer? what mind can conceive or tongue can tell the great results which have followed, and will continue to follow in all coming time, from what this single individual accomplished? a new continent has been discovered; nations planted whose wealth and power already begin to eclipse those of the old world, and whose empires stretch far away beneath the setting sun. institutions of learning, liberty, and religion have been established on the broad basis of equal rights to all. it is true, america might have been discovered by what we call some fortunate accident. but, in all probability, it would have remained unknown for centuries, had not some _earnest man_, like columbus, arisen, whose adventurous spirit would be roused, rather than repressed, by difficulty and danger. each the columbus of his own soul. (anonymous.) every man has within himself a continent of undiscovered character. happy is he who acts the columbus to his own soul. a superior soul. (cladera. spanish.) his soul was superior to the age in which he lived. for him was reserved the great enterprise of traversing that sea which had given rise to so many fables, and of deciphering the mystery of his time. columbus dared the main. samuel rogers. (see _post_, page 275.) when first columbus dared the western main, spanned the broad gulf, and gave a world to spain, how thrilled his soul with tumult of delight, when through the silence of the sleepless night burst shouts of triumph. the world a seaman's hand conferred. j.r. lowell. (see _post_, page 204.) joy, joy for spain! a seaman's hand confers these glorious gifts, for a new world is hers. but where is he, that light whose radiance glows, the loadstone of succeeding mariners? behold him crushed beneath o'ermastering woes- hopeless, heart-broken, chained, abandoned to his foes. the ridicule with which the views of columbus were received. john j. anderson, american historical writer. born in new york, 1821. from his "history of the united states" (1887). it is recorded that "columbus had to beg his way from court to court to offer to princes the discovery of a world." genoa was appealed to again, then the appeal was made to venice. not a word of encouragement came from either. columbus next tried spain. his theory was examined by a council of men who were supposed to be very wise about geography and navigation. the theory and its author were ridiculed. said one of the wise men: "is there any one so foolish as to believe that there are people living on the other side of the earth with their feet opposite to ours? people who walk with their heels upward and their heads hanging down?" his idea was that the earth was flat like a plate. the geography of the ancients. from the third of a series of articles by the hon. elliott anthony, associate judge of the circuit court of cook county, chicago, in the chicago _mail_. [illustration: statue of columbus on the barcelona monument. (see page 81.)] bancroft, the historian, says that nearly three centuries before the christian era, aristotle, following the lessons of the pythagoreans, had taught that the earth is a sphere and that the water which bounds europe on the west washes the eastern shores of asia. instructed by him, the spaniard, seneca, believed that a ship, with a fair wind, could sail from spain to the indies in a few days. the opinion was revived in the middle ages by averroes, the arab commentator of aristotle. science and observation assisted to confirm it; and poets of ancient and of more recent times had foretold that empires beyond the ocean would one day be revealed to the daring navigator. the genial country of dante and buonarotti gave birth to christopher columbus, by whom these lessons were so received and weighed that he gained the glory of fulfilling the prophecy. accounts of the navigation from the eastern coast of africa to arabia had reached the western kingdoms of europe, and adventurous venetians, returning from travels beyond the ganges, had filled the world with dazzling descriptions of the wealth of china, as well as marvelous reports of the outlying island empire of japan. it began to be believed that the continent of asia stretched over far more than a hemisphere, and that the remaining distance around the globe was comparatively short. yet from the early part of the fifteenth century the navigators of portugal had directed their explorations to the coast of africa; and when they had ascertained that the torrid zone is habitable, even under the equator, the discovery of the islands of madeira and the azores could not divert them from the purpose of turning the southern capes of that continent and steering past them to the land of spices, which promised untold wealth to the merchants of europe, new dominions to its princes, and heathen nations to the religion of the cross. before the year 1474, and perhaps as early as 1470, columbus was attracted to lisbon, which was then the great center of maritime adventure. he came to insist with immovable resoluteness that the shortest route to the indies lay across the atlantic. by the words of aristotle, received through averroes, and by letters from toscanelli, the venerable cosmographer of florence--who had drawn a map of the world, with eastern asia rising over against europe--he was riveted in his faith and lived only in the idea of laying open the western path to the indies. after more than ten years of vain solicitations in portugal, he left the banks of the tagus to seek aid of ferdinand and isabella, rich in nautical experience, having watched the stars at sea from the latitude of iceland to near the equator at elmina. though yet longer baffled by the skepticism which knew not how to comprehend the clearness of his conception, or the mystic trances which sustained his inflexibility of purpose, or the unfailing greatness of his soul, he lost nothing of his devotedness to the sublime office to which he held himself elected from his infancy by the promises of god. when, half resolved to withdraw from spain, traveling on foot, he knocked at the gate of the monastery of la rábida, at palos, to crave the needed charity of food and shelter for himself and his little son, whom he led by the hand, the destitute and neglected seaman, in his naked poverty, was still the promiser of kingdoms, holding firmly in his grasp "the key of the ocean sea;" claiming, as it were from heaven, the indies as his own, and "dividing them as he pleased." it was then that through the prior of the convent his holy confidence found support in isabella, the queen of castille; and in 1492, with three poor vessels, of which the largest only was decked, embarking from palos for the indies by way of the west, columbus gave a new world to castille and leon, "the like of which was never done by any man in ancient or in later times." the jubilee of this great discovery is at hand, and now after the lapse of 400 years, as we look back over the vast ranges of human history, there is nothing in the order of providence which can compare in interest with the condition of the american continent as it lay upon the surface of the globe, a hemisphere unknown to the rest of the world. there stretched the iron chain of its mountain barriers, not yet the boundary of political communities; there rolled its mighty rivers unprofitably to the sea; there spread out the measureless, but as yet wasteful, fertility of its uncultivated fields; there towered the gloomy majesty of its unsubdued primeval forests; there glittered in the secret caves of the earth the priceless treasures of its unsunned gold, and, more than all that pertains to material wealth, there existed the undeveloped capacity of 100 embryo states of an imperial confederacy of republics, the future abode of intelligent millions, unrevealed as yet to the "earnest" but unconscious "expectation" of the elder families of man, darkly hidden by the impenetrable veil of waters. there is, to my mind, says everett, an overwhelming sadness in this long insulation of america from the brotherhood of humanity, not inappropriately reflected in the melancholy expression of the native races. the boldest keels of phoenicia and carthage had not approached its shores. from the footsteps of the ancient nations along the highways of time and fortune--the embattled millions of the old asiatic despotisms, the iron phalanx of macedonia, the living, crushing machinery of the roman legion which ground the world to powder, the heavy tramp of barbarous nations from "the populous north"--not the faintest echo had aroused the slumbering west in the cradle of her existence. not a thrill of sympathy had shot across the atlantic from the heroic adventure, the intellectual and artistic vitality, the convulsive struggles for freedom, the calamitous downfalls of empire, and the strange new regenerations which fill the pages of ancient and mediæval history. alike when the oriental myriads, assyrian, chaldean, median, persian, bactrian, from the snows of syria to the gulf of ormus, from the halys to the indus, poured like a deluge upon greece and beat themselves to idle foam on the sea-girt rock of salamis and the lowly plain of marathon; when all the kingdoms of the earth went down with her own liberties in rome's imperial maëlstrom of blood and fire, and when the banded powers of the west, beneath the ensign of the cross, as the pendulum of conquest swung backward, marched in scarcely intermitted procession for three centuries to the subjugation of palestine, the american continent lay undiscovered, lonely and waste. that mighty action and reaction upon each other of europe and america, the grand systole and diastole of the heart of nations, and which now constitutes so much of the organized life of both, had not yet begun to pulsate. the unconscious child and heir of the ages lay wrapped in the mantle of futurity upon the broad and nurturing bosom of divine providence, and slumbered serenely like the infant danae through the storms of fifty centuries. the dark ages before columbus. from the writings of saint augustine, the most noted of the latin fathers. born at tagasta, numidia, november 13, a. d. 354; died at hippo, august 28, a. d. 430. (this passage was relied on by the ecclesiastical opponents of columbus to show the heterodoxy of his project.) they do not see that even if the earth were round it would not follow that the part directly opposite is not covered with water. besides, supposing it not to be so, what necessity is there that it should be inhabited, since the scriptures, in the first place, the fulfilled prophecies of which attest the truth thereof for the past, can not be suspected of telling tales; and, in the second place, it is really too absurd to say that men could ever cross such an immense ocean to implant in those parts a sprig of the family of the first man. the legend of columbus. joanna baillie, a noted scottish poetess. born at bothwell, scotland, 1762; died at hampstead, near london, february 23, 1851. from "the legend of columbus." is there a man that, from some lofty steep, views in his wide survey the boundless deep, when its vast waters, lined with sun and shade, wave beyond wave, in serried distance, fade? columbus the conqueror. no kingly conqueror, since time began the long career of ages, hath to man a scope so ample given for trade's bold range or caused on earth's wide stage such rapid, mighty change.--_ibid._ the example of columbus. some ardent youth, perhaps, ere from his home he launch his venturous bark, will hither come, read fondly o'er and o'er his graven name, with feelings keenly touched, with heart aflame; till, wrapped in fancy's wild delusive dream, times past and long forgotten, present seem. to his charmed ear the east wind, rising shrill, seems through the hero's shroud to whistle still. the clock's deep pendulum swinging through the blast sounds like the rocking of his lofty mast; while fitful gusts rave like his clam'rous band, mixed with the accents of his high command. slowly the stripling quits the pensive scene, and burns and sighs and weeps to be what he has been. oh, who shall lightly say that fame is nothing but an empty name? whilst in that sound there is a charm the nerves to brace, the heart to warm, as, thinking of the mighty dead, the young from slothful couch will start, and vow, with lifted hands outspread, like them to act a noble part. oh, who shall lightly say that fame is nothing but an empty name? when but for those, our mighty dead, all ages past a blank would be, sunk in oblivion's murky bed, a desert bare, a shipless sea! they are the distant objects seen, the lofty marks of what hath been.--_ibid._ palos--the departure. on palos' shore, whose crowded strand bore priests and nobles of the land, and rustic hinds and townsmen trim, and harnessed soldiers stern and grim, and lowly maids and dames of pride, and infants by their mother's side- the boldest seaman stood that e'er did bark or ship through tempest steer; and wise as bold, and good as wise; the magnet of a thousand eyes, that on his form and features cast, his noble mien and simple guise, in wonder seemed to look their last. a form which conscious worth is gracing, a face where hope, the lines effacing of thought and care, bestowed, in truth, to the quick eyes' imperfect tracing the look and air of youth. * * * * * the signal given, with hasty strides the sailors line their ships' dark sides, their anchors weighed, and from the shore each stately vessel slowly bore. high o'er the deep and shadowed flood, upon his deck their leader stood, and turned him to departed land, and bowed his head and waved his hand. and then, along the crowded strand, a sound of many sounds combined, that waxed and waved upon the wind, burst like heaven's thunder, deep and grand; a lengthened peal, which paused, and then renewed, like that which loathly parts, oft on the ear returned again, the impulse of a thousand hearts. but as the lengthened shouts subside, distincter accents strike the ear, wafting across the current wide heart-uttered words of parting cheer: "oh, shall we ever see again those gallant souls across the main? god keep the brave! god be their guide! god bear them safe through storm and tide! their sails with favoring breezes swell! o brave columbus, fare thee well!"--_ibid._ the navigator and the islands. maturin murray ballou, american author. compiler of "pearls of thought" and similar works. born in boston, mass., april 14, 1822. from "due south," published by houghton, mifflin & co., boston, 1887. the name of columbus flashes a bright ray over the mental darkness of the period in which he lived, for the world was then but just awakening from the dull sleep of the middle ages. the discovery of printing heralded the new birth of the republic of letters, and maritime enterprise received a vigorous impulse. the shores of the mediterranean, thoroughly explored and developed, had endowed the italian states with extraordinary wealth, and built up a very respectable mercantile marine. the portuguese mariners were venturing farther and farther from the peninsula, and traded with many distant ports on the extended coast of africa. to the west lay what men supposed to be an illimitable ocean, full of mystery, peril, and death. a vague conception that islands hitherto unknown might be met afar off on that strange wilderness of waters was entertained by some minds, but no one thought of venturing in search of them. columbus alone, regarded merely as a brave and intelligent seaman and pilot, conceived the idea that the earth was spherical, and that the east indies, the great el dorado of the century, might be reached by circumnavigating the globe. if we picture to ourselves the mental condition of the age and the state of science, we shall find no difficulty in conceiving the scorn and incredulity with which the theory of columbus was received. we shall not wonder that he was regarded as a madman or a fool; we are not surprised to remember that he encountered repulse upon repulse as he journeyed wearily from court to court, and pleaded in vain to the sovereigns of europe for aid to prosecute his great design. the marvel is that when door after door was closed against him, when all ears were deaf to his earnest importunities, when day by day the opposition to his views increased, when, weary and footsore, he was forced to beg a bit of bread and a cup of water for his fainting and famishing boy at the door of a spanish convent, his reason did not give way, and his great heart did not break with disappointment. the first american monument to columbus. from an article in the baltimore _american_. to a patriotic frenchman and to baltimore belongs the credit of the erection of the first monument to the memory of christopher columbus. this shaft, though unpretentious in height and material, is the first ever erected in the "monumental city" or in the whole united states. the monument was put up on his estate by charles francis adrian le paulmier, chevalier d'amour. the property is now occupied by the samuel ready orphan asylum, at north and hartford avenues. it passed into the hands of the trustees from the executors of the late zenus barnum's will. it has ever been a matter of surprise, particularly among tourists, that among the thousand and one monuments which have been put up in the united states to the illustrious dead, that the daring navigator who first sighted an island which was part of a great continent which 400 years later developed into the first nation of the world, should be so completely and entirely overlooked. it is on record that the only other monument in the world, up to 1863, which has been erected in the honor of columbus is in genoa. there is no authoritative account of the construction of the baltimore monument. the fact that it was built in honor of columbus is substantial, as the following inscription on the shaft shows: sacred to the memory of chris. columbus, oct. xii, mdcc viiic. it can be seen that the numerals are engrossed in the old english style, and show eight less than 1800, or 1792, and the date october 12th. the shaft towers among the boughs of a great oak tree which, like itself, has stood the storms and winds of nearly a hundred years. it has seen baltimore develop from a little colonial town to a great city. the existence of the monument, strange to say, was known to only a few persons until the opening of north avenue through the barnum estate about twelve years ago. it looms up about fifty feet, and is attractive. tradition says that it is built of brick which was brought from england, and covered with mortar or cement. at any rate it is substantial, and likely to stand the ravages of time for many more years. the samuel ready estate is on the east side of the hartford turnpike and fronts on north avenue. the old-fashioned country house, which was built many years ago, was occupied by the proprietor of baltimore's famous hostelry, and is still in use. it is occupied by girls who are reared and educated by money left by the philanthropist samuel ready. forty or fifty years ago the elder david barnum resided there. in the southeast corner of the beautiful inclosure stands the monument. it is on an elevated terraced plateau. the plaster or cement coating is intact, and the inscription is plain. the shaft is quadrangular in form, sloping from a base six feet six inches in diameter to about two feet and a half at the top, which is a trifle over fifty feet from the ground. the pedestal comprises a base about thirty inches high, with well-rounded corners of molded brick work. the pedestal proper is five feet six inches in diameter, ten feet in height, and a cornice, ornamental in style, about three feet in height. from this rises a tapering shaft of about twenty-eight feet. the whole is surmounted by a capstone eighteen inches high. three stories are told about the monument. here is the first: among the humble people who have lived in that section for years the legend is that the monument was erected to the memory of a favorite horse owned by the old frenchman who was the first french consul to the united states. for years it was known as the "horse monument," and people with imaginative brains conjured up all sorts of tales, and retailed them _ad lib_. these stories were generally accepted without much inquiry as to their authenticity. this, however, is the true story: gen. d'amour, who was the first representative sent to the colonies from france, was extremely wealthy. he was a member of a society founded to perpetuate the memory of columbus in his own land. it is said that gen. d'amour came to america with count de grasse, and after the fall of yorktown retired to this city, where he remained until he was recalled to france in 1797. his reason for erecting the monument was because of his admiration for columbus' bravery in the face of apparent failure. tradition further says that one evening in the year 1792, while he was entertaining a party of guests, the fact that it was then the tri-centennial of the discovery of america was the topic of conversation. during the evening it was mentioned incidentally that there was not in this whole country a monument to commemorate the deeds of columbus. thereupon, gen. d'amour is said to have made a solemn vow that this neglect should be immediately remedied by the erection of an enduring shaft upon his own estate. he bought the property around where the monument now stands, and lived in grand style, as befitted a man of his wealth and position. he entertained extensively. it is said that lafayette was dined and fêted by the frenchman in the old brick house which is still standing behind the mansion. in the year and on the date which marked the 300th anniversary of the discovery of america the monument was unveiled. the newspapers in those days were not enterprising, and the journals published at that time do not mention the fact. again, it is said that d'amour died at the old mansion, and many people believe that his body was interred near the base of the shaft. it is related that about forty years ago two frenchmen came to this country and laid claims on the property, which had, after the frenchman's death, passed into other hands. the claim was disputed because of an unsettled mortgage on it, and they failed to prove their title. they tried to discover the burial-place of the former owner. in this they also failed, although large rewards were offered to encourage people to aid them in their search. it is said that an ingenious irishman in the neighborhood undertook to earn the reward, and pointed out a grave in an old quaker burying-ground close by. the grave was opened and the remains exhumed. examination proved the bones those of a colored man. old mrs. reilly, who was the wife of famous old barnum's hotel hackman reilly, used to say that some years after the two frenchmen had departed there came another mysterious frenchman, who sat beside the monument for weeks, pleading to the then owners for permission to dig in a certain spot hard by. he was refused. nothing daunted, he waited an opportunity and, when the coast was clear, he dug up a stone slab, which he had heard was to be found, and carried away the remains of a pet cat which had been buried there. frequent inquiries were made of mr. samuel h. tagart, who was the trustee in charge of the estate of zenus barnum, in regard to the old frenchman. antiquarians all over the country made application for permission to dig beneath the monument, and to remove the tablet from the face of the shaft. he felt, however, that he could not do it, and refused all requests. early in the present century the samuel ready estate was owned by thomas tenant--in those days a wealthy, influential citizen. one of his daughters, now dead, became the wife of hon. john p. kennedy. another daughter, who lived in new york, and who is supposed to be dead, paid a visit in 1878 to the old homestead, and sat beneath the shadow of the columbus monument. she stated that the shaft has stood in her early girlhood as it stands now. it was often visited by noted italians and frenchmen, who seemed to have heard of the existence of the monument in europe. she repeated the story of the wealthy frenchman, and told of some of his eccentricities, and said he had put up the monument at a cost of £800, or $4,000. the old land records of baltimore town were examined by a representative of the _american_ as far back as 1787. it appears that in that year daniel weatherly and his wife, elizabeth; samuel wilson and wife, hannah; isaac pennington and jemima, his wife, and william askew and jonathan rutter assigned to rachel stevenson four lots of ground, comprising the estate known as "hanson's woods," "darley hall," "rutter's discovery," and "orange." later, in 1787 and 1788, additional lots were received from one christopher hughes, and in the following year the entire estate was assigned by rachel stevenson to charles francis adrian le paulmier, chevalier d'amour, the french consul, the eccentric frenchman, and the perpetuator of columbus' memory in baltimore. the property remained in his possession up to 1796, when archibald campbell purchased it. in the year 1800 james hindman bought it, and retained possession until 1802, when james carere took hold. thomas tenant purchased the estate in 1809. at his death, in 1830, it changed hands several times, and was finally bought by david barnum, about 1833. at his death, in 1854, the estate passed into the hands of samuel w. mcclellan, then to zenus barnum, and subsequently fell to his heirs, dr. zenus barnum, arthur c. barnum, annie and maggie barnum. after much litigation, about four years ago the estate passed into possession of the executors of samuel ready's will, and they have turned the once tumbled-down, deserted place into a beautiful spot. all the families mentioned have relatives living in this city now. in all the changes of time and owners, the monument to columbus has remained intact, showing that it is always the fittest that survives, and that old things are best. mr. e. g. perine, one of the officers of the samuel ready orphan asylum, has collected most of the data relating to the monument. the italian statue. the italian citizens resident in baltimore propose to donate a magnificent statue of columbus to the "monumental city," in commemoration of the 400th anniversary of the discovery of america. columbus--the fulfiller of prophecy. george bancroft, ph.d., ll.d., d.c.l., america's premier historian. born at worcester, mass. october 3, 1800; died january 17, 1891. from "the history of the united states."[28] imagination had conceived the idea that vast inhabited regions lay unexplored in the west; and poets had declared that empires beyond the ocean would one day be revealed to the daring navigator. but columbus deserves the undivided glory of having realized that belief. * * * * * the writers of to-day are disposed to consider magellan's voyage a greater feat than that of columbus. i can not agree with them. magellan was doubtless a remarkable man, and a very bold man. but when he crossed the pacific ocean he _knew_ he must come to land at last; whereas columbus, whatever he may have heard concerning lands to the west, or whatever his theories may have led him to expect, must still have been in a state of uncertainty--to say nothing of the superstitious fears of his companions, and probably his own. * * * * * the enterprise of columbus, the most memorable maritime enterprise in the history of the world, formed between europe and america the communication which will never cease. the story of the colonization of america by northmen rests on narratives mythological in form and obscure in meaning; ancient, yet not contemporary. the intrepid mariners who colonized greenland could easily have extended their voyages to labrador and have explored the coasts to the south of it. no clear historic evidence establishes the natural probability that they accomplished the passage; and no vestige of their presence on our continent has been found. nearly three centuries before the christian era, aristotle, following the lessons of the pythagoreans, had taught that the earth is a sphere, and that the water which bounds europe on the west washes the eastern shores of asia. instructed by him, the spaniard seneca believed that a ship, with a fair wind, could sail from spain to the indies in the space of a very few days. the opinion was revived in the middle ages by averroes, the arab commentator of aristotle; science and observation assisted to confirm it; and poets of ancient and of more recent times had foretold that empires beyond the ocean would one day be revealed to the daring navigator. the genial country of dante and buonarotti gave birth to christopher columbus, by whom these lessons were so received and weighed that he gained the glory of fulfilling the prophecy. columbus the mariner. hubert howe bancroft, an american historian. born at granville, ohio, 1832. as a mariner and discoverer columbus had no superior; as a colonist and governor he proved himself a failure. had he been less pretentious and grasping, his latter days would have been more peaceful. discovery was his infatuation; but he lacked practical judgment, and he brought upon himself a series of calamities. a columbus bank note. [illustration: columbus monument, paseo colon, barcelona, spain. dedicated may 2, 1888] since the postoffice department has decided to issue a set of stamps in honor of columbus, it has been suggested that a columbus bank note would also be in good taste at this time. chief meredith, of the bureau of engraving and printing, originated the latter idea and will lay it before secretary foster when he returns to his desk at the treasury. issuing a whole set of columbian notes would involve not only a great deal of preparation but cost as well, and hence it is proposed to choose one of the smaller denominations, probably the $1 note, for the change. there is an engraving of columbus in the bureau made by burt, who was considered the finest vignette engraver in the country. it is a full-face portrait, representing columbus with a smooth face and wearing a brigandish-looking hat. the barcelona statue. the historic muralla del mar (sea wall) of barcelona has been effaced during the progress of harbor improvements, and its place supplied by a wide and handsome quay, which forms a delightful promenade, is planted with palms, and has been officially named the paseo de colon (columbus promenade). here, at the foot of the rambla in the plaza de la paz, is a marble statue of columbus. this magnificent monument, erected in honor of the great genoese mariner, was unveiled on may 2, 1888, in the presence of the queen regent, king alfonzo xiii. of spain, and the royal family; señor sagasta, president of the council of ministers, the chief alcalde of barcelona, many other spanish notables, and the officers of the many european and american men-of-war then in the port of barcelona. it was dedicated amid the thunders of more than 5,000 guns and the salutes of battalions of brave seamen. the ceremony was such and so imposing as to be without a parallel in the history of any other part of the world. the following ships of war, at anchor in the harbor of barcelona, boomed out their homage to the first admiral of the shadowy sea, and, landing detachments of officers, seamen, and marines, took part in the inauguration ceremonies. _american_--united states steamship winnebago. _austrian_--the imperial steamships tegethoff, custozz, prinz eugen, kaiser max, kaiser john of austria, meteor, panther, and leopard. _british_--h.m.s. alexandra, dreadnought, colossus, thunderer, and phaeton, and torpedo boats 99, 100, 101, and 108. _dutch_--the johann wilhelm friso. _french_--the colbert, duperre, courbet, devastation, redoubtable, indomptable, milan, condor, falcon, the dispatch boat coulevrine, and six torpedo boats. _german_--the imperial vessel kaiser. _italian_--the royal vessels etna, salta, goito, vesuvius, archimedes, tripoli, folgore, castellfidardo, lepanto, and italia. _portuguese_--the vasco da gama. _russian_--the vestruch and zabiaca. _spanish_--the numancia, navarra, gerona, castilla, blanca, destructor, pilar, and pilés. description of the monument. the monument was cast in the workshops of a. wohlgemuth, engineer and constructor of barcelona, and was made in eight pieces, the base weighing 31-1/2 tons. the first section, 22-1/2 tons; the second, 24-1/2 tons; the third, 23-1/2 tons; the fourth, 23-1/8 tons; the capital, 29-1/2 tons; the templete, 13-1/2 tons; the globe, 15-1/2 tons; the bronze ornaments, 13-1/2 tons; the statue of columbus, 41 tons; the pedestal of the column, 31-1/2 tons; the total weight of bronze employed in the column being 210-1/2 tons; its height, 198 feet. the total cost of the monument amounted to 1,000,000 pesetas. of these, 350,000 were collected by public subscription, and the remaining 650,000 pesetas were contributed by the city of barcelona. the monument is 198 feet in height, and is ascended by means of an hydraulic elevator; five or six persons have room to stand on the platform. on the side facing the sea there opens a staircase of a single flight, which leads to a small resting room richly ornamented, and lit by a skylight, which contains the elevator. the grand and beautiful city of barcelona, the busiest center of industry, commerce, and shipping, and mart of the arts and sciences, is not likely to leave in oblivion he who enriched the old world with a new one, opening new arteries of trade which immensely augmented its renowned commercial existence; and less is it likely to forget that the citizens of barcelona who were contemporaneous with columbus were among the first to greet the unknown mariner when he returned from america, for the first time, with the enthusiasm which his colossal discovery evoked. if for this alone, in one of her most charming squares, in full view of the ocean whose bounds the immortal sailor fixed and discovered, they have raised his statue upon a monument higher than the most celebrated ones of the earth. this statue, constructed under the supervision of the artist don cayetano buigas, is composed of a base one meter in height and twenty meters wide, and of three sections. the first part is a circular section, eighteen meters in diameter, ten feet in height; it is composed of carved stone with interspersed bas-reliefs in bronze, representing episodes in the life of columbus. the second story takes the form of a cross, and is of the height of thirty-three feet, being of carved stone decorated with bronzes. on the arms of the cross are four female figures, representing catalonia, aragon, castille, and leon, and in the angles of the same are figures of father boyle, santangel, margarite and ferrer de blanes. on the sides of the cross are grouped eight medallions of bronze, on which are placed the busts of isabella i., ferdinand v., father juan flores, andrés de cabrera, padre juan de la marchena, the marchioness of moya, martin pinzon, and his brother, vicente yañez pinzon. this section upholds the third part of the monument, which takes the form of an immense globe, on top of which stands the statue of columbus, a noble conception of a great artist, grandly pointing toward the conquered confines of the mysterious sea.[29] legend of a western land. rev. sabine baring-gould, vicar of looe trenchard, devonshire, england. born at exeter, england, 1834. an antiquarian, archæological and historical writer, no mean poet, and a novelist. from his "curious myths of the middle ages." according to a keltic legend, in former days there lived in skerr a druid of renown. he sat with his face to the west on the shore, his eye following the declining sun, and he blamed the careless billows which tumbled between him and the distant isle of green. one day, as he sat musing on a rock, a storm arose on the sea; a cloud, under whose squally skirts the foaming waters tossed, rushed suddenly into the bay, and from its dark womb emerged a boat with white sails bent to the wind and banks of gleaming oars on either side. but it was destitute of mariners, itself seeming to live and move. an unusual terror seized on the aged druid; he heard a voice call, "arise, and see the green isle of those who have passed away!" then he entered the vessel. immediately the wind shifted, the cloud enveloped him, and in the bosom of the vapor he sailed away. seven days gleamed on him through the mist; on the eighth, the waves rolled violently, the vessel pitched, and darkness thickened around him, when suddenly he heard a cry, "the isle! the isle!" the clouds parted before him, the waves abated, the wind died away, and the vessel rushed into dazzling light. before his eyes lay the isle of the departed, basking in golden light. its hills sloped green and tufted with beauteous trees to the shore, the mountain tops were enveloped in bright and transparent clouds, from which gushed limpid streams, which, wandering down the steep hill-sides with pleasant harp-like murmur emptied themselves into the twinkling blue bays. the valleys were open and free to the ocean; trees loaded with leaves, which scarcely waved to the light breeze, were scattered on the green declivities and rising ground; all was calm and bright; the pure sun of autumn shone from his blue sky on the fields; he hastened not to the west for repose, nor was he seen to rise in the east, but hung as a golden lamp, ever illumining the fortunate isles. legend of a western island. there is a phoenician legend that a large island was discovered in the atlantic ocean, beyond the pillars of hercules, several days' sail from the coast of africa. this island abounded in all manner of riches. the soil was exceedingly fertile; the scenery was diversified by rivers, mountains, and forests. it was the custom of the inhabitants to retire during the summer to magnificent country houses, which stood in the midst of beautiful gardens. fish and game were found in great abundance, the climate was delicious, and the trees bore fruit at all seasons of the year.--_ibid._ columbus an ideal commander. joel barlow, american poet, patriot, and politician. born at reading, conn., 1755; died near cracow, in poland, 1812. from the introduction to "columbiad" (1807). every talent requisite for governing, soothing, and tempering the passions of men is conspicuous in the conduct of columbus on the occasion of the mutiny of his crew. the dignity and affability of his manners, his surprising knowledge and experience in naval affairs, his unwearied and minute attention to the duties of his command, gave him a great ascendancy over the minds of his men, and inspired that degree of confidence which would have maintained his authority in almost any circumstances. man's ingratitude. long had the sage, the first who dared to brave the unknown dangers of the western wave; who taught mankind where future empires lay in these confines of descending day; with cares o'erwhelmed, in life's distressing gloom, wish'd from a thankless world a peaceful tomb, while kings and nations, envious of his name, enjoyed his toils and triumphed o'er his fame, and gave the chief, from promised empire hurl'd, chains for a crown, a prison for a world. --_barlow_, "columbus" (1787). footnotes: [footnote 28: by permission of messrs. d. appleton & co.] [footnote 29: for the above interesting particulars, and for the artistic illustration of this beautiful statue, the compiler desires to record his sincere obligations to the courteous kindness of mr. william g. williams of rutherford, n. j.] "only the actions of the just." ages unborn shall bless the happy day when thy bold streamers steer'd the trackless way. o'er these delightful realms thy sons shall tread, and following millions trace the path you led. behold yon isles, where first the flag unfurled waved peaceful triumph o'er the new-found world. where, aw'd to silence, savage bands gave place, and hail'd with joy the sun-descended race. --_barlow_, "the vision of columbus," a poem in nine books (1787). queen isabella's death. truth leaves the world and isabella dies. --_ibid._ columbus' chains his crown. i sing the mariner who first unfurl'd an eastern banner o'er the western world, and taught mankind where future empires lay in these fair confines of descending day; who swayed a moment, with vicarious power, iberia's scepter on the new-found shore; then saw the paths his virtuous steps had trod pursued by avarice and defiled with blood; the tribes he fostered with paternal toil snatched from his hand and slaughtered for their spoil. slaves, kings, adventurers, envious of his name, enjoyed his labors and purloined his fame, and gave the viceroy, from his high seat hurl'd, chains for a crown, a prison for a world. --_barlow_, the "columbiad," book i; lines 1-14. prophetic visions urged columbus on. the bliss of unborn nations warm'd his breast, repaid his toils, and sooth'd his soul to rest; thus o'er thy subject wave shall thou behold far happier realms their future charms unfold, in nobler pomp another pisgah rise, beneath whose foot thy new-found canaan lies. there, rapt in vision, hail my favorite clime and taste the blessings of remotest time. --_barlow_, the "columbiad," book 1; lines 176-184. columbus, the pathfinder of the shadowy sea. he opened calm the universal cause to give each realm its limit and its laws, bid the last breath of tired contention cease, and bind all regions in the leagues of peace. to yon bright borders of atlantic day his swelling pinions led the trackless way, and taught mankind such useful deeds to dare, to trace new seas and happy nations rear; till by fraternal hands their sails unfurled have waved at last in union o'er the world. --_ibid._ religious object of columbus. j. j. barry, m. d., "life of columbus." the first object of the discovery, disengaged from every human consideration, was the glorification of the redeemer and the extension of his church. the nobility of columbus in adversity. the accumulations of his reverses exceed human proportions. his misfortunes almost surpass his glory. still this man does not murmur. he accuses, he curses nobody; and does not regret that he was born. the people of ancient times would never have conceived this type of a hero. christianity alone, whose creation he was, can comprehend him. * * * the example of columbus shows that nobody can completely obtain here below the objects of his desires. the man who doubled the known space of the earth was not able to attain his object; he proposed to himself much more than he realized.--_ibid._ columbus bell. the congregation of the little colored church at haleyville, in cumberland county, n. j., contributes an interesting historical relic to the world's fair. it is the bell that has for years called them to church. in the year 1445, the bell, it is said, hung in one of the towers of the famous mosque at the alhambra. after the siege of granada, the bell was taken away by the spanish soldiers and presented to queen isabella, who, in turn, presented it to columbus, who brought it to america on his fourth voyage and presented it to a community of spanish monks who placed it in the cathedral of carthagena, on the island of new granada. in 1697 buccaneers looted carthagena, and carried the bell on board the french pirate ship la rochelle, but the ship was wrecked on the island of st. andreas shortly afterward, and the wreckers secured the bell as part of their salvage. capt. newell of bridgeton purchased it, brought it to this country, and presented it to the colored congregation of the haleyville church. the bell weighs sixty-four pounds, and is of fine metal. the personal appearance of columbus. geronimo benzoni of milan, italy. born about 1520. from his "history of the new world" (1565). he was a man of a good, reasonable stature, with sound, strong limbs; of good judgment, high talent, and gentlemanlike aspect. his eyes were bright, his hair red, his nose aquiline, his mouth somewhat large; but above all he was a friend to justice, though rather passionate when angry. westward religion's banners took their way. the right rev. george berkeley, bishop of cloyne, ireland. born at kilcrin, kilkenny, march 12, 1684; died at oxford, england, january 14, 1754. the author of the celebrated line, "westward the course of empire takes its way." but all things of heavenly origin, like the glorious sun, move westward; and truth and art have their periods of shining and of night. rejoice, then, o venerable rome, in thy divine destiny! for, though darkness overshadow thy seats, and though thy mitred head must descend into the dust, thy spirit, immortal and undecayed, already spreads toward a new world. columbus no chance comer. the hon. james gillespie blaine, one of america's leading statesmen. born in washington county, pa., in 1830. columbus was no chance comer. the time was full. he was not premature; he was not late. he came in accordance with a scientifically formed if imperfect theory, whether his own or another's--a theory which had a logical foundation, and which projected logical sequences. * * * had not columbus discovered america in 1492, a hundred columbuses would have discovered it in 1493. the certain convictions of columbus. baron bonnafoux, a french author. from "la vie de christophe colombe" (1853). he was as certain of the truth of his theory as if he had seen and trodden on the very ground which his imagination had called into existence. * * * there was an air of authority about him, and a dignity in his manner, that struck all who saw him. he considered himself, on principle, above envy and slander, and in calm and serious discussion always had the superiority in argument on the subjects of his schemes. to refuse to assist him in his projects was one thing; but it was impossible to reply to his discourse in refutation of his arguments, and, above all, not to respect him. the columbus of modern times. from an editorial in the boston _journal_, july 13, 1892. when john bright, in parliament, shortly after the successful laying of the atlantic cable, called cyrus w. field _the columbus of modern times_, he made no inappropriate comparison. mr. field, in the early days of the great undertaking that has made his name immortal, had to contend against the same difficulties as the intrepid genoese. the lineal descendants of the fifteenth century pundits, who vexed the soul of columbus by insisting that the world was flat, were very sure that a cable could never be laid across the boisterous atlantic; that sea monsters would bite it off and huge waves destroy it. both men finally prevailed over a doubting world by sheer force of indomitable enthusiasm. many men in mr. field's place, having amassed a fortune comparatively early in life, would have devoted themselves to ease and recreation. but there was too much of the new england spirit of restless energy in mr. field to permit him to pass the best years of his life thus ingloriously. the great thought of his cable occurred to him, and he became a man of one fixed idea, and ended by becoming a popular hero. no private american citizen, probably, has received such distinguished honors as mr. field when his cable was laid in 1867, and the undertaking of his lifetime was successfully accomplished. and mr. field was honestly entitled to all the glory and to all the financial profit that he reaped. his project was one that only a giant mind could conceive, and a giant mind and a giant will could carry on to execution. as if to make the parallel with columbus complete, mr. field passed his last few days under the heavy shadow of misfortune. his son's failure, and the sensational developments attending it, were probably the occasion of his fatal illness. it is a melancholy termination of a remarkable career to which the nations of the earth owe a vast debt of gratitude. chicago _tribune_, july 13, 1892. the story of the twelve years' struggle to lay an atlantic cable from ireland to newfoundland is the story of one of the greatest battles with the fates that any one man was ever called on to wage. it was a fight not only against the ocean, jealous of its rights as a separator of the continents, and against natural obstacles which seemed absolutely unsurpassable, but a fight against stubborn parliaments and congresses, and all the stumbling blocks of human disbelief. but the courage of cyrus w. field was indomitable. _his patience and zeal were inexhaustible, and so it came to pass, on july 27, 1866, that this man knelt down in his cabin, like a second columbus, and gave thanks to god, for his labors were crowned with success at last._ he had lost his health. he had worn out his nervous forces by the tremendous strain, and he paid in excruciating suffering the debt he owed to nature. but he had won a fortune and a lasting fame. the boston statue. in 1849 the italian merchants of boston, under the presidency of mr. iasigi, presented to the city a statue of columbus, which was placed inside the inclosure of louisburg square, at the pinckney street end of the square. the statue, which is of inferior merit, bears no inscription, and is at the present date forgotten, dilapidated, and fast falling into decay. you can not conquer america. flavius j. brobst in an article on westminster abbey, in the _mid-continent magazine_, august, 1892. sublimest of all, the incomparable earl of chatham, whose prophetic ken foresaw the independence of the american nation even before the battles of lexington and concord and bunker hill had been fought; and who, from the first, in parliament, rose with his eagle beak, and raised his clarion voice with all the vehemence of his imperial soul in behalf of the american colonies, reaching once a climax of inspiration, when, in thunderous tones, he declared to the english nation, "_you can not conquer america._" the indomitable courage of columbus. william c. bryant, an eminent american poet. born at cummington, mass., november 3, 1794; died june 12, 1878. from his "history of the united states." with a patience that nothing could wear out, and a perseverance that, was absolutely unconquerable, columbus waited and labored for eighteen years, appealing to minds that wanted light and to ears that wanted hearing. his ideas of the possibilities of navigation were before his time. it was one thing to creep along the coast of africa, where the hold upon the land need never be lost, another to steer out boldly into that wilderness of waters, over which mystery and darkness brooded. the santa maria caravel. j. w. buel, a celebrated american author. oh, thou santa maria, thou famous remembrancer of the centuries! the names of none of those that sailed in search of the golden fleece are so well preserved among the eternities of history as is thine. no vessel of rome, of greece, of carthage, of egypt, that carried conquering cæsar, triumphant alexander, valiant hannibal, or beauteous cleopatra, shall be so well known to coming ages as thou art. no ship of the spanish armada, or of lord howard, who swept it from the sea; no looming monster; no great eastern or frowning ironclad of modern navies, shall be held like thee in perpetual remembrance by all the sons of men. for none ever bore such a hero on such a mission, that has glorified all nations by giving the greatest of all countries to the world. the scarlet thorn. john burroughs, an american essayist and naturalist. born at roxbury, new york, april 3, 1837. from a letter in the _st. nicholas magazine_ of july, 1892. (see _post_, nason.) there are a great many species of the thorn distributed throughout the united states. all the northern species, so far as i know, have white flowers. in the south they are more inclined to be pink or roseate. if columbus picked up at sea a spray of the thorn, it was doubtless some southern species. let us believe it was the washington thorn, which grows on the banks of streams from virginia to the gulf, and loads heavily with small red fruit. the thorn belongs to the great family of trees that includes the apple, peach, pear, raspberry, strawberry, etc., namely, the rose family, or _rosaceæ_. hence the apple, pear, and plum are often grafted on the white thorn. a curious thing about the thorns is that they are suppressed or abortive branches. the ancestor of this tree must have been terribly abused sometime to have its branches turn to thorns. i have an idea that persistent cultivation and good treatment would greatly mollify the sharp temper of the thorn, if not change it completely. the flower of the thorn would become us well as a national flower. it belongs to such a hardy, spunky, unconquerable tree, and to such a numerous and useful family. certainly, it would be vastly better than the merely delicate and pretty wild flowers that have been so generally named. captain and seamen. richard e. burton, in the denver (colo.) _times_, 1892. i see a galleon of spanish make, that westward like a wingéd creature flies, above a sea dawn-bright, and arched with skies expectant of the sun and morning-break. the sailors from the deck their land-thirst slake with peering o'er the waves, until their eyes discern a coast that faint and dream-like lies, the while they pray, weep, laugh, or madly take their shipmates in their arms and speak no word. and then i see a figure, tall, removed a little from the others, as behooved, that since the dawn has neither spoke nor stirred; a noble form, the looming mast beside, columbus, calm, his prescience verified. the beauties of the bahama sea. hezekiah butterworth, american author. born in rhode island, 1839. from an article, "the sea of discovery," in _the youth's companion_, june 9, 1892. the bahama sea is perhaps the most beautiful of all waters. columbus beheld it and its islands with a poet's eye. "it only needed the singing of the nightingale," said the joyful mariner, "to make it like andalusia in april;" and to his mind andalusia was the loveliest place on earth. in sailing among these gardens of the seas in the serene and transparent autumn days after the great discovery, the soul of columbus was at times overwhelmed and entranced by a sense of the beauty of everything in it and about it. life seemed, as it were, a spiritual vision. "i know not," said the discoverer, "where first to go; nor are my eyes ever weary of gazing on the beautiful verdure. the singing of the birds is such that it seems as if one would never desire to depart hence." he speaks in a poet's phrases of the odorous trees, and of the clouds of parrots whose bright wings obscured the sun. his descriptions of the sea and its gardens are full of glowing and sympathetic colorings, and all things to him had a spiritual meaning. "god," he said, on reviewing his first voyage over these western waters, "god made me the messenger of the new heavens and earth, and told me where to find them. charts, maps, and mathematical knowledge had nothing to do with the case." on announcing his discovery on his return, he breaks forth into the following highly poetic exhortation: "let processions be formed, let festivals be held, let lauds be sung. let christ rejoice on earth." columbus was a student of the greek and latin poets, and of the poetry of the hebrew scriptures. the visions of isaiah were familiar to him, and he thought that isaiah himself at one time appeared to him in a vision. he loved nature. to him the outer world was a garment of the invisible; and it was before his great soul had suffered disappointment that he saw the sun-flooded waters of the bahama sea and the purple splendors of the antilles. [illustration: the paseo colon (columbus promenade), barcelona, spain. with the columbus monument in the background. see page 81] there is scarcely an adjective in the picturesque report of columbus in regard to this sea and these islands that is not now as appropriate and fitting as in the days when its glowing words delighted isabella 400 years ago. when history does thee wrong. george gordon noel, lord byron, one of england's famous poets. born in london, january 22, 1788; died at missolonghi, greece, april 19, 1824. teems not each ditty with the glorious tale? ah! such, alas, the hero's amplest fate. when granite molders and when records fail, * * * * * pride! bend thine eye from heaven to thine estate, see how the mighty shrink into a song. can volume, pillar, pile, preserve thee great? or must thou trust tradition's simple tongue, when flattery sleeps with thee, and history does thee wrong. cabot's contemporaneous utterance. sebastian cabot, a navigator of great eminence. born at bristol, england, about 1477. discovered the mainland of north america. died about 1557. when newes were brought that don christopher colonus, the genoese, had discovered the coasts of india, whereof was great talke in all the court of king henry the vii. who then raigned, * * * all men with great admiration affirmed it to be a thing more divine than humane to saile by the west into the easte, where the spices growe, by a chart that was never before knowen. the capitulations of santa fé--agreement of columbus with ferdinand and isabella. sir arthur helps. from "the life of columbus." [see other extracts, _post_, _sub nomine_ helps.] 1. christopher columbus wishes to be made admiral of the seas and countries which he is about to discover. he desires to hold this dignity during his life, and that it should descend to his heirs. _this request is granted by the king and queen._ 2. christopher columbus wishes to be made viceroy of all the continents and islands. _granted by the king and queen._ 3. he wishes to have a share amounting to a tenth part of the profits of all merchandise--be it pearls, jewels, or any other thing--that may be found, gained, bought, or exported from the countries which he is to discover. _granted by the king and queen._ 4. he wishes, in his quality of admiral, to be made sole judge of all mercantile matters that may be the occasion of dispute in the countries which he is to discover. _granted by the king and queen, on condition that this jurisdiction should belong to the office of admiral, as held by don enriques and other admirals._ 5. christopher columbus wishes to have the right to contribute the eighth part of the expenses of all ships which traffic with the new countries, and in return to earn the eighth part of the profits. _granted by the king and queen._ santa fé, in the vega of granada, april 17, 1492. columbus, the sea-king. thomas carlyle, "the sage of chelsea," celebrated english philosophic writer. born at ecclefechan, scotland, december 4, 1795; died at cheyne walk, chelsea, london, february 5, 1881. from "past and present." brave sea-captain, norse sea-king, columbus, my hero, royalest sea-king of all! it is no friendly environment this of thine, in the waste deep waters; around thee, mutinous, discouraged souls; behind thee, disgrace and ruin; before thee, the unpenetrated veil of night. brother, these wild water-mountains, bounding from their deep basin--ten miles deep, i am told--are not entirely there on thy behalf! meseems they have other work than floating thee forward; and the huge winds that sweep from ursa major to the tropics and equator, dancing their giant waltz through the kingdoms of chaos and immensity, they care little about filling rightly or filling wrongly the small shoulder-of-mutton sails in this cockle-skiff of thine. thou art not among articulate-speaking friends, my brother; thou art among immeasurable dumb monsters, tumbling, howling, wide as the world here. secret, far off, invisible to all hearts but thine, there lies a help in them; see how thou wilt get at that. patiently thou wilt wait till the mad southwester spend itself, saving thyself by dextrous science of defense the while; valiantly, with swift decision, wilt thou strike in, when the favoring east, the possible, springs up. mutiny of men thou wilt entirely repress; weakness, despondency, thou wilt cheerily encourage; thou wilt swallow down complaint, unreason, weariness, weakness of others and thyself. there shall be a depth of silence in thee deeper than this sea, which is but ten miles deep; a silence unsoundable, known to god only. thou shalt be a great man. yes, my world-soldier, thou wilt have to be greater than this tumultuous, unmeasured world here around thee; thou, in thy strong soul, as with wrestler's arms, shalt embrace it, harness it down, and make it bear thee on--to new americas. outbound. bliss carman, from a poem in the _century magazine_, 1892.[30] a lonely sail in the vast sea-room, i have put out for the port of gloom. the voyage is far on the trackless tide, the watch is long, and the seas are wide. the headlands, blue in the sinking day, kiss me a hand on the outward way. the fading gulls, as they dip and veer, lift me a voice that is good to hear. the great winds come, and the heaving sea, the restless mother, is calling me. the cry of her heart is lone and wild, searching the night for her wandered child. beautiful, weariless mother of mine, in the drift of doom i am here, i am thine. beyond the fathom of hope or fear, from bourn to bourn of the dusk i steer. swept on in the wake of the stars, in the stream of a roving tide, from dream to dream. the tributes of the phoenix of the ages. lope de vega carpio, a celebrated spanish poet and dramatist. born at madrid, november 25, 1562; died, 1635.[31] lope puts into the mouth of columbus, in a dialogue with ferdinand, who earnestly invites the discoverer to ask of him the wherewithal to prosecute the discovery, the following verses: sire, give me gold, for gold is all in all; 'tis master, 'tis the goal and course alike, the way, the means, the handicraft, and power, the sure foundation and the truest friend. * * * * * referring to the results of the great discovery, lope beautifully says that it gave- _al rey infinitas terras y á dios infinitas almas._ (to the king boundless lands, and to god souls without number.) herschel, the columbus of the skies. e. h. chapin, american author of the nineteenth century. man was sent into the world to be a growing and exhaustless force; the world was spread out around him to be seized and conquered. realms of infinite truth burst open above him, inviting him to tread those shining coasts along which newton dropped his plummet and herschel sailed, a columbus of the skies. the discoveries of columbus and americus. from chicago _tribune_, august, 1892. [see also _ante_, boston _journal_.] the suggestion has been made by mr. john boyd thacher, commissioner from new york to the world's fair, that a tribute be paid to the memory of amerigo vespucci by opening the fair may 5, 1893, that being the anniversary of america's christening day. mr. thacher's suggestion is based upon the fact that may 5, 1507, there was published at the college of saint-dié, in lorraine, the "cosmographic introductio," by waldseemuller, in which the name of america "for the fourth part of the world" (europe, asia, and africa being the other three parts) was first advocated, in honor of amerigo vespucci. as mr. thacher's suggestion already has aroused considerable jealous opposition among the italians of new york, who claim all the glory for columbus, a statement of what was really discovered by the two great explorers will be of interest at the present time. no writer of the present day has shed a clearer light upon this question than john fiske, and it may be incidentally added, no student has done more than he to relieve amerigo vespucci from the reproach which has been fastened upon his reputation as an explorer, by critics, who, as mr. fiske clearly shows, have been misled by the sources of their authority and have judged him from erroneous standpoints. in making a statement of what the two explorers really discovered, the _tribune_ follows on the lines of prof. fiske's investigation as the clearest, most painstaking, and most authoritative that has yet been made. christopher columbus made four voyages. on the first he sailed from palos, friday, august 3, 1492, and friday, october 12th (new style, october 21st), discovered land in the west indies. it was one of the islands of the bahamas, called by the natives guanahani, and named by him san salvador; which name, after the seventeenth century, was applied to cat island, though which one of the islands is the true san salvador is still a matter of dispute. after spending ten days among the bahamas columbus (october 25th) steered south and reached the great island of cuba. he cruised around the east coast of the big island, and december 6th landed at haiti, another immense island. a succession of disasters ended his voyage and he thereupon returned to spain, arriving there march 15, 1493. columbus sailed on his second voyage september 25, 1493, and november 3d landed at dominica in the caribbean sea. during a two-weeks' cruise he discovered the islands of marigalante, guadaloupe, and antigua, and lastly the large island of puerto rico. april 24th he set out on another cruise of discovery. he followed the south coast of cuba and came to jamaica, the third largest of the west indies, thence returning to cuba, and from there to spain, where he arrived june 11, 1494. on his third voyage he sailed may 30, 1498. following a more southerly course, he arrived at trinidad, and in coasting along saw the delta of the orinoco river of south america and went into the gulf of paria. thence he followed the north coast of venezuela and finally arrived at santo domingo. the story of his arrest there is well known. he was taken in chains to cadiz, spain, arriving there in december, 1500. on his fourth and last voyage he sailed may 11, 1502. on june 15th he was at martinique. he touched at santo domingo, thence sailed across to cape honduras, doubled that cape, and skirted the coast of nicaragua, where he heard of the pacific ocean, though the name had not its present meaning for him. it was during his attempt to find the isthmus of darien, which he thought was a strait of water, that he was shipwrecked on the coast of jamaica. he remained there a year and then went back to spain, reaching home november 7, 1504. it was the last voyage of the great navigator, and it will be observed that he never saw or stepped foot on the mainland of _north_ america, though he saw south america in 1498, as stated. in 1506 he died in spain. amerigo vespucci, like columbus, made four voyages, some of the details of which are known. his letter, written to his friend piero soderini, september 4, 1504, gives us information concerning his famous first voyage. hitherto the only copy of this letter known was a latin translation of it published at the college of saint-dié, april 25, 1507, but the primitive text from which the translation was made has been found, and by that text americus' reputation has been saved from the discredit critics and biographers have cast upon it, and his true laurels have been restored to him. the mistake of changing one word, the indian name "lariab," in the original, to "parias," in the latin version, is accountable for it all. the scene of his explorations is now transferred from parias, in south america, to lariab, in north america, and his entire letter is freed from mystery or inconsistency with the claims which have been made for him. it is now established beyond controversy that americus sailed on the first voyage, not as commander, but as astronomer, of the expedition, may 10, 1497, and first ran to the grand canaries. leaving there may 25th, the first landfall was on the northern coast of honduras of north america. thence he sailed around yucatan and up the mexican coast to tampico ("lariab," not "parias"). after making some inland explorations he followed the coast line 870 leagues (2,610 miles), which would take him along our southern gulf coast, around florida, and north along the atlantic coast until "they found themselves in a fine harbor." was this charleston harbor or hampton roads? in any event, when he started back to spain he sailed from the atlantic coast somewhere between capes charles and canaveral. the outcome of this voyage was the first discovery of honduras, parts of the mexican and florida coasts, the insularity of cuba--which columbus thought was part of the mainland of asia--and 4,000 miles of the coast line of north america. the remaining three voyages have no bearing upon north american discovery. on the second, he explored the northern coast of brazil to the gulf of maracaibo; on the third, he went again to the brazilian coast and found the island of south georgia, and on the fourth returned to brazil, but without making any discoveries of importance. mr. fiske's luminous narrative lends significance to mr. thacher's suggestion, for vespucci discovered a large portion of the mainland of the north american continent which columbus had never seen. to this extent his first voyage gave a new meaning to columbus' work, without diminishing, however, the glory of the latter's great achievement. americus, indeed, had his predecessors, for john and sebastian cabot, sent out by henry vii. of england a short time before his discovery, had set foot upon labrador, and probably had visited nova scotia. and even before cabot, the northern vikings, among them leif ericcson, had found their way to this continent and perhaps set up their vineland in massachusetts. and before the vikings there may have been other migrants, and before the migrants the aborigines, who were the victims of all the explorers from the vikings to the puritans. but their achievements had no meaning and left no results. as prof. fiske says: "in no sense was any real contact established between the eastern and western halves of our planet until the great voyage of columbus in 1492." it was that voyage which inspired the great voyage of americus in 1497. he followed the path marked out by columbus, and he invested the latter's discovery with a new significance. upon the basis of merit and historical fact, therefore, mr. thacher's suggestion deserves consideration; and why should italians be jealous, when christopher columbus, amerigo vespucci, and john cabot were all of italian birth? all within the ken of columbus. hyde clarke, vice-president royal historical society of england, in his "examination of the legend of atlantis," etc. london: longmans, green & co., 1886. at the time when columbus, as well as others, was discussing the subject of new lands to be discovered, literary resources had become available. the latin writers could be examined; but, above all, the fall of constantinople had driven numbers of greeks into italy. the greek language was studied, and greek books were eagerly bought by the latin nations, as before they had been by the arabs. thus, all that had been written as to the four worlds was within the ken of columbus. columbus a heretic and a visionary to his contemporaries. james freeman clarke, an american writer and unitarian minister. born at hanover, n. h., in 1810; died at jamaica plain, june 8, 1888.[32] we think of columbus as the great discoverer of america; we do not remember that his actual life was one of disappointment and failure. even his discovery of america was a disappointment; he was looking for india, and utterly failed of this. he made maps and sold them to support his old father. poverty, contumely, indignities of all sorts, met him wherever he turned. his expectations were considered extravagant, his schemes futile; the theologians exposed him with texts out of the bible; he wasted seven years waiting in vain for encouragement at the court of spain. he applied unsuccessfully to the governments of venice, portugal, genoa, france, england. practical men said, "it can't be done. he is a visionary." doctors of divinity said, "he is a heretic; he contradicts the bible." isabella, being a woman, and a woman of sentiment, wished to help him; but her confessor said no. we all know how he was compelled to put down mutiny in his crew, and how, after his discovery was made, he was rewarded with chains and imprisonment, how he died in neglect, poverty, and pain, and only was rewarded by a sumptuous funeral. his great hope, his profound convictions, were his only support and strength. like homer--a beggar in the gate. diego clemencin, a spanish statesman and author of merit. born at murcia, 1765; died, 1834. from his "elogio de la reina catolica, isabella de castilla" (1851). a man obscure, and but little known, followed at this time the court. confounded in the crowd of unfortunate applicants, feeding his imagination in the corners of antechambers with the pompous project of discovering a world, melancholy and dejected in the midst of the general rejoicing, he beheld with indifference, and almost with contempt, the conclusion of a conquest which swelled all bosoms with jubilee, and seemed to have reached the utmost bounds of desire. that man was christopher columbus. the first catholic knight. james david coleman, supreme president of the catholic knights of america, in an address to the members of that body, september 10, 1892. history tells that the anxious journey was begun by columbus and his resolute band, approaching holy communion at palos, on august 3, 1492; that its prosecution, through sacrifices and perils, amid harrowing uncertainties, was stamped with an exalted faith and unyielding trust in god, and that its marvelous and glorious consummation, in october, 1492, was acknowledged by the chivalrous knight, in tearful gratitude, on bended knee, at the foot of the cross of christ, as the merciful gift of his omnipotent master. then it was that christopher columbus, the first catholic knight of america, made the gracious christian tribute of grateful recognition of divine assistance by planting upon the soil of his newly discovered land the true emblem of christianity and of man's redemption--the cross of our savior. and then, reverently kneeling before the cross, and with eyes and hearts uplifted to their immolated god, this valiant band of christian knights uttered from the virgin sod of america the first pious supplication that he would abundantly bless his gift to columbus; and the unequaled grandeur of our civil structure of to-day tells the manifest response to those prayers of 400 years ago. by faith columbus found america. robert collyer, a distinguished pulpit orator. born at keighley, yorkshire, december 8, 1823. the successful men in the long fight with fortune are the cheerful men, or those, certainly, who find the fair background of faith and hope. columbus, but for this, had never found our new world. the city of colon statue. in the city of colon, department of panama, colombia, stands a statue to the memory of columbus, of some artistic merit. the great genoese is represented as encircling the neck of an indian youth with his protecting arm, a representation somewhat similar to the pose of the statue in the plaza of the city of santo domingo. this statue was donated by the ex-empress of the french, and on a wooden tablet attached to the concrete pedestal the following inscription appears: statue de christophe colomb donnée par l'impératrice eugénie erigée à colon par decret de la legislature de colombie au 29 juin, 1866, par les soins de la compagnie universelle du canal maritime de panama le 21 fevrier, 1886.[33] translation: statue of christopher columbus presented by the empress eugénie erected in honor of columbus by decree of the legislature of colombia the 29th of june, 1866, under the supervision of the universal company of the maritime canal of panama the 21st of february, 1886. the columbus of literature. francis bacon, baron verulam, viscount st. albans, commonly called lord bacon, is generally so called. born in london january 22, 1561; died april 19, 1626. the columbus of the heavens. sir william herschel, one of the greatest astronomers that any age or nation has produced, is generally so termed. born at hanover november 15, 1738; died august, 1822. the columbus of modern times. cyrus w. field was termed "_the columbus of modern times, who, by his cable, had moored the new world alongside of the old_," by the rt. hon. john bright, in a debate in the british parliament soon after the successful completion of the atlantic cable. the columbus of the skies. galileo, the illustrious italian mathematician and natural philosopher, is so styled by edward everett (_post_). he was born at pisa february 15, 1564; died near florence in january, 1642.[34] the personal appearance of columbus. hernando columbus, son of christopher. born at cordova, 1488; died at valladolid, 1539. he was tall, well formed, muscular, and of an elevated and dignified demeanor. his visage was long, neither full nor meager; his complexion fair and freckled, and inclined to ruddy; his nose aquiline; his cheek bones were rather high, his eyes light gray, and apt to enkindle; his whole countenance had an air of authority. his hair, in his youthful days, was of a light color, but care and trouble, according to las casas, soon turned it gray, and at thirty years of age it was quite white. he was moderate and simple in diet and apparel, eloquent in discourse, engaging and affable with strangers, and his amiability and suavity in domestic life strongly attached his household to his person. his temper was naturally irritable, but he subdued it by the magnanimity of his spirits, comporting himself with a courteous and gentle gravity, and never indulging in any intemperance of language. throughout his life he was noted for strict attention to the offices of religion, observing rigorously the fasts and ceremonies of the church; nor did his piety consist in mere forms, but partook of that lofty and solemn enthusiasm with which his whole character was strongly tinctured. the song of america. kinahan cornwallis. from his "song of america and columbus; or, the story of the new world." new york, 1892. published by the _daily investigator_. hail! to this new world nation; hail! that to columbus tribute pays; that glorifies his name, all hail, and crowns his memory with bays. hail! to columbia's mighty realm, which all her valiant sons revere, and foemen ne'er can overwhelm. well may the world its prowess fear. hail! to this richly favored land, for which the patriot fathers fought. forever may the union stand, to crown the noble deeds they wrought. * * * * * hail! east and west, and north and south, from bunker hill to mexico; the lakes to mississippi's mouth, and the sierras crowned with snow. hail! to the wondrous works of man, from maine to california's shores; from ocean they to ocean span, and over all the eagle soars. the fleet of columbus. six sail were in the squadron he possessed, and these he felt the lord of hosts had blessed, for he was ever faithful to the cross, with which compared, all else was earthly dross. southwestward toward the equinoctial line he steered his barks, for vast was his design. there, like a mirror, the atlantic lay, white dolphins on its breast were seen to play, and lazily the vessels rose and fell, with flapping sails, upon the gentle swell; while panting crews beneath the torrid sun lost strength and spirits--felt themselves undone. day after day the air a furnace seemed, and fervid rays upon them brightly beamed, the burning decks displayed their yawning seams, and from the rigging tar ran down in streams.--_ibid._ columbus collection. rudolph cronau, the eminent author and scientist of leipsic, germany, has contributed to the world's fair his extensive collection of paintings, sketches, and photographs, representing scenes in the life of columbus, and places visited by columbus during his voyages to the new world. doctor cronau has spent a great part of his life in the study of early american history, and has published a work on the subject, based entirely upon his personal investigations. columbus' haven. an indentation of the coast of watling's island, in the bahamas, is known to this day as columbus' haven. [illustration: statue of columbus in the city of colon, department of panama, colombia. the gift of the ex-empress of the french. (see page 109.)] cuba's caves--the mantle of columbus. in the caves of bellamar, near matanzas, cuba, are sparkling columns of crystal 150 feet high; one is called the "mantle of columbus." the portraits of columbus. the hon. william eleroy curtis, an american journalist, secretary of the bureau of the american republics, washington, d. c. born at akron, ohio. from an article, "the columbus portraits," in the _cosmopolitan magazine_, january, 1892. although columbus twice mentioned in his alleged will that he was a native of genoa, a dozen places still demand the honor of being considered his birthplace, and two claim to possess his bones. nothing is certain about his parentage, and his age is the subject of dispute. the stories of his boyhood adventures are mythical, and his education at the university of pavia is denied. the same doubt attends the various portraits that pretend to represent his features. the most reliable authorities--and the subject has been under discussion for two centuries--agree that there is no tangible evidence to prove that the face of columbus was ever painted or sketched or graven, during his life. his portrait has been painted, like that of the madonna and those of the saints, by many famous artists, each dependent upon verbal descriptions of his appearance by contemporaneous writers, and each conveying to the canvas his own conception of what the great seaman's face must have been; but it may not be said that any of the portraits are genuine, and it is believed that all of them are more or less fanciful. it must be considered that the art of painting portraits was in its infancy when columbus lived. the honor was reserved for kings and queens and other dignitaries, and columbus was regarded as an importunate adventurer, who at the close of his first voyage enjoyed a brief triumph, but from the termination of his second voyage was the victim of envy and misrepresentation to the close of his life. he was derided and condemned, was brought in chains like a common felon from the continent he had discovered, and for nearly two hundred years his descendants contested in the courts for the dignities and emoluments he demanded of the crown of spain before undertaking what was then the most perilous and uncertain of adventures. even the glory of giving his name to the lands he discovered was transferred to another--a man who followed in his track; and it is not strange, under such circumstances, that the artists of spain did not leave the religious subjects upon which they were engaged to paint the portrait of one who said of himself that he was a beggar "without a penny to buy food." the standard of modern criticism. the hon. william eleroy curtis, in an able article in the _chautauquan magazine_, september, 1892. whether the meager results of recent investigation are more reliable than the testimony of earlier pens is a serious question, and the sympathetic and generous reader will challenge the right of modern historians to destroy and reject traditions to which centuries have paid reverence. the failure to supply evidence in place of that which has been discarded is of itself sufficient to impair faith in the modern creation, and simply demonstrates the fallacy of the theory that what can not be proven did not exist. if the same analysis to which the career of columbus has been subjected should be applied to every character in sacred and secular history, there would be little left among the world's great heroes to admire. so we ask permission to retain the old ideal, and remember the discoverer of our hemisphere as a man of human weaknesses but of stern purpose, inflexible will, undaunted courage, patience, and professional theories most of which modern science has demonstrated to be true. an italian contemporary tribute. giulio dati, a florentine poet. born, 1560; died about 1630. a lengthy poem, in _ottava rima_ (founded upon the first letter of columbus announcing his success), was composed in 1493, by giulio dati, the famous florentine poet, and was sung in the streets of that city to publish the discovery of the new world. the full italian text is to be found in r. h. major's "select letters of christopher columbus," hakluyt society, 1871. the mutiny at sea.[35] jean françois casimir delavigne, a popular french poet and dramatist. born at havre, april 4, 1793; died at lyons, december, 1843. three days. on the deck stood columbus; the ocean's expanse, untried and unlimited, swept by his glance. "back to spain!" cry his men; "put the vessel about! we venture no farther through danger and doubt." "three days, and i give you a world," he replied; "bear up, my brave comrades--three days shall decide." he sails--but no token of land is in sight; he sails--but the day shows no more than the night; on, onward he sails, while in vain o'er the lee the lead is plunged down through a fathomless sea. the second day's past, and columbus is sleeping, while mutiny near him its vigil is keeping. "shall he perish?" "ay, death!" is the barbarous cry. "he must triumph to-morrow, or, perjured, must die!" ungrateful and blind! shall the world-linking sea, he traced, for the future his sepulcher be? shall that sea, on the morrow, with pitiless waves, fling his corse on that shore which his patient eye craves? the corse of a humble adventurer, then. one day later--columbus, the first among men. but, hush! he is dreaming! a veil on the main, at the distant horizon, is parted in twain; and now on his dreaming eye--rapturous sight- fresh bursts the new world from the darkness of night. o vision of glory! how dazzling it seems; how glistens the verdure! how sparkle the streams! how blue the far mountains! how glad the green isles! and the earth and the ocean, how dimpled with smiles! "joy! joy!" cries columbus, "this region is mine!" ah, not e'en its name, wondrous dreamer, is thine. honor the hardy norsemen. the rev. b. f. de costa, d. d., a well-known new york divine and social reformer of the present day. founder of the white cross society. prof. rafri, in "antiquitates americanæ," gives notices of numerous icelandic voyages to american and other lands of the west. the existence of a great country southwest of greenland is referred to, not as a matter of speculation merely, but as something perfectly well known. let us remember that in vindicating the northmen we honor those who not only give us the first knowledge possessed of the american continent, but to whom we are indebted besides for much that we esteem valuable. brilliants from depew. chauncey m. depew, one of the leading american orators of the nineteenth century. from an oration on "columbus and the exposition," delivered in chicago in 1890. it is not sacrilege to say that the two events to which civilization to-day owes its advanced position are the introduction of christianity and the discovery of america. when columbus sailed from palos, types had been discovered, but church and state held intelligence by the throat. sustained enthusiasm has been the motor of every movement in the progress of mankind. genius, pluck, endurance, and faith can be resisted by neither kings nor cabinets. columbus stands deservedly at the head of that most useful band of men--the heroic cranks in history. the persistent enthusiast whom one generation despises as a lunatic with one idea, succeeding ones often worship as a benefactor. this whole country is ripe and ready for the inspection of the world. genoa--whence grand columbus came. aubrey thomas de vere, an english poet and political writer. born, 1814. in a sonnet, "genoa." * * * * * whose prow descended first the hesperian sea, and gave our world her mate beyond the brine, was nurtured, whilst an infant, at thy knee. the vision of columbus. the crimson sun was sinking down to rest, pavilioned on the cloudy verge of heaven; and ocean, on her gently heaving breast, caught and flashed back the varying tints of even; when, on a fragment from the tall cliff riven, with folded arms, and doubtful thoughts opprest, columbus sat, till sudden hope was given- a ray of gladness shooting from the west. oh, what a glorious vision for mankind then dawned upon the twilight of his mind; thoughts shadowy still, but indistinctly grand. there stood his genie, face to face, and signed (so legends tell) far seaward with her hand, till a new world sprang up, and bloomed beneath her wand. * * * * * he was a man whom danger could not daunt, nor sophistry perplex, nor pain subdue; a stoic, reckless of the world's vain taunt, and steeled the path of honor to pursue. so, when by all deserted, still he knew how best to soothe the heart-sick, or confront sedition; schooled with equal eye to view the frowns of grief and the base pangs of want. but when he saw that promised land arise in all its rare and beautiful varieties, lovelier than fondest fancy ever trod, then softening nature melted in his eyes; he knew his fame was full, and blessed his god, and fell upon his face and kissed the virgin sod! --_ibid._ columbus' statue in chicago. the drake fountain, chicago, presented to the city by mr. john b. drake, a prominent and respected citizen, is to occupy a space between the city hall and the court house buildings, on the washington street frontage. the monument is to be gothic in style, and the base will be composed of granite from baveno, italy. the design includes a pedestal, on the front of which will be placed a bronze statue of christopher columbus, seven feet high, which is to be cast in the royal foundry at rome. the statue will be the production of an american artist of reputation, mr. r. h. park of chicago. the fountain is to be provided with an ice-chamber capable of holding two tons of ice, and is to be surrounded with a water-pipe containing ten faucets, each supplied with a bronze cup. the entire cost will be $15,000. mr. drake's generous gift to chicago is to be ready for public use in 1892, and it will, therefore, be happily commemorative of the 400th anniversary of the discovery of america by columbus. the inscription on the fountain reads: "ice-water drinking fountain presented to the city of chicago by john b. drake 1892." at the feet of the statue of columbus, who is represented as a student of geography in his youth at the university of pavia, is inscribed, "christopher columbus, 1492-1892." the fountain is a very handsome piece of bronze art work, and commissioner aldrich has decided to place it in a conspicuous place, being none other than the area between the court house and the city hall, facing washington street. this central and accessible spot of public ground has been an unsightly stabling place for horses ever since the court house was built. it will now be sodded, flower-beds will be laid out, and macadamized walks will surround the drake fountain. the new feature will be a relief to weary eyes, and an ornament to washington street and the center of the city. the red granite base for the fountain has been received at the custom house. it was made in turin, italy, and cost $3,300. under the law, the stone came in duty free, as it is intended as a gift to the municipality. dream. john william draper, a celebrated american chemist and scientist. born near liverpool, england, 1811; died january 4, 1882. from his "intellectual development of europe," 1876. by permission of messrs. harper & brothers, publishers, new york. columbus appears to have formed his theory that the east indies could be reached by sailing to the west about a. d. 1474. he was at that time in correspondence with toscanelli, the florentine astronomer, who held the same doctrine, and who sent him a map or chart constructed on the travels of marco polo. he offered his services first to his native city, then to portugal, then to spain, and, through his brother, to england; his chief inducement, in each instance, being that the riches of india might be thus secured. in lisbon he had married. while he lay sick near belem, an unknown voice whispered to him in a dream, "god will cause thy name to be wonderfully resounded through the earth, and will give thee the keys of the gates of the ocean which are closed with strong chains." the death of his wife appears to have broken the last link which held him to portugal, where he had been since 1470. one evening, in the autumn of 1485, a man of majestic presence, pale, careworn, and, though in the meridian of life, with silver hair, leading a little boy by the hand, asked alms at the gate of the franciscan convent near palos--not for himself, but only a little bread and water for his child. this was that columbus destined to give to europe a new world. a pen-picture from the south. the right rev. anthony durier, bishop of natchitoches, la., in a circular letter to the clergy and laity of the diocese, printed in the new orleans _morning star_, september 10, 1892. we cherish the memory of the illustrious sailor, also of the lady and of the monk who were providential instruments in opening a new world to religion and civilization. [illustration: head of columbus. designed by h. h. zearing of chicago.] honor to the sailor, christopher columbus, the christ-bearing dove, as his name tells, gentle as a dove of hallowed memory as christ-bearer. in fact, he brought christ to the new world. look back at that sailor, 400 years ago, on bended knees, with hands uplifted in prayer, on the shores of guanahani, first to invoke the name of jesus in the new world; in fact, as in name, behold the christ-bearing dove. columbus was a knight of the cross, with his good cross-hilted sword, blessed by the church. the first aim and ambition of a knight of the cross, at that time, was to plant the cross in the midst of heathen nations, and to have them brought from "the region of the shadow of death" into the life-giving bosom of mother church. listen to the prayer of columbus, as he brings his lips to, and kneels on, the blessed land he has discovered, that historic prayer which he had prepared long in advance, and which all catholic discoverers repeated after him: "o lord god, eternal and omnipotent, who by thy divine word hast created the heavens, the earth, and the sea! blessed and glorified be thy name and praised thy majesty, who hast deigned by me, thy humble servant, to have that sacred name made known and preached in this other part of the world." behold the true knight of the cross, with cross-hilted sword in hand, the name of jesus on his lips, the glory of jesus in his heart. he does not say a word of the glory which, from the discovery, is bound to accrue to the name of spain and to his own name; every word is directed to, and asking for, the glory of the name of jesus. the great discoverer has knelt down, kissed the ground, and said his prayer; now, look at that catholic spanish sailor standing up, in commanding dignity, and planting his catholic cross and his spanish flag on the discovered land; what does it mean? it means--the spanish flag in america for a time, and the catholic cross in america forever. hail, flag of the discoverer! spanish flag, the flag of the noble and the daring. that spanish flag came here first, had its glorious day, and still in glory went back. hail, catholic cross! the cross of the discoverer. that cross is not to go back, as the spanish flag; no, not even in glory. about that cross, only two simple words, and that settles it; that catholic cross is here to stay. hail, american flag! star-spangled banner; the banner of the brave and of the free. that one, our own flag, came long after the spanish flag, but we trust came to stay as long as the catholic cross--until doom's-day. honor to the lady, queen isabella the catholic. among all illustrious women, isabella alone has been graced with the title of "the catholic,"--a peerless title! and truly did she deserve the peerless title, the lady who threw heart and soul, and, over and above, her gold, in the discovery by which, out of the spiritual domains of the catholic church, the sun sets no more; the lady who paved the way over the bounding sea to the great discoverer. bright and energetic lady! she at once understood columbus and stood resolute, ready to pave him the way even with her jewels. listen to her words: "i undertake the enterprise for my own crown of castille, and i will pledge my jewels to raise the necessary funds." the generous lady had not to pledge her jewels; yet her gold was freely spent, lavished on the expedition; and she stood by columbus, in storm and sunshine, as long as she lived. isabella stood by columbus, in his success, with winsome gentleness, keeping up his daring spirit of enterprise; and, in his reverses, with the balm of unwavering devotion healing his bruised, bleeding heart. isabella stood by columbus, as a mother by her son, ever, ever true to her heroic son. honor to the humble monk, john perez, father john, as he was called in his convent. that monk whose name will live as long as the names of columbus and isabella; that monk, great by his learning and still better by his heart; that humble, plain man inspired the sailor with perseverance indomitable, the lady with generosity unlimited, and sustained in both sailor and lady that will power and mount-removing faith the result of which was to give "to the spanish king innumerable countries and to god innumerable souls." as the spanish poet, lope de vega, beautifully puts it: _al rey infinitas tierras, y á dios infinitas almas._ it is the spanish throne which backed columbus; but, mind! that monk was "the power behind the throne." we louisianians live, may be, in the fairest part of the new world discovered by columbus. when chevalier la salle had explored the land, he gave it the beautiful name of louisiana, and he wrote to his king, louis xiv., these words: "the land we have explored and named louisiana, after your majesty's name, is a paradise, the eden of the new world." thanks be to god who has cast our lot in this paradise, the eden of the new world, fair louisiana! let us honor and ever cherish the memory of the hero who led the way and opened this country to our forefathers. louisiana was never blessed with the footprints of columbus, yet by him it was opened to the onward march of the christian nations. to the great discoverer, christopher columbus, the gratitude of louisiana, the eden of the new world. bartolomeo columbus. rev. l. a. dutto of jackson, miss., in an article, "columbus in portugal," in the _catholic world_, april, 1892. columbus in 1492, accompanied by a motley crew of sailors of different nationalities, crossed the atlantic and discovered america. hence the glory of that event, second only in importance to the incarnation of christ, is attributed very generally solely to him. as reflex lights of that glory, history mentions the names of queen isabella, of the pinzon brothers, the friar juan perez. there is another name that should be placed at head of the list. that is, bartolomeo columbus, the brother of christopher. from the beginning there existed a partnership between the two in the mighty undertaking; the effect of a common conviction that the land of spices, cipango and cathay, the east, could be reached by traveling west. both of them spent the best years of their life in privation, hardship, and poverty, at times the laughing stock of the courts of europe, in humbly begging from monarchies and republics the ships necessary to undertake their voyage. while christopher patiently waited in the antechambers of the catholic monarchs of spain, bartolomeo, map in hand, explained to henry vii. of england the rotundity of the earth, and the feasibility of traveling to the antipodes. having failed in his mission to the english king, he passed to france to ask of her what had been refused by portugal, spain, venice, england, and genoa. while he was there, columbus, who had no means of communicating with him, sailed from palos. had there been, as now, a system of international mails, bartolomeo would now share with his brother the title of discoverer of america. las casas represents him as little inferior to christopher in the art of navigation, and as a writer and in things pertaining to cartography as his superior. gallo, the earliest biographer of columbus, and writing during his lifetime, has told us that bartolomeo settled in lisbon, and there made a living by drawing mariners' charts. giustiniani, another countryman of columbus, says in his polyglot psalter, published in 1537, that christopher learned cartography from his brother bartolomeo, who had learned it himself in lisbon. but what may appear more surprising is the plain statement of gallo that bartolomeo was the first to conceive the idea of reaching the east by way of the west, by a transatlantic voyage, and that he communicated it to his brother, who was more experienced than himself in nautical affairs. first glimpse of land. charles h. eden, english historical writer and traveler. from "the west indies." nearly four centuries ago, in the year 1492, before the southern point of the great african continent had been doubled, and when the barbaric splendor of cathay and the wealth of hindustan were only known to europeans through the narratives of marco polo or sir john mandeville--early on the morning of friday, october 12th, a man stood bareheaded on the deck of a caravel and watched the rising sun lighting up the luxuriant tropical vegetation of a level and beautiful island toward which the vessel was gently speeding her way. three-and-thirty days had elapsed since the last known point of the old world, the island of ferrol, had faded away over the high poop of his vessel; eventful weeks, during which he had to contend against the natural fears of the ignorant and superstitious men by whom he was surrounded, and by the stratagem of a double reckoning, together with promises of future wealth, to allay the murmuring which threatened to frustrate the project that for so many years had been nearest his heart. never, in the darkest hour, did the courage of that man quail or his soul admit a single doubt of success. when the terrified mariners remarked with awe that the needle deviated from the pole star, their intrepid admiral, by an ingenious theory of his own, explained the cause of the phenomenon and soothed the alarm that had arisen. when the steady trade-winds were reached, and the vessels flew rapidly for days toward the west, the commander hailed as a godsend the mysterious breeze that his followers regarded with awe as imposing an insuperable barrier to their return to sunny spain. when the prow of the caravel was impeded, and her way deadened by the drifting network of the sargasso sea, the leader saw therein only assured indications of land, and resolutely shut his ears against those prophets who foresaw evil in every incident. now his hopes were fulfilled, the yearnings of a lifetime realized. during the night a light had been seen, and at 2 o'clock in the morning land became, beyond all doubt, visible. then the three little vessels laid to, and with the earliest streak of dawn made sail toward the coast. a man stood bareheaded on the deck of the leading caravel and feasted his eyes upon the wooded shore; the man was christopher columbus, the land he gazed on the "west indies." san salvador, or watling's island. san salvador, or watling's island, is about twelve miles in length by six in breadth, having its interior largely cut up by salt-water lagoons, separated from each other by low woody hills. being one of the most fertile of the group, it maintains nearly 2,000 inhabitants, who are scattered about over its surface. peculiar interest will always attach itself to this spot as being the first land on which the discoverer of the new world set foot.--_ibid._ the mystery of the shadowy sea. xerif al edrisi, surnamed "the nubian," an eminent arabian geographer. born at ceuta, africa, about 1100. in "a description of spain" (conde's spanish translation, madrid, 1799). he wrote a celebrated treatise of geography, and made a silver terrestrial globe for roger ii., king of sicily, at whose court he lived. the ocean encircles the ultimate bounds of the inhabited earth, and all beyond it is unknown. no one has been able to verify anything concerning it, on account of its difficult and perilous navigation, its great obscurity, its profound depth, and frequent tempests; through fear of its mighty fishes and its haughty winds; yet there are many islands in it, some peopled, others uninhabited. there is no mariner who dares to enter into its deep waters; or, if any have done so, they have merely kept along its coasts, fearful of departing from them. the waves of this ocean, although they roll as high as mountains, yet maintain themselves without breaking, for if they broke it would be impossible for ship to plow them. palos. prof. maurice francis egan. from an article, "columbus the christ-bearer," in the new york _independent_, june 2, 1892. the caravels equipped at palos were so unseaworthy, judged by the dangers of the atlantic, that no crew in our time would have trusted in them. the people of palos disliked this foreigner, columbus. no man of palos, except the pinzons, ancient mariners, sympathized with him in his hopes. the populace overrated the risks of the voyage; the court, fortunately for columbus, underrated them. the admiral's own ships and his crew were not such as to inspire confidence. his friends, the friars, had somewhat calmed the popular feeling against the expedition; but ungrateful palos never approved of it until it made her famous. an undiscovered country. samuel r. elliott, in the _century magazine_, september, 1892. you have no heart? ah, when the genoese before spain's monarchs his great voyage planned, small faith had they in worlds beyond the seas- and _your_ columbus yet may come to land! sagacity. ralph waldo emerson, the well-known american essayist, poet, and speculative philosopher. born in boston, may 25, 1803; died at concord, april 27, 1882. from his essay on "success," in _society and solitude_. copyright, by messrs. houghton, mifflin & co., publishers, boston, and with their permission. columbus at veragua found plenty of gold; but, leaving the coast, the ship full of one hundred and fifty skillful seamen, some of them old pilots, and with too much experience of their craft and treachery to him, the wise admiral kept his private record of his homeward path. and when he reached spain, he told the king and queen, "that they may ask all the pilots who came with him, where is veragua? let them answer and say, if they know, where veragua lies. i assert that they can give no other account than that they went to lands where there was abundance of gold, but they do not know the way to return thither, but would be obliged to go on a voyage of discovery as much as if they had never been there before. there is a mode of reckoning," he proudly adds, "derived from astronomy, which is sure and safe to any who understands it." the voice of the sea. from a poem, "seashore," by ralph waldo emerson. houghton, mifflin & co., boston. i with my hammer pounding evermore the rocky coast, smite andes into dust, strewing my bed, and, in another age, rebuild a continent of better men. then i unbar the doors; my paths lead out the exodus of nations; i disperse men to all shores that front the hoary main. i too have arts and sorceries; illusion dwells forever with the wave. i know what spells are laid. leave me to deal with credulous and imaginative man; for, though he scoop my water in his palm, a few rods off he deems it gems and clouds. planting strange fruits and sunshine on the shore, i make some coast alluring, some lone isle, to distant men, who must go there, or die. [illustration: columbus as a student at pavia. from the drake drinking fountain, chicago. (see page 118.)] the reasoning of columbus. columbus alleged, as a reason for seeking a continent in the west, that the harmony of nature required a great tract of land in the western hemisphere to balance the known extent of land in the eastern.--_ibid._ stranger than fiction. edward everett, a distinguished american orator, scholar, and statesman. born at dorchester, mass., april 11, 1794; died, january 15, 1865. from a lecture on "the discovery of america," delivered at a meeting of the historical society of new york in 1853. no chapter of romance equals the interest of this expedition. the most fascinating of the works of fiction which have issued from the modern press have, to my taste, no attraction compared with the pages in which the first voyage of columbus is described by robertson, and still more by our own irving and prescott, the last two enjoying the advantage over the great scottish historian of possessing the lately discovered journals and letters of columbus himself. the departure from palos, where a few years before he had begged a morsel of bread and a cup of water for his way-worn child; his final farewell to the old world at the canaries; his entrance upon the trade-winds, which then for the first time filled a european sail; the portentous variation of the needle, never before observed; the fearful course westward and westward, day after day and night after night, over the unknown ocean; the mutinous and ill-appeased crew; at length, when hope had turned to despair in every heart but one, the tokens of land--the cloud banks on the western horizon, the logs of driftwood, the fresh shrub floating with its leaves and berries, the flocks of land birds, the shoals of fish that inhabit shallow water, the indescribable smell of the shore; the mysterious presentment that seems ever to go before a great event; and finally, on that ever memorable night of october 12, 1492, the moving light seen by the sleepless eye of the great discoverer himself from the deck of the santa maria, and in the morning the real, undoubted land swelling up from the bosom of the deep, with its plains and forests, and hills and rocks and streams, and strange new races of men. these are incidents in which the authentic history of the discovery of our continent exceeds the specious wonders of romance, as much as gold excels tinsel, or the sun in the heavens outshines the flickering taper. the columbus of the heavens--scorned. dominicans may deride thy discoveries now; but the time will come when from two hundred observatories, in europe and america, the glorious artillery of science shall nightly assault the skies; but they shall gain no conquests in those glittering fields before which thine shall be forgotten. rest in peace, great columbus of the heavens![36] like him scorned, persecuted, broken-hearted.--_ibid._ fame. we find encouragement in every page of our country's history. nowhere do we meet with examples more numerous and more brilliant of men who have risen above poverty and obscurity and every disadvantage to usefulness and honorable name. one whole vast continent was added to the geography of the world by the persevering efforts of a humble genoese mariner, the great columbus; who, by the steady pursuit of the enlightened conception he had formed of the figure of the earth, before any navigator had acted upon the belief that it was round, discovered the american continent. he was the son of a genoese pilot, a pilot and seaman himself; and, at one period of his melancholy career, was reduced to beg his bread at the doors of the convents in spain. but he carried within himself, and beneath a humble exterior, a _spirit_ for which there was not room in spain, in europe, nor in the then known world; and which led him on to a height of usefulness and fame beyond that of all the monarchs that ever reigned.--_ibid._ trifling incident. the venerable frederic william farrar, d. d., f. r. s., archdeacon of westminster. born in bombay, august 7, 1831. from his "lectures and addresses." there are some who are fond of looking at the apparently trifling incidents of history, and of showing how the stream of centuries has been diverted in one or other direction by events the most insignificant. general garfield told his pupils at hiram that the roof of a certain court house was so absolute a watershed that the flutter of a bird's wing would be sufficient to decide whether a particular rain-drop should make its way into the gulf of st. lawrence or into the gulf of mexico. the flutter of a bird's wing may have affected all history. some students may see an immeasurable significance in the flight of parrots, which served to alter the course of columbus, and guided him to the discovery of north and not of south america. excitement at the news of the discovery. john fiske, a justly celebrated american historian. born at hartford, conn., march 30, 1842. from "the discovery of america."[37] it was generally assumed without question that the admiral's theory of his discovery must be correct, that the coast of cuba must be the eastern extremity of china, that the coast of hispaniola must be the northern extremity of cipango, and that a direct route--much shorter than that which portugal had so long been seeking--had now been found to those lands of illimitable wealth described by marco polo. to be sure, columbus had not as yet seen the evidences of this oriental splendor, and had been puzzled at not finding them, but he felt confident that he had come very near them and would come full upon them in a second voyage. there was nobody who knew enough to refute these opinions, and really why should not this great geographer, who had accomplished so much already which people had scouted as impossible--why should he not know what he was about? it was easy enough now to get men and money for the second voyage. when the admiral sailed from cadiz on september 25, 1493, it was with seventeen ships, carrying 1,500 men. their dreams were of the marble palaces of quinsay, of isles of spices, and the treasures of prester john. the sovereigns wept for joy as they thought that such untold riches were vouchsafed them, by the special decree of heaven, as a reward for having overcome the moors at granada and banished the jews from spain. columbus shared these views, and regarded himself as a special instrument for executing the divine decrees. he renewed his vow to rescue the holy sepulcher, promising within the next seven years to equip at his own expense a crusading army of 50,000 foot and 4,000 horse; within five years thereafter he would follow this with a second army of like dimensions. thus nobody had the faintest suspicion of what had been done. in the famous letter to santangel there is of course not a word about a new world. the grandeur of the achievement was quite beyond the ken of the generation that witnessed it. for we have since come to learn that in 1492 the contact between the eastern and the western halves of our planet was first really begun, and the two streams of human life which had flowed on for countless ages, apart, were thenceforth to mingle together. the first voyage of columbus is thus a unique event in the history of mankind. nothing like it was ever done before, and nothing like it can ever be done again. no worlds are left for a future columbus to conquer. the era of which this great italian mariner was the most illustrious representative has closed forever. vinland. john fiske, an american historian. born in connecticut, 1842. from "washington and his country."[38] learned men had long known that the earth is round, but people generally did not believe it, and it had not occurred to anybody that such a voyage would be practicable. people were afraid of going too far out into the ocean. a ship which disappears in the offing seems to be going down hill; and many people thought that if they were to get too far down hill, they could not get back. other notions, as absurd as this, were entertained, which made people dread the "sea of darkness," as the atlantic was often called. accordingly, columbus found it hard to get support for his scheme. about fifteen years before his first voyage, columbus seems to have visited iceland, and some have supposed that he then heard about the voyages of the northmen, and was thus led to his belief that land would be found by sailing west. he may have thus heard about vinland, and may have regarded the tale as confirming his theory. that theory, however, was based upon his belief in the rotundity of the earth. the best proof that he was not seriously influenced by the norse voyages, even if he had heard of them, is the fact that he never used them as an argument. in persuading people to furnish money for his enterprise, it has been well said that an ounce of vinland would have been worth a pound of talk about the shape of the earth. critical days. john milner fothergill, m. d., an english physician. born at morland in westmoreland, april 11, 1841; died, 1888. columbus was an italian who possessed all that determination which came of norse blood combined with the subtlety of the italian character. he thought much of what the ancients said of a short course from spain to india, of plato's atlantic island; and conceived the idea of sailing to india over the atlantic. he applied to the genoese, who rejected his scheme as impracticable; then to portugal; then to spain. the fall of granada led to his ultimate success; and at last he set out into the unknown sea with a small fleet, which was so ill-formed as scarcely to reach the canaries in safety. soon after leaving them, the spirits of his crew fell, and then columbus perceived that the art of governing the minds of men would be no less requisite for accomplishing the discoveries he had in view than naval skill and undaunted courage. he could trust himself only. he regulated everything by his sole authority; he superintended the execution of every order. as he went farther westward the hearts of his crew failed them, and mutiny was imminent. but columbus retained his serenity of mind even under these trying circumstances, and induced his crew to persevere for three days more. three critical days in the history of the world. an appropriate hour. john foster, a noted english essayist and moralist. born at halifax, september 17, 1770; died at stapleton, october, 1843. the _hour_ just now begun may be exactly the period for finishing _some great plan_, or concluding _some great dispensation_, which thousands of years or ages have been advancing to its accomplishment. _this_ may be the _very hour_ in which a new world shall originate or an ancient one sink in ruins. range of enterprise. edward augustus freeman, a celebrated english historian. born at harborne, staffordshire, 1823; died at alicante, spain, march 16, 1892. from an article on "the intellectual development of the english people," in the _chautauquan magazine_, may, 1891. the discovery of a new world was something so startling as to help very powerfully in the general enlargement of men's minds. and the phrase of a new world is fully justified. the discovery of a western continent, which followed on the voyage of columbus, was an event differing in kind from any discovery that had ever been made before. and this though there is little reason to doubt that the western continent itself had been discovered before. the northmen had certainly found their way to the real continent of north america ages before columbus found his way to the west india islands. but the same results did not come of it, and the discovery itself was not of the same kind. the old world had grown a good deal before the discovery of the new. the range of men's thoughts and enterprise had gradually spread from the mediterranean to the atlantic, the baltic, and the northern seas. to advance from norway to the islands north of britain, thence to iceland, greenland, and the american continent, was a gradual process. the great feature in the lasting discovery of america, which began at the end of the fifteenth century, was its suddenness. nothing led to it; it was made by an accident; men were seeking one thing and then found another. nothing like it has happened before or since. friday. of evil omen for the ancients. for america the day of glad tidings and glorious deeds. friday, the sixth day of the week, has for ages borne the obloquy of odium and ill-luck. friday, october 5th, b. c. 105, was marked _nefastus_ in the roman calendar because on that day marcus mallius and cæpio the consul were slain and their whole army annihilated in gallia narbonensis by the cimbrians. it was considered a very unlucky day in spain and italy; it is still deemed an ill-starred day among the buddhists and brahmins. the reason given by christians for its ill-luck is, of course, because it was the day of christ's crucifixion, though one would hardly term that an "unlucky event" for christians. a friday moon is considered unlucky for weather. it is the mohammedan sabbath and was the day on which adam was created. the sabeans consecrated it to venus or astarte. according to mediæval romance, on this day fairies and all the tribes of elves of every description were converted into hideous animals and remained so until monday. in scotland it is a great day for weddings. in england it is not. sir william churchill says, "friday is my lucky day. i was born, christened, married, and knighted on that day, and all my best accidents have befallen me on a friday." aurungzebe considered friday a lucky day and used to say in prayer, "oh, that i may die on a friday, for blessed is he that dies on that day." british popular saying terms a trial, misfortune, or cross a "friday tree," from the "accursed tree" on which the savior was crucified on that day. stow, the historian of london, states that "friday street" was so called because it was the street of fish merchants who served the friday markets. in the roman catholic church friday is a fast day, and is considered an unlucky day because it was the day of christ's crucifixion. soames ("anglo-saxon church," page 255) says of it, "adam and eve ate the forbidden fruit on friday and died on friday." shakspere refers to the ill-omened nature of the day as follows: "the duke, i say to thee again, would eat mutton friday" ("measure for measure," act 3, scene 2). but to turn to the more pleasing side, great has been the good fortune of the land of freedom on this ill-starred day. on friday, august 3, 1492, christopher columbus set sail from the port of palos on his great voyage of discovery. on friday, october 12, 1492, he discovered land; on friday, january 4, 1493, he sailed on his return voyage to spain. on friday, march 14, 1493, he arrived at palos, spain, in safety. on friday, november 22, 1493, he arrived at española on his second voyage to america. on friday, june 12, 1494, he discovered the mainland of america. on friday, march 5, 1496, henry viii. gave john cabot his commission to pursue the discovery of america. on friday, september 7, 1565, melendez founded st. augustine, florida, the oldest town in the united states. on friday, november 10, 1620, the mayflower, with the pilgrim fathers, reached the harbor of provincetown. on friday, december 22, 1620, the pilgrim fathers landed at plymouth rock. on friday, february 22, 1732, george washington was born. on friday, june 16, 1755, bunker hill was seized and fortified. on friday, october 17, 1777, burgoyne surrendered at saratoga. on friday, september 22, 1780, benedict arnold's treason was discovered. on friday, september 19, 1791, lord cornwallis surrendered at yorktown. on friday, july 7, 1776, a motion was made by john adams that "the united states are and ought to be independent." on friday, july 13, 1866, the great eastern steamship sailed from valentia, ireland, with the second and successful atlantic cable, and completed the laying of this link of our civilization at heart's content, newfoundland, on friday, july 27, 1866. in spanish history it is noteworthy that on friday the christians under ferdinand and isabella had won granada from the moors. on a friday, also, the first crusaders, under geoffrey de bouillon, took jerusalem. a previous discovery. paul gaffarel. summarized from "les découvreurs français du xivme au xvime siècle," published at paris in 1888. jean cousin, in 1488, sailed from dieppe, then the great commercial and naval port of france, and bore out to sea, to avoid the storms so prevalent in the bay of biscay. arrived at the latitude of the azores, he was carried westward by a current, and came to an unknown country near the mouth of an immense river. he took possession of the continent, but, as he had not sufficient crew nor material resources adequate for founding a settlement, he re-embarked. instead of returning directly to dieppe, he took a southeasterly direction--that is, toward south africa--discovered the cape which has since retained the name of cap des aiguilles (cape agulhas, the southern point of africa), went north by the congo and guinea, and returned to dieppe in 1489. cousin's lieutenant was a castilian, pinzon by name, who was jealous of his captain, and caused him considerable trouble on the gold coast. on cousin's complaint, the admiralty declared him unfit to serve in the marine of dieppe. pinzon then retired to genoa, and afterward to castille. every circumstance tends toward the belief that this is the same pinzon to whom columbus afterward intrusted the command of the pinta. genius travels east to west. the abbé fernando galiani, an italian political economist. born at chieti, on the abruzzi, 1728; died at naples, 1787. for five thousand years genius has turned opposite to the diurnal motion, and traveled from east to west. observation like columbus. the rev. cunningham geikie, d. d., a noted english clergyman. born at edinborough, october 26, 1826. reading should be a columbus voyage, in which nothing passes without note and speculation; the sargasso sea, mistaken for the new indies; the branch with the fresh berries; the carved pole; the currents; the color of the water; the birds; the odor of the land; the butterflies; the moving light on the shore. the genoa inscription. the following inscription is placed upon columbus' house, no. 37, in the vico dritto ponticello, genoa, italy: _nvlla. domvs. titvlo. dignior. haeic. paternis. in. aedibvs. christophvs. colvmbvs. primaqve. jvventam. transegit._ (no house deserved better an inscription. this is the paternal home of christopher columbus, where he passed his childhood and youth.) the genoa statue. "genoa and venice," writes mr. oscar browning, in _picturesque europe_, "have much in common--both republics, both aristocracies, both commercial, both powerful maritime states; yet, while the doge of venice remains to us as the embodiment of stately and majestic pre-eminence, we scarcely remember, or have forgotten, that there ever was a doge of genoa. this surely can not be because shakspere did not write of the bank of st. george or because genoa has no rialto. it must be rather because, while genoa devoted herself to the pursuits of riches and magnificence, venice fought the battle of europe against barbarism, and recorded her triumphs in works of art which will live forever. * * * genoa has no such annals and no such art. as we wander along the narrow streets we see the courtyards of many palaces, the marble stairs, the graceful _loggia_, the terraces and the arches of which stand out against an italian sky; but we look in vain for the magnificence of public halls, where the brush of tintoretto or carpaccio decorated the assembly-room of the rulers of the east or the chapter-house of a charitable fraternity." the artistic monument of columbus, situated in the piazza acquaverde, facing the railway station, consists of a marble statue fitly embowered amid tropical palms, and is composed of a huge quadrangular pedestal, at the angles of which are seated allegorical figures of religion, geography, strength, and wisdom. resting on this pedestal is a large cylindrical pedestal decorated with three ships' prows, on which stands a colossal figure of columbus, his left hand resting on an anchor. at his feet, in a half-sitting, half-kneeling posture, is an allegorical figure of america in the act of adoring a crucifix, which she holds in her right hand. the four bas-reliefs on the sides of the pedestal represent the most important events in the life of the great discoverer: (1) columbus before the council of salamanca; (2) columbus taking formal possession of the new world; (3) his flattering reception at the court of ferdinand and isabella; (4) columbus in chains. it is as well that this, the saddest of episodes, should be remembered, because great actions are as often as not emphasized by martyrdom. the first stone of the monument was laid september 27, 1846, and the completed statue formally dedicated in 1862. it bears the laconic but expressive dedication: "_a cristoforo colombo, la patria_" (the nation to christopher columbus). genoa claims, with the largest presumption of truth, that christopher columbus was born there. the best of historical and antiquarian research tends to show that in a house, no. 37, in the vico dritto ponticello, lived domenico colombo, the father of christopher, and that in this house the great admiral was born. in 1887 the genoese municipality bought the house, and an inscription has been placed over the door. to give the exact date of christopher's birth is, however, difficult, but it is believed to have occurred sometime between march 15, 1446, and march 20, 1447. whether columbus was actually a native of genoa or of cogoletto--the latter is a sequestered little town a few miles west of the former--must ever remain a matter of conjecture. true enough, the house in which his father followed the trade of a wool-carder in genoa is eagerly pointed out to a stranger; but the inscription on the marble tablet over the entrance does not state that the future discoverer was really born in it. this stands in a narrow alley designated the vico di morcento, near the prison of san andrea. on the other hand, the little town hall at cogoletto contains a portrait of columbus, more than 300 years old, whose frame is completely covered with the names of enthusiastic travelers. the room in which he is believed to have been born resembles a cellar rather than aught else; while the broken pavement shows how visitors have at various times taken up the bricks to preserve as relics. as if this undoubted evidence of hero worship were insufficient, the old woman in charge of the place hastens to relate how a party of americans one day lifted the original door off its hinges and carried it bodily away between them. as all the world knows, columbus died at valladolid on the 20th of may, 1506. it has always been a matter of intense regret to the genoese that his body should have been permitted to be shipped across the seas to its first resting-place in san domingo. more fortunate, however, were they in securing the remains of their modern kinsman and national patriot, mazzini. on the 29th of may, 1892, under the auspices of ligurian gymnastic society cristofore columbo, a bronze wreath was placed at the base of the columbus monument. the ligurian gymnastic society cristofore columbo is an association which cultivates athletic exercises, music, and, above all, patriotism and charity. to awaken popular interest in the coming exhibition, the society had a bronze wreath made by the well-known sculptor burlando, and fitting ceremonies took place, with a procession through the streets, before affixing the wreath at the base of the monument. the wreath, which weighed some 500 pounds, was carried by a figure representing genoa seated on a triumphal car. there were 7,000 members of the society present, with not less than fifty bands of music. the ceremonies, beginning at 10 a. m., were concluded at 4 p. m. the last act was a hymn, sung by 2,000 voices, with superb effect. then, by means of machinery, the bronze crown was put in its proper position. never was genoa in a gayer humor, nor could the day have been more propitious. the streets were decorated with flowers and banners. there were representatives from rome, florence, milan, turin, venice, naples, leghorn, palermo, and visitors from all parts of europe and america. in the evening only did the festivities close with a grand dinner given by the genoese municipality. in this, the glorification of the grand old city of liguria, was united that of its most memorable man, christopher columbus, for that mediæval feeling, when cities had almost individual personalities, is still a civic sense alive in genoa. she rejoices in the illustrious men born within her walls with a sentiment akin to that of a mother for her son. in an artistic sense, nothing could have been more complete than this festival. throwing the eye upward, beyond the figure of columbus, the frame is perfect. the slanting ways leading up to the handsome houses on the background are wonderfully effective. genoa is rich in the relics of columbus. in the city hall of genoa is, among other relics, a mosaic portrait of the admiral, somewhat modified from the de bry's columbus. genoa is fortunate in possessing a number of authentic letters of columbus, and these are preserved in a marble custodia, surmounted by a head of columbus. in the pillar which forms the pedestal there is a bronze door, and the precious columbus documents have been placed there. germany and columbus. the geographical society of germany will shortly publish a volume commemorative of the 400th anniversary of the discovery of america by columbus, which will, it is said, be one of the most elaborate publications ever issued by the society. dr. konrad kretschmer, the editor of the forthcoming work, has visited all the principal libraries of italy in search of material, and has had access to many rare manuscripts hitherto unused. the memorial volume will contain forty-five maps relating to the discovery of america, thirty-one of which are said to have never been published. emperor william has contributed 15,000 marks toward the expenses of publication, etc., and the work will undoubtedly be a most valuable contribution to the early history of america. it is expected that it will leave the government printing office early in august. germany's exhibit of rarities. germany proposes to loan a collection of columbus rarities to the united states government for exhibition at the chicago exposition, as will be seen by a communication to the state department from consul-general edwards at berlin. in his document, mr. edwards says: [illustration: house of columbus. no. 37 vico dritto ponticelli, genoa, italy. (see page 140.)] the german government, appreciating the fact that no time is to be lost in this matter, has begun to carry its generous and friendly proposals into practical operation by instituting a thorough search in the various galleries, museums, and libraries throughout germany for works of art, objects, and rarities which are in any way identified with the columbus period, and which the german government believes would be likely to be of general interest to the authorities of the world's columbian exposition as well as the visitors at that great show. among other works of art the german government consents to loan pludderman's celebrated painting, "the discovery of america by columbus." under the laws of germany, as well as under the rules and regulations of the national gallery, no person is permitted to lithograph, photograph, or make any sort of a copy of any picture or other work of art in the care or custody of any national gallery, in case when the artist has not been dead for a period of thirty years, without having first obtained the written permission of the legal representative of the deceased artist, coupled with the consent of the national gallery authorities. pludderman not having been dead thirty years, i have given assurances that this regulation will be observed by the united states government. the reason for sailors' superstitions. his eminence james gibbons, d.d., a celebrated american ecclesiastic. born in baltimore, md., july 23, 1834. there is but a plank between a sailor and eternity, and perhaps the realization of that fact may have something to do with the superstition lurking in his nature. once the pillars of hercules were the end of the world. william gibson. thus opening on that glooming sea, well seemed these walls[39] the ends of earth; death and a dark eternity sublimely symboled forth! ere to one eagle soul was given the will, the wings, that deep to brave; in the sun's path to find a heaven, a new world--o'er the wave. retraced the path columbus trod, our course was from the setting sun; while all the visible works of god, though various else had one. new light on christopher columbus. from the glasgow _times_. the discovery by the superintendent of the military archives at madrid of documents probably setting at rest the doubts that formerly existed as to the birthplace of columbus, must have awakened new interest in the history of the most renowned discoverer of the past. it is to be noted, however, that the documents only affirm tradition, for genoa has always been the admiral's accredited birthplace. but if the discovery should lead to nothing but a more careful investigation of the records of his later history it will have been of use. the character of columbus has been greatly misunderstood, and his 600 biographers have in turn invested him with the glory of the religious hero and the contumely of the ill-tempered and crack-brained adventurer. an impartial critic must admit, indeed, that he was something of both, though more of the hero than the adventurer, and that his biographers have erred considerably in what mr. r. l. stevenson would call their "point of view." educated, as it is supposed, in the local schools of genoa, and for a short period at the university of pavia, the youthful columbus must have come in close contact with the scholars of the day. naturally of a religious temperament, the piety of the learned would early impress him, and to this may possibly be attributed the feeling that he had been divinely selected, which remained with him until his death. there is little doubt that he began his career as a sailor, at the age of fourteen, with the sole object of plunder. the indies were the constant attraction for the natives of venice and genoa; the mediterranean and the adriatic were filled with treasure ships. in these circumstances it is not to be wondered that the sea possessed a wonderful fascination for the youth of those towns. this opulence was the constant envy of spain and portugal, and columbus was soon attracted to the latter country by the desire of prince henry to discover a southern route to the indies. it was while in portugal that he began to believe that his mission on earth was to be the discoverer of a new route to the land of gold--"the white man's god." for two years he resided in lisbon, from time to time making short voyages, but for the most part engaged drawing maps to procure himself a living. here he married, here his son diego was born, and here his wife, who died at an early age, was buried. toscanelli at this time advanced the theory that the earth was round, and columbus at once entered into correspondence with him on the subject, and was greatly impressed with the views of the florentine scientist, both as to the sphericity of the world and the wonders of the asiatic region. heresy-hunting was then a favorite pastime, and columbus in accepting these theories ran no small risk of losing his life. portugal and france in turn rejected his offers to add to their dependencies by his discoveries; and, though his brother found many in england willing to give him the necessary ships to start on his adventures, spain, after much importuning on the part of the explorer, forestalled our own country. then followed his four eventful voyages with all their varying fortunes, and his death, when over seventy years of age, in a wretched condition of poverty. the ready consideration of theories, not only dangerous but so astounding in their character as to throw discredit on those who advanced them, shows him to have been a man of intellectual courage. humility was another trait of his character, and in all his life it can not be said that he acted in any but an honest and straightforward manner toward his fellow-men. it is true, no doubt, that his recognition of slavery somewhat dims his reputation. he sold many indians as slaves, but it should be remembered that slavery prevailed at the time, and it was only on his second voyage, when hard pressed for means to reimburse the spanish treasury for the immense expense of the expedition, that he resorted to the barter in human flesh. indeed, his friendly relations with the natives show that, as a rule, he must have treated them in the kindly manner which characterized all his actions. throughout the reverses of his long career, whether received with sneers, lauded as a benefactor of his country, put in chains by crafty fellow-subjects, or defrauded, by an unscrupulous prince, of the profit of his discoveries, he continued a man of an eminently lovable character, kind to his family, his servants, and even his enemies. americans are to do honor at the columbian exhibition to the name of him who, though not the first white man to land on the shores of the new world, was the first to colonize its fertile islands. not only america, but the whole world, may emulate his virtues with advantage; for, even now, justice and mercy, courage and meekness, do not always abide together. secret. frank b. goodrich, an american author of several popular books. born in boston, 1826. from his "history of the sea." john ii. of portugal applied for an increase of power, and obtained a grant of all the lands which his navigators could discover in sailing _from west to east_. the grand idea of sailing from east to west--one which implied a knowledge of the sphericity of the globe--had not yet, to outward appearance, penetrated the brain of either pope or layman. one christopher columbus, however, was already brooding over it in secret and in silence. the period. françois pierre guillaume guizot, a distinguished french statesman and historian. born at nîmes, october 4, 1787; died september 12, 1874. from his "history of civilization" (5 vols., 1845). the period in question was also one of the most remarkable for the display of physical activity among men. it was a period of voyages, travels, enterprises, discoveries, and inventions of every kind. it was the time of the great portuguese expedition along the coast of africa; of the discovery of the new passage to india, by vasco de gama; of the discovery of america, by christopher columbus; of the wonderful extension of european commerce. a thousand new inventions started up; others already known, but confined within a narrow sphere, became popular and in general use. gunpowder changed the system of war; the compass changed the system of navigation. painting in oil was invented, and filled europe with masterpieces of art. engraving on copper, invented in 1406, multiplied and diffused them. paper made of linen became common. finally, between 1436 and 1452, was invented printing--printing, the theme of so many declamations and commonplaces, but to whose merits and effect no commonplaces or declamations will ever be able to do justice. morning triumphant. rev. f. w. gunsaulus, d. d., an american divine and able pulpit orator; at present, pastor of plymouth church, chicago. from "new testament and liberty." look again! it has become so light now that it is easy to see. yonder in the west a man has been pleading before courts, praying to god, thinking, and dreaming. his brave heart sends forth hot tears, but it will not fail. the genius of god has seized him. the holy ghost has touched him as the spirit of liberty. humanity cries through him for more room. emperors will not hear. but he gains one ear, at last, and with the mariner's needle set out for the unknown. civilization has always walked by faith and not by sight. and do not forget to note, that, in that log-book, the first mark is, "in the name of our lord jesus christ." on! brave man, on! over wastes of ocean, in the midst of scorn, through hate, rage, mutiny, even death--and despair, worse than death. on! there is an america on the other side to balance. cheerless nights, sad days, nights dark with woe, days hideous with the form of death, weeks sobbing with pity; but in that heart is he whose name is written in the log-book. "land ahead!" and columbus has discovered a continent. humanity has another world. light from the four corners of heaven. glory touching firmament and planet. it is morning! triumphant, beautiful dawn! tendency. arnold henry guyot, ph. d., ll. d., a meritorious writer on physical geography. born near neufchâtel, switzerland, 1807. professor of geology and physical geography at princeton college from 1855 until his death, february 8, 1884. from "earth and man" (1849). as the plant is made for the animal, as the vegetable world is made for the animal world, america is made for the man of the old world. the man of the old world sets out upon his way. leaving the highlands of asia, he descends from station to station toward europe. each of his steps is marked by a new civilization superior to the preceding, by a greater power of development. arrived at the atlantic, he pauses on the shore of this unknown ocean, the bounds of which he knows not, and turns upon his footprints for an instant; then recommences his adventurous career westward as in the earliest ages. new life. edward everett hale, d. d., a celebrated american author. born in boston, mass., april 3, 1822. from an article, "christopher columbus," in the _independent_, june 2, 1892. what the world owes to him and to isabella, who made his work possible, it is impossible in few words to say. the moment was one when europe needed america as never before. she had new life, given by the fall of constantinople, by the invention of printing, by the expulsion of the moors; there was new life even seething in the first heats of the reformation; and europe must break her bonds, else she would die. her outlet was found in america. here it is that that power who orders history could try, on a fit scale, the great experiments of the new life. thus it was ordered, let us say reverently, that south america should show what the catholic church could do in the line of civilizing a desert, and that north america should show what the coming church of the future could do. to us it is interesting to remember that columbus personally led the first discovery of south america, and that he made the first effort for a colony on our half of the continent. of these two experiments the north america of to-day and south america of to-day are the issue. triumph of an idea. the life of columbus is an illustration constantly brought for the success which god gives to those who, having conceived of a great idea, bravely determine to carry it through. his singleness of purpose, his determination to succeed, have been cited for four centuries, and will be cited for centuries more among the noblest illustrations which history has given of success wrought out by the courage of one man.--_ibid._ the east longed for the west. edward everett hale, in _overland monthly magazine_. an article on "a visit to palos." lord houghton, following freiligrath, has sung to us how the palm tree dreameth of the pine, the pine tree of the palm; and in his delicate imaginings the dream is of two continents--ocean parted--each of which longs for the other. strange enough, as one pushes along the steep ascent from the landing at rábida, up the high bluff on which the convent stands, the palm tree and the pine grow together, as in token of the dream of the great discoverer, who was to unite the continents. life for liberty. fitz-greene halleck, a noted american poet. born in guilford, conn., july 8, 1790; died november 19, 1867. thy voice sounds like a prophet's word, and in its hollow tones are heard the thanks of millions yet to be. come when his task of fame is wrought, come with her laurel-leaf, blood-bought, come in her crowning hour, and then thy sunken eye's unearthly light to him is welcome as the sight of sky and stars to prison'd men; thy grasp is welcome as the hand of brother in a foreign land; thy summons welcome as the cry that told the indian isles were nigh to the world-seeking genoese, when the land wind, from woods of palm, and orange groves, and fields of balm, blew o'er the haytian seas. genoa. murat halstead, an american journalist. born at ross, ohio, september 2, 1829. from "genoa--the home of columbus," a paper in _cosmopolitan_, may, 1892. the italian coast all around the gulf of genoa is mountainous, and the mountains crowd each other almost into the sea. land that can be built upon or cultivated is scarce, and the narrow strips that are possible are on the sunny southern slopes. the air is delicious. the orange trees in december lean over the garden walls, heavy with golden spheres, and the grass is green on the hills, and when a light snow falls the roses blush through the soft veil of lace, and are modest but not ashamed, as they bow their heads. the mountains are like a wall of iron against the world, and from them issues a little river whose waters are pure as the dew, until the washerwomen use them and spread clothing on the wide spaces of clean gravel to dry. the harbor is easily defended, and with the same expensive equipment would be strong as gibraltar. it is in this isolation that the individuality of genoa, stamped upon so many chapters of world-famous history, grew. there is so little room for a city that the buildings are necessarily lofty. the streets are narrow and steep. the pavements are blocks of stone that would average from two to three feet in length, one foot in width, and of unknown depth. evidently they are not constructed for any temporary purpose, but to endure forever. when, for a profound reason, a paving-stone is taken up it is speedily replaced, with the closest attention to exact restoration, and then it is again a rock of ages. the celebration at hamburg. among the celebrations of the 400th anniversary of the discovery of america, that of the city of hamburg, in germany, will occupy a prominent place. on october 1st an exhibition will be opened at which objects will be on view that bear on the history of the act of discovery, on the condition of geographical science of the time, and on the conditions of the inhabitants of america at the time of the discovery. side by side with these will be exhibited whatever can show the condition of america at the present time. on the date of the discovery of the little island of guanahani--that is, october 12th--the celebration proper will take place. the exercises will consist of songs and music and a goodly array of speeches. in the evening, tableaux and processions will be performed in the largest hall of the city. the scenery, costumes, and implements used will all be got up as they were at the time of the discovery, so as to furnish a real representation of the age of columbus. seeker and seer--a rhyme for the dedication of the world's fair. edward j. harding, in the chicago _tribune_, september 17, 1892. i. what came ye forth to see? why from the sunward regions of the palm, and piney headlands by the northern main, from holland's watery ways, and parching spain, from pleasant france and storied italy, from india's patience, and from egypt's calm, to this far city of a soil new-famed come ye in festal guise to-day, charged with no fatal "gifts of greece," nor punic treaties double-tongued, but proffering hands of amity, and speaking messages of peace, with drum-beats ushered, and with shouts acclaimed, while cannon-echoes lusty-lung'd reverberate far away? * * * * * iv. our errand here to-day hath warrant fair, ye say; we come with you to consecrate a hero's, ay a prophet's monument; yet needs he none, who was so great; vainly they build in cuba's isle afar his sepulcher beside the sapphire sea; he hath for cenotaph a continent, for funeral wreaths, the forests waving free, and round his grave go ceaselessly the morning and the evening star. yet is it fit that ye should praise him best, for ye his true descendants are, a spirit-begotten progeny; wherefore to thee, fair city of the west, from elder lands we gladly came to grace a prophet's fame. v. beauteous upon the waters were the wings that bore glad tidings o'er the leaping wave of sweet hesperian isles, more bland and fair than lover's looks or bard's imaginings; and blest was he, the hero brave, who first the tyrannous deeps defied, and o'er the wilderness of waters wide a sun-pursuing highway did prepare for those true-hearted exiles few the house of liberty that reared anew. nor fails he here of honor due. these goodly structures ye behold, these towering piles in order brave, from whose tall crests the pennons wave like tropic plumage, gules and gold; these ample halls, wherein ye view whate'er is fairest wrought and best- south with north vying, east with west, and arts of yore with science new- bear witness for us how religiously we cherish here his memory. vi. yet sure, the adventurous genoese did never in his most enlightened hours forecast the high, the immortal destinies of this dear land of ours. nay, could ye call him hither from his tomb, think ye that he would mark with soul elate a kingless people, a schismatic state, nor on his work invoke perpetual doom? though the whole sacred college o'er and o'er pronounce him sainted, prophet was he none who to cathaia's legendary shore deemed that his bark a path had won. in sooth, our western pioneer was all as prescient as he who cried, "the desert shall exult, the wild shall blossom as the rose," and to a passing rich result through summer heats and winter snows toiling to prove himself a seer, accomplished his own prophecy. lo, here a greater far than he, a prophet nation hath its dwelling, with multitudinous voice foretelling, "man shall be free!" vii. hellas for beauty, rome for order, stood, and israel for the good; our message to the world is liberty; not the rude freedom of anarchic hordes, but reasoned kindness, whose benignant code upon the emblazoned walls of history we carved with our good swords, and crimsoned with our blood. last, from our eye we plucked the obscuring mote, (not without tears expelled, and sharpest pain,) from swarthy limbs the galling chain with shock on mighty shock we smote, whereby with clearer gaze we scan the heaven-writ message that we bear for man. not ours to give, as erst the genoese, of a new world the keys; but of the prison-world ye knew before hewing in twain the door, to thralls of custom and of circumstance we preach deliverance. o self-imprisoned ones, be free! be free! these fetters frail, by doting ages wrought of basest metals--fantasy and fear, and ignorance dull, and fond credulity- have moldered, lo! this many a year; see, at a touch they part, and fall to naught! yours is the heirship of the universe, would ye but claim it, nor from eyes averse let fall the tears of needless misery; deign to be free! viii. the prophets perish, but their word endures; the word abides, the prophets pass away; far be the hour when hellas' fate is yours, o nation of the newer day! unmeet it were that i, who sit beside your hospitable fire a stranger born--though honoring as a sire the land that binds me with a closer tie than hers that bore me--should from sullen throat send forth a raven's ominous note upon a day of jubilee. yet signs of coming ill i see, which heaven avert! nay, rather let me deem that like a bright and broadening stream fed by a hundred affluents, each a river far-sprung and full, columbia's life shall flow by level meads majestically slow, blessing and blest forever! the jesuit geographer. jean hardouin, a french jesuit. born at quimper, 1646; died, 1729. the rotation of the earth is due to the efforts of the damned to escape from their central fire. climbing up the walls of hell, they cause the earth to revolve as a squirrel its cage. columbus day. _by the president of the united states of america. a proclamation:_ whereas, by a joint resolution, approved june 29, 1892, it was resolved by the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america, in congress assembled, "that the president of the united states be authorized and directed to issue a proclamation recommending to the people the observance in all their localities of the 400th anniversary of the discovery of america, on the 21st day of october, 1892, by public demonstration and by suitable exercises in their schools and other places of assembly." now, therefore, i, benjamin harrison, president of the united states of america, in pursuance of the aforesaid joint resolution, do hereby appoint friday, october 21, 1892, the 400th anniversary of the discovery of america by columbus, as a general holiday for the people of the united states. on that day let the people, so far as possible, cease from toil and devote themselves to such exercises as may best express honor to the discoverer and their appreciation of the great achievements of the four completed centuries of american life. columbus stood in his age as the pioneer of progress and enlightenment. the system of universal education is in our age the most prominent and salutary feature of the spirit of enlightenment, and it is peculiarly appropriate that the schools be made by the people the center of the day's demonstration. let the national flag float over every school-house in the country, and the exercises be such as shall impress upon our youth the patriotic duties of american citizenship. in the churches and in the other places of assembly of the people, let there be expressions of gratitude to divine providence for the devout faith of the discoverer, and for the divine care and guidance which has directed our history and so abundantly blessed our people. in testimony whereof i have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the united states to be affixed. done at the city of washington, this 21st day of july, in the year of our lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-two, and of the independence of the united states the one hundred and seventeenth. benjamin harrison. ~~~~~ by the president. {l. s.} ~~~~~ john w. foster, _secretary of state_. the admiration of a careful critic. henry harrisse, a celebrated columbian critic, in his erudite and valuable work, "columbus and the bank of st. george." nor must you believe that i am inclined to lessen the merits of the great genoese or fail to admire him. but my admiration is the result of reflection, and not a blind hero-worship. columbus removed out of the range of mere speculation the idea that beyond the atlantic ocean lands existed and could be reached by sea, made of the notion a fixed fact, and linked forever the two worlds. that event, which is unquestionably the greatest of modern times, secures to columbus a place in the pantheon dedicated to the worthies whose courageous deeds mankind will always admire. [illustration: portrait of columbus, by sir antonio moro. used by washington irving to illustrate his "life of columbus." from the original in the possession of mr. c. f. gunther of chicago. (see pages 52 and 113.)] but our gratitude must not carry us beyond the limits of an equitable appreciation. indiscriminate praise works mischief and injustice. when tender souls represent columbus as being constantly the laughing-stock of all, and leading a life of misery and abandonment in spain, they do injustice to deza, to cabrera, to quintanilla, to mendoza, to beatrice de bobadilla, to medina-celi, to ferdinand and isabella, and probably a host of others who upheld him as much as they could from the start. when blind admirers imagine that the belief in the existence of transatlantic countries rushed out of columbus' cogitations, complete, unaided, and alone, just as minerva sprang in full armor from the head of jupiter, they disregard the efforts of numerous thinkers who, from aristotle and roger bacon to toscanelli, evolved and matured the thought, until columbus came to realize it. when dramatists, poets, and romancers expatiate upon the supposed spontaneous or independent character of the discovery of america, and ascribe the achievement exclusively to the genius of a single man, they adopt a theory which is discouraging and untrue. no man is, or ever was, ahead of his times. no human efforts are, or ever were, disconnected from a long chain of previous exertions; and this applies to all the walks of life. when a great event occurs, in science as in history, the hero who seems to have caused it is only the embodiment and resulting force of the meditations, trials, and endeavors of numberless generations of fellow-workers, conscious and unconscious, known and unknown. when this solemn truth shall have been duly instilled into the minds of men, we will no longer see them live in the constant expectation of messiahs and providential beings destined to accomplish, as by a sort of miracle, the infinite and irresistible work of civilization. they will rely exclusively upon the concentrated efforts of the whole race, and cherish the encouraging thought that, however imperceptible and insignificant their individual contributions may seem to be, these form a part of the whole, and finally redound to the happiness and progress of mankind. the care of the new world. david hartley, a celebrated english physician and philosopher. born at armley, near leeds, 1705; died, 1757. those who have the first care of this new world will probably give it such directions and inherent influences as may guide and control its course and revolutions for ages to come. the tribute of heinrich heine. heinrich heine. born december 12, 1799, in the bolkerstrasse at dusseldorf; died in paris, february 17, 1856. mancher hat schon viel gegeben, aber jener hat der welt eine ganze welt geschenkt und sie heisst america. nicht befreien könnt'er uns aus dem orden erdenkerker doch er wusst ihn zu erweitern und die kette zu verlängern (_translation._) some have given much already, but this man he has presented to the world an entire world, with the name america. he could not set us free, out of the dreary, earthly prison, but he knew how to enlarge it and to lengthen our chain. columbus' aim not merely secular. george wilhelm friedrich hegel, one of the most eminent philosophers of the german school of metaphysics. born at stuttgart in 1770; died in berlin, 1831. from his "philosophy of history." a leading feature demanding our notice in determining the character of this period, might be mentioned that urging of the spirit outward, that desire on the part of man to become acquainted with his world. the chivalrous spirit of the maritime heroes of portugal and spain opened a new way to the east indies and discovered america. this progressive step also involved no transgression of the limits of ecclesiastical principles or feeling. the aim of columbus was by no means a merely secular one; it presented also a distinctly religious aspect; the treasures of those rich indian lands which awaited his discovery were destined, in his intention, to be expended in a new crusade, and the heathen inhabitants of the countries themselves were to be converted to christianity. the recognition of the spherical figure of the earth led man to perceive that it offered him a definite and limited object, and navigation had been benefited by the new-found instrumentality of the magnet, enabling it to be something better than mere coasting; thus technical appliances make their appearance when a need for them is experienced. these events--the so-called revival of learning, the flourishing of the fine arts, and the discovery of america--may be compared with that _blush of dawn_ which after long storms first betokens the return of a bright and glorious day. this day is the day of universality, which breaks upon the world after the long, eventful, and terrible night of the middle ages. the belief of columbus. sir arthur helps, a popular english essayist and historian. born, 1813; died, march 7, 1875. from his "life of columbus" (1869). columbus believed the world to be a sphere; he underestimated its size; he overestimated the size of the asiatic continent. the farther that continent extended to the east, the nearer it came round to spain. speculation. it has always been a favorite speculation with historians, and, indeed, with all thinking men, to consider what would have happened from a slight change of circumstances in the course of things which led to great events. this may be an idle and a useless speculation, but it is an inevitable one. never was there such a field for this kind of speculation as in the voyages, especially the first one, of columbus. * * * the gentlest breeze carried with it the destinies of future empires. * * * had some breeze big with the fate of nations carried columbus northward, it would hardly have been left for the english, more than a century afterward, to found those colonies which have proved to be the seeds of the greatest nation that the world is likely to behold.--_ibid._ religion turns to freedom's land. george herbert, an english poet. born at montgomery, wales, 1593; died, 1632. religion stands on tiptoe in our land, ready to pass to the american strand. the personal appearance of columbus. antonio herrera y tordesillas, an eminent spanish historian. born at cuellar in 1549; died, 1625. columbus was tall of stature, with a long and imposing visage. his nose was aquiline; his eyes blue; his complexion clear, and having a tendency to a glowing red; the beard and hair red in his youth, but his fatigues early turned them white. an incident of the voyage. fernando herrera, spanish poet, 1534-1597. many sighed and wept, and every hour seemed a year. the effect of the discovery. c. w. hodgin, professor of history in earlham college, indiana. from "preparation for the discovery of america." the discovery of america by columbus stands out in history as an event of supreme importance, both because of its value in itself and because of its reflex action upon europe. it swept away the hideous monsters and frightful apparitions with which a superstitious imagination had peopled the unknown atlantic, and removed at once and forever the fancied dangers in the way of its navigation. it destroyed the old patristic geography and practically demonstrated the rotundity of the earth. it overthrew the old ideas of science and gave a new meaning to the baconian method of investigation. it revolutionized the commerce of the world, and greatly stimulated the intellect of europe, already awakening from the long torpor of the dark ages. it opened the doors of a new world, through which the oppressed and overcrowded population of the old world might enter and make homes, build states, and develop a higher ideal of freedom than the world had before conceived. but this event did not come to pass by accident, neither was it the result of a single cause. it was the culmination of a series of events, each of which had a tendency, more or less marked, to concentrate into the close of the fifteenth century the results of an _instinct_ to search over unexplored seas for unknown lands. columbus the first discoverer. friedrich heinrich alexander, baron von humboldt, the illustrious traveler, naturalist, and cosmographer. born in berlin, september 14, 1769; died there may 6, 1859. he has been well termed "the modern aristotle." to say the truth, vespucci shone only by reflection from an age of glory. when compared with columbus, sebastian cabot, bartolomé dias, and da gama, his place is an inferior one. the majesty of great memories seems concentrated in the name of christopher columbus. it is the originality of his vast idea, the largeness and fertility of his genius, and the courage which bore up against a long series of misfortunes, which have exalted the admiral high above all his contemporaries. the penetration and extreme accuracy of columbus. columbus preserved, amid so many material and minute cares, which freeze the soul and contract the character, a profound and poetic sentiment of the grandeur of nature. what characterizes columbus is the penetration and extreme accuracy with which he seizes the phenomena of the external world. he is quite as remarkable as an observer of nature as he is an intrepid navigator. arrived under new heavens, and in a new world, the configuration of lands, the aspect of vegetation, the habits of animals, the distribution of heat according to longitude, the pelagic currents, the variations of terrestrial magnetism--nothing escaped his sagacity. columbus does not limit himself to collecting isolated facts, he combines them, he seeks their mutual relations to each other. he sometimes rises with boldness to the discovery of the general laws that govern the physical world.--_ibid._ a flight of parrots was his guiding star. columbus was guided in his opinion by a flight of parrots toward the southwest. never had the flight of birds more important consequences. it may be said to have determined the first settlements on the new continent, and its distribution between the latin and germanic races.--_ibid._ columbus a giant. columbus is a giant standing on the confines between mediæval and modern times, and his existence marks one of the great epochs in the history of the world.--_ibid._ the majesty of grand recollections. the majesty of grand recollections seems concentered on the illustrious name of columbus.--_ibid._ religion. john fletcher hurst, d. d., ll.d., a noted american methodist bishop. born near salem, md., august 17, 1834. from his "short history of the church in the united states." copyright, 1889. by permission of messrs. harper & brothers, publishers. when columbus discovered the little west india island of san salvador, and raised upon the shore the cross, he dedicated it and the lands beyond to the sovereigns ferdinand and isabella. the "_gloria in excelsis_" was sung by the discoverer and his weary crew with as much fervor as it had ever been chanted in the cathedrals of spain. the faith was roman catholic. on his second voyage, in 1494, columbus took with him a vicar apostolic and twelve priests, and on the island of haiti erected the first chapel in the western world.[40] the success of columbus in discovering a new world in the west awakened a wild enthusiasm throughout europe. visions of gold inflamed the minds alike of rulers, knights, and adventurers. to discover and gather treasures, and organize vast missionary undertakings, became the mania of the times. no european country which possessed a strip of seaboard escaped the delirium. arma virumque cano. washington irving, one of the most distinguished american authors and humorists. born in new york city, april 3, 1783. died at sunnyside on the hudson, n. y., november 28, 1859. from his "history of the life and voyages of christopher columbus" (4 vols., 1828). "this is one of those works," says alexander h. everett, "which are at the same time the delight of readers and the despair of critics. it is as nearly perfect as any work well can be." it is my object to relate the deeds and fortunes of the mariner who first had the judgment to divine, and the intrepidity to brave, the mysteries of the perilous deep; and who, by his hardy genius, his inflexible constancy, and his heroic courage, brought the ends of the earth into communication with each other. the narrative of his troubled life is the link which connects the history of the old world with that of the new. to his intellectual vision it was given to read the signs of the times in the conjectures and reveries of the past ages, the indications of an unknown world, as soothsayers were said to read predictions in the stars, and to foretell events from the visions of the night. practical and poetical. he who paints a great man merely in great and heroic traits, though he may produce a fine picture, will never present a faithful portrait. great men are compounds of great and little qualities. indeed, much of their greatness arises from their mastery over the imperfections of their nature, and their noblest actions are sometimes struck forth by the collision of their merits and their defects. in columbus were singularly combined the practical and the poetical. his mind had grasped all kinds of knowledge, whether procured by study or observation, which bore upon his theories; impatient of the scanty aliment of the day, "his impetuous ardor threw him into the study of the fathers of the church, the arabian jews, and the ancient geographers"; while his daring but irregular genius, bursting from the limits of imperfect science, bore him to conclusions far beyond the intellectual vision of his contemporaries. if some of his conclusions were erroneous, they were at least ingenious and splendid; and their error resulted from the clouds which still hung over his peculiar path of enterprise. his own discoveries enlightened the ignorance of the age, guided conjecture to certainty, and dispelled that very darkness with which he had been obliged to struggle. in the progress of his discoveries, he has been remarked for the extreme sagacity and the admirable justness with which he seized upon the phenomena of the exterior world. as they broke upon him, these phenomena were discerned with wonderful quickness of perception, and made to contribute important principles to the stock of general knowledge. this lucidity of spirit, this quick convertibility of facts to principles, distinguish him from the dawn to the close of his sublime enterprise, insomuch that, with all the sallying ardor of his imagination, his ultimate success has been admirably characterized as a "conquest of reflection."--_ibid._ a visit to palos. i can not express to you what were my feelings on treading the shore which had once been animated by the bustle of departure, and whose sands had been printed by the last footstep of columbus. the solemn and sublime nature of the event that had followed, together with the fate and fortunes of those concerned in it, filled the mind with vague yet melancholy ideas. it was like viewing the silent and empty stage of some great drama when all the actors had departed. the very aspect of the landscape, so tranquilly beautiful, had an effect upon me, and as i paced the deserted shore by the side of a descendant of one of the discoverers i felt my heart swelling with emotion and my eyes filling with tears.--_ibid._ columbus at salamanca. columbus appeared in a most unfavorable light before a select assembly--an obscure navigator, a member of no learned institution, destitute of all the trappings and circumstances which sometimes give oracular authority to dullness, and depending on the mere force of natural genius. some of the junta entertained the popular notion that he was an adventurer, or at best a visionary; and others had that morbid impatience which any innovation upon established doctrine is apt to produce in systematic minds. what a striking spectacle must the hall of the old convent have presented at this memorable conference! a simple mariner standing forth in the midst of an imposing array of professors, friars, and dignitaries of the church, maintaining his theory with natural eloquence, and, as it were, pleading the cause of the new world.--_ibid._ a memorial to columbus at old isabella. from the _sacred heart review_ of boston, mass. early in september, 1891, the proposition of erecting a monument to columbus on the site of his first settlement in the new world, at old isabella, in santo domingo, was first broached to the _sacred heart review_ of boston by mr. thomas h. cummings of that city. as the first house built by columbus in the settlement was a church, it was suggested that such a monument would indeed fitly commemorate the starting-point and rise of christian civilization in america. the _review_ entered heartily into the project, and steps were at once taken to secure a suitable plot of ground for the site of the monument. plans were also drawn of a monument whose estimated cost would be from $3,000 to $5,000. a design which included a granite plinth and ball three feet in diameter, surmounting a pyramid of coral and limestone twenty feet high,[41] was transmitted, through the dominican consul-general at new york to the dominican government in santo domingo. accompanying this plan was a petition, of which the following is a copy, setting forth the purpose of the _review_, and asking certain concessions in return: "boston, mass., october 7, 1891. "hon. fco. leonte vazques, _dominican consul-general_, "_new york city_. "sir: the _sacred heart review_ of boston is anxious to mark the spot with a suitable monument where christian civilization took its rise in the new world, commonly known as ancienne isabelle, on the island of santo domingo. we therefore beg the favor of your good offices with the dominican government for the following concessions: "_first._ free entrance of party and material for monument at ports of puerto plata or monte christi, and right of transportation for same to isabella free of all coast expense and duties. "_second._ grant of suitable plot, not to contain more than 100 × 100 square yards, the present owner, mr. c. s. passailique of new york having already signified his willingness to concede same to us, so far as his rights under the dominican government allowed him to do so. "_third._ the right of perpetual care of monument, with access to and permission to care for same at all times. "_fourth._ would the government grant official protection to same; i. e., allow its representatives to aid and protect in every reasonable way the success of the enterprise, and when built guard same as public property, without assuming any legal liability therefor? "finally, in case that we find a vessel sailing to one of said ports above named willing to take the monument to isabella, would government concede this favor--allowing vessel to make coast service free of governmental duties?" "in exchange for above concessions on the part of the dominican government, the undersigned hereby agree to erect, at their expense, and free of all charge to said government, a granite monument, according to plan herewith inclosed; estimated cost to be from $3,000 to $5,000. "awaiting the favor of an early reply, and begging you to accept the assurance of our highest respect and esteem, we have the honor to be, "very respectfully yours, "rev. john o'brien and others in behalf of the sacred heart review monument committee." in reply to the above petition was received an official document, in spanish, of which the following is a literal translation: "ulises heureaux, _division general-in-chief of the national army, pacificator of the nation, and constitutional president of the republic_: "in view of the petition presented to the government by the directors of the _sacred heart review_ of boston, united states of america, dated october 7, 1891, and considering that the object of the petitioners is to commemorate a historical fact of great importance, viz.: the establishment of the christian religion in the new world by the erection of its first temple--an event so closely identified with santo domingo, and by its nature and results eminently american, indeed world-wide, in its scope--therefore the point of departure for christian civilization in the western hemisphere, whose principal products were apostles like cordoba, las casas, and others, defending energetically and resolutely the rights of the oppressed inhabitants of america, and themselves the real founders of modern democracy, be it "_resolved_, article 1. that it is granted to the _sacred heart review_ of boston, united states of america, permission to erect a monument on the site of the ruins of old isabella, in the district of puerto plata, whose purpose shall be to commemorate the site whereon was built the first catholic church in the new world. this monument shall be of stone, and wholly conformable to the plan presented. it shall be erected within a plot of ground that shall not exceed 10,000 square yards, and shall be at all times solidly and carefully inclosed. if the site chosen belongs to the state, said state concedes its proprietary rights to the petitioners while the monument stands. if the site belongs to private individuals, an understanding must be reached with them to secure possession. "article 2. the builders of said monument will have perpetual control and ownership, and they assume the obligation of caring for and preserving it in good condition. if the builders, as a society, cease to exist, the property will revert to the municipality to which belongs old isabella, and on them will revert the obligation to preserve it in perfect repair. "article 3. the monument will be considered as public property, and the local authorities will give it the protection which the law allows to property of that class. * * * but on no condition and in no way could the government incur any responsibility of damage that might come to the monument situated in such a remote and exposed location. "article 4. we declare free from municipal and coast duties the materials and tools necessary for the construction of said monument, and if it is introduced in a ship carrying only this as a cargo, it will be permitted to said ship to make voyage from monte christi or puerto plata without paying any of said coast imposts. in view of these concessions the monument committee will present to the mayor of the city a detailed statement of the material and tools needed, so that this officer can accept or reject them as he sees fit. "article 5. wherefore the secretary of state, secretary of the interior, and other officers of the cabinet are charged with the execution of the present resolution. "given at the national palace of santo domingo, capital of the republic, on the twenty-fifth day of november, 1891, forty-eighth year of independence and the twenty-ninth of the restoration. (signed) "ulises heureaux, _president_. "w. figuereo, _minister of interior and police_. "ignacio m. gonzales, _minister of finance and commerce_. "sanchez, _minister of state_. 'copy exactly conforming to the original given at santo domingo, november 28, 1891. "rafael y. rodriguez, "_official mayor and minister of public works and foreign affairs._" with these concessions in hand, a committee, consisting of capt. nathan appleton and thomas h. cummings, was appointed to go to washington and secure recognition from the united states government for the enterprise. the committee was everywhere favorably received, and returned with assurances of co-operation and support. hon. w. e. curtis, head of the bureau of latin republics in the state department, was added to the general monument committee. meanwhile the _sacred heart review_, through dr. charles h. hall of boston, a member of the monument committee, put itself in communication with the leading citizens of puerto plata, requesting them to use every effort to locate the exact site of the ancient church, and make a suitable clearing for the monument, at its expense. in answer to this communication, a committee of prominent citizens was organized at puerto plata, to co-operate with the boston columbus memorial committee. the following extract is taken from a local paper, _el porvenir_, announcing the organization of this committee: "on saturday last, a meeting was held in this city (puerto plata) for the purpose of choosing a committee which should take part in the celebration. those present unanimously resolved that such a body be immediately formed under the title of, 'committee in charge of the centennial celebration.' "this committee then proceeded to the election of a board of management, composed of a president, vice-president, secretary, and four directors. the following gentlemen were elected to fill the above offices in the order as named: gen. imbert, dr. llenas, gen. juan guarrido, presbitero don wenceslao ruiz, don josé thomás jimenez, don pedro m. villalon, and don josé castellanos. "to further the object for which it was organized, the board counts upon the co-operation of such government officials and corporations of the republic as may be inclined to take part in this great apotheosis in preparation, to glorify throughout the whole world the work and name of the famous discoverer. "as this is the disinterested purpose for which the above-mentioned committee was formed, we do not doubt that the public, convinced that it is its duty to contribute in a suitable manner to the proposed celebration, will respond to the idea with enthusiasm, seeing in it only the desire which has guided its projectors--that of contributing their share to the glorification of the immortal navigator." the following official communication was received from this committee: "puerto de plata, march 19, 1892. "dr. charles h. hall, _member boston columbus memorial committee, boston, mass., u. s. a._ "dear sir: we have the honor of acquainting you that there exists in this city a committee for the celebration of the quadro-centennial whose purpose is to co-operate, to the extent of its ability, in celebrating here the memorable event. [illustration: toscanelli's map.] "this committee has learned with the greatest satisfaction that it is proposed to erect a monument, on the site of isabella, over the ruins of the first catholic church in the new world. here, also, we have had the same idea, and we rejoice that what we were unable to accomplish through lack of material means, you have brought to a consummation. and therefore we offer you our co-operation, and beg your acceptance of our services in any direction in which you may find them useful. with sentiments of high regard, we remain, "your very obedient servants, "s. imbert, _president_. "juan guarrido, _secretary_. _direction_, gen. imbert, _president de la "junta para de la celebracion del centenario._" the statue consists of a bronze figure of columbus eight feet two inches high, including the plinth, mounted on a pyramid of coral and limestone twelve feet high, and which, in its turn, is crowned by a capstone of dressed granite, on which the statue will rest.[42] the figure represents columbus in an attitude of thanksgiving to god, and pointing, on the globe near his right hand, to the site of the first settlement in the new world. the statue and pedestal were made from designs drawn at the massachusetts state normal art school by mr. r. andrew, under the direction of prof. george jepson, and the statue was modeled by alois buyens of ghent. the plaster cast of the monument, which has now been on exhibition at the museum of fine arts at boston for some time, has been removed to the foundry at chicopee for casting. in a few months it will be transformed into enduring bronze, and the columbus monument will no longer be a growing thought but a living reality. to say it has stood the critical test of art connoisseurs in the boston public is to say but little; for, from every quarter, comments on the work of the sculptor have been highly commendatory--the bold and vigorous treatment of the flemish school, of which mr. buyens is a disciple, being something of a novelty in these parts, and well calculated to strike the popular fancy, which always admires strength, especially when combined with gracefulness and high art. not a few of the best critics have pronounced it superior to the average of similar statues to be found in and around boston, and all unite in declaring it to be unquestionably a work of art, and one meriting great praise. a recent communication from united states consul simpson, at puerto plata, announces that he has lately visited isabella, in the interest of the monument. he made a careful survey of the site of the ancient town, and cleared the grounds of the trees and masses of trailing vines that encumbered the ruins, and after a thorough examination, assisted by the people of the neighborhood, he found the remains of the first church. other communications have been received from the dominican government approving of the change of plan, substituting the statue for the simple stone monument, and offering the memorial committee the hospitalities of the island. and so the work goes on. the monument, when erected, will commemorate two things--the establishment of christianity and the rise of civilization in the new world. on the spot where it will stand columbus built the first church 400 years ago. one bronze relief shows the great discoverer in the fore-ground on bended knees with a trowel in his hand, laying the corner-stone. on the right, sits an ideal female figure, representing mother church, fostering a little indian child, and pointing with uplifted hand to the cross, the emblem of man's salvation. crouching indians are at her feet, listening with astonishment to the strange story, while on the left of the cross are monks with bowed heads and lighted tapers, and in the distance are spanish cavaliers and hidalgos. the conception is thoroughly catholic, christian, simple, and artistic; it tells its own story with a pathos and directness not often found in works of this kind. the second tablet is more ideal and more severely classical than the first. the genius of civilization, bearing gifts, is carried in a chariot drawn by prancing horses. the admiral, at the horses' heads, with one hand points the way for her to follow, while with the other he hands the reins to columbia, the impersonation of the new world. an indian at the chariot wheels stoops to gather the gifts of civilization as they fall from the cornucopia borne by the goddess. and thus is told in enduring bronze, by the genius of the artist, the symbolic story of the introduction of civilization to the new world. upon the face of the pedestal, a third tablet bears the inscription which was written at the instance of very rev. dr. charles b. rex, president of the brighton theological seminary. mgr. schroeder, the author, interprets the meaning of the whole, in terse rhythmical latin sentences, after the roman lapidary style: _anno. claudente. sæculum xv._ _ex. quo. coloni. christiani. columbo. duce_ _hic. post. oppidum. constitutum_ _primum. in. mundo. novo. templum_ _christo. deo. dicarunt_ _ephemeris. bostoniensis_ _cui. a. sacro. corde. est. nomen_ _sub. auspice. civium. bostoniæ_ _ne. rei. tantæ. memoria. unquam. delabatur_ _hæc. marmori. commendavit._ _a. d. mdccclxxxxii._ (_translation of the inscription._) toward the close of the fifteenth century, christian colonists, under the leadership of columbus, here on this spot built the first settlement, and the first church dedicated to christ our lord in the new world. a boston paper, called the _sacred heart review_, under the auspices of the citizens of boston, that the memory of so great an event might not be forgotten, hath erected this monument, a. d. 1892. the question is sometimes asked why are catholics specially interested, and why should the _review_ trouble itself to erect this monument. the answer is this: we wish to locate the spot with some distinctive mark where civilization was first planted and where christianity reared its first altar on this soil, 400 years ago. by this public act of commemoration we hope to direct public attention to this modest birthplace of our mother church, which stands to-day deserted and unhonored like a pauper's grave, a monument of shame to the carelessness and indifference of millions of american catholics. why should we be specially interested? because here on this spot the catholic church first saw the light of day in america; here the first important act of the white man was the celebration of the holy mass, the supreme act of catholic worship; here the first instrument of civilization that pierced the virgin soil was a cross, and here the first catholic anthems resounding through the forest primeval, and vying in sweetness and melody with the song of birds, were the _te deum laudamus_ and the _gloria in excelsis_. sculptured marble and engraved stone we have in abundance, and tablets without number bear record to deeds and historical events of far less importance than this. for, mark well what these ruins and this monument stand for. one hundred and twenty-six years before the congregationalist church landed on plymouth rock, 110 years before the anglican church came to jamestown, and thirty-five years before the word protestant was invented, this church was erected, and the gospel announced to the new world by zealous missionaries of the catholic faith. no other denomination of christians in america can claim priority or even equal duration with us in point of time. no other can show through all the centuries of history such generous self-sacrifice and heroic missionary efforts. no other has endured such misrepresentation and bitter persecution for justice's sake. if her history here is a valuable heritage, we to whom it has descended are in duty bound to keep it alive in the memory and hearts of her children. we have recently celebrated the centennial of the church in the united states; but, for a still greater reason, we should now prepare to celebrate the quadro-centennial of the church in america. and this is why catholics should be specially interested in this monument. columbus himself was a deeply religious man. he observed rigorously the fasts and ceremonies of the church, reciting daily the entire canonical office. he began everything he wrote with the _jesu cum maria sit nobis in via_ (may jesus and mary be always with us). and as irving, his biographer, says, his piety did not consist in mere forms, but partook of that lofty and solemn enthusiasm which characterized his whole life. in his letter to his sovereigns announcing his discovery he indulges in no egotism, but simply asks "spain to exhibit a holy joy, for christ rejoices on earth as in heaven seeing the future redemption of souls." and so his religion bursts out and seems to pervade everything he touches. with such a man to commemorate and honor, there is special reason why catholics, and the _review_, which represents them, should busy themselves with erecting a columbus monument. but the name and fame and beneficent work of columbus belong to the whole christian world. while catholics with gratitude recall his fortitude and heroism, and thank god, who inspired him with a firm faith and a burning charity for god and man, yet protestants no less than catholics share in the fruit of his work, and, we are glad to say, vie with catholics in proclaiming and honoring his exalted character, his courage, fortitude, and the beneficent work he accomplished for mankind. hence dr. edward everett hale, in his recent article on columbus in the _independent_, voices the sentiment of every thoughtful, intelligent protestant when he says, "no wonder that the world of america loves and honors the hero whose faith and courage called america into being. no wonder that she celebrates the beginning of a new century with such tributes of pride and hope as the world has never seen before." it is this same becoming sentiment of gratitude which has prompted so many worthy protestants to enroll their names on the list of gentlemen who are helping the _review_ to mark and honor the spot columbus chose for the first christian settlement on this continent. thus, so long as the bronze endures, the world will know that we venerate the character and achievements of columbus, and the spot where christian civilization took its rise in the new world. from the italian. the daring mariner shall urge far o'er the western wave, a smooth and level plain, albeit the earth is fashioned like a wheel. searcher of the ocean. samuel jefferson, a british author. from his epic poem, "columbus," published by s. c. griggs & co., chicago.[43] thou searcher of the ocean, thee to sing shall my devoted lyre awake each string! columbus! hero! would my song could tell how great thy worth! no praise can overswell the grandeur of thy deeds! thine eagle eye pierced through the clouds of ages to descry from empyrean heights where thou didst soar with bright imagination winged by lore- the signs of continents as yet unknown; across the deep thy keen-eyed glance was thrown; thou, with prevailing longing, still aspired to reach the goal thy ardent soul desired; thy heavenward soaring spirit, bold, elate, scorned long delay and conquered chance and fate; thy valor followed thy far-searching eyes, until success crowned thy bold emprize. felipa, wife of columbus. annie fellows johnston. from a poem published in _harper's weekly_, june 25, 1892.[44] more than the compass to the mariner wast thou, felipa, to his dauntless soul. through adverse winds that threatened wreck, and nights of rayless gloom, thou pointed ever to the north star of his great ambition. he who once has lost an eden, or has gained a paradise by eve's sweet influence, alone can know how strong a spell lies in the witchery of a woman's beckoning hand. and thou didst draw him, tidelike, higher still, felipa, whispering the lessons learned from thy courageous father, till the flood of his ambition burst all barriers, and swept him onward to his longed-for goal. before the jewels of a spanish queen built fleets to waft him on his untried way, thou gavest thy wealth of wifely sympathy to build the lofty purpose of his soul. and now the centuries have cycled by, till thou art all forgotten by the throng that lauds the great pathfinder of the deep. it matters not, in that infinitude of space where thou dost guide thy spirit bark to undiscovered lands, supremely fair. if to this little planet thou couldst turn and voyage, wraithlike, to its cloud-hung rim, thou wouldst not care for praise. and if, perchance, some hand held out to thee a laurel bough, thou wouldst not claim one leaf, but fondly turn to lay thy tribute also at his feet. increasing interest in columbus. john s. kennedy, an american author. the near approach of the 400th anniversary of the discovery of america has revived in all parts of the civilized world great interest in everything concerning that memorable event and the perilous voyage of the great navigator whom it has immortalized. the mecca of the nation. moses king, an american geographer of the nineteenth century. i have read somewhere that in the northeastern part of havana stands, facing an open square, a brown stone church, blackened by age, and dignified by the name of "cathedral." it is visited by every american, because within its walls lies buried all that remains of the great discoverer, columbus. the cause of the discovery. was it by the coarse law of demand and supply that a columbus was haunted by the ghost of a round planet at the time when the new world was needed for the interests of civilization?--_ibid._ magnanimity. arthur g. knight, in his "life of columbus." through all the slow martyrdom of long delays and bitter disappointments, he never faltered in his lofty purpose; in the hour of triumph he was self-possessed and unassuming; under cruel persecution he was patient and forgiving. for almost unexampled services he certainly received a poor reward on earth. the ideas of the ancients. lucius lactantius, an eminent christian author, 260-325 a. d. is there any one so foolish as to believe that there are antipodes with their feet opposite to ours; that there is a part of the world in which all things are topsy-turvy, where the trees grow with their branches downward, and where it rains, hails, and snows upward? the lake front park statue of columbus. the world's fair city is a close competitor with the historic cities of the old world for the grandest monument to columbus and the fittest location for it. at barcelona, on the paseo colon, seaward, a snowy marble admiral looks toward the shadowy sea. at genoa, 'mid the palms of the piazza acquaverde, a noble representation of the noblest genoese faces the fitful gusts of the mediterranean and fondly guards an indian maid. a lofty but rude cairn marks the admiral's first footprints on the shores of the wreck-strewn bahamas, and many a monument or encomiastic inscription denotes spots sacred to the history of his indomitable resolve. these all commemorate, as it were, but the inception of the great discovery. it remains for chicago to perpetuate the results, and most fitly to place an heroic figure of the first admiral viewing, and in full view of all. on the lake front park, in full view of the ceaseless commercial activity of the great lakes, and close by the hum of the hive of human industry, grandly will a bronze columbus face the blasts from michigan's bosom. there the greatest navigator stands, calm, his prescience verified, proudly through the ages watching the full fruits of that first and fateful voyage over the waves of the seas of mystery, to found a nation where freedom alone should be supreme. just where the big monument will be located on lake front park has not been decided, but a site south of the auditorium, midway between the illinois central tracks and michigan boulevard, will perhaps be chosen. the statue proper will be twenty feet high. it will be of bronze, mounted on a massive granite pedestal, of thirty feet in height, and will serve for all time as a memorial of the exposition. the chosen artist, out of the many who submitted designs, was mr. howard kretschmar, a chicago sculptor of rare power and artistic talent. the massive figure of columbus is represented at the moment the land, and the glorious future of his great discovery, burst upon his delighted gaze. no ascetic monk, no curled cavalier, looks down from the pedestal. the apocryphal portraits of europe may peer out of their frames in this guise, but it has been the artist's aim here to chisel _a man, not a monk; and a noble man_, rather than a cringing courtier. above the massive pedestal of simple design, which bears the terse legend, "erected by the world's columbian exposition, a. d. 1893," stands the noble figure of the noah of our nation. the open doublet discloses the massive proportions of a more than well-knit man. the left hand, pressed to the bosom, indicates the tension of his feelings, and the outstretched hand but further intensifies the dawning and gradually o'erwhelming sense of the future, the possibilities of his grand discovery. one of the noblest conceptions in bronze upon this continent is mr. howard kretschmar's "columbus," and of it may chicago well be proud. columbus the civilizer. alphonse lamartine, the learned french writer and politician. born at macon, 1792; died, 1869. from "life of columbus." all the characteristics of a truly great man are united in columbus. genius, labor, patience, obscurity of origin, overcome by energy of will; mild but persisting firmness, resignation toward heaven, struggle against the world; long conception of the idea in solitude, heroic execution of it in action; intrepidity and coolness in storms, fearlessness of death in civil strife; confidence in the destiny--not of an individual, but of the human race; a life risked without hesitation or retrospect in venturing into the unknown and phantom-peopled ocean, 1,500 leagues across, and on which the first step no more allowed of second thoughts than cæsar's passage of the rubicon; untiring study, knowledge as extensive as the science of his day, skillful but honorable management of courts to persuade them to truth; propriety of demeanor, nobleness, and dignity in outward bearing, which afford proof of greatness of mind and attracts eyes and hearts; language adapted to the grandeur of his thoughts; eloquence which could convince kings and quell the mutiny of crews; a natural poetry of style, which placed his narrative on a par with the wonders of his discoveries and the marvels of nature; an immense, ardent, and enduring love for the human race, piercing even into that distant future in which humanity forgets those that do it service; legislative wisdom and philosophic mildness in the government of his colonies; paternal compassion for those indians, infants of humanity, whom he wished to give over to the guardianship--not to the tyranny and oppression--of the old world; forgetfulness of injury and magnanimous forgiveness of his enemies; and lastly, piety, that virtue which includes and exalts all other virtues, when it exists as it did in the mind of columbus--the constant presence of god in the soul, of justice in the conscience, of mercy in the heart, of gratitude in success, of resignation in reverses, of worship always and everywhere. such was the man. we know of none more perfect. he contains several impersonations within himself. he was worthy to represent the ancient world before that unknown continent on which he was the first to set foot, and carry to these men of a new race all the virtues, without any of the vices, of the elder hemisphere. so great was his influence on the destiny of the earth, that none more than he ever deserved the name of a _civilizer_. his influence in civilization was immeasurable. he completed the world. he realized the physical unity of the globe. he advanced, far beyond all that had been done before his time, the work of god--the spiritual unity of the human race. this work, in which columbus had so largely assisted, was indeed too great to be worthily rewarded even by affixing his name to the fourth continent. america bears not that name, but the human race, drawn together and cemented by him, will spread his renown over the whole earth. the psalm of the west. sidney lanier, an american poet of considerable talent. born at macon, ga., february 3, 1842; died at lynn, n. c., september 8, 1881. from his "psalm of the west."[45] lanier was the author of the "centennial ode." santa maria, well thou tremblest down the wave, thy pinta far abow, thy niña nigh astern; columbus stands in the night alone, and, passing grave, yearns o'er the sea as tones o'er under-silence yearn. heartens his heart as friend befriends his friend less brave, makes burn the faiths that cool, and cools the doubts that burn. "'twixt this and dawn, three hours my soul will smite with prickly seconds, or less tolerably with dull-blade minutes flatwise slapping me. wait, heart! time moves. thou lithe young western night, just-crowned king, slow riding to thy right, would god that i might straddle mutiny calm as thou sitt'st yon never-managed sea, balk'st with his balking, fliest with his flight, giv'st supple to his rearings and his falls, nor dropp'st one coronal star about thy brow, whilst ever dayward thou art steadfast drawn yea, would i rode these mad contentious brawls, no damage taking from their if and how, nor no result save galloping to my dawn. "my dawn? my dawn? how if it never break? how if this west by other wests is pierced. and these by vacant wests and wests increased- one pain of space, with hollow ache on ache, throbbing and ceasing not for christ's own sake? big, perilous theorem, hard for king and priest; 'pursue the west but long enough, 'tis east!' oh, if this watery world no turning take; oh, if for all my logic, all my dreams, provings of that which is by that which seems, fears, hopes, chills, heats, hastes, patiences, droughts, tears, wife-grievings, slights on love, embezzled years, hates, treaties, scorns, upliftings, loss, and gain, this earth, no sphere, be all one sickening plain. "or, haply, how if this contrarious west, that me by turns hath starved, by turns hath fed, embraced, disgraced, beat back, solicited, have no fixed heart of law within his breast; or with some different rhythm doth e'er contest, nature in the east? why, 'tis but three weeks fled i saw my judas needle shake his head and flout the pole that, east, he lord confessed! god! if this west should own some other pole, and with his tangled ways perplex my soul until the maze grow mortal, and i die where distraught nature clean hath gone astray, on earth some other wit than time's at play, some other god than mine above the sky! "now speaks mine other heart with cheerier seeming; 'ho, admiral! o'er-defalking to thine crew against thyself, thyself far overfew to front yon multitudes of rebel scheming?' come, ye wild twenty years of heavenly dreaming! come, ye wild weeks, since first this canvas drew out of vexed palos ere the dawn was blue, o'er milky waves about the bows full-creaming! come, set me round with many faithful spears of confident remembrance--how i crushed cat-lived rebellions, pitfalled treasons, hushed scared husbands' heart-break cries on distant wives, made cowards blush at whining for their lives; watered my parching souls and dried their tears. "ere we gomera cleared, a coward cried: 'turn, turn; here be three caravels ahead, from portugal, to take us; we are dead!' 'hold westward, pilot,' calmly i replied. so when the last land down the horizon died, 'go back, go back,' they prayed, 'our hearts are lead.' 'friends, we are bound into the west,' i said. then passed the wreck of a mast upon our side. 'see (so they wept) god's warning! admiral, turn!' 'steersman,' i said, 'hold straight into the west.' then down the night we saw the meteor burn. so do the very heavens in fire protest. 'good admiral, put about! o spain, dear spain!' 'hold straight into the west,' i said again. "next drive we o'er the slimy-weeded sea, 'lo! here beneath,' another coward cries, 'the cursed land of sunk atlantis lies; this slime will suck us down--turn while thou'rt free!' 'but no!' i said, 'freedom bears west for me!' yet when the long-time stagnant winds arise, and day by day the keel to westward flies, my good my people's ill doth come to be; ever the winds into the west do blow; never a ship, once turned, might homeward go; meanwhile we speed into the lonesome main. 'for christ's sake, parley, admiral! turn, before we sail outside all bounds of help from pain.' 'our help is in the west,' i said once more. "so when there came a mighty cry of land! and we clomb up and saw, and shouted strong '_salve regina!_' all the ropes along, but knew at morn how that a counterfeit band of level clouds had aped a silver strand; so when we heard the orchard-bird's small song, and all the people cried, 'a hellish throng to tempt us onward, by the devil planned, yea, all from hell--keen heron, fresh green weeds, pelican, tunny-fish, fair tapering reeds, lie-telling lands that ever shine and die in clouds of nothing round the empty sky. 'tired admiral, get thee from this hell, and rest!' 'steersman,' i said, 'hold straight into the west.' * * * * * "i marvel how mine eye, ranging the night, from its big circling ever absently returns, thou large, low star, to fix on thee. maria! star? no star; a light, a light! wouldst leap ashore, heart? yonder burns a light! 'pedro gutierrez, wake! come up to me. i prithee stand and gaze about the sea; what seest?' 'admiral, like as land--a light!' 'well, sanchez of segovia come and try; what seest?' 'admiral, naught but sea and sky!' 'well, but i saw it. wait, the pinta's gun! why, look! 'tis dawn! the land is clear; 'tis done! two dawns do break at once from time's full hand- god's east--mine, west! good friends, behold my land!'" passion for gold. eugene lawrence, an american historical writer. born in new york, 1823. from "the mystery of columbus," in _harper's magazine_, may, 1892.[46] in columbus the passion for gold raged with a violence seldom known. he dreamed of golden palaces, heaps of treasure, and mines teeming with endless wealth. his cry was everywhere for gold. every moment, in his fierce avarice, he would fancy himself on the brink of boundless opulence; he was always about to seize the treasures of the east, painted by marco polo and mandeville. "gold," he wrote to the king and queen, "is the most valuable thing in the world; it rescues souls from purgatory and restores them to the joys of paradise." [illustration: statue of christopher columbus in the mariñol (ministry of the colonies), madrid, spain. sculptor, señor j. samartin.] the tribute and testimony of the pope. pope leo xiii., the supreme pontiff of the roman catholic church. from a letter in chicago _inter ocean_, 1892. while we see on all sides the preparations that are eagerly being made for the celebration of the columbian quadri-centenary feasts in memory of a man most illustrious, and deserving of christianity and all cultured humanity, we hear with great pleasure that the united states has, among other nations, entered this competition of praise in such a manner as befits both the vastness and richness of the country and the memory of the man so great as he to whom these honors are being shown. the success of this effort will surely be another proof of the great spirit and active energy of this people, who undertake enormous and difficult tasks with such great and happy dealing. it is a testimony of honor and gratitude to that immortal man of whom we have spoken, who, desirous of finding a road by which the light and truth and all the adornments of civil culture might be carried to the most distant parts of the world, could neither be deterred by dangers nor wearied by labors, until, having in a certain manner renewed the bonds between two parts of the human race so long separated, he bestowed upon both such great benefits that he in justice must be said to have few equals or a superior. columbus the glory of catholicism. the pope held a reception at the vatican on the occasion of the festival of his patron saint, st. joachim. in an address he referred to columbus as the glory of catholicism, and thanked the donors of the new church of st. joachim for commemorating his jubilee. the pope reviews the life of the discoverer. the following is the text of the letter addressed by leo xiii. to the archbishops and bishops of spain, italy, and the two americas on the subject of christopher columbus. letter of our very holy father, leo xiii., pope by divine providence, to the archbishops and bishops of spain, italy, and of the two americas, upon christopher columbus. _to the archbishops and bishops of spain and italy, and of the two americas. leo xiii., pope._ venerable brothers, greeting and apostolic benediction: from the end of the fifteenth century, since a man from liguria first landed, under the auspices of god, on the transatlantic shores, humanity has been strongly inclined to celebrate with gratitude the recollection of this event. it would certainly not be an easy matter to find a more worthy cause to touch their hearts and to inflame their zeal. the event, in effect, is such in itself that no other epoch has seen a grander and more beautiful one accomplished by man. as to who accomplished it, there are few who can be compared to him in greatness of soul and genius. by his work a new world flashed forth from the unexplored ocean, thousands upon thousands of mortals were returned to the common society of the human race, led from their barbarous life to peacefulness and civilization, and, which is of much more importance, recalled from perdition to eternal life by the bestowal of the gifts which jesus christ brought to the world. europe, astonished alike by the novelty and the prodigiousness of this unexpected event, understood little by little, in due course of time, what she owed to columbus, when, by sending colonies to america, by frequent communications, by exchange of services, by the resources confided to the sea and received in return, there was discovered an accession of the most favorable nature possible to the knowledge of nature, to the reciprocal abundance of riches, with the result that the prestige of europe increased enormously. therefore, it would not be fitting, amid these numerous testimonials on honor, and in these concerts of felicitations, that the church should maintain complete silence, since, in accordance with her character and her institution, she willingly approves and endeavors to favor all that appears, wherever it is, to be worthy of honor and praise. undoubtedly she receives particular and supreme honors to the virtues pre-eminent in regard to morality, inasmuch as they are united to the eternal salvation of souls; nevertheless, she does not despise the rest, neither does she abstain from esteeming them as they deserve; it is even her habit to favor with all her power and to always have in honor those who have well merited of human society and who have passed to posterity. certainly, god is admirable in his saints, but the vestiges of his divine virtues appear as imprinted in those in whom shines a superior force of soul and mind, for this elevation of heart and this spark of genius could only come from god, their author and protector. it is in addition an entirely special reason for which we believe we should commemorate in a grateful spirit this immortal event. it is that columbus is one of us. when one considers with what motive above all he undertook the plan of exploring the dark sea, and with what object he endeavored to realize this plan, one can not doubt that the catholic faith superlatively inspired the enterprise and its execution, so that by this title, also, humanity is not a little indebted to the church. there are without doubt many men of hardihood and full of experience who, before christopher columbus and after him, explored with persevering efforts unknown lands across seas still more unknown. their memory is celebrated, and will be so by the renown and the recollection of their good deeds, seeing that they have extended the frontiers of science and of civilization, and that not at the price of slight efforts, but with an exalted ardor of spirit, and often through extreme perils. it is not the less true that there is a great difference between them and him of whom we speak. the eminently distinctive point in columbus is, that in crossing the immense expanses of the ocean he followed an object more grand and more elevated than the others. this does not say, doubtless, that he was not in any way influenced by the very praiseworthy desire to be master of science, to well deserve the approval of society, or that he despised the glory whose stimulant is ordinarily more sensitive to elevated minds, or that he was not at all looking to his own personal interests. but above all these human reasons, that of religion was uppermost by a great deal in him, and it was this, without any doubt, which sustained his spirit and his will, and which frequently, in the midst of extreme difficulties, filled him with consolation. he learned in reality that his plan, his resolution profoundly carved in his heart, was to open access to the gospel in new lands and in new seas. this may seem hardly probable to those who, concentrating all their care, all their thoughts, in the present nature of things, as it is perceived by the senses, refuse to look upon greater benefits. but, on the other hand, it is the characteristic of eminent minds to prefer to elevate themselves higher, for they are better disposed than all others to seize the impulses and the inspirations of the divine faith. certainly, columbus had united the study of nature to the study of religion, and he had conformed his mind to the precepts intimately drawn from the catholic faith. it is thus that, having learned by astronomy and ancient documents that beyond the limits of the known world there were, in addition, toward the west, large tracts of territory unexplored up to that time by anybody, he considered in his mind the immense multitude of those who were plunged in lamentable darkness, subject to insensate rites and to the superstitions of senseless divinities. he considered that they miserably led a savage life, with ferocious customs; that, more miserably still, they were wanting in all notion of the most important things, and that they were plunged in ignorance of the only true god. thus, in considering this in himself, he aimed first of all to propagate the name of christianity and the benefits of christian charity in the west. as a fact, as soon as he presented himself to the sovereigns of spain, ferdinand and isabella, he explained the cause for which they were not to fear taking a warm interest in the enterprise, as their glory would increase to the point of becoming immortal if they decided to carry the name and the doctrine of jesus christ into such distant regions. and when, not long afterward, his prayers were granted, he called to witness that he wished to obtain from god that these sovereigns, sustained by his help and his mercy, should persevere in causing the gospel to penetrate upon new shores and in new lands. he conceived in the same manner the plan of asking alexander vi. for apostolic men, by a letter in which these words are found: "i hope that it will some day be given to me with the help of god to propagate afar the very holy name of jesus christ and his gospel." also can one imagine him all filled with joy when he wrote to raphael sanchez, the first who from the indies had returned to lisbon, that immortal actions of grace must be rendered to god in that he had deigned to cause to prosper the enterprise so well, and that jesus christ could rejoice and triumph upon earth and in heaven for the coming salvation of innumerable people who previously had been going to their ruin. that, if columbus also asks of ferdinand and isabella to permit only catholic christians to go to the new world, there to accelerate trade with the natives, he supports this motive by the fact that by his enterprise and efforts he has not sought for anything else than the glory and the development of the christian religion. this was what was perfectly known to isabella, who, better than any other person, had penetrated the mind of such a great man; much more, it appears that this same plan was fully adopted by this very pious woman of great heart and manly mind. she bore witness, in effect, of columbus, that in courageously giving himself up to the vast ocean, he realized, for the divine glory, a most signal enterprise; and to columbus himself, when he had happily returned, she wrote that she esteemed as having been highly employed the resources which she had consecrated and which she would still consecrate to the expeditions in the indies, in view of the fact that the propagation of catholicism would result from them. also, if he had not inspired himself from a cause superior to human interests, where then would he have drawn the constancy and the strength of soul to support what he was obliged to the end to endure and to submit to; that is to say, the unpropitious advice of the learned people, the repulses of princes, the tempests of the furious ocean, the continual watches, during which he more than once risked losing his sight. to that add the combats sustained against the barbarians; the infidelities of his friends, of his companions; the villainous conspiracies, the perfidiousness of the envious, the calumnies of the traducers, the chains with which, after all, though innocent, he was loaded. it was inevitable that a man overwhelmed with a burden of trials so great and so intense would have succumbed had he not sustained himself by the consciousness of fulfilling a very noble enterprise, which he conjectured would be glorious for the christian name and salutary for an infinite multitude. and the enterprise so carried out is admirably illustrated by the events of that time. in effect, columbus discovered america at about the period when a great tempest was going to unchain itself against the church. inasmuch as it is permitted by the course of events to appreciate the ways of divine providence, it really seems that the man for whom the liguria honors herself was destined by special plan of god to compensate catholicism for the injury which it was going to suffer in europe. to call the indian race to christianity, this was, without doubt, the mission and the work of the church in this mission. from the beginning, she continued to fulfill it with an uninterrupted course of charity, and she still continues it, having advanced herself recently so far as the extremities of patagonia. thus, when compelled by the portuguese, by the genoese, to leave without having obtained any result, he went to spain. he matured the grand plan of the projected discovery in the midst of the walls of a convent, with the knowledge of and with the advice of a monk of the order of st. francis d'assisi, after seven years had revolved. when at last he goes to dare the ocean, he takes care that the expedition shall comply with the acts of spiritual expiation; he prays to the queen of heaven to assist the enterprise and to direct its course, and before giving the order to make sail he invokes the august divine trinity. then, once fairly at sea, while the waters agitate themselves, while the crew murmurs, he maintains, under god's care, a calm constancy of mind. his plan manifests itself in the very names which he imposes on the new islands, and each time that he is called upon to land upon one of them he worships the almighty god, and only takes possession of it in the name of jesus christ. at whatever coast he approaches he has nothing more as his first idea than the planting on the shore of the sacred sign of the cross; and the divine name of the redeemer, which he had sung so frequently on the open sea to the sound of the murmuring waves--he is the first to make it reverberate in the new islands in the same way. when he institutes the spanish colony he causes it to be commenced by the construction of a temple, where he first provides that the popular fêtes shall be celebrated by august ceremonies. here, then, is what columbus aimed at and what he accomplished when he went in search, over so great an expanse of sea and of land, of regions up to that time unexplored and uncultivated, but whose civilization, renown, and riches were to rapidly attain that immense development which we see to-day. in all this, the magnitude of the event, the efficacy and the variety of the benefits which have resulted from it, tend assuredly to celebrate he, who was the author of it, by a grateful remembrance and by all sorts of testimonials of honor; but, in the first place, we must recognize and venerate particularly the divine project, to which the discoverer of the new world was subservient and which he knowingly obeyed. in order to celebrate worthily and in a manner suitable to the truth of the facts the solemn anniversary of columbus, the sacredness of religion must be united to the splendor of the civil pomp. this is why, as previously, at the first announcement of the event, public actions of grace were rendered to the providence of the immortal god, upon the example which the supreme pontiff gave; the same also now, in celebrating the recollection of the auspicious event, we esteem that we must do as much. we decree to this effect, that the day of october 12th, or the following sunday, if the respective diocesan bishops judge it to be opportune, that, after the office of the day, the solemn mass of the very holy trinity shall be celebrated in the cathedral and collegial churches of spain, italy, and the two americas. in addition to these countries, we hope that, upon the initiative of the bishops, as much may be done in the others, for it is fitting that all should concur in celebrating with piety and gratitude an event which has been profitable to all. in the meanwhile, as a pledge of the celestial favors and in testimony of our fraternal good-will, we affectionately accord in the lord the apostolic benediction to you, venerable brothers, to your clergy, and to your people. given at rome, near st. peter's, july 16th of the year 1892, the fifteenth of our pontificate. leo xiii., _pope_. to spain. capel lofft. o generous nation! to whose noble boast, illustrious spain, the providence of heaven a radiant sky of vivid power hath given, a land of flowers, of fruits, profuse; an host of ardent spirits; when deprest the most, by great, enthusiastic impulse driven to deeds of highest daring. wrapped in a vision glorious. the rev. john lord, ll. d., a popular american lecturer and congregational minister. born in portsmouth, n. h., december 27, 1810. wrapped up in those glorious visions which come only to a man of superlative genius, and which make him insensible to heat and cold and scanty fare, even to reproach and scorn, this intrepid soul, inspired by a great and original idea, wandered from city to city, and country to country, and court to court, to present the certain greatness and wealth of any state that would embark in his enterprise. but all were alike cynical, cold, unbelieving, and even insulting. he opposes overwhelming universal and overpowering ideas. to have surmounted these amid such protracted opposition and discouragment constitutes his greatness; and finally to prove his position by absolute experiment and hazardous enterprise makes him one of the greatest of human benefactors, whose fame will last through all the generations of men. and as i survey that lonely, abstracted, disappointed, and derided man--poor and unimportant; so harassed by debt that his creditors seized even his maps and charts; obliged to fly from one country to another to escape imprisonment; without even listeners and still less friends, and yet with ever-increasing faith in his cause; utterly unconquerable; alone in opposition to all the world--i think i see the most persistent man of enterprise that i have read of in history. critics ambitious to say something new may rake out slanders from the archives of enemies and discover faults which derogate from the character we have been taught to admire and venerate; they may even point out spots, which we can not disprove, in that sun of glorious brightness which shed its beneficent rays over a century of darkness--but this we know, that whatever may be the force of detraction, his fame has been steadily increasing, even on the admission of his slanderers, for three centuries, and that he now shines as a fixed star in the constellation of the great lights of modern times, not only because he succeeded in crossing the ocean when once embarked on it, but for surmounting the moral difficulties which lay in his way before he could embark upon it, and for being finally instrumental in conferring the greatest boon that our world has received from any mortal man since noah entered into the ark. by the grace of god he was what he was. rossely de lorgues, a catholic biographer. columbus did not owe his great celebrity to his genius or conscience, but only to his vocation, to his faith, and to the divine grace. in honor of columbus. archbishop janssens of new orleans has issued a letter to his diocese directing a general observance of the 400th anniversary of the discovery of america. the opening paragraph reads: "christopher columbus was a sincere and devout catholic; his remarkable voyage was made possible by the intercession of a holy monk and by the patronage and liberality of the pious queen isabella. the cross of christ, the emblem of our holy religion, was planted on america's virgin soil, and the _te deum_ and the holy mass were the first religious services held on the same. it is, therefore, just and proper that this great event and festival should be celebrated in a religious as well as a civil manner." the pope having set the julian date of october 12th for the celebration, and the president october 21st, the archbishop directs that exercises be held on both these days--the first of a religious character, the second civic. october 12th a solemn votive mass will be sung in all the churches of the diocese, with an exhortation, and october 21st in the city of new orleans the clergy will assemble at the archiepiscopal residence early in the morning and march to the cathedral, where services will be held at 7.30 o'clock. sermons of ten minutes each are to be preached in english, french, spanish, german, and italian. the impregnable will of columbus. james russell lowell, an american poet. born in boston, 1819; died in cambridge, 1891. from "w. l. garrison." houghton, mifflin & co., boston. such earnest natures are the fiery pith, the compact nucleus, round which systems grow. mass after mass becomes inspired therewith, and whirls impregnate with the central glow. o truth! o freedom! how are ye still born in the rude stable, in the manger nursed. what humble hands unbar those gates of morn through which the splendors of the new day burst. whatever can be known of earth we know, sneered europe's wise men, in their snail-shells curled; no! said one man in genoa, and that no out of the dark created this new world. men of a thousand shifts and wiles, look here; see one straightforward conscience put in pawn to win a world; see the obedient sphere by bravery's simple gravitation drawn. shall we not heed the lesson taught of old, and by the present's lips repeated still, in our own single manhood to be bold, fortressed in conscience and impregnable will? columbus the king of discoverers. he in the palace-aisles of untrod woods doth walk a king; for him the pent-up cell widens beyond the circles of the stars, and all the sceptered spirits of the past come thronging in to greet him as their peer; while, like an heir new-crowned, his heart o'erleaps the blazing steps of his ancestral throne.--_ibid._ columbus, seeking the back door of asia, found himself knocking at the front door of america.--_ibid._ the patience of columbus. from "columbus," a poem by the same author. published by houghton, mifflin & co. chances have laws as fixed as planets have; and disappointment's dry and bitter root, envy's harsh berries, and the choking pool of the world's scorn are the right mother-milk to the tough hearts that pioneer their kind, and break a pathway to those unknown realms that in the earth's broad shadow lie enthralled; endurance is the crowning quality, and patience all the passion of great hearts; these are their stay, and when the leaden world sets its hard face against their fateful thought, and brute strength, like a scornful conqueror, clangs his huge mace down in the other scale, the inspired soul but flings his patience in, and slowly that outweighs the ponderous globe- one faith against a whole world's unbelief, one soul against the flesh of all mankind. * * * * * i know not when this hope enthralled me first, but from my boyhood up i loved to hear the tall pine forests of the apennine murmur their hoary legends of the sea; which hearing, i in vision clear beheld the sudden dark of tropic night shut down o'er the huge whisper of great watery wastes. * * * * * i brooded on the wise athenian's tale of happy atlantis, and heard björne's keel crunch the gray pebbles of the vinland shore. thus ever seems it when my soul can hear the voice that errs not; then my triumph gleams, o'er the blank ocean beckoning, and all night my heart flies on before me as i sail; far on i see my life-long enterprise! * * * * * lytton (lord). see _post_, "schiller." * * * * * vespucci an adventurer. thomas babington, baron macaulay, one of england's most celebrated historians. born at rothley temple, leicestershire, october 25, 1800; died, december 28, 1859. vespucci, an adventurer who accidentally landed in a rich and unknown island, and who, though he only set up an ill-shaped cross upon the shore, acquired possession of its treasures and gave his name to a continent which should have derived its appellation from columbus. columbus neither a visionary nor an imbecile. charles p. mackie, an american author. from his "with the admiral of the ocean sea." published by messrs. a. c. mcclurg & co., chicago. whatever were his mistakes and shortcomings, colon was neither a visionary nor an imbecile. had he been perfect in all things and wise to the point of infallibility, we could not have claimed him as the glorious credit he was to the common humanity to which we all belong. his greatness was sufficient to cover with its mantle far more of the weaknesses of frail mortality than he had to draw under its protection; and it becomes us who attempt to analyze his life in these later days, to bear in mind that, had his lot befallen ourselves, the natives of the western world would still, beyond a peradventure, be wandering in undraped peace through their tangled woods, and remain forever ignorant of the art of eating meat. in his trials and distresses the admiral encountered only the portion of the sons of adam; but to him was also given, as to few before or since, to say with the nameless shepherd of tempe's classic vale, "i, too, have lived in arcady." colon did not merely discover the new world. he spent seven years and one month among the islands and on the coasts of the hemisphere now called after the ship-chandler who helped to outfit his later expeditions. for the greater part of that time he was under the constant burden of knowing that venomous intrigue and misrepresentation were doing their deadly work at home while he did what he believed was his heaven-imposed duty on this side the atlantic. the columbus monument in madrid. at the top of the paseo de recoletos is a monument to columbus in the debased gothic style of ferdinand and isabella. it was unveiled in 1885. the sides are ornamented with reliefs and the whole surmounted by a white marble statue. among the sculptures are a ship and a globe, with the inscription: _á castilla y á leon nuevo mundo dió colon._ (_translation._) to castille and leon columbus gave a new world. visit of columbus to iceland. finn magnusen, an icelandic historian and antiquary. born at skalholt, 1781; died, 1847. the english trade with iceland certainly merits the consideration of historians, if it furnished columbus with the opportunity of visiting that island, there to be informed of the historical evidence respecting the existence of important lands and a large continent in the west. if columbus should have acquired a knowledge of the accounts transmitted to us of the discoveries of the northmen in conversations held in latin with the bishop of skalholt and the learned men of iceland, we may the more readily conceive his firm belief in the possibility of rediscovering a western continent, and his unwearied zeal in putting his plans in execution. the discovery of america, so momentous in its results, may therefore be regarded as the mediate consequence of its previous discovery by the scandinavians, which may be thus placed among the most important events of former ages. [illustration: statue of columbus, by senor g. suñol, on the monument in the paseo de recoletos (devotees' promenade), madrid, spain. erected, 1885. (see page 208.)] sympathy for columbus. richard henry major, f. s. a., late keeper of the printed books in the british museum; a learned antiquary. born in london, 1810; died june 25, 1891. it is impossible to read without the deepest sympathy the occasional murmurings and half-suppressed complaints which are uttered in the course of his letter to ferdinand and isabella describing his fourth voyage. these murmurings and complaints were rung from his manly spirit by sickness and sorrow, and though reduced almost to the brink of despair by the injustice of the king, yet do we find nothing harsh or disrespectful in his language to the sovereign. a curious contrast is presented to us. the gift of a world could not move the monarch to gratitude; the infliction of chains, as a recompense for that gift, could not provoke the subject to disloyalty. the same great heart which through more than twenty wearisome years of disappointment and chagrin gave him strength to beg and buffet his way to glory, still taught him to bear with majestic meekness the conversion of that glory into unmerited shame. * * * * * we look back with astonishment and admiration at the stupendous achievement effected a whole lifetime later by the immortal columbus--an achievement which formed the connecting link between the old world and the new; yet the explorations instituted by prince henry of portugal were in truth the anvil upon which that link was forged. * * * * * he arrived in a vessel as shattered as his own broken and careworn frame. columbus heard of norse discoveries. conrad malte-brun, a danish author and geographer of great merit. born at thister in jutland, 1775; died, december, 1826. columbus, when in italy, had heard of the norse discoveries beyond iceland, for rome was then the world's center, and all information of importance was sent there. columbus and copernicus. helen p. margesson, in an article entitled "marco polo's explorations, and their influence upon columbus" (being the old south first prize essay, 1891), published in the _new england magazine_, august, 1892. columbus performed his vast undertaking in an age of great deeds and great men, when ficino taught the philosophy of plato, when florence was thrilled by the luring words and martyrdom of savonarola, when michael angelo wrought his everlasting marvels of art. while columbus, in his frail craft, was making his way to "worlds unknown, and isles beyond the deep," on the shores of the baltic a young novitiate, amid the rigors of a monastic life, was tracing the course of the planets, and solving the problem in which virgil delighted[47]--problems which had baffled chaldean and persian, egyptian and saracen. columbus explained the earth, copernicus explained the heavens. neither of the great discoverers lived to see the result of his labors, for the prussian astronomer died on the day that his work was published. but the centuries that have come and gone have only increased the fame of columbus and copernicus, and proven the greatness of their genius. columbus and the fourth centenary of his discovery. commander clements robert markham, r. n., c. b., f. r. s., a noted explorer and talented english author. midshipman in h. m. s. assistance in the franklin search expedition, 1850-51. born july 20, 1830, at stillingfleet, near york. from a paper read before the royal geographical society of england, june 20, 1892. in the present year the fourth centenary of the discovery of america by columbus will be celebrated with great enthusiasm in spain, in italy, and in america. that discovery was, without any doubt, the most momentous event since the fall of the roman empire in its effect on the world's history. in its bearings on our science, the light thrown across the sea of darkness by the great genoese was nothing less than the creation of modern geography. it seems fitting, therefore, that this society should take some share in the commemoration, and that we should devote one evening in this session to a consideration of some leading points in the life of the foremost of all geographers. * * * much new light has been thrown upon the birth and early life of columbus, of late years, by the careful examination of monastic and notarial records at genoa and savona. at genoa the original documents are still preserved. at savona they no longer exist, and we are dependent on copies made two centuries ago by salinerius. but both the genoa and savona records may be safely accepted, and we are thus furnished with a new and more interesting view of the early life of columbus. our thanks for this new light are mainly due to the laborious and scholarly researches of the marchese marcello staglieno of genoa, and to the work of mr. harrisse. we may take it as fully established that the original home of giovanni colombo, the grandfather of the great discoverer, was at terrarossa, a small stone house, the massive walls of which are still standing on a hillside forming the northern slope of the beautiful valley of fontanabuona. here, no doubt, the father of columbus was born; but the family moved to quinto-al-mare, then a fishing village about five miles east of genoa. next we find the father, domenico colombo, owning a house at quinto, but established at genoa as a wool weaver, with an apprentice. this was in 1439. a few years afterward domenico found a wife in the family of a silk weaver who lived up a tributary valley of the bisagno, within an easy walk of genoa. quezzi is a little village high up on the west side of a ravine, with slopes clothed to their summits in olive and chestnut foliage, whence there is a glorious view of the east end of genoa, including the church of carignano and the mediterranean. on the opposite slope are the scattered houses of the hamlet of ginestrato. from this village of quezzi domenico brought his wife, susanna fontanarossa, to genoa, her dowry consisting of a small property, a house or a field, at ginestrato. about the home of domenico and his wife at genoa during at least twenty years there is absolute certainty. the old gate of san andrea is still standing, with its lofty arch across the street, and its high flanking towers. a street with a rapid downward slope, called the vico dritto di ponticelli, leads from the gate of san andrea to the church of s. stefano; and the house of domenico colombo was in this street, a few doors from the gate. it was the weavers' quarter, and s. stefano was their parish church, where they had a special altar. domenico's house had two stories besides the ground floor; and there was a back garden, with a well between it and the city wall. it was battered down during the bombardment of genoa in the time of louis xiv., was rebuilt with two additional stories, and is now the property of the city of genoa. this was the house of the parents of columbus, and at a solemn moment, shortly before his death, columbus stated that he was born in the city of genoa. no. 39 vico dritto di ponticelli was therefore, in all probability, the house where the great discoverer was born, and the old church of san stefano, with its façade of alternate black and white courses of marble, and its quaint old campanile, was the place of his baptism. the date of his birth is fixed by three statements of his own, and by a justifiable inference from the notarial records. he said that he went to sea at the age of fourteen, and that when he came to spain in 1485 he had led a sailor's life for twenty-three years. he was, therefore, born in 1447. in 1501 he again said that it was forty years since he first went to sea when he was fourteen; the same result--1447. in 1503 he wrote that he first came to serve for the discovery of the indies--that is, that he left his home at the age of twenty-eight. this was in 1474, and the result is again 1447. the supporting notarial evidence is contained in two documents, in which the mother of columbus consented to the sale of property by her husband. for the first deed, in may, 1471, the notary summoned her brothers to consent to the execution of the deed, as the nearest relations of full age. the second deed is witnessed by her son cristoforo in august, 1473. he must have attained the legal age of twenty-five in the interval. this again makes 1447 the year of his birth. the authorities who assign 1436 as the year of his birth rely exclusively on the guess of a spanish priest, dr. bernaldez, cura of palacios, who made the great discoverer's acquaintance toward the end of his career. bernaldez, judging from his aged appearance, thought that he might be seventy years of age, more or less, when he died. the use of the phrase "more or less" proves that bernaldez had no information from columbus himself, and that he merely guessed the years of the prematurely aged hero. this is not evidence. the three different statements of columbus, supported by the corroborative testimony of the deeds of sale, form positive evidence, and fix the date of the birth at 1447. we know the place and date of the great discoverer's birth, thanks to the researches of the marchese staglieno. the notarial records, combined with incidental statements of columbus himself, also tell us that he was brought up, with his brothers and sister, in the vico dritto at genoa; that he worked at his father's trade and became a "lanerio," or wool weaver; that he moved with his father and mother to savona in 1472; and that the last document connecting cristoforo colombo with italy is dated on august 7, 1473. after that date--doubtless very soon after that date, when he is described as a wool weaver of genoa--columbus went to portugal, at the age of twenty-eight. but we also know that, in spite of his regular business as a weaver, he first went to sea in 1461, at the age of fourteen, and that he continued to make frequent voyages in the mediterranean and the archipelago--certainly as far as chios--although his regular trade was that of a weaver. this is not a mere question of places and dates. these facts enable us to form an idea of the circumstances surrounding the youth and early manhood of the future discoverer, of his training, of the fuel which lighted the fire of his genius, and of the difficulties which surrounded him. moreover, a knowledge of the real facts serves to clear away all the misleading fables about student life at pavia, about service with imaginary uncles who were corsairs or admirals, and about galleys commanded for king réné. some of these fables are due to the mistaken piety of the great discoverer's son hernando, and to others, who seem to have thought that they were doing honor to the memory of the admiral by surrounding his youth with romantic stories. but the simple truth is far more honorable, and, indeed, far more romantic. it shows us the young weaver loving his home and serving his parents with filial devotion, but at the same time preparing, with zeal and industry, to become an expert in the profession for which he was best fitted, and even in his earliest youth making ready to fulfill his high destiny. i believe that columbus had conceived the idea of sailing westward to the indies even before he left his home at savona. my reason is, that his correspondence with toscanelli on the subject took place in the very year of his arrival in portugal. that fact alone involves the position that the young weaver had not only become a practical seaman--well versed in all the astronomical knowledge necessary for his profession--a cosmographer, and a draughtsman, but also that he had carefully digested what he had learned, and had formed original conceptions. it seems wonderful that a humble weaver's apprentice could have done all this in the intervals of his regular work. assuredly it is most wonderful; but i submit that his correspondence with toscanelli in 1474 proves it to be a fact. we know that there were the means of acquiring such knowledge at genoa in those days; that city was indeed the center of the nautical science of the day. benincasa, whose beautiful _portolani_ may still be seen at the british museum, and in other collections, was in the height of his fame as a draughtsman at genoa during the youth of columbus; so was pareto. in the workrooms of these famous cartographers the young aspirant would see the most accurate charts that could then be produced, very beautifully executed; and his imagination would be excited by the appearance of all the fabulous islands on the verge of the unknown ocean. when the time arrived for columbus to leave his home, he naturally chose lisbon as the point from whence he could best enlarge his experience and mature his plans. ever since he could remember he had seen the inscriptions respecting members of the pasagni family, as we may see them now, carved on the white courses of the west front of san stefano, his parish church. these genoese pasagni had been hereditary admirals of portugal; they had brought many genoese seamen to lisbon; the cross of st. george marked their exploits on the _portolani_, and portugal was thus closely connected with the tradition of genoese enterprise. so it was to lisbon that columbus and his brother made their way, and it was during the ten years of his connection with portugal that his cosmographical studies, and his ocean voyages from the equator to the arctic circle, _combined with his genius to make columbus the greatest seaman of his age_. capt. duro, of the spanish navy, has investigated all questions relating to the ships of the columbian period and their equipment with great care; and the learning he has brought to bear on the subject has produced very interesting results. the two small caravels provided for the voyage of columbus by the town of palos were only partially decked. the pinta was strongly built, and was originally lateen-rigged on all three masts, and she was the fastest sailer in the expedition; but she was only fifty tons burden, with a complement of eighteen men. the niña, so-called after the niño family of palos, who owned her, was still smaller, being only forty tons. these two vessels were commanded by the pinzons, and entirely manned by natives of the province of huelva. the third vessel was much larger, and did not belong to palos. she was called a "nao," or ship, and was of about one hundred tons burden, completely decked, with a high poop and forecastle. her length has been variously estimated. two of her masts had square sails, the mizzen being lateen-rigged. the foremast had a square foresail, the mainmast a mainsail and maintopsail, and there was a spritsail on the bowsprit. the courses were enlarged, in fair weather, by lacing strips of canvas to their leeches, called _bonetas_. there appear to have been two boats, one with a sail, and the ship was armed with lombards. the rigs of these vessels were admirably adapted for their purpose. the large courses of the caravels enabled their commanders to lay their courses nearer to the wind than any clipper ship of modern times. the crew of the ship santa maria numbered fifty-two men all told, including the admiral. she was owned by the renowned pilot juan de la cosa of santoña, who sailed with columbus on both his first and second voyages, and was the best draughtsman in spain. mr. harrisse, and even earlier writers, such as vianello, call him a basque pilot, apparently because he came from the north of spain; but santoña, his birthplace, although on the coast of the bay of biscay, is not in the basque provinces; and if juan de la cosa was a native of santoña he was not a basque. while the crews of the two caravels all came from palos or its neighborhood, the men of the santa maria were recruited from all parts of spain, two from santoña besides juan de la cosa, which was natural enough, and several others from northern ports, likewise attracted, in all probability, by the fame of the santoña pilot. among these it is very interesting to find an englishman, who came from the little town of lajes, near coruña. our countryman is called in the list, "tallarte de lajes" (inglés). it is not unlikely that an english sailor, making voyages from bristol or from one of the cinque ports to coruña, may have married and settled at lajes. but what can we make of "tallarte"? spaniards would be likely enough to prefix a "t" to any english name beginning with a vowel, and they would be pretty sure to give the word a vowel termination. so, getting rid of these initial and terminal superfluities, there remains allart, or alard. this was a famous name among the sailors of the cinque ports. gervaise alard of winchelsea in 1306 was the first english admiral; and there were alards of winchelsea for several generations, who were renowned as expert and daring sailors. one of them, i believe, sailed with columbus on his first voyage, and perished at navidad. columbus took with him the map furnished by toscanelli. it is unfortunately lost. but the globe of martin behaim, drawn in 1492--the very year of the sailing of columbus--shows the state of knowledge on the eve of the discovery of america. the lost map of toscanelli must have been very like it, with its islands in mid-atlantic, and its archipelago grouped round cipango, near the coast of cathay. this globe deserves close attention, for its details must be impressed on the minds of all who would understand what were the ideas and hopes of columbus when he sailed from palos. friday, august 3, 1492, when the three little vessels sailed over the bar of saltes, was a memorable day in the world's history. it had been prepared for by many years of study and labor, by long years of disappointment and anxiety, rewarded at length by success. the proof was to be made at last. to the incidents of that famous voyage nothing can be added. but we may, at least, settle the long-disputed question of the landfall of columbus. it is certainly an important question. there are the materials for a final decision, and we ought to know for certain on what spot of land it was that the admiral knelt when he sprang from the boat on that famous 12th of october, 1492. the learned have disputed over the matter for a century, and no less than five islands of the bahama group have had their advocates. this is not the fault of columbus, albeit we only have an abstract of his journal. the island is there fully and clearly described, and courses and distances are given thence to cuba, which furnish data for fixing the landfall with precision. here it is not a case for the learning and erudition of navarretes, humboldts, and varnhagens. it is a sailor's question. if the materials from the journal were placed in the hands of any midshipman in her majesty's navy, he would put his finger on the true landfall within half an hour. when sailors took the matter in hand, such as admiral becher, of the hydrographic office, and lieut. murdoch, of the united states navy, they did so. our lamented associate, mr. r. h. major, read a paper on this interesting subject on may 8, 1871, in which he proved that watling's island was the guanahani, or san salvador, of columbus. he did so by two lines of argument--the first being the exact agreement between the description of guanahani, in the journal of columbus, and watling's island, a description which can not be referred to any other island in the bahama group; and the second being a comparison of the maps of juan de la cosa and of herrera with modern charts. he showed that out of twenty-four islands on the herrera map of 1600, ten retain the same names as they then had, thus affording stations for comparison; and the relative bearings of these ten islands lead us to the accurate identification of the rest. the shapes are not correct, but the relative bearings are, and the guanahani of the herrera map is thus identified with the present watling's island. mr. major, by careful and minute attention to the words of the journal of columbus, also established the exact position of the first anchorage as having been a little to the west of the southeast point of watling's island. i can not leave the subject of mr. major's admirable paper without expressing my sense of the loss sustained by comparative geography when his well-known face, so genial and sympathetic, disappeared from among us. the biographer of prince henry the navigator, major did more than any other englishman of this century to bring the authentic history of columbus within the reach of his countrymen. his translations of the letters of the illustrious genoese, and the excellent critical essay which preceded them, are indispensable to every english student of the history of geographical discovery who is not familiar with the spanish language, and most useful even to spanish scholars. his knowledge of the history of cartography, his extensive and accurate scholarship, and his readiness to impart his knowledge to others, made him a most valuable member of the council of this society, and one whose place is not easy to fill; while there are not a few among the fellows who, like myself, sincerely mourn the loss of a true and warmhearted friend. when we warmly applauded the close reasoning and the unassailable conclusions of major's paper, we supposed that the question was at length settled; but as time went on, arguments in favor of other islands continued to appear, and an american in a high official position even started a new island, contending that samana was the landfall. but fox's samana and varnhagen's mayaguana must be ruled out of court without further discussion, for they both occur on the maps of juan de la cosa and herrera, on which guanahani also appears. it is obvious that they can not be guanahani and themselves at the same time; and it is perhaps needless to add that they do not answer to the description of guanahani by columbus, and meet none of the other requirements. on this occasion it may be well to identify the landfall by another method, and thus furnish some further strength to the arguments which ought to put an end to the controversy. major established the landfall by showing the identity between the guanahani of columbus and watling's island, and by the evidence of early maps. there is still another method, which was adopted by lieut. murdoch, of the united states navy, in his very able paper. columbus left guanahani and sailed to his second island, which he called santa maria de la concepcion; and he gives the bearing and distance. he gives the bearing and distance from this second island to the north end of a third, which he called fernandina. he gives the length of fernandina. he gives the bearing and distance from the south end of fernandina to a fourth island named isabella, from isabella to some rocks called islas de arena, and from islas de arena to cuba. it is obvious that if we trace these bearings and distances backward from cuba, they will bring us to an island which must necessarily be the guanahani, or san salvador, of columbus. this is the sailor's method: on october 27th, when columbus sighted cuba at a distance of 20 miles, the bearing of his anchorage at sunrise of the same day, off the islas de arena, was n. e. 58 miles, and from the point reached in cuba it was n. e. 75 miles. the ragged islands are 75 miles from cuba, therefore the islas de arena of columbus are identified with the ragged islands of modern charts. the islas de arena were sighted when columbus was 56 miles from the south end of fernandina, and e.n.e. from isabella. these bearings show that fernandina was long island, and that isabella was crooked island, of modern charts. fernandina was 20 leagues long n. n. w. and s. s. e.; long island is 20 leagues long n. n. w. and s. s. e. santa maria de la concepcion was several miles east of the north end of fernandina, but in sight. rum cay is several miles east of the north end of long island, but in sight. rum cay is, therefore, the santa maria of columbus. san salvador, or guanahani, was 21 miles n. w. from santa maria de la concepcion. watling's island is 21 miles n. w. from rum cay; watling's island is, therefore, proved to be the san salvador, or guanahani, of columbus. the spot where columbus first landed in the new world is the eastern end of the south side of watling's island. this has been established by the arguments of major, and by the calculations of murdoch, beyond all controversy. the evidence is overwhelming. watling's island answers to every requirement and every test, whether based on the admiral's description of the island itself, on the courses and distances thence to cuba, or on the evidence of early maps. we have thus reached a final and satisfactory conclusion, and we can look back on that momentous event in the world's history with the certainty that we know the exact spot on which it occurred--on which columbus touched the land when he sprang from his boat with the standard waving over his head.[48] the discoveries of columbus during his first voyage, as recorded in his journal, included part of the north coast of cuba, and the whole of the north coast of española. the journal shows the care with which the navigation was conducted, how observations for latitude were taken, how the coasts were laid down--every promontory and bay receiving a name--and with what diligence each new feature of the land and its inhabitants was examined and recorded. the genius of columbus would not have been of the same service to mankind if it had not been combined with great capacity for taking trouble, and with habits of order and accuracy. in considering the qualities of the great genoese as a seaman and an explorer, we can not fail to be impressed with this accuracy, the result of incessant watchfulness and of orderly habits. yet it is his accuracy which has been called in question by some modern writers, on the ground of passages in his letters which they have misinterpreted, or failed to understand. in every instance the blunder has not been committed by columbus, but by his critics. the admiral's letters do not show him to be either careless or inaccurate. on the contrary, they bear witness to his watchfulness, to his methodical habits, and to his attention to details; although at the same time they are full of speculations, and of the thoughts which followed each other so rapidly in his imaginative brain. it was, indeed, the combination of these two qualities, of practical and methodical habits of thought with a vivid imagination, which constituted his genius--a combination as rare as it is valuable. it created the thoughts which conceived the great discovery, as well as the skill and ability which achieved it. unfortunately, the journals and charts of columbus are lost. but we have the full abstract of the journal of his first voyage, made by las casas, we have his letters and dispatches, and we have the map of his discoveries, except those made during his last voyage, drawn by his own pilot and draughtsman, juan de la cosa. we are thus able to obtain a sufficient insight into the system on which his exploring voyages were conducted, and into the sequence in which his discoveries followed each other. this is the point of view from which the labors of the admiral are most interesting to geographers. the deficient means at the disposal of a navigator in the end of the fifteenth century increase the necessity for a long apprenticeship. it is much easier to become a navigator with the aid of modern instruments constructed with extreme accuracy, and with tables of logarithms, nautical almanacs, and admiralty charts. with ruder appliances columbus and his contemporaries had to trust far more to their own personal skill and watchfulness, and to ways of handling and using such instruments as they possessed, which could only be acquired by constant practice and the experience of a lifetime. _even then, an insight and ability which few men possess were required to make such a navigator as columbus._ [illustration: map of antonio de herrera, the historian of columbus. (see page 220.)] the first necessity for a pilot who conducts a ship across the ocean, when he is for many days out of sight of land, is the means of checking his dead reckoning by observations of the heavenly bodies. but in the days of columbus such appliances were very defective, and, at times, altogether useless. there was an astrolabe adapted for use at sea by martin behaim, but it was very difficult to get a decent sight with it, and vasco da gama actually went on shore and rigged a triangle when he wanted to observe for latitude. if this was necessary, the instrument was useless as a guide across the pathless ocean. columbus, of course, used it, but he seems to have relied more upon the old quadrant which he had used for long years before behaim invented his adaption of the astrolabe. it was this instrument, the value of which received such warm testimony from diogo gomez, one of prince henry's navigators; and it was larger and easier to handle than the astrolabe. but the difficulty, as regards both these instruments,[49] was the necessity for keeping them perpendicular to the horizon when the observation is taken, in one case by means of a ring working freely, and in the other by a plummet line. the instruction of old martin cortes was to sit down with your back against the mainmast; but in reality the only man who obtained results of any use from such instruments was he who had been constantly working with them from early boyhood. in those days, far more than now, a good pilot had to be brought up at sea from his youth. long habit could alone make up, to a partial extent, for defective means. columbus regularly observed for latitude when the weather rendered it possible, and he occasionally attempted to find the longitude by observing eclipses of the moon with the aid of tables calculated by old regiomontanus, whose declination tables also enabled the admiral to work out his meridian altitudes. but the explorer's main reliance was on the skill and care with which he calculated his dead reckoning, watching every sign offered by sea and sky by day and night, allowing for currents, for leeway, for every cause that could affect the movement of his ship, noting with infinite pains the bearings and the variation of his compass, and constantly recording all phenomena on his card and in his journal. _columbus was the true father of what we call proper pilotage._ it is most interesting to watch the consequences of this seaman-like and most conscientious care in the results of his voyages of discovery. we have seen with what accuracy he made his landfall at the azores, on his return from his first and most memorable voyage. the incidents of his second voyage are equally instructive. he had heard from the natives of the eastern end of española that there were numerous islands to the southeast inhabited by savage tribes of caribs, and when he sailed from spain on his second voyage he resolved to ascertain the truth of the report before proceeding to his settlement at navidad. he shaped such a course as to hit upon dominica, and within a few weeks he discovered the whole of the windward islands, thence to puerto rico. on his return his spirit of investigation led him to try the possibility of making a passage in the teeth of the trade-wind. it was a long voyage, and his people were reduced to the last extremity, even threatening to eat the indians who were on board. one night, to the surprise of all the company, the admiral gave the order to shorten sail. next morning, at dawn, cape st. vincent was in sight. this is a remarkable proof of the care with which his reckoning must have been kept, and of his consummate skill as a navigator. on his third voyage he decided, for various reasons, to make further discoveries nearer to the equator, the result of his decision being the exploration of the gulf of paria, including the coast of trinidad and of the continent. his speculations, although sometimes fantastic, and originating in a too vivid imagination, were usually shrewd and carefully thought out. thus they led from one discovery to another; and even when, through want of complete knowledge, there was a flaw in the chain of his reasoning, the results were equally valuable. a memorable example of an able and acute train of thought, based on observations at sea, was that which led to his last voyage in search of a strait. he had watched the gulf stream constantly flowing in a westerly direction, and he thought that he had ascertained, as the result of careful observation, that the islands in the course of the current had their lengths east and west, owing to erosion on their north and south sides. from this fact he deduced the constancy of the current. his own pilot, juan de la cosa, serving under ojeda and bastidas, had established the continuity of land from the gulf of paria to darien. the admiral himself had explored the coast of cuba, both on the north and south sides, for so great a distance that he concluded it must surely be a promontory connected with the continent. the conclusion was that, as it could not turn to north or south, this current, ever flowing in one direction, must pass through a strait. the argument was perfectly sound except in one point--the continental character of cuba was an hypothesis, not an ascertained fact. still, it was a brilliant chain of reasoning, and it led to a great result, though not to the expected result. just as the search for the philosopher's stone led to valuable discoveries in chemistry, and as the search for el dorado revealed the courses of the two largest rivers in south america, so the admiral's heroic effort to discover a strait in the face of appalling difficulties, in advancing years and failing health, made known the coast of the continent from honduras to darien. all the discoveries made by others, in the lifetime of columbus, on the coasts of the western continent (except that of cabral) were directly due to the first voyage of the admiral, to his marvelous prevision in boldly sailing westward across the sea of darkness, and are to be classed as columbian discoveries. this was clearly laid down by las casas, in a noble passage. "the admiral was the first to open the gates of that ocean which had been closed for so many thousands of years before," exclaimed the good bishop. "he it was who gave the light by which all others might see how to discover. it can not be denied to the admiral, except with great injustice, that _as_ he was the first discoverer of those indies, _so_ he was really of all the mainland; and to him the credit is due. for it was he that put the thread into the hands of the rest by which they found the clew to more distant parts. it was not necessary for this that he should personally visit every part, any more than it is necessary to do so in taking possession of an estate; as the jurists hold." this generous protest by las casas should receive the assent of all geographers. the pupils and followers of columbus, such as pinzon, ojeda, niño, and la cosa, discovered all the continent from 8 deg. s. of the equator to darien, thus supplementing their great master's work; while he himself led the way, and showed the light both to the islands and to the continent. although none of the charts of columbus have come down to us, there still exists a map of all discoveries up to the year 1500, drawn by the pilot juan de la cosa, who accompanied him in his first and second voyages, and sailed with ojeda on a separate expedition in 1499, when the coast of the continent was explored from the gulf of paria to cabo de la vela. juan de la cosa drew this famous map of the world (which is preserved at madrid) at santa maria, in the bay of cadiz, when he returned from his expedition with ojeda in 1500. it is drawn in color, on oxhide, and measures 5 feet 9 inches by 3 feet 2 inches. la cosa shows the islands discovered by columbus, but it is difficult to understand what he could have been thinking about in placing them north of the tropic of cancer. the continent is delineated from 8 deg. s. of the equator to cabo de la vela, which was the extreme point to which discovery had reached in 1500; and over the undiscovered part to the west, which the admiral himself was destined to bring to the knowledge of the world a few years afterward, juan de la cosa painted a vignette of st. christopher bearing the infant christ across the ocean. but the most important part of the map is that on which the discoveries of john cabot are shown, for this is the only map which shows them. it is true that a map, or a copy of a map, of 1542, by sebastian cabot, was discovered of late years, and is now at paris, and that it indicates the "prima vista," the first land seen by cabot on his voyage of 1497; but it shows the later work of jacques cartier and other explorers, and does not show what part was due to cabot. juan de la cosa, however, must have received, through the spanish ambassador in london, the original chart of cabot, showing his discoveries during his second voyage in 1498, and was enabled thus to include the new coast-line on his great map. the gigantic labor wore out his body. but his mind was as active as ever. he had planned an attempt to recover the holy sepulcher. he had thought out a scheme for an arctic expedition, including a plan for reaching the north pole, which he deposited in the monastery of mejorada. it was not to be. when he returned from his last voyage, he came home to die. we gather some idea of the admiral's personal appearance from the descriptions of las casas and oviedo. he was a man of middle height, with courteous manners and noble bearing. his face was oval, with a pleasing expression; the nose aquiline, the eyes blue, and the complexion fair and inclined to ruddiness. the hair was red, though it became gray soon after he was thirty. only one authentic portrait of columbus is known to have been painted. the italian historian, paulus jovius, who was his contemporary, collected a gallery of portraits of worthies of his time at his villa on the lake of como. among them was a portrait of the admiral. there is an early engraving from it, and very indifferent copies in the uffizi at florence, and at madrid. but until quite recently i do not think that the original was known to exist. it, however, never left the family, and when the last giovio died it was inherited by her grandson, the nobile de orché, who is the present possessor. we have the head of a venerable man, with thin gray hair, the forehead high, the eyes pensive and rather melancholy. it was thus that he doubtless appeared during the period that he was in spain, after his return in chains, or during the last year of his life. in his latter years we see columbus, although as full as ever of his great mission, thinking more and more of the transmission of his rights and his property intact to his children. he had always loved his home, and his amiable and affectionate disposition made many and lasting friendships in all ranks of life, from queen isabella and archbishop deza to the humblest _grumete_. we find his shipmates serving with him over and over again. terreros, the admiral's steward, and salcedo, his servant, were with him in his first voyage and in his last. his faithful captains, mendez and fieschi, risked life and limb for him, and attended him on his deathbed. columbus was also blessed with two loving and devoted brothers. in one of his letters to his son diego, he said, "never have i found better friends, on my right hand and on my left, than my brothers." bartholomew, especially, was his trusty and gallant defender and counselor in his darkest hours of difficulty and distress, his nurse in sickness, and his helpful companion in health. the enduring affection of these two brothers, from the cradle to the grave, is most touching. columbus was happy too in his handsome, promising young sons, who were ever dutiful, and whose welfare was his fondest care; they fulfilled all his hopes. one recovered the admiral's rights, while the other studied his father's professional work, preserved his memorials, and wrote his life. columbus never forgot his old home at genoa, and the most precious treasures of the proud city are the documents which her illustrious son confided to her charge, and the letters in which he expressed his affection for his native town. columbus was a man to reverence, but he was still more a man to love. the great discoverer's genius was a gift which is only produced once in an age, and it is that which has given rise to the enthusiastic celebration of the fourth centenary of his achievement. to geographers and sailors the careful study of his life will always be useful and instructive. they will be led to ponder over the deep sense of duty and responsibility which produced his unceasing and untiring watchfulness when at sea, over the long training which could alone produce so consummate a navigator, and over that perseverance and capacity for taking trouble which we should all not only admire but strive to imitate. i can not better conclude this very inadequate attempt to do justice to a great subject than by quoting the words of a geographer, whose loss from among us we still continue to feel--the late sir henry yule. he said of columbus: "his genius and lofty enthusiasm, his ardent and justified previsions, mark the great admiral as one of the lights of the human race." a discovery greater than the labors of hercules. pietro martire de anghiera (usually called peter martyr), an italian scholar, statesman, and historian. born at arona, on lake maggiore, in 1455; died at granada, spain, 1526. to declare my opinion herein, whatsoever hath heretofore been discovered by the famous travayles of saturnus and hercules, with such other whom the antiquitie for their heroical acts honoured as gods, seemeth but little and obscure if it be compared to the victorious labours of the spanyards. --decad. ii, cap. 4, lok's translation. genius traveled westward. william mason, an english poet. born at hull, 1725; died in 1797. old england's genius turns with scorn away, ascends his sacred bark, the sails unfurled, and steers his state to the wide western world. mission and reward. j. n. matthews, in chicago _tribune_, 1892. sailing before the silver shafts of morn, he bore the white christ over alien seas- the swart columbus--into "lands forlorn," that lay beyond the dim hesperides. humbly he gathered up the broken chain of human knowledge, and, with sails unfurled, he drew it westward from the coast of spain, and linked it firmly to another world. tho' blinding tempests drove his ships astray, and on the decks conspiring spaniards grew more mutinous and dangerous, day by day, than did the deadly winds that round him blew, yet the bluff captain, with his bearded lip, his lordly purpose, and his high disdain, stood like a master with uplifted whip, and urged his mad sea-horses o'er the main. onward and onward thro' the blue profound, into the west a thousand leagues or more, his caravels cut the billows till they ground upon the shallows of san salvador. then, robed in scarlet like a rising morn, he climbed ashore and on the shining sod he gave to man a continent new-born; then, kneeling, gave his gratitude to god. and his reward? in all the books of fate there is no page so pitiful as this- a cruel dungeon, and a monarch's hate, and penury and calumny were his; robbed of his honors in his feeble age, despoiled of glory, the old genoese withdrew at length from life's ungrateful stage, to try the waves of other unknown seas. eager to share the reward. letter written by the duke of medina celi to the grand cardinal of spain, pedro gonzalez de mendoza, dated march 19, 1493. most reverend sir: i am not aware whether your lordship knows that i had cristoforo colon under my roof for a long time when he came from portugal, and wished to go to the king of france, in order that he might go in search of the indies with his majesty's aid and countenance. i myself wished to make the venture, and to dispatch him from my port [santa maria], where i had a good equipment of three or four caravels, _since he asked no more from me_; but as i recognized that this was an undertaking for the queen, our sovereign, i wrote about the matter to her highness from rota, and she replied that i should send him to her. therefore i sent him, and asked her highness that, since i did not desire to pursue the enterprise but had arranged it for her service, she should direct that compensation be made to me, and that i might have a share in it by having the loading and unloading of the commerce done in the port. her highness received him [colon], and referred him to alonso de quintanilla, who, in turn, _wrote me that he did not consider this affair to be very certain_; but that if it should go through, her highness would give me a reward and part in it. after having well studied it, she agreed to send him in search of the indies. some eight months ago he set out, and now has arrived at lisbon on his return voyage, and has found all which he sought and very completely; which, as soon as i knew, in order to advise her highness of such good tidings, i am writing by inares and sending him to beg that she grant me the privilege of sending out there each year some of my own caravels. i entreat your lordship that you may be pleased to assist me in this, and also ask it in my behalf; since on my account, and through my keeping him [colon] _two years in my house_, and having placed him at her majesty's service, so great a thing as this has come to pass; and because inares will inform your lordship more in detail, i beg you to hearken to him. columbus statue, city of mexico. the columbus monument, in the paseo de la reforma, in the city of mexico, was erected at the charges of don antonio escandon, to whose public spirit and enterprise the building of the vera cruz & mexico railway was due. the monument is the work of the french sculptor cordier. the base is a large platform of basalt, surrounded by a balustrade of iron, above which are five lanterns. from this base rises a square mass of red marble, ornamented with four _basso-relievos_; the arms of columbus, surrounded with garlands of laurels; the rebuilding of the monastery of santa maria de la rábida; the discovery of the island of san salvador; a fragment of a letter from columbus to raphael sanchez, beneath which is the dedication of the monument by señor escandon. above the _basso-relievos_, surrounding the pedestals, are four life-size figures in bronze; in front and to the right of the statue of columbus (that stands upon a still higher plane), padre juan perez de la marchena, prior of the monastery of santa maria de la rábida, at huelva, spain; in front and to the left, padre fray diego de deza, friar of the order of saint dominic, professor of theology at the convent of st. stephen, and afterward archbishop of seville. he was also confessor of king ferdinand, to the support of which two men columbus owed the royal favor; in the rear, to the right, fray pedro de gante; in the rear, to the left, fray bartolomé de las casas--the two missionaries who most earnestly gave their protection to the indians, and the latter the historian of columbus. crowning the whole, upon a pedestal of red marble, is the figure of columbus, in the act of drawing aside the veil that hides the new world. in conception and in treatment this work is admirable; charming in sentiment, and technically good. the monument stands in a little garden inclosed by iron chains hung upon posts of stone, around which extends a large _glorieta_. the tribute of joaquin miller. joaquin (cincinnatus heine) miller, "the poet of the sierras." born in cincinnati, ohio, november 10, 1842. from a poem in the new york _independent_. behind him lay the gray azores, behind the gates of hercules; before him not the ghost of shores, before him only shoreless seas. the good mate said, "now must we pray, for lo! the very stars are gone. brave adm'ral, speak; what shall i say?" "why say, 'sail on! sail on! and on!'" "my men grow mutinous day by day; my men grow ghastly, wan and weak." the stout mate thought of home; a spray of salt wave washed his swarthy cheek. "what shall i say, brave adm'ral, say, if we sight naught but seas at dawn?" "why, you shall say, at break of day, 'sail on! sail on! sail on! and on!'" they sailed and sailed, as winds might blow, until at last the blanched mate said, "why, now not even god would know should i and all my men fall dead. these very winds forget their way, for god from these dread seas is gone. now speak, brave adm'ral, speak and say--" he said, "sail on! sail on! and on!" they sailed. they sailed. then spoke the mate, "this mad sea shows its teeth to-night. he curls his lip, he lies in wait, with lifted teeth as if to bite. brave adm'ral, say but one good word; what shall we do when hope is gone?" the words leapt as a leaping sword, "sail on! sail on! sail on! and on!" then, pale and worn, he kept his deck, and peered through darkness. ah, that night of all dark nights! and then a speck- a light! a light! a light! a light! it grew, a starlit flag unfurled, it grew to be time's burst of dawn. he gained a world; he gave that world its grandest lesson--"on! and on!" admiral of mosquito land. d. h. montgomery, author of "the leading facts of american history." loud was the outcry against columbus. the rabble nicknamed him the "admiral of mosquito land." they pointed at him as the man who had promised everything, and ended by discovering nothing but "a wilderness peopled with naked savages." columbus and the indians. gen. thomas j. morgan, commissioner of indian affairs. in an article, "columbus and the indians," in the new york _independent_, june 2, 1892. columbus, when he landed, was confronted with an indian problem, which he handed down to others, and they to us. four hundred years have rolled by, and it is still unsolved. who were the strange people who met him at the end of his long and perilous voyage? he guessed at it and missed it by the diameter of the globe. he called them indians--people of india--and thus registered the fifteenth century attainments in geography and anthropology. how many were there of them? alas! there was no census bureau here then, and no record has come down to us of any count or enumeration. would they have lived any longer if they had been counted? would a census have strengthened them to resist the threatened tide of invaders that the coming of columbus heralded? if instead of corn they had presented census rolls to their strange visitors, and exhibited maps to show that the continent was already occupied, would that have changed the whole course of history and left us without any mayflower or plymouth rock, bunker hill or appomattox? intense uncertainty. charles morris, an american writer of the present day. in "half hours with american history." the land was clearly seen about two leagues distant, whereupon they took in sail and waited impatiently for the dawn. the thoughts and feelings of columbus in this little space of time must have been tumultuous and intense. at length, in spite of every difficulty and danger, he had accomplished his object. the great mystery of the ocean was revealed; his theory, which had been the scoff of sages, was triumphantly established; he secured to himself a glory durable as the world itself. it is difficult to conceive the feelings of such a man at such a moment, or the conjectures which must have thronged upon his mind as to the land before him, covered with darkness. a thousand speculations must have swarmed upon him, as with his anxious crews he waited for the night to pass away, wondering whether the morning light would reveal a savage wilderness, or dawn upon spicy groves and glittering fanes and gilded cities, and all the splendor of oriental civilization. the first to greet columbus. emma huntington nason. a poem in _st. nicholas_, july, 1892, founded upon the incident of columbus' finding a red thorn bush floating in the water a few days before sighting watling's island. when the feast is spread in our country's name, when the nations are gathered from far and near, when east and west send up the same glad shout, and call to the lands, "good cheer!" when north and south shall give their bloom, the fairest and best of the century born. oh, then for the king of the feast make room! make room, we pray, for the scarlet thorn! not the golden-rod from the hillsides blest, not the pale arbutus from pastures rare, nor the waving wheat from the mighty west, nor the proud magnolia, tall and fair, shall columbia unto the banquet bring. they, willing of heart, shall stand and wait, for the thorn, with his scarlet crown, is king. make room for him at the splendid fête! do we not remember the olden tale? and that terrible day of dark despair, when columbus, under the lowering sail, sent out to the hidden lands his prayer? and was it not he of the scarlet bough who first went forth from the shore to greet that lone grand soul at the vessel's prow, defying fate with his tiny fleet? grim treachery threatened, above, below, and death stood close at the captain's side, when he saw--oh, joy!--in the sunset glow, the thorn-tree's branch o'er the waters glide. "land! land ahead!" was the joyful shout; the vesper hymn o'er the ocean swept; the mutinous sailors faced about; together they fell on their knees and wept. at dawn they landed with pennons white; they kissed the sod of san salvador; but dearer than gems on his doublet bright were the scarlet berries their leader bore; thorny and sharp, like his future crown, blood-red, like the wounds in his great heart made, yet an emblem true of his proud renown whose glorious colors shall never fade. columba christum-ferens--what's in a name? new orleans _morning star and catholic messenger_, august 13, 1892. the poet says that a rose by any other name would smell as sweet, but there is no doubt that certain names are invested with a peculiar significance. it would appear also that this significance is not always a mere chance coincidence, but is intended, sometimes, to carry the evidence of an overruling prevision. christopher columbus was not so named _after_ his achievements, like scipio africanus. the name was his from infancy, though human ingenuity could not have conceived one more wonderfully suggestive of his after career. columba means a dove. was there anything dove-like about columbus? perhaps not, originally, but his many years of disappointment and humiliation, of poverty and contempt, of failure and hopelessness, were the best school in which to learn patience and sweetness under the guiding hand of such teachers as faith and piety. was anything wanting to perfect him in the unresisting gentleness of the dove? if so, his guardian angel saw to it when he sent him back in chains from the scenes of his triumph. he then and there, by his meekness, established his indefeasible right to the name _columbus_--the right of conquest. [illustration: the west indies] and christopher--_christum-ferens_--the christ-bearer? a saint of old was so called because one day he carried the child christ on his shoulders across a dangerous ford. people called him _christo-pher_. but what shall we say of the man who carried christ across the stormy terrors of the unknown sea? wherever the modern christopher landed, there he planted the cross; his first act was always one of devout worship. and now that cross and that worship are triumphant from end to end, and from border to border, of that new world. the very fairest flower of untrammeled freedom in the diadem of the christian church is to-day blooming within the mighty domain which this instrument of providence wrested from the malign sway of error. shall not that new world greet him as the christ-bearer? indeed, there must have been more than an accidental coincidence when, half a century in advance of events, the priest, in pouring the sacred waters of baptism, proclaimed the presence of one who was to be truly a christopher--one who should carry christ on the wings of a dove. circular letter of the archbishop of new orleans on the christopher columbus celebration. from the _morning star and catholic messenger_, new orleans, august 13, 1892. reverend and dear father: the fourth centenary of the discovery of america by christopher columbus is at hand. it is an event of the greatest importance. it added a new continent to the world for civilization and christianity; it gave our citizens a home of liberty and freedom, a country of plenty and prosperity, a fatherland which has a right to our deepest and best feelings of attachment and affection. christopher columbus was a sincere and devout catholic; his remarkable voyage was made possible by the intercession of a holy monk; and by the patronage and liberality of the pious queen isabella, the cross of christ, the emblem of our holy religion, was planted on america's virgin soil, and the _te deum_ and the holy mass were the first religious services held on the same; it is therefore just and proper that this great event and festival should be celebrated in a religious as well as in a civil manner. our holy father the pope has appointed the 12th of october, and his excellency the president of the united states has assigned the 21st of october, as the day of commemoration. the discrepancy of dates is based on the difference of the two calendars. when columbus discovered this country, the old julian calendar was in vogue, and the date of discovery was marked the 12th; but pope gregory xiii. introduced the gregorian calendar, according to which the 21st would now be the date. we will avail ourselves of both dates--the first date to be of a religious, the second of a civil, character. we therefore order that on the 12th of october a solemn votive mass (_pro gratiarum actione dicendo missam votivam de s. s. trinitate_), in honor of the blessed trinity, be sung in all the churches of the diocese, at an hour convenient to the parish, with an exhortation to the people, as thanksgiving to god for all his favors and blessings, and as a supplication to him for the continuance of the same, and that all the citizens of this vast country may ever dwell in peace and union. let the 21st be a public holiday. we desire that the children of our schools assemble in their sunday clothes at their school-rooms or halls, and that after a few appropriate prayers some exercises be organized to commemorate the great event, and at the same time to fire their young hearts with love of country, and with love for the religion of the cross of christ, which columbus planted on the american shore. we further desire that the different catholic organizations and societies arrange some programme by which the day may be spent in an agreeable and instructive manner. for our archiepiscopal city we make these special arrangements: on the 12th, at half-past 7 o'clock p. m., the cathedral will be open to the public; the clergy of the city is invited to assemble at 7 o'clock, at the archbishopric, to march in procession to the cathedral, where short sermons of ten minutes each will be preached in five different languages--spanish, french, english, german, and italian. the ceremony will close with benediction of the blessed sacrament and the solemn singing of the _te deum_. in order to celebrate the civil solemnity of the 21st, we desire that a preliminary meeting be held at st. alphonsus' hall, on monday evening, the 22d of august, at 8 o'clock. the meeting will be composed of the pastors of the city, of two members of each congregation--to be appointed by them--and of the presidents of the various catholic societies. this body shall arrange the plan how to celebrate the 21st of october. may god, who has been kind and merciful to our people in the past, continue his favors in the future and lead us unto life everlasting. the pastors will read this letter to their congregations. given from our archiepiscopal residence, feast of st. dominic, august the 4th, 1892. francis janssens, _archbishop of new orleans_. by order of his grace: j. bogaerts, _vicar-general_. the columbus statue in the city of new york stands at the eighth avenue and fifty-ninth street entrance to central park, and was erected october 12, 1892, by subscription among the italian citizens of the united states, canada, mexico, and central america. from a base forty-six feet square springs a beautiful shaft of great height, the severity of outline being broken by alternating lines of figures, in relief, of the prows, or rostra, of the three ships of columbus, and medallions composed of an anchor and a coil of rope. in july, 1889, chevalier charles barsotti, proprietor of the _progresso italo-americano_, published in new york city, started a subscription to defray the cost, which was liberally added to by the italian government. on december 10, 1890, a number of models were placed on exhibition at the rooms of the palace of the exposition of arts in rome, and the commission finally chose that of prof. gaetano russo. the monument is seventy-five feet high, including the three great blocks, or steps, which form the foundation; and, aside from the historical interest it may have, as a work of art alone its possession might well be envied by any city or nation. the base, of baveno granite, has two beautiful bas-relief pictures in bronze, representing on one side the moment when columbus first saw land, and on the other the actual landing of the party on the soil. two inscriptions, higher up on the monument, one in english and one in italian, contain the dedication. the column is also of baveno granite, while the figure of the genius of geography and the statue proper of columbus are of white carrara marble, the former being ten feet high and the latter fourteen. there is also a bronze eagle, six feet high, on the side opposite the figure of genius of geography, holding in its claws the shields of the united states and of genoa. the rostra and the inscription on the column are in bronze. this great work was designed by prof. gaetano russo, who was born in messina, sicily, fifty-seven years ago. craving opportunities for study and improvement, he made his way to rome when a mere lad but ten years old. in this great art center his genius developed early, and his later years have been filled with success. senator monteverde of italy, one of the best sculptors of modern times, says that this is one of the finest monuments made during the last twenty-five years. on accepting the finished monument from the artist, the commission tendered him the following: "the monument of columbus made by you will keep great in america the name of italian art. it is very pleasant to convey to the united states--a strong, free, and independent people--the venerated resemblance of the man who made the civilization of america possible." on the sides of the base, between the massive posts which form the corners, are found the inscriptions in italian and english, composed by prof. ugo fleres of rome, and being as follows: to christopher columbus, the italians resident in america. scoffed at before; during the voyage, menaced; after it, chained; as generous as oppressed, to the world he gave a world. joy and glory never uttered a more thrilling call than that which resounded from the conquered ocean in sight of the first american island, land! land! on the xii. of october, mdcccxcii the fourth centenary of the discovery of america, in imperishable remembrance. near the base of the monument, on the front of the pedestal, is a representation of the genius of geography in white carrara marble. it is a little over eleven feet high, and is represented as a winged angel bending over the globe, which it is intently studying while held beneath the open hand. on the front and back of the base the corresponding spaces are filled with two magnificent allegorical pictures in bas-relief representing the departure from spain and the landing in america of columbus. the latter one is particularly impressive, and the story is most graphically told by the strongly drawn group, of which he is the principal figure, standing in at attitude of prayer upon the soil of the new world he has just discovered. to the left are his sailors drawing the keel of a boat upon the sand, and on the right the indians peep cautiously out from a thicket of maize at the strange creatures whom they mistake for the messengers of the great spirit. towering over all, at the apex of the column, stands the figure of the first admiral himself, nobly portrayed in snowiest marble. the figure is fourteen feet in height and represents the bold navigator wearing the dress of the period, the richly embroidered doublet, or waistcoat, thrown back, revealing a kilt that falls in easy folds from a bodice drawn tightly over the broad chest beneath. not only the attitude of the figure but the expression of the face is commanding, and as you look upon the clearly cut features you seem to feel instinctively the presence of the man of genius and power, which the artist has forcibly chiseled. the italian government decided to send the monument here in the royal transport garigliano. also, as a token of their good-will to the united states, they ordered their first-class cruiser, giovanni bausan, to be in new york in time to take part in the ceremonies attending the unveiling and also the ceremonies by the city and state of new york. all the work on the foundation was directed gratuitously by the architect v. del genoese and italian laborers. the materials were furnished free by messrs. crimmins, navarro, smith & sons, and others. the executive committee in new york was composed of chevalier c. barsotti, president; c. a. barattoni and e. spinetti, vice-presidents; g. starace, treasurer; e. tealdi and g. n. malferrari, secretaries; of the presidents of the italian societies of new york, brooklyn, jersey city, and hoboken; and of sixty-five members chosen from the subscribers as trustees. the columbus memorial arch in new york. richard m. hunt, john lafarge, augustus st. gaudens, l. p. di cesnola, and robert j. hoguet of the sub-committee on art of the new york columbian celebration, awarded on september 1, 1892, the prizes offered for designs for an arch to be erected at the entrance to central park at fifty-ninth street and fifth avenue. the committee chose, from the numerous designs submitted, four which were of special excellence. that which was unanimously acknowledged to be the best was submitted with the identification mark, "columbia," and proved to be the work of henry b. hertz of 22 west forty-third street. mr. hertz will receive a gold medal, and the arch which he has designed will be erected in temporary form for the columbian celebration in october, 1892, and will be constructed as a permanent monument of marble and bronze to the genius of discovery if $350,000 can be secured to build it. the temporary structure is estimated to cost $7,500. the design which the committee decided should receive the second prize was offered by franklin crosby butler and paul emil dubois of 80 washington square, east, and was entitled, "the santa maria." a silver medal will be given to the architects. the designs selected for honorable mention were one of moorish character, submitted by albert wahle of 320 east nineteenth street, and one entitled "liberty," by j. c. beeckman of 160 fifth avenue. mr. hertz' design was selected by the committee not alone for its artistic beauty, but because of its peculiar fitness. the main body of the arch is to be built of white marble, and with its fountains, its polished monolithic columns of pigeon-blood marble, its mosaic and gold inlaying, and the bas-relief work and surmounting group of bronze, the committee say it will be a monument to american architecture of which the city will be proud. from the ground to the top of the bronze caravel in the center of the allegorical group with which the arch will be surmounted the distance will be 160 feet, and the entire width of the arch will be 120 feet. the opening from the ground to the keystone will be eighty feet high and forty feet wide. on the front of each pier will be two columns of pigeon-blood-red marble. between each pair of columns and at the base of each pier will be large marble fountains, the water playing about figures representing victory and immortality. these fountains will be lighted at night with electric lights. the surface of the piers between the columns will be richly decorated in bas-relief with gold and mosaic. above each fountain will be a panel, one representing columbus at the court of spain, and the other the great discoverer at the convent of rábida, just before his departure on the voyage which resulted in the discovery of america. in the spaces on either side of the crown of the arch will be colossal reclining figures of victory in bas-relief. the highly decorated frieze will be of polished red marble, and surmounting the projecting keystone of the arch will be a bronze representation of an american eagle. on the central panel of the attic will be the inscription: "the united states of america, in memorial glorious to christopher columbus, discoverer of america." the ornamentation of the attic consists of representations of columbus' entrance into madrid. crowning all is to be a group in bronze symbolical of discovery. in this group there will be twelve figures of heroic size, with a gigantic figure representing the genius of discovery heralding to the world the achievements of her children. mr. hertz, the designer, is only twenty-one years old, and is a student in the department of architecture of columbia college. the spanish fountain in new york. the spanish-american citizens also wish to present a monument to the city in honor of the discovery. it is proposed to have a columbus fountain, to be located on the grand central park plaza, at fifth avenue and fifty-ninth street, in the near future. the statuary group of the fountain represents columbus standing on an immense globe, and on either side of him is one of the pinzon brothers, who commanded the pinta and niña. land has been discovered, and on the face of columbus is an expression of prayerful thanksgiving. the brother pinzon who discovered the land is pointing to it, while the other, with hand shading his eyes, anxiously seeks some sign of the new continent. it is proposed to cast the statuary group in new york of cannon donated by spain and spanish-american countries. the first of the cannon has already arrived, the gift of the republic of spanish honduras. the proposed inscription reads: _a colon y los pinzones los españoles e hispaño-americanos de nueva york._ to columbus and the pinzons, the spaniards and spanish-americans of new york. festival allegory for the new york celebration of the 400th anniversary of columbus' discovery, 1892. one of the features of the new york celebration of the columbus quadro-centennial is to be the production, october 10th, in the metropolitan opera house, of "the triumph of columbus," a festival allegory, by s. g. pratt. the work is written for orchestra, chorus, and solo voices, and is in six scenes or parts, the first of which is described as being "in the nature of a prologue, wherein a dream of columbus is pictured. evil spirits and sirens hover about the sleeping mariner threatening and taunting him. the spirit of light appears, the tormentors vanish, and a chorus of angels join the spirit of light in a song of 'hope and faith.'" part ii. shows "the historical council at salamanca; dominican monks support columbus, but cardinal talavera and other priests ridicule him." columbus, to disprove their accusations of heresy on his part, quotes "sentence after sentence of the bible in defense of his theory." part iii. represents columbus and his boy diego in poverty before the convent la rábida. they pray for aid, and are succored by father juan perez and his monks. part iv. contains a spanish dance by the courtiers and ladies of queen isabella's court; a song by the queen, wherein she tells of her admiration for columbus; the appearance of father juan, who pleads for the navigator and his cause; the discouraging arguments of talavera; the hesitation of the queen; her final decision to help columbus in his undertaking, and her prayer for the success of the voyage. part v. is devoted to the voyage. mr. pratt has here endeavored to picture in a symphonic prelude "the peaceful progress upon the waters, the jubilant feeling of columbus, and a flight of birds"--subjects dissimilar enough certainly to lend variety to any orchestral composition. the part, in addition to this prelude, contains the recitation by a sailor of "the legend of st. brandon's isle"; a song by columbus; the mutiny of the sailors, and columbus' vain attempts to quell it; his appeal to christ and the holy cross for aid, following which "the miraculous appearance takes place and the sailors are awed into submission"; the chanting of evening vespers; the firing of the signal gun which announces the discovery of land, and the singing of a _gloria in excelsis_ by columbus, the sailors, and a chorus of angels. part vi. is the "grand pageantry of columbus' reception at barcelona. a triumphal march by chorus, band, and orchestra forms an accompaniment to a procession and the final reception." strange and colossal man. from an introduction to "the story of columbus," in the new york _herald_, 1892. what manner of man was this columbus, this admiral of the seas and lord of the indies, who gave to castille and leon a new world? was he the ill-tempered and crack-brained adventurer of the skeptic biographer, who weighed all men by the sum of ages and not by the age in which they lived, or the religious hero who carried a flaming cross into the darkness of the unknown west, as his reverential historians have painted him? there have been over six hundred biographers of this strange and colossal man, advancing all degrees of criticism, from filial affection to religious and fanatical hate, yet those who dwell in the lands he discovered know him only by his achievements, caring nothing about the trivial weaknesses of his private life. one of his fairest critics has said he was the conspicuous developer of a great world movement, the embodiment of the ripened aspirations of his time. his life is enveloped in an almost impenetrable veil of obscurity; in fact, the date and the place of his birth are in dispute. there are no authentic portraits of him, though hundreds have been printed. there are in existence many documents written by columbus about his discoveries. when he set sail on his first voyage he endeavored to keep a log similar to the commentaries of cæsar. it is from this log that much of our present knowledge has been obtained, but it is a lamentable fact that, while columbus was an extraordinary executive officer, his administrative ability was particularly poor, and in all matters of detail he was so careless as to be untrustworthy. therefore, there are many statements in the log open to violent controversy. tales of the east. it is probable that the letters of toscanelli made a greater impression on the mind of columbus than any other information he possessed. the aged florentine entertained the brightest vision of the marvelous worth of the asiatic region. he spoke of two hundred towns whose bridges spanned a single river, and whose commerce would excite the cupidity of the world. these were tales to stir circles of listeners wherever wandering mongers of caravels came and went. all sorts of visionary discoveries were made in those days. islands were placed in the atlantic that never existed, and wonderful tales were told of the great island of antilla, or the seven cities. the sphericity of the earth was becoming a favorite belief, though it must be borne in mind that education in those days was confined to the cloister, and any departure from old founded tenets was regarded as heresy. it was this peculiar doctrine that caused columbus much embarrassment in subsequent years. his greatest enemies were the narrow minds that regarded religion as the _ultima thule_ of intellectual endeavor. in spite of these facts, however, it was becoming more and more the popular belief that the world was not flat. one of the arguments used against columbus was, that if the earth was not flat, and was round, he might sail down to the indies, but he could certainly not sail up. thus it was that fallacy after fallacy was thrown in argumentative form in his way, and the character of the man grows more wonderful as we see the obstacles over which he fought. from utter obscurity, from poverty, derision, and treachery, this unflinching spirit fought his way to a most courageous end, and in all the vicissitudes of his wonderful life he never compromised one iota of that dignity which he regarded as consonant with his lofty aspirations.--_ibid._ a protest against ignorance. new york _tribune_, 1892. the voyage of columbus was a protest against the ignorance of the mediæval age. the discovery of the new world was the first sign of the real renaissance of the old world. it created new heavens and a new earth, broadened immeasurably the horizon of men and nations, and transformed the whole order of european thought. columbus was the greatest educator who ever lived, for he emancipated mankind from the narrowness of its own ignorance, and taught the great lesson that human destiny, like divine mercy, arches over the whole world. if a perspective of four centuries of progress could have floated like a mirage before the eyes of the great discoverer as he was sighting san salvador, the american school-house would have loomed up as the greatest institution of the new world's future. behind him he had left mediæval ignorance, encumbered with superstition, and paralyzed by an ecclesiastical pedantry which passed for learning. before him lay a new world with the promise of the potency of civil and religious liberty, free education, and popular enlightenment. because the school-house, like his own voyage, has been a protest against popular ignorance, and has done more than anything else to make our free america what it is, it would have towered above everything else in the mirage-like vision of the world's progress. the earth's rotundity. the rev. father nugent of iowa. from an address printed in the denver _republican_, 1892. the theory of the rotundity of the earth was not born with columbus. it had been announced centuries before christ, but the law of gravitation had not been discovered and the world found it impossible to think of another hemisphere in which trees would grow downward into the air and men walk with their heads suspended from their feet. the theologians and scholars who scoffed at columbus' theory had better grounds for opposing him, according to the received knowledge of the time, than he for upholding his ideal. they were scientifically wrong and he was unscientifically correct. hands across the sea. the president responds to a message from the alcalde of palos. the following cable messages were exchanged this day: la rábida, august 3d. the president: to-day, 400 years ago, columbus sailed from palos, discovering america. the united states flag is being hoisted this moment in front of the convent la rábida, along with banners of all the american states. batteries and ships saluting, accompanied by enthusiastic acclamations of the people, army, and navy. god bless america. prieto, _alcalde of palos_. department of state, washington, d. c., august 3, 1892. señor prieto, alcalde de palos, la rábida, spain: the president of the united states directs me to cordially acknowledge your message of greeting. on this memorable day, thus fittingly celebrated, the people of the new western world, in grateful reverence to the name and fame of columbus, join hands with the sons of the brave sailors of palos and huelva who manned the discoverer's caravels. foster, _secretary of state_. the pan-american tribute. the nations of north, south, and central america in conference assembled, at washington, d. c., from october 2, 1889, to april 19, 1890. _resolved_, that in homage to the memory of the immortal discoverer of america, and in gratitude for the unparalleled service rendered by him to civilization and humanity, the international conference hereby offers its hearty co-operation in the manifestations to be made in his honor on the occasion of the fourth centennial anniversary of the discovery of america.[50] the gift of spain. theodore parker, a distinguished american clergyman and scholar. born at lexington, mass., august 24, 1810; died in florence, italy, may 10, 1860. from "new assault upon freedom in america." to columbus, adventurous italy's most venturous son, spain gave, grudgingly, three miserable ships, wherewith that daring genius sailed through the classic and mediæval darkness which covered the great atlantic deep, opening to mankind a new world, and new destination therein. no queen ever wore a diadem so precious as those pearls which isabella dropped into the western sea, a bridal gift, whereby the old world, well endowed with art and science, and the hoarded wealth of experience, wed america, rich only in her gifts from nature and her hopes in time. the most valuable contribution spain has made to mankind is three scant ships furnished to the genoese navigator, whom the world's instinct pushed westward in quest of continents. columbus the boldest navigator. capt. william h. parker, an american naval officer of the nineteenth century. from "familiar talks on astronomy."[51] let us turn our attention to christopher columbus, the boldest navigator of his day; indeed, according to my view, the boldest man of whom we have any account in history. while all the other seamen of the known world were creeping along the shore, he heroically sailed forth on the broad ocean. [illustration: the map of columbus' pilot, juan de la cosa. from the original in the marine museum, madrid. (see page 228)] * * * * * when i look back upon my own voyages and recall the many anxious moments i have passed when looking for a port at night, and when i compare my own situation, supplied with accurate charts, perfect instruments, good sailing directions, everything, in short, that science can supply, and then think of columbus in his little bark, his only instruments an imperfect compass and a rude astrolabe, _sailing forth upon an unknown sea_, i must award to him the credit of being the boldest seaman that ever "sailed the salt ocean." * * * * * columbus, then, had made three discoveries before he discovered land--the trade-winds, the sargasso sea, and the variation of the compass. columbus the patron saint of real-estate dealers. at a banquet in chicago of the real-estate brokers, a waggish orator remarked that columbus, with his cry of "land! land!" was clearly the patron saint of american real-estate dealers. the mutiny. horatio j. perry, an american author. from "reminiscences." when those spanish mutineers leaped upon their admiral's deck and advanced upon him sword in hand, every man of them was aware that according to all ordinary rules the safety of his own head depended on their going clean through and finishing their work. no compromise that should leave columbus alive could possibly have suited them then. nevertheless, at the bottom of it all, the moving impulse of those men was terror. they were banded for that work by a common fear and a common superstition, and it was only when they looked in the clear face of one wholly free from the influences which enslaved themselves, when they felt in their marrow that supreme expression of columbus at the point of a miserable death--only then the revulsion of confidence in him suddenly relieved their own terrors. it was instinctive. this man knows! he does not deceive us! we fools are compromising the safety of all by quenching this light. he alone can get us through this business--that was the human instinct which responded to the look and bearing of columbus at the moment when he was wholly lost, and when his life's work, his great voyage almost accomplished, was also to all appearance lost. the instinct was sure, the response was certain, from the instinct that its motive was also there sure and certain; but no other man in that age could have provoked it, no other but columbus could be sure of what he was then doing. the mutineers went back to their work, and the ships went on. for three days previous, the admiral, following some indications he had noted from the flight of birds, had steered southwest. through that night of the 10th and through the day of the 11th he still kept that course; but just at evening of the 11th he ordered the helm again to be put due west. the squadron had made eighty-two miles that day, and his practiced senses now taught him that land was indeed near. without any hesitation he called together his chief officers, and announced to them that the end of their voyage was at hand; and he ordered the ships to sail well together, and to keep a sharp lookout through the night, as he expected land before the morning. also, they had strict orders to shorten sail at midnight, and not to advance beyond half speed. then he promised a velvet doublet of his own as a present to the man who should first make out the land. these details are well known, and they are authentic; and it is true also that these dispositions of the admiral spread life throughout the squadron. nobody slept that night. it was only twenty-four hours since they were ready to throw him overboard; but they now believed in him and bitterly accused one another. the track of columbus. from a paper in _new england magazine_, 1892, taken originally from a volume of "reminiscences" left by horatio j. perry, who made a voyage from spain to new orleans in 1847. a fortnight out at sea! we are upon the track of christopher columbus. only three centuries and a half ago the keels of his caravels plowed for the first time these very waters, bearing the greatest heart and wisest head of his time, and one of the grandest figures in all history. to conceive columbus at his true value requires some effort in our age, when the earth has been girdled and measured, when the sun has been weighed and the planets brought into the relation of neighbors over the way, into whose windows we are constantly peeping in spite of the social gulf which keeps us from visiting either mars or venus. it is not easy to put ourselves back into the fifteenth century and limit ourselves as those men were limited. i found it an aid to my comprehension of columbus, this chance which sent me sailing over the very route of his great voyage. it is not, even now, a frequented route. the bold spanish and portuguese navigators of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries are no longer found upon it. the trade of the indies has passed into other hands, and this is not the road from england to the west indies or to america. thus you may still sail for weeks in these seas without ever meeting a ship. leaving madeira or the canaries, you may even reach those western lands he reached without having seen or felt any other sign or incident except precisely such as were noted by him. death was columbus' friend. oskar ferdinand peschel, a noted german geographer. born at dresden, march 17, 1826; died, august 31, 1875. death saved columbus the infliction of a blow which he probably would have felt more than bobadilla's fetters. he was allowed to carry to the grave the glorious illusion that cuba was a province of the chinese empire, that hispaniola was the island zipangu, and that only a narrow strip of land, instead of a hemisphere covered by water, intervened between the caribbean sea and the bay of bengal. the discoverer of america died without suspecting that he had found a new continent. he regarded the distance between spain and jamaica as a third part of the circumference of the globe, and announced, "the earth is by no means as large as is popularly supposed." the extension of the world by a new continent had no place in his conceptions, and the greatness of his achievement would have been lessened in his eyes if he had been permitted to discover a second vast ocean beyond that which he had traversed, for he would have seen that he had but half accomplished his object, the connection of europe with the east. petrarch's tribute. francesco petrarch, italian poet. born at arezzo, in tuscany, july 20, 1304; died at arquá, near padua, july 19, 1374. the daylight hastening with wingéd steps, perchance to gladden the expectant eyes of far-off nations in a world remote. columbus a voluminous writer. barnet phillips, in _harper's weekly_, june 25, 1892, on "the columbus festival at genoa."[52] it can not be questioned but that christopher columbus was a voluminous writer. mr. justin winsor, who has made careful researches, says that "ninety-seven distinct pieces of writing by the hand of columbus either exist or are known to have existed. of such, whether memoirs, relations, or letters, sixty-four are preserved in their entirety." columbus seems to have written all his letters in spanish. genoa is fortunate in possessing a number of authentic letters, and these are preserved in a marble custodia, surmounted by a head of columbus. in the pillar which forms the pedestal there is a bronze door, and the precious columbus documents have been placed there. (see p. 54, _ante_.) his life was a path of thorns. robert pollok, a scottish poet of some note. born at muirhouse, renfrewshire, 1798; died near southampton, september, 1827. oh, who can tell what days, what nights, he spent, of tideless, waveless, sailless, shoreless woe! and who can tell how many glorious once, to him, of brilliant promise full--wasted, and pined, and vanished from the earth! unwept, unhonored, and unsung. w. f. poole, ll. d., librarian of the newberry library, chicago. from "christopher columbus," in _the dial_ for april, 1892. published by _the dial_ company, chicago. it had been well for the reputation of columbus if he had died in 1493, when he returned from his first voyage. he had found a pathway to a land beyond the western ocean; and although he had no conception of what he had discovered, it was the most important event in the history of the fifteenth century. there was nothing left for him to do to increase his renown. a coat-of-arms had been assigned him, and he rode on horseback through the streets of barcelona, with the king on one side of him and prince juan on the other. his enormous claims for honors and emoluments had been granted. his first letter of february, 1493, printed in several languages, had been read in the courts of europe with wonder and amazement. "what delicious food for an ingenious mind!" wrote peter martyr. in england, it was termed "a thing more divine than human." no other man ever rose to such a pinnacle of fame so suddenly; and no other man from such a height ever dropped out of sight so quickly. his three later voyages were miserable failures; a pitiful record of misfortunes, blunders, cruelties, moral delinquencies, quarrels, and impotent complainings. they added nothing to the fund of human knowledge, or to his own. on the fourth voyage he was groping about to find the river ganges, the great khan of china, and the earthly paradise. his two subsequent years of disappointment and sickness and poverty were wretchedness personified. other and more competent men took up the work of discovery, and in thirteen years after the finding of a western route to india had been announced, the name and personality of columbus had almost passed from the memory of men. he died at valladolid, may 20, 1506; and outside of a small circle of relatives, his body was committed to the earth with as little notice and ceremony as that of an unknown beggar on its way to the potter's field. yet the spanish court was in the town at the time. peter martyr was there, writing long letters of news and gossip; and in five that are still extant there is no mention of the sickness and death of columbus. four weeks later an official document had the brief mention that "the admiral is dead." two italian authors, making, one and two years later, some corrections pertaining to his early voyages, had not heard of his death. new stamps for world's fair year. from the new york _commercial advertiser_. third assistant postmaster-general hazen is preparing the designs for a set of "jubilee" stamps, to be issued by the postoffice department in honor of the quadri-centennial. that is, he is getting together material which will suggest to him the most appropriate subjects to be illustrated on these stamps. he has called on the bureau of american republics for some of the columbian pictures with which it is overflowing, and he recently took a big portfolio of them down into the country to examine at his leisure. one of the scenes to be illustrated, undoubtedly, will be the landing of columbus. the convent of la rábida, where columbus is supposed to have been housed just before his departure from spain on his voyage of discovery, will probably be the chief figure of another. the head of columbus will decorate one of the stamps--probably the popular 2-cent stamp. gen. hazen resents the suggestion that the 5-cent, or foreign, stamp be made the most ornate in the collection. he thinks that the american public is entitled to the exclusive enjoyment of the most beautiful of the new stamps. besides, the stamps will be of chief value to the exposition, as they advertise it among the people of america. the jubilee stamps will be one of the best advertisements the world's fair will have. it would not be unfair if the postoffice department should demand that the managers of the world's fair pay the additional expense of getting out the new issue. but the stamp collectors will save the department the necessity of doing that. it may be that the issue of the current stamps will not be suspended when the jubilee stamps come in; but it is altogether likely that the issue will be suspended for a year, and that at the end of that time the dies and plates for the jubilee stamps will be destroyed and the old dies and plates will be brought out and delivered to the contractor again. these dies and plates are always subject to the order of the postmaster-general. he can call for them at any time, and the contractor must deliver them into his charge. while they are in use they are under the constant supervision of a government agent, and the contractor is held responsible for any plate that might be made from his dies and for any stamps that might be printed surreptitiously from such plates. an oddity in the new series will be the absence of the faces of washington and franklin. the first stamps issued by the postoffice department were the 5 and 10 cent stamps of 1847. one of these bore the head of washington and the other that of franklin. from that day to this these heads have appeared on some two of the stamps of the united states. in the jubilee issue they will be missing, unless mr. wanamaker or mr. hazen changes the present plan. it is intended now that only one portrait shall appear on any of the stamps, and that one will be of columbus. it will take some time to prepare the designs for the new stamps, after the selection of the subjects, but gen. hazen expects to have them on sale the 1st of january next. the subjects will be sent to the american bank note company, which will prepare the designs and submit them for approval. when they are approved, the dies will be prepared and proofs sent to the department. five engravings were made before an acceptable portrait of gen. grant was obtained for use on the current 5-cent stamp. gen. grant, by the way, was the only living american whose portrait during his lifetime was under consideration in getting up stamp designs. the character of columbus. william hickling prescott, an eminent american historian. born at salem, mass., may 4, 1796; died january 28, 1859. from "ferdinand and isabella." there are some men in whom rare virtues have been closely allied, if not to positive vice, to degrading weakness. columbus' character presented no such humiliating incongruity. whether we contemplate it in its public or private relations, in all its features it wears the same noble aspect. it was in perfect harmony with the grandeur of his plans and their results, more stupendous than those which heaven has permitted any other mortal to achieve. from palos to barcelona--his triumph. the bells sent forth a joyous peal in honor of his arrival; but the admiral was too desirous of presenting himself before the sovereigns to protract his stay long at palos. his progress through seville was an ovation. it was the middle of april before columbus reached barcelona. the nobility and cavaliers in attendance on the court, together with the authorities of the city, came to the gates to receive him, and escorted him to the royal presence. ferdinand and isabella were seated with their son, prince john, under a superb canopy of state, awaiting his arrival. on his approach they rose from their seats, and, extending their hands to him to salute, caused him to be seated before them. these were unprecedented marks of condescension to a person of columbus' rank in the haughty and ceremonious court of castille. it was, indeed, the proudest moment in the life of columbus. he had fully established the truth of his long-contested theory, in the face of argument, sophistry, sneer, skepticism, and contempt. after a brief interval the sovereigns requested from columbus a recital of his adventures; and when he had done so, the king and queen, together with all present, prostrated themselves on their knees in grateful thanksgivings, while the solemn strains of the _te deum_ were poured forth by the choir of the royal chapel, as in commemoration of some glorious victory.--_ibid._ the claim of the norsemen. from an editorial in _public opinion_, washington. modern historians are pretty generally agreed that america was actually first made known to the eastern world by the indefatigable norsemen. yet, in spite of this fact, columbus has been, and still continues to be, revered as the one man to whose genius and courage the discovery of the new world is due. miss brown, in her "icelandic discoverers," justly says it should be altogether foreign to american institutions and ideas of liberty and honor to countenance longer the worship of a false idol. the author first proceeds to set forth the evidence upon which the claims of the norsemen rest. the author charges that the heads of the roman catholic church were early cognizant of this discovery of the norsemen, but that they suppressed this information. the motives for this concealment are charged to their well-known reluctance to allow any credit to non-catholic believers, under which head, at that time, the norsemen were included. they preferred that the new world should first be made known to southern europe by adherents to the roman catholic faith. most damaging evidence against columbus' having originated, unaided, the idea of a western world or route to india is furnished by the fact that he visited iceland in person in the spring of 1477, when he must have heard rumors of the early voyages. he is known to have visited the harbor at hvalfjord, on the south coast of iceland, at a time when that harbor was most frequented, and also at the same time when bishop magnus is known to have been there. they must have met, and, as they had means of communicating through the latin language, would naturally have spoken of these distant countries. we have no hint of the object of this visit of columbus, for he scrupulously avoids subsequent mention of it; but the author pleases to consider it as a secret mission, instigated by the church for the purpose of obtaining all available information concerning the norse discoveries. certain it is that soon after his return to spain we find him petitioning the king and queen for a grant of ships and men to further the enterprise; and he was willing to wait for more than fourteen years before he obtained them. his extravagant demands of the king and queen concerning the rights, titles, and percentage of all derived from the countries "he was about to discover," can hardly be viewed in any other light than that of positive knowledge concerning their existence. pulci's prophecy. luigi pulci, an italian poet. born at florence in 1431; died about 1487. men shall descry another hemisphere, since to one common center all things tend; so earth, by curious mystery divine, well balanced hangs amid the starry spheres. at our antipodes are cities, states, and thronged empires ne'er divined of yore. christopher, the christ-bearer. george payne quackenbos, an american teacher and educational writer. born in new york, 1826; died december 24, 1881. full of religious enthusiasm, he regarded this voyage to the western seas as his peculiar mission, and himself--as his name, christopher, imports--the appointed _christ-bearer_, or _gospel-bearer_, to the natives of the new lands he felt that he was destined to discover. pleading with kings for a new world. the rev. myron reed, a celebrated american clergyman of the present day. here is columbus. somehow i think he is more of a man while he is begging for ships and a crew, when he is in mid-ocean sailing to discover america, than when he found it. last days of the voyage. the last days of the voyage of columbus were lonesome days. he had to depend on his own vision. i do not know what he had been--probably a buccaneer. we know that he was to be a trader in slaves. but in spite of what he had been and was to become, once he was great.--_ibid._ roll of the crews of the three caravels. crew of the santa maria.--_admiral_, cristoval colon; _master and owner_, juan de la cosa of santoña; _pilot_, sancho ruiz; _boatswain_, maestre diego; _surgeon_, maestre alonzo of moguer; _assistant surgeon_, maestre juan; _overseer_, rodrigo sanchez of segovia; _secretary_, *rodrigo de escobedo[53]; _master at arms_, *diego de arana of cordova; _volunteer_, *pedro gutierrez, (a gentleman of the king's bedchamber); _volunteer_, *bachiller bernardo de tapia of ledesma; _steward_, pedro terreros; _admiral's servant_, diego de salcedo; _page_, pedro de acevedo; _interpreter_, luis de torres, (a converted jew); _seamen_, rodrigo de jerez, garcia ruiz of santoña, pedro de villa of santoña, rodrigo escobar, francisco of huelva, ruy fernandez of huelva, pedro bilbao of larrabezua, *alonzo velez of seville, *alonzo perez osorio; _assayer and silversmith_, *castillo of seville; _seamen of the santa maria_, *antonio of jaen, *alvaro perez osorio, *cristoval de alamo of niebla, *diego garcia of jerez, *diego de tordoya of cabeza de vaca, *diego de capilla of almeden, *diego of mambles, *diego de mendoza, *diego de montalvan of jaen, *domingo de bermeo, *francisco de godoy of seville, *francisco de vergara of seville, *francisco of aranda, *francisco henao of avila, *francisco jimenes of seville, *gabriel baraona of belmonte, *gonzalo fernandez of segovia, *gonzalo fernandez of leon, *guillermo ires of galway, *jorge gonzalez of trigueros, *juan de cueva, *juan patiño of la serena, *juan del barco of avila, *pedro carbacho of caceres, *pedro of talavera, *sebastian of majorca, *tallarte de lajes (ingles). the crew of the pinta.--_captain of the pinta_, martin alonzo pinzon; _master_, francisco martin pinzon; _pilot of the vessel_, cristoval garcia sarmiento; _boatswain_, bartolomè garcia; _surgeon_, garci hernandez; _purser_, juan de jerez; _caulker_, juan perez; _seamen_, rodrigo bermudez de triana of alcala de la guadaira, juan rodriguez bermejo of molinos, juan de sevilla, garcia alonzo, gomez rascon (owner), cristoval quintero (owner), diego bermudez, juan bermudez, francisco garcia gallegos of moguer, francisco garcia vallejo, pedro de arcos. crew of the niña.--_captain of the niña_, vicente yañez pinzon; _master and part owner of the vessel_, juan niño; _pilots_, pero alonzo niño, bartolomè roldan; _seamen_ _of the niña_, francisco niño, gutierrez perez, juan ortiz, alonso gutierrez querido, *diego de torpa[54], *francisco fernandez, *hernando de porcuna, *juan de urniga, *juan morcillo, *juan del villar, *juan de mendoza, *martin de logrosan, *pedro de foronda, *tristan de san jorge. columbus a theoretical circumnavigator. john clark ridpath, ll. d., an american author and educator. born in putnam county, indiana, april 26, 1840. from "history of united states," 1874. sir john mandeville had declared in the very first english book that ever was written (a. d. 1356) that the world is a sphere, and that it was both possible and practicable for a man to sail around the world and return to the place of starting; but neither sir john himself nor any other seaman of his times was bold enough to undertake so hazardous an enterprise. columbus was, no doubt, the first _practical_ believer in the theory of circumnavigation, and although he never sailed around the world himself, he demonstrated the possibility of doing so. the great mistake with columbus and others who shared his opinions was not concerning the figure of the earth, but in regard to its size. he believed the world to be no more than 10,000 or 12,000 miles in circumference. he therefore confidently expected that after sailing about 3,000 miles to the westward he should arrive at the east indies, and to do that was the one great purpose of his life. an important find of mss. juan f. riaño. "review of continental literature," july, 1891, to july, 1892. from "_the athenæum_" (england), july 2, 1892. the excitement about columbus has rather been heightened by the accidental discovery of three large holograph volumes, in quarto, of fr. bartolomé de las casas, the bishop of chiapa, who, as is well known, accompanied the navigator in his fourth voyage to the west indies. the volumes were deposited by las casas in san gregorio de valladolid, where he passed the last years of his life in retirement. there they remained until 1836, when, owing to the suppression of the monastic orders, the books of the convent were dispersed, and the volumes of the apostle of the indies, as he is still called, fell into the hands of a collector of the name of acosta, from whom a grandson named arcos inherited them. though written in the bishop's own hand, they are not of great value, as they only contain his well-known "historia apologetica de las indias," of which no fewer than three different copies, dating from the sixteenth century, are to be found here at madrid, and the whole was published some years ago in the "documentos inéditos para la historia de españa." the enthusiasm for columbus and his companions has not in the least damped the ardor of my countrymen for every sort of information respecting their former colonies, in america or their possessions in the indian archipelago and on the northern coast of africa. respecting the former i may mention the second volume of the "historia del nuevo mundo," by cobo, 1645; the third and fourth volume of the "origen de los indios del peru, mexico, santa féy chile," by diego andrés rocha; "de las gentes del peru," forming part of the "historia apologetica," by bartolomé de las casas, though not found in his three holograph volumes recently discovered. children of the sun. william robertson (usually styled principal robertson), a celebrated scottish historian. born at bosthwick, mid-lothian, september 19, 1721; died june, 1793. columbus was the first european who set foot in the new world which he had discovered. he landed in a rich dress, and with a naked sword in his hand. his men followed, and, kneeling down, they all kissed the ground which they had long desired to see. they next erected a crucifix, and prostrating themselves before it returned thanks to god for conducting their voyage to such a happy issue. the spaniards while thus employed were surrounded by many of the natives, who gazed in silent admiration upon actions which they could not comprehend, and of which they could not foresee the consequences. the dress of the spaniards, the whiteness of their skins, their beards, their arms, appeared strange and surprising. the vast machines in which the spaniards had traversed the ocean, that seemed to move upon the water with wings, and uttered a dreadful sound, resembling thunder, accompanied with lightning and smoke, struck the natives with such terror that they began to respect their new guests as a superior order of beings, and concluded that they were children of the sun, who had descended to visit the earth. * * * * * to all the kingdoms of europe, christopher columbus, by an effort of genius and of intrepidity the boldest and most successful that is recorded in the annals of mankind, added a new world.--_ibid._ the bronze door at washington. this is the main central door of the capitol at washington, d. c., and on it is a pictured history of events connected with the life of columbus and the discovery of america. [illustration: the columbus monument, paseo de la reforma, city of mexico. sculptor, m, cordier.] the door weighs 20,000 pounds; is seventeen feet high and nine feet wide; it is folding or double, and stands sunk back inside of a bronze casing, which projects about a foot forward from the leaves or valves. on this casing are four figures at the top and bottom, representing asia, africa, europe, and america. a border, emblematic of conquest and navigation, runs along the casing between them. the door has eight panels besides the semicircular one at the top. in each panel is a picture in _alto-relievo_. it was designed by randolph rogers, an american, and modeled by him in rome, in 1858; and was cast by f. von muller, at munich, 1861. the story the door tells is the history of columbus and the discovery of america. the panel containing the earliest event in the life of the discoverer is the lowest one on the south side, and represents "columbus undergoing an examination before the council of salamanca." the panel above it contains "columbus' departure from the convent of santa maria de la rábida," near palos. he is just setting out to visit the spanish court. the one above it is his "audience at the court of ferdinand and isabella." the next panel is the top one of this half of the door, and represents the "starting of columbus from palos on his first voyage." the transom panel occupies the semicircular sweep over the whole door. the extended picture here is the "first landing of the spaniards at san salvador." the top panel on the other leaf of the door represents the "first encounter of the discoverers with the natives." in it one of the sailors is seen bringing an indian girl on his shoulders a prisoner. the transaction aroused the stern indignation of columbus. the panel next below this one has in it "the triumphal entry of columbus into barcelona." the panel below this represents a very different scene, and is "columbus in chains." in the next and last panel is the "death scene." columbus lies in bed; the last rites of the catholic church have been administered; friends and attendants are around him; and a priest holds up a crucifix for him to kiss, and upon it bids him fix his dying eyes. on the door, on the sides and between the panels, are sixteen small statues, set in niches, of eminent contemporaries of columbus. their names are marked on the door, and beginning at the bottom, on the side from which we started in numbering the panels, we find the figure in the lowest niche is juan perez de la marchena, prior of la rábida; then above him is hernando cortez; and again, standing over him, is alonzo de ojeda. amerigo vespucci occupies the next niche on the door. then, opposite in line, across the door, standing in two niches, side by side, are cardinal mendoza and pope alexander vi. then below them stand ferdinand and isabella, king and queen of spain; beneath them stands the lady beatrice enriquez de bobadilla; beside her is charles viii., king of france. the first figure of the lowest pair on the door is henry vii. of england; beside him stands john ii., king of portugal. then, in the same line with them, across the panel, is alonzo pinzon. in the niche above alonzo pinzon stands bartolomeo columbus, the brother of the great navigator. then comes vasco nuñez de balboa, and in the niche above, again at the top of the door, stands the figure of francisco pizarro, the conqueror of peru. between the panels and at top and bottom of the valves of the door are ten projecting heads. those between the panels are historians who have written columbus' voyages from his own time down to the present day, ending with washington irving and william hickling prescott. the two heads at the tops of the valves are female heads, while the two next the floor possess indian characteristics. above, over the transom arch, looks down, over all, the serene grand head of columbus. beneath it, the american eagle spreads out his widely extended wings. mr. rogers[55] received $8,000 for his models, and mr. von muller was paid $17,000 in gold for casting the door. to a large portion of this latter sum must be added the high premium on exchange which ruled during the war, the cost of storage and transportation, and the expense of the erection of the door in the capitol after its arrival. these items would, added together, far exceed $30,000 in the then national currency. santa maria rábida, the convent--rábida. samuel rogers, the english banker-poet. born near london, july 30, 1763; died december, 1855. translated from a castilian ms., and printed as an introduction to his poem, "the voyage of columbus." it is stated that he spent $50,000 in the illustrations of this volume of his poems. in rábida's monastic fane i can not ask, and ask in vain; the language of castille i speak, 'mid many an arab, many a greek, old in the days of charlemagne, when minstrel-music wandered round, and science, waking, blessed the sound. no earthly thought has here a place, the cowl let down on every face; yet here, in consecrated dust, here would i sleep, if sleep i must. from genoa, when columbus came (at once her glory and her shame), 't was here he caught the holy flame; 't was here the generous vow he made; his banners on the altar laid. here, tempest-worn and desolate, a pilot journeying through the wild stopped to solicit at the gate a pittance for his child. 't was here, unknowing and unknown, he stood upon the threshold stone. but hope was his, a faith sublime, that triumphs over place and time; and here, his mighty labor done, and here, his course of glory run, awhile as more than man he stood, so large the debt of gratitude. * * * * * who the great secret of the deep possessed, and, issuing through the portals of the west, fearless, resolved, with every sail unfurled, planted his standard on the unknown world. --_ibid._ genoa. thy brave mariners, they had fought so often by thy side, staining the mountain billows. --_ibid._ launched out into the deep. william russell, american author and educationist. born in scotland, 1798; died, 1873. from his "modern history." transcendent genius and superlative courage experience almost equal difficulty in carrying their designs into execution when they depend on the assistance of others. columbus possessed both--he exerted both; and the concurrence of other heads and other hearts was necessary to give success to either; he had indolence and cowardice to encounter, as well as ignorance and prejudice. he had formerly been ridiculed as a visionary, he was now pitied as a desperado. the portuguese navigators, in accomplishing their first discoveries, had always some reference to the coast; cape had pointed them to cape; but columbus, with no landmark but the heavens, nor any guide but the compass, boldly launched into the ocean, without knowing what shore should receive him or where he could find rest for the sole of his foot. statuary at sacramento, california. one of the principal features in the state capitol at sacramento is a beautiful and artistic group of statuary, cut from a solid block of purest white marble. it represents columbus pleading the cause of his project before queen isabella of spain. the spanish sovereign is seated; at her left hand kneels the first admiral, while an attendant page on the right watches with wonder the nobly generous action of the queen. columbus, with a globe in his hand, contends that the world is round, and pleads for assistance to fit out an expedition to discover the new world. the royal reply is, "i will assume the undertaking for my own crown of castille, and am ready to pledge my jewels to defray its expense, if the funds in the treasury shall be found inadequate," the group, which is said to be a masterpiece of work, the only piece of its kind in the united states, was executed in florence, italy, by larkin g. mead of vermont, an american artist of known reputation. costing $60,000, it was presented to the state of california, in 1883, by mr. d. o. mills. a monument near salamanca. at valcuebo, a country farm once belonging to the dominicans of salamanca, columbus was entertained by diego de deza--prior of the great dominican convent of san esteban and professor of theology at salamanca--while the junta [committee] of spanish ecclesiastics considered his prospects. his residence there was a peaceful oasis in the stormy life of the great discoverer. the little grange still stands at a distance of about three miles west of salamanca, and the country people have a tradition that on the crest of a small hill near the house, now called "teso de colon" (i. e., columbus' peak), the future discoverer used to pass long hours conferring with his visitors or reading in solitude. the present owner, don martin de solis, has erected a monument on this hill, consisting of a stone pyramid surmounted by a globe; it commemorates the spot where the storm-tossed hero enjoyed a brief interval of peace and rest. honor to whom honor is due. manoel francisco de barros y souza, viscount santarem, a noted portuguese diplomatist and writer. born at lisbon, 1790; died, 1856. if columbus was not the first to discover america, he was, at least, the man who _re_discovered it, and in a positive and definite shape communicated the knowledge of it. for, if he verified what the egyptian priest indicated to solon, the athenian, as is related by plato in the timoeus respecting the island of atlantis; if he realized the hypothesis of actian; if he accomplished the prophecy of seneca in the medea; if he demonstrated that the story of the mysterious carthaginian vessel, related by aristotle and theophrastus, was not a dream; if he established by deeds that there was nothing visionary in what st. gregory pointed at in one of his letters to st. clement; if, in a word, columbus proved by his discovery the existence of the land which madoc had visited before him, as hakluyt and powell pretended; and ascertained for a certainty that which for the ancients had always been so uncertain, problematical, and mysterious--his glory becomes only the more splendid, and more an object to command admiration. the santiago bust. at santiago, chili, a marble bust of columbus is to be found, with a face modeled after the de bry portrait, an illustration of which latter appears in these pages. the bust has a dutch cap and garments. the st. louis statue. in the city of st. louis, mo., a statue of columbus has been erected as the gift of mr. henry d. shaw. it consists of a heroic-sized figure of columbus in gilt bronze, upon a granite pedestal, which has four bronze _basso relievos_ of the principal events in his career. the face of the statue follows the genoa model, and the statue was cast at munich. southern america's tribute. at lima, peru, a fine group of statuary was erected in 1850, representing columbus in the act of raising an indian girl from the ground. upon the front of the marble pedestal is the simple dedication: "á cristoval colon" (to christopher columbus), and upon the other three faces are appropriate nautical designs. the statue in boston. in addition to the iasigi statue, boston boasts of one of the most artistic statues to columbus, and will shortly possess a third. "the first inspiration of the boy columbus" is a beautiful example of the work of signor g. monteverde, a celebrated italian sculptor. it was made in rome, in 1871, and, winning the first prize of a gold medal at parma, in that year, was presented to the city of boston by mr. a. p. chamberlain of concord, mass. it represents columbus as a youth, seated upon the capstan of a vessel, with an open book in his hand, his foot carelessly swinging in an iron ring. in addition to this statue, a _replica_ of the old isabella statue (described on page 171, _ante_), is, it is understood, to be presented to the city. statue at genoa. in the red palace, genoa, a statue of columbus has been erected representing him standing on the deck of the santa maria, behind a padre with a cross. the pedestal of the statue is ornamented with prows of caravels, and on each side a mythological figure represents discovery and industry. the statue at palos. now in course of erection to commemorate the discovery, and under the auspices of the spanish government, is a noble statue at palos, spain. it consists of a fluted column of the corinthian order of architecture, capped by a crown, supporting an orb, surmounted by a cross. the orb bears two bands, one about its equator and the other representing the zodiac. on the column are the names of the pinzon brothers, martin and vicente yañez; and under the prows of the caravels, "colon," with a list of the persons who accompanied him. the column rests upon a prismatic support, from which protrude four prows, and the pedestal of the whole is in the shape of a tomb, with an egyptian-like appearance. the statue in philadelphia. in fairmount park, philadelphia, pa., there is placed a statue of columbus, which, originally exhibited at the centennial exposition, at philadelphia, in 1876, was presented to the centennial commission by the combined italian societies of philadelphia. the stebbins statue. in central park, new york city, is located an artistic statue, the gift of mrs. marshall o. roberts, and the work of miss emma stebbins. the figure of columbus is seven feet high, and represents him as a sailor with a mantle thrown over his shoulder. the face is copied from accepted portraits of the giovian type. santo domingoan cannon. when columbus was made a prisoner in santo domingo, the governor, who arrested him, feared there might be an attempt at rescue, so he trained a big gun on the entrance of the citadel, or castle, in which columbus was confined. that cannon laid in the same place until mr. ober, a world's fair representative, recovered it, and, with the permission of the governor of santo domingo, brought it to the united states. it is on exhibition at the world's fair. the santa maria caravel. a very novel feature of the historical exhibit at the chicago world's columbian exposition will be a fac-simile reproduction of the little ship santa maria, in which columbus sailed. lieut. mccarty little of the united states navy was detailed to go to spain to superintend the construction of the ship by the spanish government at the carraca yard at cadiz. the keel was laid on march 1, 1892. the caravel's dimensions are: length at keel, 62 feet 4 inches; length between perpendiculars, 75 feet 5 inches; beam, 22 feet; draught, 14 feet 8 inches. great care is being taken with details. it is manned by spanish sailors in the costume of the time of columbus, and is rigged as columbus rigged his ship. there are on board copies of the charts that columbus used, and fac-similes of his nautical instruments. the crew are of the same number, and included in it are an englishman and an irishman, for it is a well-founded historical fact that william harris, an englishman, and arthur lake, an irishman, were both members of columbus' crew. in fact, the reproduction is as exact as possible in every detail. the little ship, in company with her sisters, the pinta and the niña, which were reproduced by american capital, will make its first appearance at the naval review in new york, where the trio will be saluted by the great cruisers and war-ships of modern invention from all of the navies of the world. they will then be presented by the government of spain to the president of the united states, and towed through the lakes to chicago, being moored at the exposition. it is proposed that the vessels be taken to washington after the exposition, and there anchored in the park of the white house. the spanish committee having the matter in charge have made careful examinations of all obtainable data to insure that the vessels shall be, in every detail which can be definitely determined, exact copies of the original columbus vessels. in connection with this subject, _la ilustracion national_ of madrid, to whom we are indebted for our first-page illustration, says: "a great deal of data of very varied character has been obtained, but nothing that would give the exact details sought, because, doubtless, the vessels of that time varied greatly, not only in the form of their hulls, but also in their rigging, as will be seen by an examination of the engravings and paintings of the fifteenth century; and as there was no ship that could bear the generic name of 'caravel,' great confusion was caused when the attempt was made to state, with a scientific certainty, what the caravels were. the word 'caravel' comes from the italian _cara bella_, and with this etymology it is safe to suppose that the name was applied to those vessels on account of the grace and beauty of their form, and finally was applied to the light vessels which went ahead of the ships as dispatch boats. nevertheless, we think we have very authentic data, perhaps all that is reliable, in the letter of juan de la cosa, christopher columbus' pilot. juan de la cosa used many illustrations, and with his important hydrographic letter, which is in the naval museum, we can appreciate his ability in drawing both landscapes and figures. as he was both draughtsman and mariner, we feel safe in affirming that the caravels drawn in said letter of the illustrious mariner form the most authentic document in regard to the vessels of his time that is in existence. from these drawings and the descriptions of the days' runs in the part marked 'incidents' of columbus' log, it is ascertained that these vessels had two sets of sails, lateens for sailing with bowlines hauled, and with lines for sailing before the wind. "the same lateens serve for this double object, unbending the sails half way and hoisting them like yards by means of top ropes. instead of having the points now used for reefing, these sails had bands of canvas called bowlines, which were unfastened when it was unnecessary to diminish the sails." at palos. from the _saturday review_, august 6, 1892. it was a happy notion, and creditable to the ingenuity of the spaniards, to celebrate the auspicious event, which made palos famous four hundred years ago, by a little dramatic representation. the caravel maria, manned by appropriately dressed sailors, must be a sight better than many eloquent speeches. she has, we are told, been built in careful imitation of the flagship of columbus' little squadron. if the fidelity of the builders has been thorough, if she has not been coppered, has no inner skin, and has to trust mainly to her caulking to keep out the water, we hope that she will have unbroken good weather on her way to new york. the voyage to havana across the "ladies' sea" is a simple business; but the coast of the united states in early autumn will be trying to a vessel which will be buoyant enough as long as she is water-tight, but is not to be trusted to remain so under a severe strain. she will not escape the strain wholly by being towed. we are not told whether the maria is to make the landfall of columbus as well as take his departure. the disputes of the learned as to the exact spot might make it difficult to decide for which of the bahamas the captain ought to steer. on the other hand, if it were left to luck, to the wind, and the currents, the result might throw some light on a vexed question. it might be interesting to see whether the maria touched at turk island, watling's island, or mariguana, or at none of the three. the event which the spaniards are celebrating with natural pride is peculiarly fitted to give an excuse for a centenary feast. the complaints justly made as to the artificial character of the excuses often chosen for these gatherings and their eloquence do not apply here. beyond all doubt, when columbus sailed from palos on august 3, 1492, he did something by which the history of the world was profoundly influenced. every schoolboy of course knows that if columbus had never lived america would have been discovered all the same, when pedro alvarez cabral, the portuguese admiral, was carried by the trade-winds over to the coast of brazil in 1500. but in that case it would not have been discovered by spain, and the whole course of the inevitable european settlement on the continent must have been modified. when that can be said of any particular event there can be no question as to its importance. there is a kind of historical critic, rather conspicuous in these latter days, who finds a peculiar satisfaction in pointing out that columbus discovered america without knowing it--which is true. that he believed, and died in the belief, that he had reached asia is certain. it is not less sure that amerigo vespucci, from whom the continent was named, by a series of flukes, misprints, and misunderstandings, went to his grave in the same faith. he thought that he had found an island of uncertain size to the south of the equator, and that what columbus had found to the north was the eastern extremity of asia. but the world which knows that columbus did, as a matter of fact, do it the service of finding america, and is aware that without him the voyage from palos would never have been undertaken, has refused to belittle him because he did not know beforehand what was only found out through his exertions. the learned who have written very largely about columbus have their serious doubts as to the truth of the stories told of his connection with palos. not that there is any question as to whether he sailed from there. the dispute is as to the number and circumstances of his visits to the convent of santa maria rábida, and the exact nature of his relations to the prior juan perez de marchena. there has, in fact, been a considerable accumulation of what that very rude man, mr. carlyle, called the marine stores of history about the life of columbus, as about most great transactions. he certainly had been at la rábida, and the prior was his friend. but, with or without juan perez, columbus as a seafaring man would naturally have been in palos. it lies right in the middle of the coast, which has always been open to attack from africa and has been the starting point for attack on africa. it is in the way of trade for the same reason that it is in the way of war. what are now fishing villages were brisk little trading towns in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. palos did not only send out columbus. it received cortez when he came back from the conquest of mexico. palos does very well to remember its glories. and spain does equally well to remember that she sent out columbus. in spite of the platitudes talked by painfully thoughtful persons as to the ruinous consequences of the discovery to herself, it was, take it altogether, the greatest thing she has done in the world. she owes to it her unparalleled position in the sixteenth century, and the opportunity to become "a mother of nations." the rest of the world has to thank her for the few magnificent and picturesque passages which enliven the commonly rather colorless, not to say philistine, history of america. a reminiscence of columbus. randall n. saunders, claverack, n. y., in the _school journal_. * * * what boy has not felt a thrill of pride, for the sex, at the dogged persistence with which columbus clung to his purpose and to isabella after ferdinand had flung to him but stony replies. * * * * * methinks i am starting from palos. i see the pale, earnest face set in its steadfast resolution from prophetic knowledge. i see the stern lines of care, deeper from the contrast of the hair, a silver mantle refined by the worry; the "midnight oil" that burned in the fiery furnace of his ambition. i see the flush of pleasure at setting out to battle with the perilous sea toward the consummation of life's grand desire. i feel the waverings between hope and despair as the journey lengthens, with but faint promise of reward, and with those around who would push us into the overwhelming waves of defeat and remorse. amid all discouragements, amid the darkest gloom, i am inspired by his words, "sail on, sail on"; and sailing on with the grand old genoese, i yet hope to know and feel his glorious success, and with him to return thanks on the golden strand of the san salvador of life's success. the dense ignorance of those days. the reverend minot judson savage, an american clergyman. born at norridgewock, maine, june 10, 1841. pastor of unity church, boston. from his lecture, "the religious growth of three hundred years." stand beside columbus a moment, and consider how much and how little there was known. it was commonly believed that the earth was flat and was flowed round by the ocean stream. jerusalem was the center. with the exception of a little of europe, a part of asia, and a strip of north africa, the earth was unknown country. in these unknown parts dwelt monsters of every conceivable description. columbus indeed cherished the daring dream that he might reach the eastern coast of asia by sailing west; but most of those who knew his dreams regarded him as crazy. and it is now known that even he was largely impelled by his confident expectation that he would be able to discover the garden of eden. the motive of his voyage was chiefly a religious one. and, as a hint of the kind of world in which people then lived, the famous ponce de leon searched florida in the hope of discovering the fountain of perpetual youth. at this time copernicus and his system were unheard of. the universe was a little three-story affair. heaven, with god on his throne and his celestial court about him, was only a little way overhead--just beyond the blue dome. hell was underneath the surface of the earth. volcanoes and mysterious caverns were vent-holes or gate-ways of the pit; and devils came and went at will. even after it was conceded that the earth revolved, there were found writers who accounted for the diurnal revolution by attributing it to the movements of damned souls confined within, like restless squirrels in a revolving cage. on the earth's surface, between heaven and hell, was man, the common battleground of celestial and infernal hosts. at this time, of course, there was none of our modern knowledge of the heavens, nor of the age or structure of the earth. [illustration: from harper's weekly. copyright, 1892, by harper & brothers. the columbus monument, new york city. presented by the italian citizens. (see page 243.)] seneca's prophecy. lucius annæus seneca, an eminent roman stoic, philosopher, and moralist. born at corduba, spain, about 5 b. c.; committed suicide 65 a. d. _venient annis sæcula seris, quibus oceanus vincula rerum laxet, et ingens pateat teilus, tethysque novos detegat orbes, nec sit terris ultima thule._ the tomb in seville. the following inscription is placed on the tomb of hernando columbus in the pavement of the cathedral of seville, spain: aqui yaze el. m. magnifico s. d. hernando colon, el qual aplicó y gastó toda su vida y hazienda en aumento de las letras, y juntar y perpetuar en esta ciudad todas sus libros de todas las ciencias, que en su tiempo halló y en reducirlo a quatro libros. falleció en esta ciudad a 12 de julio de 1539 de edad de 50 años 9 meses y 14 dias, fue hijo del valeroso y memoráble s. d. christ. colon primero almirante que descubrió las yndias y nuevo mundo en vida de los cat. r. d. fernando, y. d. ysabel de gloriosa memoria a. 11 de oct. de 1492, con tres galeras y 90 personas, y partió del puerto de palos a descubrirlas á 3 de agosto antés, y bolvió a castilla con victoria á 7 de maio del año siguente y tornó despues otras dos veces á poblar lo que descubrió. falleció en valladolid á 20 de agosto de 1506 anos--[56] rogad á dios por ellos. (_in english._) here rests the most magnificent señor don hernando colon, who applied and spent all his life and estate in adding to the letters, and collecting and perpetuating in this city all his books, of all the sciences which he found in his time, and in reducing them to four books. he died in this city on the 12th of july, 1539, at the age of 50 years, 9 months, and 14 days. he was son of the valiant and memorable señor don christopher colon, the first admiral, who discovered the indies and the new world, in the lifetime of their catholic majesties don fernando and doña isabel of glorious memory, on the 11th of october, 1492, with three galleys and ninety people, having sailed from the port of palos on his discovery on the 3d of august previous, and returned to castille, with victory, on the 7th of may of the following year. he returned afterward twice to people that which he had discovered. he died in valladolid on the 20th of august, 1506, aged ----. entreat the lord for them. beneath this is described, in a circle, a globe, presenting the western and part of the eastern hemispheres, surmounted by a pair of compasses. within the border of the circle is inscribed: _á castillo, y á leon mundo nuevo dió colon._ (to castille and leon, columbus gave a new world.) onward! press on! johann christoph friedrich schiller, one of germany's greatest poets. born at marbach (about eight miles from stuttgart), november 11, 1759; died, may 9, 1805, at weimar. columbus. (1795.) steure, muthiger segler! es mag der witz dich verhöhen und der schiffer am steur senken die lässige hand. immer, immer nach west! dort muss die küste sich zeigen, liegt sie doch deutlich und liegt schimmernd vor deinen verstand. traue dem leitenden gott und folge dem schweigenden weltmeer! war sie noch nicht, sie stieg' jetzt aus dem fluten empor. mit dem genius steht die natur in ewigem bunde was der eine verspricht leistet die andre gewiss. metrically translated (1843) by sir edward george earle lytton, bulwer-lytton, baronet (afterward first lord lytton. born at heydon hall, norfolk, may 25, 1803; died, january 18, 1873), in the following noble lines: columbus. steer on, bold sailor! wit may mock thy soul that sees the land, and hopeless at the helm may droop the weak and weary hand, yet ever, ever to the west, for there the coast must lie, and dim it dawns, and glimmering dawns before thy reason's eye; yea, trust the guiding god--and go along the floating grave, though hid till now--yet now, behold the new world o'er the wave. with genius nature ever stands in solemn union still, and ever what the one foretells the other shall fulfill. señor emilio castelar, the talented spanish orator and statesman, in the fourth of a series of most erudite and interesting articles upon christopher columbus, in the _century magazine_ for august, 1892, thus masterly refers to the above passages: he who pens these words, on reading the lines of the great poet schiller upon columbus, found therein a philosophical thought, as original as profound, calling upon the discoverer to press ever onward, for a new world will surely arise for him, inasmuch as whatever is promised by genius is always fulfilled by nature. to cross the seas of life, naught suffices save the bark of faith. in that bark the undoubting columbus set sail, and at his journey's end found a new world. had that world not then existed, god would have created it in the solitude of the atlantic, if to no other end than to reward the faith and constancy of that great man. america was discovered because columbus possessed a living faith in his ideal, in himself, and in his god. the norseman's claim to priority. mrs. john b. shipley's "leif erikson." father bodfish, of the cathedral in boston, in his paper, read a year ago before the bostonian society, on the discovery of america by the northmen, is reported to have quoted, "as corroborative authority, the account given in standard history of the catholic church of the establishment of a bishopric in greenland in 1112 a. d., and he added the interesting suggestion that as it is the duty of a bishop so placed at a distance to report from time to time to the pope, not only on ecclesiastical matters, but of the geography of the country and character of the people, it is probable that columbus had the benefit of the knowledge possessed. it is [he said] stated in different biographies of columbus that when the voyage was first proposed by him he found difficulty in getting spanish sailors to go with him in so doubtful an undertaking. after columbus returned from a visit to rome with information there obtained, these sailors, or enough of them, appear to have had their doubts or fears removed, and no difficulty in enlistment was experienced." columbus before the university of salamanca. lydia huntley sigourney, an american poet and miscellaneous writer. born at norwich, conn., september 1, 1791; died, june 10, 1865. st. stephen's cloistered hall was proud in learning's pomp that day, for there a robed and stately crowd pressed on in long array. a mariner with simple chart confronts that conclave high, while strong ambition stirs his heart, and burning thoughts of wonder part from lip and sparkling eye. what hath he said? with frowning face, in whispered tones they speak; and lines upon their tablet's trace which flush each ashen cheek. the inquisition's mystic doom sits on their brows severe, and bursting forth in visioned gloom, sad heresy from burning tomb groans on the startled ear. courage, thou genoese! old time thy splendid dream shall crown. yon western hemisphere sublime, where unshorn forests frown; the awful andes' cloud-rapt brow, the indian hunter's bow. bold streams untamed by helm or prow, and rocks of gold and diamonds thou to thankless spain shalt show. courage, world-finder, thou hast need. in fate's unfolding scroll, dark woes and ingrate wrongs i read, that rack the noble soul. on, on! creation's secrets probe. then drink thy cup of scorn, and wrapped in fallen cæsar's robe, sleep like that master of the globe, all glorious, yet forlorn. columbus a martyr. samuel smiles, the celebrated british biographer. born at haddington, scotland, about 1815. from his volume, "duty." even columbus may be regarded in the light of a martyr. he sacrificed his life to the discovery of a new world. the poor wool-carder's son of genoa had long to struggle unsuccessfully with the petty conditions necessary for the realization of his idea. he dared to believe, on grounds sufficing to his reason, that which the world disbelieved, and scoffed and scorned at. he believed that the earth was round, while the world believed that it was flat as a plate. he believed that the whole circle of the earth, outside the known world, could not be wholly occupied by sea; but that the probability was that continents of land might be contained within it. it was certainly a probability; but the noblest qualities of the soul are often brought forth by the strength of probabilities that appear slight to less daring spirits. in the eyes of his countrymen, few things were more improbable than that columbus should survive the dangers of unknown seas, and land on the shores of a new hemisphere. difficulties by the way. royall bascom smithey, in an article. "the voyage of columbus," in _st. nicholas_, july, 1892. so the voyage progressed without further incident worthy of remark till the 13th of september, when the magnetic needle, which was then believed always to point to the pole-star, stood some five degrees to the northwest. at this the pilots lost courage. "how," they thought, "was navigation possible in seas where the compass, that unerring guide, had lost its virtue?" when they carried the matter to columbus, he at once gave them an explanation which, though not the correct one, was yet very ingenious, and shows the philosophic turn of his mind. the needle, he said, pointed not to the north star, but to a fixed place in the heavens. the north star had a motion around the pole, and in following its course had moved from the point to which the needle was always directed. hardly had the alarm caused by the variation of the needle passed away, when two days later, after nightfall, the darkness that hung over the water was lighted up by a great meteor, which shot down from the sky into the sea. signs in the heavens have always been a source of terror to the uneducated; and this "flame of fire," as columbus called it, rendered his men uneasy and apprehensive. their vague fears were much increased when, on the 16th of september, they reached the sargasso sea, in which floating weeds were so densely matted that they impeded the progress of the ships. whispered tales now passed from one sailor to another of legends they had heard of seas full of shoals and treacherous quicksands upon which ships had been found stranded with their sails flapping idly in the wind, and manned by skeleton crews. columbus, ever cheerful and even-tempered, answered these idle tales by sounding the ocean and showing that no bottom could be reached. design for the souvenir coins.[57] a decision has been reached by the world's fair management in relation to the designs for the souvenir coins authorized by congress at its last session, and a radical change has been determined upon regarding these coins. several days ago secretary leach of the united states mint sent to the fair officials a copy of the medal struck recently at madrid, spain, in commemoration of columbus' discovery of america. this medal was illustrated in a spanish-american paper of july, 1892, and showed a remarkably fine profile head of the great explorer. it was deemed superior to the lotto portrait previously submitted for the obverse of the coin, and the fair directors have concluded that the madrid medal furnishes the best head obtainable, and have accordingly adopted it. for the reverse of the coin a change has also been decided upon by the substitution of a representation of the western continent instead of a fac-simile of the government building at jackson park, as originally intended. it was suggested by experts, artists, and designers at the philadelphia mint that the representation of a building would not make a very good showing on a coin, and in consequence of these expressions of opinion it was decided to make the change proposed. now that the director of the mint knows what the fair management wishes for a souvenir coin, he will inaugurate the preparations of the dies and plates as promptly as possible. just as soon as the designs are finished, work will be begun on the coins, which can be struck at the rate of 60,000 daily, and it is quite likely that the deliveries of the souvenir coins will be completed early in the spring. [illustration: from harper's weekly. copyright, 1892, by harper & brothers. bas-relief--the sighting of the new world. from the columbus monument in new york city. (see page 244.)] the announcement that the director of the mint has decided upon the madrid portrait of columbus for the obverse side of the souvenir coin, with this hemisphere on the reverse, was a surprise to many interested in the designs. when the design was first presented, c. f. gunther's portrait, by moro, and james w. ellsworth's, by lotto, were also presented. then a controversy opened between the owners of the two last-named portraits, and, rather than extend this, mr. ellsworth withdrew his portrait, with the suggestion that whatever design was decided upon should first be submitted to the artists at the world's fair grounds. this was done, and they severely criticised the madrid picture. notwithstanding this, the design was approved and sent to washington to be engraved. while mr. ellsworth, who is a director of the fair, will not push his portrait to the front in this matter, he regrets that the madrid portrait was selected. he said, "i think that the opinion of the world's fair artists should have had some weight in this matter and that a portrait of authenticity should have been selected." the darkness before discovery. charles sumner, an american lawyer and senator. born in boston, mass., january 6, 1811; died, march 11, 1874. from his "prophetic voices concerning america." by permission of messrs. lee & shepard, publishers, boston. before the voyage of columbus in 1492, nothing of america was really known. scanty scraps from antiquity, vague rumors from the resounding ocean, and the hesitating speculations of science were all that the inspired navigator found to guide him. greatest event. the discovery of america by christopher columbus is the greatest event of secular history. besides the potato, the turkey, and maize, which it introduced at once for the nourishment and comfort of the old world, and also tobacco--which only blind passion for the weed could place in the beneficent group--this discovery opened the door to influences infinite in extent and beneficence. measure them, describe them, picture them, you can not. while yet unknown, imagination invested this continent with proverbial magnificence. it was the orient, and the land of cathay. when, afterward, it took a place in geography, imagination found another field in trying to portray its future history. if the golden age is before, and not behind, as is now happily the prevailing faith, then indeed must america share, at least, if it does not monopolize, the promised good.--_ibid._ the doubts of columbus. prof. david swing, a celebrated american preacher. born in cincinnati in 1830; graduated at miami university in 1852; was for twelve years professor of languages at this university. in 1866 he became pastor of a presbyterian church in chicago. he was tried for heresy in 1874, was acquitted, and then withdrew from the presbyterian church, being now independent of denominational relations. columbus was not a little troubled all through his early life lest there might be over the sea some land greater than spain, a land unused; a garden where flowers came and went unseen for ages, and where gold sparkled in the sand. the error of columbus. from a sermon by prof. swing, printed in chicago _inter ocean_,1892. the present rejoices in the remembrance that columbus was a student, a thinker; that he loved maps and charts; that he was a dreamer about new continents; but after enumerating all these attractive forms of mental activity, it comes with pain upon the thought that he was also a kind of modified pirate. his thoughts and feelings went away from his charts and compasses and touched upon vice and crime. immorality ruins man's thought. let the name be columbus, or aaron burr, or byron, a touch of immorality is the death of thought. "whatsoever things are true, whatsoever things are beautiful, whatsoever things are of good report," these seek, say, and do, but when the man who would discover a continent robs a merchant ship or steals a cargo of slaves, or when a poet teaches gross vulgarity, then the thinker is hemmed and degraded by criminality. it is the glory of our age that it is washing white much of old thought. what is the emancipation of woman but the filtration of old thought? did not columbus study and read and think, and then go out and load his ship with slaves? did not the entire man--man the thinker, the philosopher, the theologian--cover himself with intellectual glory and then load his ship with enslaved womanhood? was not the scholar columbus part pirate? what was in that atmosphere of the fifteenth century which could have given peculiar thoughts to columbus alone? was he alone in his piracy? it is much more certain that the chains that held the negro held also all womanhood. all old thought thus awaited the electric process that should weed ideas from crime. our later years are active in disentangling thought from injustice and vulgarity. the tribute of tasso. torquato tasso, a celebrated italian epic poet. born at sorrento march 11, 1544; died in rome, april, 1595. tu spiegherai, colombo, a un novo polo lontane sì le fortunate antenne, ch'a pena seguirà con gli occhi il volo la fama ch' hà mille occhi e mille penne canti ella alcide, e bacco, e di te solo basti a i posteri tuoi ch' alquanto accenne; chè quel poco darà, lunga memoria di poema degnissima e d'istoria.[58] --gerusalemme liberata, canto xv knowledge of icelandic voyages. bayard taylor, a distinguished american traveler, writer, and poet. born in chester county, pa., in 1825; died at berlin, december 19, 1878. from a description of iceland. it is impossible that the knowledge of these voyages should not have been current in iceland in 1477, when columbus, sailing in a ship from bristol, england, visited the island. as he was able to converse with the priests and learned men in latin, he undoubtedly learned of the existence of another continent to the west and south; and this knowledge, not the mere fanaticism of a vague belief, supported him during many years of disappointment. glory to god. the rev. george l. taylor, an american clergyman of the present century. from "the atlantic telegraph." glory to god above, the lord of life and love! who makes his curtains clouds and waters dark; who spreads his chambers on the deep, while all its armies silence keep; whose hand of old, world-rescuing, steered the ark; who led troy's bands exiled, and genoa's god-like child, and mayflower, grandly wild, and _now_ has guided safe a grander bark; who, from her iron loins, has spun the thread that joins two yearning worlds made one with lightning spark. tennyson's tribute. alfred tennyson, baron tennyson d'eyncourt of aldworth, the poet laureate of england. born, 1809, at somerby, lincolnshire; raised to the peerage in 1883.[59] from his poem, "columbus." there was a glimmering of god's hand. and god hath more than glimmer'd on me. o my lord, i swear to you i heard his voice between the thunders in the black veragua nights, "o soul of little faith, slow to believe, have i not been about thee from thy birth? given thee the keys of the great ocean-sea? set thee in light till time shall be no more? is it i who have deceived thee or the world? endure! thou hast done so well for men, that men cry out against thee; was it otherwise with mine own son?" and more than once in days of doubt and cloud and storm, when drowning hope sank all but out of sight, i heard his voice, "be not cast down. i lead thee by the hand, fear not." and i shall hear his voice again- i know that he has led me all my life, i am not yet too old to work his will- his voice again. sir, in that flight of ages which are god's own voice to justify the dead--perchance spain, once the most chivalric race on earth, spain, then the mightiest, wealthiest realm on earth, so made by me, may seek to unbury me, to lay me in some shrine of this old spain, or in that vaster spain i leave to spain. then some one standing by my grave will say, "behold the bones of christopher colòn, "ay, but the chains, what do _they_ mean--the chains?" i sorrow for that kindly child of spain who then will have to answer, "these same chains bound these same bones back thro' the atlantic sea, which he unchain'd for all the world to come." the golden guess is morning star to the full round of truth.--_ibid._ footnotes: [footnote 30: copyright 1892 and by permission of the author.] [footnote 31: lope de vega has been variously termed the "center of fame," the "darling of fortune," and the "phoenix of the ages," by his admiring compatriots. his was a most fertile brain; his a most fecund pen. a single day sufficed to compose a versified drama.] [footnote 32: by permission of houghton, mifflin & co., publishers.] [footnote 33: for the above particulars and inscription the compiler desires to acknowledge his obligation to the hon. thomas adamson, u. s. consul general at panama, and mr. george w. clamman, the able clerk of the u. s. consulate in the city of colon.] [footnote 34: copernicus has also been so styled.] [footnote 35: señor emilio castelar, the celebrated spanish author and statesman, in his most able series of articles on columbus in the _century magazine_, derides the fact of an actual mutiny as a convenient fable which authors and dramatists have clothed with much choice diction.] [footnote 36: galileo, the great italian natural philosopher, is here referred to by the author.] [footnote 37: by permission of houghton, mifflin & co., publishers.] [footnote 38: by permission of messrs. ginn & co., publishers.] [footnote 39: the rock of gibraltar is referred to.] [footnote 40: the location of the church at old isabella has been exactly determined, and a noble monument (fully described in these pages) has been erected there under the auspices of the _sacred heart review_ of boston.] [footnote 41: since changed to a life-size statue of columbus.] [footnote 42: a replica is erected in boston.] [footnote 43: copyright, 1892, by permission of the publishers.] [footnote 44: copyright, 1892, by harper & brothers.] [footnote 45: copyright, and by permission of chas. scribner's sons, publishers, new york.] [footnote 46: copyright, 1892, by harper & brothers.] [footnote 47: docuit quae maximus atlas. hic canit errantem lernam, solisque labores. _virgil, æneid_, i, 741.] [footnote 48: navarrete thought that turk island was the island, the most southern of the bahama group, because he erroneously assumed that columbus always shaped a westerly course in sailing from island to island; and turk island, being farthest east, would give most room for such a course. this island has large lagoons, and is surrounded by a reef. so far it resembles guanahani. but the second island, according to navarrete, is caicos, bearing w. n. w., while the second island of columbus bore s. w. from the first. the third island of columbus was in sight from the second. inagua chica (little inagua), navarrete's third island, is not in sight from caicos. the third island of columbus was 60 miles long. inagua chica is only 12 miles long. the fourth island of columbus bore east from the third. inagua grande (great inagua), navarrete's fourth island, bears southwest from inagua chica. cat island was the landfall advocated by washington irving and humboldt, mainly on the ground that it was called san salvador on the west india map in blaeu's dutch atlas of 1635. but this was done for no known reason but the caprice of the draughtsman. d'anville copied from blaeu in 1746, and so the name got into some later atlases. cat island does not meet a single one of the requirements of the case. guanahani had a reef round it, and a large lagoon in the center. cat island has no reef and no lagoon. guanahani was low; cat island is the loftiest of the bahamas. the two islands could not be more different. of course, in conducting columbus from cat island to cuba, washington irving is obliged to disregard all the bearings and distances given in the journal.] [footnote 49: the cross-staff had not then come into use, and it was never of much service in low latitudes.] [footnote 50: it was also resolved to establish in the city of washington a latin-american memorial library, wherein should be collected all the historical, geographical, and literary works, maps, and manuscripts, and official documents relating to the history and civilization of america, _such library to be solemnly dedicated on the day on which the united states celebrates the fourth centennial of the discovery of america_.] [footnote 51: published by a. c. mcclurg & co., chicago.] [footnote 52: copyright, 1892, by harper & brothers.] [footnote 53: note.--those marked * were left behind, in the fort, at la navidad, and perished there.] [footnote 54: note.--the names of the crew are on the madrid monument.] [footnote 55: randolph rogers, an american sculptor of eminence, was born in waterloo, n. y., in 1825; died at rome, in the same state, aged sixty-seven, january 14, 1892.] [footnote 56: mr. george sumner, a painstaking investigator, states that after diligent search he is unable to find any other inscription to the memory of columbus in the whole of spain. at valladolid, where he died, and where his body lay for some years, there is none, so far as he could discover; neither is there any trace of any at the cartuja, near seville, to which his body was afterward transferred, and in which his brother was buried. it is (he writes in 1871) a striking confirmation of the reproach of negligence, in regard to the memory of this great man, that, in this solitary inscription in old spain, the date of his death should be inaccurately given.--major's "letters of columbus," 1871. (the madrid and barcelona statues were erected in 1885 and 1888 respectively.)--s. c. w.] [footnote 57: since writing this the lotto portrait has been selected.] [footnote 58: for an english metrical translation, see _post_, wiffen.] [footnote 59: died at aldworth october 6, 1892.] new york celebrated the tercentenary. the managers of the world's columbian exposition have prided themselves upon being the first to celebrate any anniversary of the columbian discovery, but this credit really belongs to the tammany society of new york, and the second place of honor belongs to the massachusetts historical society of boston. the tammany society met in the great wigwam on the 12th day of october, 1792 (old style), and exhibited a monumental obelisk, and an animated oration was delivered by j. b. johnson, esq. the massachusetts historical society met at the house of the rev. dr. peter thacher, in boston, the 23d day of october, 1792, and, forming in procession, proceeded to the meeting-house in brattle street, where a discourse was delivered by the rev. jeremy belknap upon the subject of the "discovery of america by christopher columbus." he gave a concise and comprehensive narrative of the most material circumstances which led to, attended, or were consequent on the discovery of america. the celebration commenced with an anthem. mr. thacher made an excellent prayer. part of a psalm was then sung, and then mr. belknap delivered his discourse, which was succeeded by a prayer from mr. eliot. mr. thacher then read an ode composed for the occasion by mr. belknap, which was sung by the choir. this finished the ceremony. the facts were brought to light by world's fair commissioner john boyd thacher, new york. the account is taken from "a journal of a gentleman visiting boston in 1792." the writer is said to have been nathaniel cutting, a native of brookline, mass., and who, in the following year, was appointed by washington, upon the recommendation of thomas jefferson, on a mission to the dey of algiers. it is interesting to note that the massachusetts historical society, in assuming to correct the old style date, october 12th, was guilty of the error of dropping two unnecessary days. it dropped eleven days from the calendar instead of nine, and at a subsequent meeting it determined to correct the date to october 21st, "and that thereafter all celebrations of the columbian discovery should fall on the 21st day of october." the proclamation of the president establishing october 21st as the day of general observance of the anniversary of the columbian discovery, and the passage of senator hill's bill fixing the date for the dedication of the buildings at chicago, it is believed will forevermore fix october 21st as the columbian day. columbus' supreme suspense. maurice thompson, an american poet and novelist. born at fairfield, ind., september 9, 1844. from his "byways and bird-notes." what a thrill is dashed through a moment of expectancy, a point of supreme suspense, when by some time of preparation the source of sensation is ready for a consummation --a catastrophe! at such a time one's soul is isolated so perfectly that it feels not the remotest influence from any other of all the universe. the moment preceding the old patriarch's first glimpse of the promised land; that point of time between certainty and uncertainty, between pursuit and capture, whereinto are crowded all the hopes of a lifetime, as when the brave old sailor from genoa first heard the man up in the rigging utter the shout of discovery; the moment of awful hope, like that when napoleon watched the charge of the old guard at waterloo, is not to be described. there is but one such crisis for any man. it is the yes or no of destiny. it comes, he lives a lifetime in its span; it goes, and he never can pass that point again. great west. henry david thoreau, an american author and naturalist. born in concord, mass., in 1817; died, 1862. from his "excursions," published by houghton, mifflin & co. every sunset which i witness inspires me with the desire to go to a west as distant and as far as that into which the sun goes down. he appears to migrate westward daily, and tempt us to follow him. he is the great western pioneer whom the nations follow. we dream all night of those mountain ridges in the horizon, though they may be of vapor only, which were last gilded by his rays. the island of atlantis, and the islands and gardens of the hesperides, a sort of terrestrial paradise, appear to have been the great west of the ancients, enveloped in mystery and poetry. who has not seen in imagination, when looking into the sunset sky, the gardens of the hesperides, and the foundation of all those fables? [illustration: harper's weekly. copyright, 1892, by harper & brothers. the landing of columbus. bas-relief on the new york monument. (see page 244.)] columbus felt the westward tendency more strongly than any before. he obeyed it, and found a new world for castille and leon. the herd of men in those days scented fresh pastures from afar. and now the sun had stretched out all the hills, and now was dropped into the western bay; at last _he_ rose, and twitched his mantle blue; to-morrow to fresh woods and pastures new. the route to the spice indies. paolo del pozzo toscanelli, a celebrated italian astronomer. born at florence, 1397; died, 1482. from a letter to columbus in 1474. i praise your desire to navigate toward the west; the expedition you wish to undertake is not easy, but the route from the west coasts of europe to the spice indies is certain if the tracks i have marked be followed. a visit to palos. george alfred townsend. in a letter to the philadelphia _times_. from one of the hillocks behind the hotel at huelva you can see in the distance east rábida, palos, moguer, san juan del porto, and the sea, where the three birds of good omen went skimming past in the vague morning light 400 years ago, lest they might be seen by the portuguese. columbus means dove, and the arms of columbus contained three doves. from huelva i sailed to rábida first. rábida is on the last point of the promontory, nearest the sea, and palos is inland from it three miles north, and is near half a mile from the tinto. passing down the oozy odiel, we soon saw a watering place on the beach outside just where columbus put to sea. we could also see the scaffolding around the columbus monument they were building by rábida. after inspecting the convent at rábida, i bade my skipper wait for flood tide to sail round to palos, while i proceeded by land. they brought me at palos an old man who was extremely polite, but not one word could we understand of each other, until finally i took him by the arm and walked him in the direction of the church, whereupon suppressed exclamations of delight broke forth; the american savage had guessed the old man out. in point of fact, this old man was waiting all the time to take me to the church, and was the father of the boy behind whom i had ridden. between the church and the beach rose a high hillock covered with grass, and as high as the church tower. in old times this was a mosque of military work, and it had not very long been christian when columbus came here; possibly it had been christian in his day 150 years. it stands quite alone, is of rude construction, and has at the back of it some few graves--perhaps of priests. in the back part is a very good moorish arch, which they still show with admiration. the front proper has a big door, barred strongly, as if the church might have been in piratical times a place of refuge for the population up in the hills. to the right of the entrance is the tower, which is buttressed, and its spire is made of blue and colored tiles, which have thoroughly kept their colors. a bell in this tower may have rung the inhabitants to church when columbus announced that he meant to impress the palos people to assist him in his voyage. i entered the church, which was all whitewashed, and felt, as i did at rábida, that it was a better monument than i had reason to expect. its walls were one yard thick, its floors of tiles laid in an l form. as i measured the floor it seemed to me to be sixty-six feet wide and sixty-six feet long, but to the length must be added the altar chapel, bringing it up to ninety feet, and to the width must be added the side chapels, making the total width about eighty feet. the nave has a sharper arched top than the two aisles, which have round arches. the height of the roof is about thirty-five feet. the big door by which i entered the church is fifteen feet high by eight feet wide. some very odd settees which i coveted were in the nave. the chief feature, however, is the pulpit, which stands at the cross of the church, so that persons gathered in the transepts, nave, or aisles can hear the preacher. it has an iron pulpit of a round form springing from one stem and railed in, and steps lead up to it which are inclosed. it looks old, and worn by human hands, and is supposed to be the identical pulpit from which the notary announced that, as a punishment of their offenses, the queen's subjects must start with this unknown man upon his unknown venture. those were high times in palos, and it took columbus a long while to get his expedition ready, and special threats as of high treason had to be made against the heads of families and women. but when columbus returned, and the same day pinzon came back after their separation of weeks, palos church was full of triumph and hosannas. the wild man had been successful, and spain found another world than the apostle knew of. the grown boy, as he showed the building, went into an old lumber room, or dark closet, at one corner of the church, and when i was about to enter he motioned me back with his palm, as if i might not enter there with my heretic feet. he then brought out an image of wood from four to five feet high, or, i might say, the full size of a young woman. it was plain that she had once been the virgin worshiped here, but age and moisture had taken most of the color from her, and washed the gilt from her crown, and now we could only see that in her arm she bore a child, and this child held in its hand a dove or pigeon. the back of the female was hollow, and in there were driven hooks by which she had once been suspended at some height. this was the image, i clearly understood, which columbus' men had knelt to when they were about to go forth upon the high seas. strangely enough, the church is named st. george, and st. george was the patron saint of genoa, where columbus was born; and the genoese who took the crusaders to jaffa had the satisfaction of seeing england annex their patron saint. bible. the rev. luther tracy townsend, d. d., an american divine. born at orono, maine, september 27, 1838. from "the bible and the nineteenth century." when luther in the sixteenth century brought the truths of the bible from the convent of erfurth, and gave them to the people, he roused to mental and moral life not only the slumbering german nationality, but gave inspiration to every other country in europe. "gutenburg with his printing press, columbus with his compass, galileo with his telescope, shakspere with his dramas, and almost every other man of note figuring during those times, are grouped, not around some distinguished man of science, or man of letters, or man of mechanical genius, or man famous in war; but around that monk of wittenberg, who stood with an unchained bible in his hand." testimony of a contemporary as to the treatment of columbus. from a letter of angelo trivigiano, of granada, spain, dated august 1, 1501. i have seen so much of columbus that we are now on a footing of great friendship. he is experiencing at present a streak of bad luck, being deprived of the king's favor, and with but little money. the valparaiso statue. at valparaiso, chili, a bronze statue of columbus has been erected on a marble pedestal. the figure, which is of heroic size, stands in an advancing attitude, holding a cross in the right hand. columbus and the egg. dr. p. h. van der weyde. in an article in the _scientific american_, june, 1892. the stupid anecdote of the egg was a mere trifling invention, in fact a trick, and it is surprising that intelligent men have for so many years thoughtlessly been believing and repeating such nonsense. for my part, i can not believe that columbus did ever lower himself so far as to compare the grand discovery to a trick. surely it was no trick by which he discovered a new world, but it was the result of his earnest philosophical convictions that our earth is a globe, floating in space, and it could be circumnavigated by sailing westward, which most likely would lead to the discovery of new lands in the utterly unknown hemisphere beyond the western expanse of the great and boisterous atlantic ocean; while thus far no navigator ever had the courage to sail toward its then utterly unknown, apparently limitless, western expanse. the man of the church. padre giocchino ventura, an eloquent italian preacher and theologian. born at palermo, 1792; died at versailles, august, 1861. columbus is the man of the church. attendant fame shall bless. the venerable george waddington, dean of durham, an english divine and writer. died, july 20, 1869. from a poem read in cambridge in 1813. and when in happier days one chain shall bind, one pliant fetter shall unite mankind; when war, when slav'ry's iron days are o'er, when discords cease and av'rice is no more, and with one voice remotest lands conspire, to hail our pure religion's seraph fire; then fame attendant on the march of time, fed by the incense of each favored clime, shall bless the man whose heav'n-directed soul form'd the vast chain which binds the mighty whole. * * * * * columbus continued till death eager to extend his discoveries, and by so doing to promote the glory of his persecutors. vanderlyn's picture at washington. the first of the eight pictures in the rotunda of the capitol at washington, d. c., and the first in point of event, is the "landing of columbus at san salvador in 1492," by john vanderlyn; its cost was $12,000. this picture represents the scene washington irving so admirably describes in his "voyages of columbus," occurring the morning the boats brought the little spanish band from the ships to the shore of guanahani. "columbus first threw himself upon his knees; then, rising, drew his sword, displayed the royal standard, and, assembling around him the two captains, with rodrigo de escobedo, notary of the armament; rodrigo sanchez (the royal inspector), and the rest who had landed, he took solemn possession of the island in the name of the castilian sovereigns." the picture contains the picture of columbus, the two pinzons, escobedo, all bearing standards; sanchez, inspector; diego de arana, with an old-fashioned arquebus on his shoulder; a cabin-boy kneeling, a mutineer in a suppliant attitude, a sailor in an attitude of veneration for columbus, a soldier whose attention is diverted by the appearance of the natives, and a friar bearing a crucifix. columbus statue at washington, d. c. the columbus statue stands at the east-central portico of the capitol, at washington, d. c., above the south end of the steps, on an elevated block. it consists of a marble group, by signor persico, called "the discovery," on which he worked five years, and is composed of two figures: columbus holding the globe in his hand, triumphant, while beside him, wondering, almost terror-stricken, is a female figure, symbolizing the indian race. the suit of armor worn by columbus is said to be a faithful copy of one he actually wore. the group cost $24,000. the watling's island monument raised by the chicago "herald." with true chicago enterprise, the wideawake chicago _herald_ dispatched an expedition to the west indies in 1891 to search out the landing place of columbus. the members of the party, after careful search and inquiry, erected a monument fifteen feet high on watling's island bearing the following inscription: on this spot christopher columbus first set foot on the soil of the new world. * * * erected by the chicago _herald_, june 15, 1891. * * * columbus. for the festival at huelva. _á castillo, y á leon nuevo mundo dió colon._ theodore watts, in the _athenæum_ (england). to christ he cried to quell death's deafening measure, sung by the storm to death's own chartless sea; to christ he cried for glimpse of grass or tree when, hovering o'er the calm, death watch'd at leisure; and when he showed the men, now dazed with pleasure, faith's new world glittering star-like on the lee, "i trust that by the help of christ," said he, "i presently shall light on golden treasure." what treasure found he? chains and pains and sorrow. yea, all the wealth those noble seekers find whose footfalls mark the music of mankind. 'twas his to lend a life; 'twas man's to borrow; 'twas his to make, but not to share, the morrow, who in love's memory lives this morn enshrined. west indian statues. cardenas, cuba.--at cardenas, cuba, a statue by piguer of madrid has been erected by a cuban lady, an authoress, and wife of a former governor. [illustration: statue of columbus in the courtyard of the captain-general's palace, havana, cuba (see page 313.)] cathedral of havana, cuba.--in the cathedral of havana there is a plain marble bas-relief, about four feet high, representing in a medallion a very apocryphal portrait of columbus, with an inscription as follows: _o restos é ymajen del grande colon! mil siglos durad guardados en la urna y en la remembranza de nuestra nacion._ (o remains and image of the great columbus! for a thousand ages endure guarded within this urn and in the remembrance of our nation.) proposed tomb--havana cathedral.--in february, 1891, by royal decree, all spanish artists were invited to compete for a design for a sepulcher in which to preserve the havana remains of columbus; several were submitted to a jury, who awarded the first prize to arthur melida, with a premium of $5,000. the sepulcher is now being erected in the cathedral. the design represents a bier covered with a heavily embroidered pall, borne upon the shoulders of four heralds, in garments richly carved to resemble lace and embroidered work. the two front figures bear scepters surmounted by images of the madonna and st. james, the patron saint of spain. on the front of their garments are the arms of castille and leon. the two bearers represent aragon and navarre, the former being indicated by four red staffs on a gold field, and the fourth has gold-linked chains on a red field. the group is supported on a pedestal ornamented about its edge with a greek fret. havana, cuba.--in the court-yard of the captain-general's palace, in havana, is a full-length figure of columbus, the face modeled after accepted portraits at madrid. havana, cuba.--in the inclosure of the "templete," the little chapel on the site of which the first mass was celebrated in cuba, there is a bust of columbus which has the solitary merit of being totally unlike all others. nassau.--at nassau, in the bahamas, a statue of christopher columbus stands in front of government house. the statue, which is nine feet high, is placed upon a pedestal six feet in altitude, on the north or seaward face of which is inscribed: columbus, 1492. it was presented to the colony by sir james carmichael smyth, governor of the bahamas, 1829-1833, was modeled in london in 1831, is made of metal and painted white, and was erected may, 1832. santo domingo cathedral.--above the _boveda_, or vault, in the cathedral of santo domingo, from which the remains of columbus were taken in 1877, is a marble slab with the following: _reposaron en este sitio los restos de don cristobal colon el célebre descrubridor del nuevo mundo, desde el año de 1536, en que fueron trasladados de españa, hasta el 10 de setiembre 1877, en que se desenterraron para constatar su autenticidad. y á posteridad la dedica el presbitero billini._ (there reposed in this place the remains of christopher columbus, the celebrated discoverer of the new world, from the year 1536, in which they were transferred from spain, until the 10th september, 1877, in which year they were disinterred for the purpose of identification. dedicated to posterity by padre billini) (curate in charge when the vault was opened.) in the cathedral there is also preserved a large cross of mahogany, rough and uneven, as though hewn with an adze out of a log, and then left in the rough. this, it is claimed, is the cross made by columbus and erected on the opposite bank of the ozama river, where the first settlement in the west indies was made. in a little room by itself they keep a leaden casket, which santo domingoans claim contains the bones of christopher columbus, and, in another, those of his brother. plaza of santo domingo.--humboldt once wrote that america could boast of no worthy monument to its discoverer, but since his time many memorials have been erected, not only in the new world, but the old. in the plaza in front of the cathedral, in the city of santo domingo, stands a statue, heroic, in bronze, representing columbus pointing to the westward. crouched at his feet is the figure of a female indian, supposed to be the unfortunate anacaona, the caciquess of xaragua, tracing an inscription: _yllustre y esclarecido varon don cristoval colon._ the statue was cast in france, a few years ago, and stands in the center of the plaza, in front of the cathedral. columbus lord north's "bête noir." edwin percy whipple, a distinguished american critic and essayist. born at gloucester, mass., 1819; died, june 16, 1886. lord north more than once humorously execrated the memory of columbus for discovering a continent which gave him and his ministry so much trouble. hardy mariners have become great heroes. daniel appleton white, a distinguished american jurist and scholar. born at lawrence, mass., june 7, 1776; died, march 30, 1861. hardy seamen, too, who have spent their days in conflict with the storms of the ocean, have found means to make themselves distinguished in science and literature, as well as by achievements in their profession. the life of columbus gloriously attests this fact. tasso's tribute in english spenserian stanza. jeremiah holmes wiffen, an english writer and translator. born at woburn, 1792. many years librarian and private secretary to the duke of bedford. died, 1836. from his translation of tasso's "jerusalem delivered" (1830). (see _ante_, tasso.) canto xv. xxx. the time shall come when ship-boys e'en shall scorn to have alcides' fable on their lips, seas yet unnamed and realms unknown adorn your charts, and with their fame your pride eclipse; then the bold argo of all future ships shall circumnavigate and circle sheer whate'er blue tethys in her girdle clips, victorious rival of the sun's career, and measure e'en of earth the whole stupendous sphere. xxxi. a genoese knight shall first the idea seize and, full of faith, the untracked abyss explore. no raving winds, inhospitable seas, thwart planets, dubious calms, or billows' roar, nor whatso'er of risk or toil may more terrific show or furiously assail, shall make that mighty mind of his give o'er the wonderful adventure, or avail in close abyla's bounds his spirit to impale. xxxii. 'tis thou, columbus, in new zones and skies, that to the wind thy happy sails must raise, till fame shall scarce pursue thee with her eyes, though she a thousand eyes and wings displays; let her of bacchus and alcides praise the savage feats, and do thy glory wrong with a few whispers tossed to after days; these shall suffice to make thy memory long in history's page endure, or some divinest song. noah and columbus. emma hart willard, an american teacher and educational writer. born at berlin, conn., 1787; died, 1870. since the time when noah left the ark to set his foot upon a recovered world, a landing so sublime as that of columbus had never occurred. a grand prophetic vision. the rev. elhanan winchester, an american divine. born at brookline, mass., 1751; died, 1797. from an oration delivered in london, october 12, 1792, the 300th anniversary of the landing of columbus in the new world. the orator, previous to a call to a pastorate in london, had lived many years in america, being at one time pastor of a large church in the city of philadelphia. this oration should be prized, so to speak, for its "ancient simplicity." it is a relic of the style used in addresses one hundred years ago. i have for some years had it upon my mind that if providence preserved my life to the close of the third century from the discovery of america by columbus, that i would celebrate that great event by a public discourse upon the occasion. and although i sincerely wish that some superior genius would take up the subject and treat it with the attention that it deserves, yet, conscious as i am of my own inability, i am persuaded that america has not a warmer friend in the world than myself. the discovery of america by columbus was situated, in point of time, between two great events, which have caused it to be much more noticed, and have rendered it far more important than it would otherwise have been. i mean _the art of printing_, which was discovered about the year 1440, and which has been and will be of infinite use to mankind, and _the reformation_ from popery, which began about the year 1517, the effects of which have already been highly beneficial in a political as well as in a religious point of view, and will continue and increase. these three great events--_the art of printing_, the discovery of america, and _the reformation_--followed each other in quick succession; and, combined together, have already produced much welfare and happiness to mankind, and certainly will produce abundance more. * * * * * by the discovery of america there was much room given to the inhabitants of the old world; an asylum was prepared for the persecuted of all nations to fly to for safety, and a grand theater was erected where liberty might safely lift up her standard, and triumph over all the foes of freedom. america may be called _the very birthplace of civil and religious liberty_, which had never been known to mankind until since the discovery of that country. but the importance of the discovery will appear greater and greater every year, and one century to come will improve america far more than the three centuries past. the prospect opens; it extends itself upon us. "the wilderness and solitary place shall rejoice, the desert shall rejoice and blossom as the rose." i look forward to that glorious era when that vast continent shall be fully populated with civilized and religious people; when heavenly wisdom and virtue, and all that can civilize, adorn, and bless the children of men, shall cover that part of the globe as the waters cover the seas. transported at the thought, i am borne forward to days of distant renown. in my expanded view, the united states rise in all their ripened glory before me. i look through and beyond every yet peopled region of the new world, and behold period still brightening upon period. where one contiguous depth of gloomy wilderness now shuts out even the beams of day, i see new states and empires, new seats of wisdom and knowledge, new religious domes, spreading around. in places now untrod by any but savage beasts, or men as savage as they, i hear the voice of happy labor, and behold beautiful cities rising to view. lo, in this happy picture, i behold the native indian exulting in the works of peace and civilization; his bloody hatchet he buries deep under ground, and his murderous knife he turns into a pruning fork, to lop the tender vine and teach the luxuriant shoot to grow. no more does he form to himself a heaven after death (according to the poet), in company with his faithful dog, behind the cloud-topped hill, to enjoy solitary quiet, far from the haunts of faithless men; but, better instructed by christianity, he views his everlasting inheritance--"a house not made with hands, eternal in the heavens." instead of recounting to his offspring, round the blazing fire, the bloody exploits of their ancestors, and wars of savage death, showing barbarous exultation over every deed of human woe, methinks i hear him pouring forth his eulogies of praise, in memory of those who were the instruments of heaven in raising his tribes from darkness to light, in giving them the blessings of civilized life, and converting them from violence and blood to meekness and love. behold the whole continent highly cultivated and fertilized, full of cities, towns, and villages, beautiful and lovely beyond expression. i hear the praises of my great creator sung upon the banks of those rivers unknown to song. behold the delightful prospect! see the silver and gold of america employed in the service of the lord of the whole earth! see slavery, with all its train of attendant evil, forever abolished! see a communication opened through the whole continent, from north to south, and from east to west, through a most fruitful country! behold the glory of god extending, and the gospel spreading, through the whole land! o my native country! though i am far distant from thy peaceful shores, which probably mine eyes may never more behold, yet i can never forget thee. may thy great creator bless thee, and make thee a happy land, while thy rivers flow and thy mountains endure. and, though he has spoken nothing plainly in his word concerning thee, yet has he blest thee abundantly, and given thee good things in possession, and a prospect of more glorious things in time to come. his name shall be known, feared, and loved through all thy western regions, and to the utmost bounds of thy vast extensive continent. o america! land of liberty, peace, and plenty, in thee i drew my first breath, in thee all my kindred dwell. i beheld thee in thy lowest state, crushed down under misfortunes, struggling with poverty, war, and disgrace. i have lived to behold thee free and independent, rising to glory and extensive empire, blessed with all the good things of this life, and a happy prospect of better things to come. i can say, "lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation," which thou hast made known to my native land, in the sight, and to the astonishment, of all the nations of the earth. i die; but god will surely visit america, and make it a vast flourishing and extensive empire; will take it under his protection, and bless it abundantly--but the prospect is too glorious for my pen to describe. i add no more. [illustration: statue of columbus, in fairmount park, philadelphia. presented by italian citizens. (see page 281.)] de mortuis, nil nisi bonum. justin winsor, a celebrated american critical historian. born, 1831. no man craves more than columbus to be judged with all the palliations demanded of his own age and ours. it would have been well for his memory if he had died when his master work was done. * * * * * his discovery was a blunder; his blunder was a new world; the new world is his monument. on a portrait of columbus. george e. woodberry, in the _century magazine_, may, 1892. by permission of the author and the century company. was this his face, and these the finding eyes that plucked a new world from the rolling seas? who, serving christ, whom most he sought to please, willed his one thought until he saw arise man's other home and earthly paradise- his early vision, when with stalwart knees he pushed the boat from his young olive trees and sailed to wrest the secret of the skies? he on the waters dared to set his feet, and through believing planted earth's last race. what faith in man must in our new world beat, thinking how once he saw before his face the west and all the host of stars retreat into the silent infinite of space. greatest achievement. joseph emerson worcester, a celebrated american lexicographer. born at bedford, n. h., 1758; died, 1865. the discovery of america was the greatest achievement of the kind ever performed by man; and, considered in connection with its consequences, it is the greatest event of modern times. it served to wake up the unprecedented spirit of enterprise; it opened new sources of wealth, and exerted a powerful influence on commerce by greatly increasing many important articles of trade, and also by bringing into general use others before unknown; by leading to the discovery of the rich mines of this continent, it has caused the quantity of the precious metals in circulation throughout the world to be exceedingly augmented; it also gave a new impulse to colonization, and prepared the way for the advantages of civilized life and the blessings of =christianity= to be extended over vast regions which before were the miserable abodes of barbarism and pagan idolatry. the man to whose genius and enterprise the world is indebted for this discovery was christopher columbus of genoa. he conceived that in order to complete the balance of the terraqueous globe another continent necessarily existed, which might be reached by sailing to the west from europe; but he erroneously connected it with india. being persuaded of the truth of his theory, his adventurous spirit made him eager to verify it by experiment. the fate of discoverers. it is remarkable how few of the eminent men of the discoverers and conquerors of the new world died in peace. columbus died broken-hearted; roldan and bobadilla were drowned; ojeda died in extreme poverty; encisco was deposed by his own men; nicuesa perished miserably by the cruelty of his party; balboa was disgracefully beheaded; narvaez was imprisoned in a tropical dungeon, and afterward died of hardship; cortez was dishonored; alvarado was destroyed in ambush; pizarro was murdered, and his four brothers cut off; sir walter raleigh was beheaded by an ungrateful king; the noble and adventurous robert la salle, the explorer of the mississippi valley, was murdered by his mutinous crew; sir martin frobisher died of a wound received at brest; sir humphrey gilbert, raleigh's noble half-brother, "as near to god by sea as by land," sank with the crew of the little squirrel in the deep green surges of the north atlantic; sir francis drake, "the terror of the spanish main," and the explorer of the coast of california, died of disease near puerto bello, in 1595. the frozen wilds of the north hold the bones of many an intrepid explorer. franklin and bellot there sleep their last long sleep. the bleak snow-clad _tundra_ of the lena delta saw the last moments of the gallant de long. afric's burning sands have witnessed many a martyrdom to science and religion. livingston, hannington, gordon, jamieson, and barttelot are golden names on the ghastly roll. australia's scrub-oak and blue-gum plains have contributed their quota of the sad and sudden deaths on the earth-explorers' roll. columbus and columbia. columbia. hail, columbia! happy land! hail, ye heroes! heaven-born band! _joseph hopkinson_, 1770-1842. and ne'er shall the sons of columbia be slaves, while the earth bears a plant, or the sea rolls its waves. _robert treat paine_, 1772-1811. columbia, columbia, to glory arise. the queen of the world, and child of the skies! thy genius commands thee; with rapture behold while ages on ages thy splendors unfold. _timothy dwight_, 1752-1817. columbia american futurity. john adams, second president of the united states. born october 19, 1735; died july 4, 1826. a prospect into futurity in america is like contemplating the heavens through the telescopes of herschel. objects stupendous in their magnitudes and motions strike us from all quarters, and fill us with amazement. america the old world. louis jean rodolophe agassiz, the distinguished naturalist. born in motier, near the lake of neufchâtel, switzerland, in 1807; died at cambridge, mass., december 14, 1873. from his "geological sketches." by permission of messrs. houghton, mifflin & co., publishers, boston. first-born among the continents, though so much later in culture and civilization than some of more recent birth, america, so far as her physical history is concerned, has been falsely denominated the _new world_. hers was the first dry land lifted out of the waters, hers the first shore washed by the ocean that enveloped all the earth beside; and while europe was represented only by islands rising here and there above the sea, america already stretched an unbroken line of land from nova scotia to the far west. discovery of the bird of washington. john james audubon, an american ornithologist. born in louisiana may 4, 1780. died in new york january, 1851. from his "adventures and discoveries." my commercial expeditions, rich in attraction for scientific observation, were attended also with the varied pleasures which delight a passenger on the waters of the glorious mississippi. fresh scenes are continually disclosed by the frequent windings of the river, as you speed along its rapid current. thousands of birds in the adjacent woods gratify the ear with their sweet mellow notes, or dazzle the sight, as in their gorgeous attire they flash by. it was while ascending the upper mississippi, during the month of february, 1814, that i first caught sight of the beautiful bird of washington. my delight was extreme. not even herschel, when he discovered the planet which bears his name, could have experienced more rapturous feelings. convinced that the bird was extremely rare, if not altogether unknown, i felt particularly anxious to learn its species. i next observed it whilst engaged in collecting cray fish on one of the flats of the green river, at its junction with the ohio, where it is bounded by a range of high cliffs. i felt assured, by certain indications, that the bird frequented that spot. seated about a hundred yards from the foot of the rock, i eagerly awaited its appearance as it came to visit its nest with food for its young. i was warned of its approach by the loud hissing of the eaglets, which crawled to the extremity of the cavity to seize the prey--a fine fish. presently the female, always the larger among rapacious birds, arrived, bearing also a fish. with more shrewd suspicion than her mate, glaring with her keen eye around, she at once perceived the nest had been discovered. immediately dropping her prey, with a loud shriek she communicated the alarm, when both birds, soaring aloft, kept up a growling to intimidate the intruders from their suspected design. [illustration: from harper's weekly. copyright, 1892, by harper & brothers part of columbus statue, new york monument. (see page 244.)] not until two years later was i gratified by the capture of this magnificent bird. considering the bird the noblest of its kind, i dignified it with the great name to which this country owed her salvation, and which must be imperishable therefore among her people. like the eagle, washington was brave; like it, he was the terror of his foes, and his fame, extending from pole to pole, resembles the majestic soarings of the mightiest of the feathered tribe. america, proud of her washington, has also reason to be so of her great eagle. one vast western continent. sir edwin arnold, c. s. i., an english poet and journalist. born, june 10, 1832. i reserve as the destiny of these united states the control of all the lands to the south, of the whole of the south american continent. petty troubles will die away, and all will be yours. in south america alone there is room for 500,000,000 more people. some day it will have that many, and all will acknowledge the government at washington. we in england will not grudge you this added power. it is rightfully yours. with the completion of the canal across the isthmus of nicaragua you must have control of it, and of all the surrounding egypt of the new world. the rising of the western star. (anonymous.) land of the mighty! through the nations thy fame shall live and travel on; and all succeeding generations shall bless the name of washington. while year by year new triumphs bringing, the sons of freedom shall be singing- ever happy, ever free, land of light and liberty. columbus, on his dauntless mission, beheld his lovely isle afar; did he not see, in distant vision, the rising of this western star- this queen, who now, in state befitting, between two ocean floods is sitting? ever happy, ever free, land of light and liberty. the american flag. henry ward beecher, a distinguished american writer and preacher. born in litchfield, conn., june 24, 1813; died, march 8, 1887, in brooklyn, n. y. from his "patriotic addresses." by permission of messrs. fords, howard & hulbert, publishers, new york. when a man of thoughtful mind sees a nation's flag, he sees not the flag only, but the nation itself; and whatever may be its symbols, he reads chiefly in the flag the government, the principles, the truth, the history, which belong to the nation which sets it forth. when the french tricolor rolls out to the wind, we see france. when the newfound italian flag is unfurled, we see italy restored. when the other three-cornered hungarian flag shall be lifted to the wind, we shall see in it the long-buried, but never dead, principles of hungarian liberty. when the united crosses of st. andrew and st. george on a fiery ground set forth the banner of old england, we see not the cloth merely; there rises up before the mind the noble aspect of that monarchy which, more than any other on the globe, has advanced its banner for liberty, law, and national prosperity. this nation has a banner, too, and wherever it streamed abroad men saw daybreak bursting on their eyes, for the american flag has been the symbol of liberty, and men rejoiced in it. not another flag on the globe had such an errand, or went forth upon the seas carrying everywhere, the world around, such hope for the captive and such glorious tidings. the stars upon it were to the pining nations like the morning stars of god, and the stripes upon it were beams of morning light. as at early dawn the stars stand first, and then it grows light, and then, as the sun advances, that light breaks into banks and streaming lines of color, the glowing red and intense white striving together and ribbing the horizon with bars effulgent, so on the american flag stars and beams of many-colored lights shine out together. and wherever the flag comes, and men behold it, they see in its sacred emblazonry no rampant lion and fierce eagle, but only light, and every fold indicative of liberty. it has been unfurled from the snows of canada to the plains of new orleans; in the halls of the montezumas and amid the solitude of every sea; and everywhere, as the luminous symbol of resistless and beneficent power, it has led the brave to victory and to glory. it has floated over our cradles; let it be our prayer and our struggle that it shall float over our graves. national self-respect. nathaniel s. s. beman, an american presbyterian divine. born in new lebanon, n. y., 1785; died at carbondale, ill., august 8, 1871. for forty years pastor of the first presbyterian church, troy, n. y. the western continent has, at different periods, been the subject of every species of transatlantic abuse. in former days, some of the naturalists of europe told us that everything here was constructed upon a small scale. the frowns of nature were represented as investing the whole hemisphere we inhabit. it has been asserted that the eternal storms which are said to beat upon the brows of our mountains, and to roll the tide of desolation at their bases; the hurricanes which sweep our vales, and the volcanic fires which issue from a thousand flaming craters; the thunderbolts which perpetually descend from heaven, and the earthquakes, whose trepidations are felt to the very center of our globe, have superinduced a degeneracy through all the productions of nature. men have been frightened into intellectual dwarfs, and the beasts of the forest have not attained more than half their ordinary growth. while some of the lines and touches of this picture have been blotted out by the reversing hand of time, others have been added, which have, in some respects, carried the conceit still farther. in later days, and, in some instances, even down to the present period, it has been published and republished from the enlightened presses of the old world, that so strong is the tendency to deterioration on this continent that the descendants of european ancestors are far inferior to the original stock from which they sprang. but inferior in what? in national spirit and patriotic achievement? let the revolutionary conflict--the opening scenes at boston and the catastrophe at yorktown--furnish the reply. let bennington and saratoga support their respective claims. inferior in enterprise? let the sail that whitens every ocean, and the commercial spirit that braves every element and visits every bustling mart, refute the unfounded aspersion. inferior in deeds of zeal and valor for the church? let our missionaries in the bosom of our own forest, in the distant regions of the east, and on the islands of the great pacific, answer the question. inferior in science and letters and the arts? it is true our nation is young; but we may challenge the world to furnish a national maturity which, in these respects, will compare with ours. the character and institutions of this country have already produced a deep impression upon the world we inhabit. what but our example has stricken the chains of despotism from the provinces of south america--giving, by a single impulse, freedom to half a hemisphere? a washington here has created a bolivar there. the flag of independence, which has waved from the summit of our alleghany, has now been answered by a corresponding signal from the heights of the andes. and the same spirit, too, that came across the atlantic wave with the pilgrims, and made the rock of plymouth the corner-stone of freedom, and of this republic, is traveling back to the east. it has already carried its influence into the cabinets of princes, and it is at this moment sung by the grecian bard and emulated by the grecian hero. columbia--a prophecy. st. george best. in kate field's _washington_. puissant land! where'er i turn my eyes i see thy banner strewn upon the breeze; each past achievement only prophesies of triumphs more unheard of. these are shadows yet, but time will write thy name in letters golden as the sun that blazed upon the sight of those who came to worship in the temple of the delphic one. the final stage. henry hugh brackenridge, a writer and politician. born near campbellton, scotland, 1748; died, 1816. from his "rising glory of america," a commencement poem. this is thy praise, america, thy power, thou best of climes by science visited, by freedom blest, and richly stored with all the luxuries of life! hail, happy land, the seat of empire, the abode of kings, the final stage where time shall introduce renowned characters, and glorious works of high invention and of wondrous art, which not the ravages of time shall waste, 'till he himself has run his long career! bright's beatific vision. the right honorable john bright, the celebrated english orator and radical statesman. born at greenbank, rochdale, lancashire, november 16, 1811; died, march 27, 1889. from a speech delivered at birmingham, england, 1862. i have another and a far brighter vision before my gaze. it may be but a vision, but i will cherish it. i see one vast confederation stretching from the frozen north in unbroken line to the glowing south, and from the wild billows of the atlantic westward to the calmer waters of the pacific main; and i see one people and one language, and one faith and one law, and, over all that wide continent, the home of freedom, and a refuge for the oppressed of every race and every clime. brothers across the sea. elizabeth barrett browning, one of the most gifted female poets. born near ledbury, herefordshire, england, in 1807; died at florence, italy, in june, 1861. i heard an angel speak last night, and he said, "write- write a nation's curse for me, and send it over the western sea." i faltered, taking up the word: "not so, my lord! if curses must be, choose another to send thy curse against my brother. for i am bound by gratitude, by love and blood, to brothers of mine across the sea, who stretch out kindly hands to me." "therefore," the voice said, "shalt thou write my curse to-night; from the summits of love a curse is driven, as lightning is from the tops of heaven." the grandeur of destiny. william cullen bryant, an eminent american poet. born at cummington, mass., november 3, 1794; died, june 12, 1878. oh, mother of a mighty race, yet lovely in thy youthful grace! the elder dames, thy haughty peers, admire and hate thy blooming years; with words of shame and taunts of scorn they join thy name. they know not, in their hate and pride, what virtues with thy children bide; how true, how good, thy graceful maids make bright, like flowers, the valley shades; what generous men spring, like thine oaks, by hill and glen; what cordial welcomes greet the guest by the lone rivers of the west; how faith is kept, and truth revered, and man is loved, and god is feared, in woodland homes, and where the solemn ocean foams. oh, fair young mother! on thy brow shall sit a nobler grace than now. deep in the brightness of thy skies, the thronging years in glory rise, and, as they fleet, drop strength and riches at thy feet. american national haste. james bryce, m. p. born at belfast, ireland, may 10, 1838. appointed regius professor of civil law to the university of oxford, england, 1870. from his "american commonwealth." americans seem to live in the future rather than in the present; not that they fail to work while it is called to-day, but that they see the country, not merely as it is, but as it will be twenty, fifty, a hundred years hence, when the seedlings shall have grown to forest trees. time seems too brief for what they have to do, and result always to come short of their desire. one feels as if caught and whirled along in a foaming stream chafing against its banks, such is the passion of these men to accomplish in their own lifetimes what in the past it took centuries to effect. sometimes, in a moment of pause--for even the visitor finds himself infected by the all-pervading eagerness--one is inclined to ask them: "gentlemen, why in heaven's name this haste? you have time enough. no enemy threatens you. no volcano will rise from beneath you. ages and ages lie before you. why sacrifice the present to the future, fancying that you will be happier when your fields teem with wealth and your cities with people? in europe we have cities wealthier and more populous than yours, and we are not happy. you dream of your posterity; but your posterity will look back to yours as the golden age, and envy those who first burst into this silent, splendid nature, who first lifted up their axes upon these tall trees, and lined these waters with busy wharves. why, then, seek to complete in a few decades what the other nations of the world took thousands of years over in the older continents? why do rudely and ill things which need to be done well, seeing that the welfare of your descendants may turn upon them? why, in your hurry to subdue and utilize nature, squander her splendid gifts? why allow the noxious weeds of eastern politics to take root in your new soil, when by a little effort you might keep it pure? why hasten the advent of that threatening day when the vacant spaces of the continent shall all have been filled, and the poverty or discontent of the older states shall find no outlet? you have opportunities such as mankind has never had before, and may never have again. your work is great and noble; it is done for a future longer and vaster than our conceptions can embrace. why not make its outlines and beginnings worthy of these destinies, the thought of which gilds your hopes and elevates your purposes?" [illustration: view of the convent of santa maria de la rábida (huelva), spain, where columbus took refuge. this convent has been restored and preserved as a national museum since 1846. (see pages 17 and 275.)] america's unprecedented growth. edmund burke, an illustrious orator, statesman, and philanthropist. born in dublin, 1730; died, july 9, 1797. to burke's eternal credit and renown be it said, that, had his advice and counsels been listened to, the causes which produced the american revolution would have been removed. i can not prevail on myself to hurry over this great consideration--the value of america to england. it is good for us to be here. we stand where we have an immense view of what is, and what is past. clouds, indeed, and darkness, rest upon the future. let us, however, before we descend from this noble eminence, reflect that this growth of our national prosperity has happened within the short period of the life of man. it has happened within sixty-eight years. there are those alive whose memory might touch the two extremities. for instance, my lord bathurst might remember all the stages of the progress. he was, in 1704, of an age, at least, to be made to comprehend such things. suppose that the angel of this auspicious youth, foreseeing the many virtues which made him one of the most amiable, as he is one of the most fortunate, men of his age, had opened to him in vision, that when, in the fourth generation, the third prince of the house of brunswick had sat twelve years on the throne of that nation, which by the happy issue of moderate and healing councils was to be made great britain, he should see his son, lord chancellor of england, turn back the current of hereditary dignity to its fountain, and raise him to a higher rank of peerage, whilst he enriched the family with a new one. if amidst these bright and happy scenes of domestic honor and prosperity that angel should have drawn up the curtain and unfolded the rising glories of his country; and, whilst he was gazing with admiration on the then commercial grandeur of england, the genius should point out to him a little speck, scarce visible in the mass of the national interest, a small seminal principle, rather than a formed body, and should tell him, "young man, there is america, which at this day serves for little more than to amuse you with stories of savage men and uncouth manners; yet shall, before you taste of death, show itself equal to the whole of that commerce which now attracts the envy of the world. whatever england has been growing to by a progressive increase of improvement, brought in by varieties of people, by succession of civilizing conquests and civilizing settlements in a series of 1,700 years, you shall see as much added to her by america in the course of a single life!" if this state of his country had been foretold to him, would it not have required all the sanguine credulity of youth, and all the fervid glow of enthusiasm, to make him believe it? fortunate man, he has lived to see it! fortunate, indeed, if he live to see nothing to vary the prospect, and cloud the setting of his day! america the continent of the future. emilio castelar, one of spain's most noted orators and statesmen. his masterly articles on columbus in the _century magazine_ alone would insure an international reputation. from a speech in the spanish cortes, 1871. america, and especially saxon america, with its immense virgin territories, with its republic, with its equilibrium between stability and progress, with its harmony between liberty and democracy, is the continent of the future--the immense continent stretched by god between the atlantic and pacific, where mankind may plant, essay, and resolve all social problems. europe has to decide whether she will confound herself with asia, placing upon her lands old altars, and upon the altars old idols, and upon the idols immovable theocracies, and upon the theocracies despotic empires; or whether she will go by labor, by liberty, and by the republic, to co-operate with america in the grand work of universal civilization. noble conceptions. william ellery channing, d. d., a distinguished american unitarian divine, and one of the most eloquent writers america has produced. born at newport, r. i., april 7, 1780; died, october 2, 1842. from an address on "the annexation of texas to the united states." when we look forward to the probable growth of this country; when we think of the millions of human beings who are to spread over our present territory; of the career of improvement and glory opened to this new people; of the impulse which free institutions, if prosperous, may be expected to give to philosophy, religion, science, literature, and arts; of the vast field in which the experiment is to be made; of what the unfettered powers of man may achieve; of the bright page of history which our fathers have filled, and of the advantages under which their toils and virtues have placed us for carrying on their work. when we think of all this, can we help, for a moment, surrendering ourselves to bright visions of our country's glory, before which all the glories of the past are to fade away? is it presumption to say that if just to ourselves and all nations we shall be felt through this whole continent; that we shall spread our language, institutions, and civilization through a wider space than any nation has yet filled with a like beneficent influence? and are we prepared to barter these hopes, this sublime moral empire, for conquests by force? are we prepared to sink to the level of unprincipled nations; to content ourselves with a vulgar, guilty greatness; to adopt in our youth maxims and ends which must brand our future with sordidness, oppression, and shame? why can not we rise to noble conceptions of our destiny? why do we not feel that our work as a nation is to carry freedom, religion, science, and a nobler form of human nature over this continent? and why do we not remember that to diffuse these blessings we must first cherish them in our own borders, and that whatever deeply and permanently corrupts us will make our spreading influence a curse, not a blessing, to this new world? it is a common idea in europe that we are destined to spread an inferior civilization over north america; that our absorption in gain and outward interests mark us out as fated to fall behind the old world in the higher improvements of human nature--in the philosophy, the refinements, the enthusiasm of literature and the arts, which throw a luster round other countries. i am not prophet enough to read our fate. the grand scope of the columbian celebration. the chicago _inter ocean_. the columbian exposition should be an exhibition worthy of the fame of columbus and of the great republic that has taken root in the new world, which the genoese discoverer not only "to castille and to aragon gave," but to the struggling, the oppressed, the aspiring, and the resolute of all humanity in all its conditions. american nationality. rufus choate,, the most eminent advocate of new england. born at essex, mass., october 1, 1799; died at halifax, n. s., july 13, 1858. from an independence day oration delivered in boston. but now there rises colossal the fine sweet spirit of nationality--the nationality of america. see there the pillar of fire which god has kindled, and lighted, and moved, for our hosts and our ages. under such an influence you ascend above the smoke and stir of this small local strife; you tread upon the high places of the earth and of history; you think and feel as an american for america; her power, her eminence, her consideration, her honor are yours; your competitors, like hers, are kings; your home, like hers, is the world; your path, like hers, is on the highway of empires; your charge, her charge, is of generations and ages; your record, her record, is of treaties, battles, voyages, beneath all the constellations; her image--one, immortal, golden--rises on your eye as our western star at evening rises on the traveler from his home; no lowering cloud, no angry river, no lingering spring, no broken crevasse, no inundated city or plantation, no tracts of sand, arid and burning, on that surface, but all blended and softened into one beam of kindred rays, the image, harbinger, and promise of love, hope, and a brighter day. but if you would contemplate nationality as an active virtue, look around you. is not our own history one witness and one record of what it can do? this day, the 4th of july, and all which it stands for--did it not give us these? this glory of the fields of that war, this eloquence of that revolution, this one wide sheet of flame, which wrapped tyrant and tyranny, and swept all that escaped from it away, forever and forever; the courage to fight, to retreat, to rally, to advance, to guard the young flag by the young arm and the young heart's blood, to hold up and hold on till the magnificent consummation crown the work--were not all these imparted or inspired by this imperial sentiment. look at it! it has kindled us to no aims of conquest. it has involved us in no entangling alliances. it has kept our neutrality dignified and just. the victories of peace have been our prized victories. but the larger and truer grandeur of the nations, for which they are created, and for which they must one day, before some tribunal, give account, what a measure of these it has enabled us already to fulfill! it has lifted us to the throne, and has set on our brow the name of the great republic. it has taught us to demand nothing wrong and to submit to nothing wrong; it has made our diplomacy sagacious, wary, and accomplished; it has opened the iron gate of the mountain, and planted our ensign on the great tranquil sea. it has made the desert to bud and blossom as the rose; it has quickened to life the giant brood of useful arts; it has whitened lake and ocean with the sails of a daring, new, and lawful trade; it has extended to exiles, flying as clouds, the asylum of our better liberty. it has kept us at rest within our borders; it has scattered the seeds of liberty, under law and under order, broadcast; it has seen and helped american feeling to swell into a fuller flood; from many a field and many a deck, though it seeks not war, makes not war, and fears not war, it has borne the radiant flag, all unstained. the love of country. there is a love of country which comes uncalled for, one knows not how. it comes in with the very air, the eye, the ear, the instinct, the first beatings of the heart. the faces of brothers and sisters, and the loved father and mother, the laugh of playmates, the old willow tree and well and school-house, the bees at work in the spring, the note of the robin at evening, the lullaby, the cows coming home, the singing-book, the visits of neighbors, the general training--all things which make childhood happy, begin it. and then, as the age of the passions and the age of the reason draw on, and the love of home, and the sense of security and property under the law come to life, and as the story goes round, and as the book or the newspaper relates the less favored lot of other lands, and the public and private sense of the man is forming and formed, there is a type of patriotism already. thus they have imbibed it who stood that charge at concord, and they who hung on the deadly retreat, and they who threw up the hasty and imperfect redoubt at bunker hill by night, set on it the blood-red provincial flag, and passed so calmly with prescott and putnam and warren through the experiences of the first fire. to direct this spontaneous sentiment of hearts to our great union, to raise it high, to make it broad and deep, to instruct it, to educate it, is in some things harder, and in some things easier; but it may be, it must be, done. our country has her great names; she has her food for patriotism, for childhood, and for man.--_ibid._ the united states steamship columbia. an appropriate addition to the white squadron of the united states navy was launched from the cramps' ship-yard at philadelphia, july 26, 1892, and was most appropriately christened the columbia. the launch was in every way a success, and was witnessed by many thousand people, including secretary tracy, vice-president morton, and others prominent in the navy and in public life. this new vessel is designed to be swifter than any other large war vessel now afloat, and she will have a capacity possessed by no other war vessel yet built, in that of being able to steam at a ten-knot speed 26,240 miles, or for 109 days, without recoaling. she also possesses many novel features, the principal of which is the application of triple screws. she is one of two of the most important ships designed for the united states navy, her sister ship, no. 13, now being built at the same yards. the dimensions of the columbia are: length on mean load line, 412 feet; beam, 58 feet. her normal draught will be 23 feet; displacement, 7,550 tons; maximum speed, 22 knots an hour; and she will have the enormous indicated horse-power of 20,000. as to speed, the contractor guarantees an average speed, in the open sea, under conditions prescribed by the navy department, of twenty-one knots an hour, maintained for four consecutive hours, during which period the air-pressure in the fire-room must be kept within a prescribed limit. for every quarter of a knot developed above the required guaranteed speed the contractor is to receive a premium of $50,000 over and above the contract price; and for each quarter of a knot that the vessel may fail of reaching the guaranteed speed there is to be deducted from the contract price the sum of $25,000. there seems to be no doubt among the naval experts that she will meet the conditions as to speed, and this is a great desideratum, since her chief function is to be to sweep the seas of an enemy's commerce. to do her work she must be able to overhaul, in an ocean race, the swiftest transatlantic passenger steamships afloat. the triple-screw system is a most decided novelty. one of these screws will be placed amidships, or on the line of the keel, as in ordinary single-screw vessels, and the two others will be placed about fifteen feet farther forward and above, one on each side, as is usual in twin-screw vessels. the twin screws will diverge as they leave the hull, giving additional room for the uninterrupted motion upon solid water of all three simultaneously. there is one set of triple expansion engines for each screw independently, thus allowing numerous combinations of movements. for ordinary cruising the central screw alone will be used, giving a speed of about fourteen knots; with the two side-screws alone, a speed of seventeen knots can be maintained, and with all three screws at work, at full power, a high speed of from twenty to twenty-two knots can be got out of the vessel. this arrangement will allow the machinery to be worked at its most economical number of revolutions at all rates of the vessel's speed, and each engine can be used independently of the others in propelling the vessel. the full steam pressure will be 160 pounds. the shafting is made of forged steel, 16-1/2 inches in diameter. in fact, steel has been used wherever possible, so as to secure the lightest, in weight, of machinery. there are ten boilers, six of which are double-ended--that is, with furnaces in each end--21-1/4 feet long and 15-1/2 feet in diameter. two others are 18-1/4 feet long and 11-2/3 feet in diameter, and the two others, single-ended, are 8 feet long and 10 feet in diameter. eight of the largest boilers are set in watertight compartments. in appearance the columbia will closely resemble, when ready for sea, an ordinary merchantman, the sides being nearly free from projections or sponsons, which ordinarily appear on vessels of war. she will have two single masts, but neither of them will have a military top, such as is now provided upon ordinary war vessels. this plan of her merchantman appearance is to enable her to get within range of any vessel she may wish to encounter before her character or purpose is discovered. the vitals of the ship will be well protected with armor plating and the gun stations will be shielded against the firing of machine guns. her machinery, boilers, magazines, etc., are protected by an armored deck four inches thick on the slope and 2-1/2 inches thick on the flat. the space between this deck and the gun-deck is minutely subdivided with coal-bunkers and storerooms, and in addition to these a coffer-dam, five feet in width, is worked next to the ship's side for the whole length of the vessel. in the bunkers the space between the inner and outer skins of the vessel will be filled with woodite, thus forming a wall five feet thick against machine gun fire. this filling can also be utilized as fuel in an emergency. forward and abaft of the coal bunkers the coffer-dam will be filled with some water-excluding substance similar to woodite. in the wake of the four-inch and the machine guns, the ship's side will be armored with four-inch and two-inch nickel steel plates. the vessel will carry no big guns, for the reason that the uses for which she is intended will not require them. not a gun will be in sight, and the battery will be abnormally light. there will be four six-inch breech-loading rifles, mounted in the open, and protected with heavy shields attached to the gun carriages; eight four-inch breech-loading rifles; twelve six-pounder, and four one-pounder rapid-firing guns; four machine or gatling guns, and six torpedo-launching tubes. besides these she has a ram bow. the columbia is to be completed, ready for service, by may 19, 1893. the first american. eliza cook, a popular english poetess. born in southwark, london, 1817. land of the west! though passing brief the record of thine age, thou hast a name that darkens all on history's wide page. let all the blasts of fame ring out--thine shall be loudest far; let others boast their satellites--thou hast the planet star. thou hast a name whose characters of light shall ne'er depart; 'tis stamped upon the dullest brain, and warms the coldest heart; a war-cry fit for any land where freedom's to be won: land of the west! it stands alone--it is thy washington! columbia the monument of columbus. kinahan cornwallis. in "the song of america and columbus," 1892. queen of the great republic of the west, with shining stars and stripes upon thy breast, the emblems of our land of liberty, thou namesake of columbus--hail to thee! * * * * * no fitter queen could now columbus crown, or voice to all the world his great renown. his fame in thee personified we see- the sequel of his grand discovery; yea, here, in thee, his monument behold. whose splendor dims his golden dreams of old. and standing by chicago's inland sea, the nations of the earth will vie with thee in twining laurel wreaths for him of yore who found the new world in san salvador. * * * * * columbia! to columbus give thy hand. and, as ye on a sea of glory stand, the world will read anew the story grand of thee, columbia, and columbus, too- the matchless epic of the old and new- the tale that grows more splendid with the years- the pride and wonder of the hemispheres. in vast magnificence it stands alone, with thee--columbus greeting--on thy throne. american idea. the hon. shelby m. cullom, u. s. senator from illinois. in a speech delivered in chicago, 1892. from the altitude of now, from this zenith of history, look out upon the world. behold! the american idea is everywhere prominent. the world itself is preparing to take an american holiday. the wise men, not only of the orient, but everywhere, are girding up their loins, and will follow the star of empire until it rests above this city of chicago--this civic hercules; this miracle of accomplishment; the throbbing heart of all the teeming life and activity of our american commonwealth. the people of the world are soon to receive an object lesson in the stupendous kindergarten we are instituting for their benefit. even chile will be here, and will learn, i trust, something of christian forbearance and good-fellowship. now, is it possible that monarchy, plutarchy, or any other archy, can long withstand this curriculum of instruction? no! i repeat, the american idea is everywhere triumphant. england is a monarchy, to be sure, but only out of compliment to an impotent and aged queen. the czar of russia clings to his throne. it is a hen-coop in the mäelstrom! the crumbling monarchies of the earth are held together only by the force of arms. standing armies are encamped without each city. the sword and bayonet threaten and retard, but the seeds of liberty have been caught up by the winds of heaven and scattered broadcast throughout the earth. tyranny's doom is sounded! the people's millennium is at hand! and this--this, under god, is the mission of america. young america. george william curtis, a popular american author and lecturer. born at providence, r. i., february 24, 1824; died at west brighton, staten island, n. y., august 31, 1892. i know the flower in your hand fades while you look at it. the dream that allures you glimmers and is gone. but flower and dream, like youth itself, are buds and prophecies. for where, without the perfumed blossoming of the spring orchards all over the hills and among all the valleys of new england and new york, would the happy harvests of new york and new england be? and where, without the dreams of the young men lighting the future with human possibility, would be the deeds of the old men, dignifying the past with human achievement? how deeply does it become us to believe this, who are not only young ourselves, but living with the youth of the youngest nation in history. i congratulate you that you are young; i congratulate you that you are americans. like you, that country is in its flower, not yet in its fruit, and that flower is subject to a thousand chances before the fruit is set. worms may destroy it, frosts may wither it, fires may blight it, gusts may whirl it away; but how gorgeously it still hangs blossoming in the garden of time, while its penetrating perfume floats all round the world, and intoxicates all other nations with the hope of liberty. knowing that the life of every nation, as of each individual, is a battle, let us remember, also, that the battle is to those who fight with faith and undespairing devotion. knowing that nothing is worth fighting for at all unless god reigns, let us, at least, believe as much in the goodness of god as we do in the dexterity of the devil. and, viewing this prodigious spectacle of our country--this hope of humanity, this young america, _our_ america--taking the sun full in its front, and making for the future as boldly and blithely as the young david for goliath, let us believe with all our hearts, and from that faith shall spring the fact that david, and not goliath, is to win the day; and that, out of the high-hearted dreams of wise and good men about our country, time, however invisibly and inscrutably, is, at this moment, slowly hewing the most colossal and resplendent result in history. a hidden world. olive e. dana, an american journalist. in the _new england journal_. the hidden world lies in the hand of god, waiting, like seed, to fall on the sod; tranquil its lakes were, and lovely its shores, while idly each stream o'er the fretting rocks pours. its forests are fair and its mines fathomless, grand are its mountains in their loftiness; its fields wait the plow, and its harbors the ships, no sail down the blue of the water-way slips. god keeps in his palm, through centuries dim, this hid, idle seed. it belongeth to him. away in a corner, where god only knows, the seed when he plants it quickens and grows. the pale buds unfold as the nations pass by, the fragrance is grateful, the blooms multiply, but it is blossom time, this what we see; who knows what the fullness of harvest will be. columbia the queen of the world. timothy dwight, an american divine and scholar. born at northampton, mass., may 14, 1752; died at new haven, conn., january 11, 1817. columbia, columbia, to glory arise, the queen of the world and the child of the skies. a definition of patriotism. t. m. eddy, an eloquent speaker and profound scholar. born, 1823; died, 1874. from an oration delivered on independence day. patriotism is the love of country. it has ever been recognized among the cardinal virtues of true men, and he who was destitute of it has been considered an ingrate. even among the icy desolations of the far north we expect to find, and _do_ find, an ardent affection for the land of nativity, the home of childhood, youth, and age. there is much in our country to create and foster this sentiment. it is a country of imperial dimensions, reaching from sea to sea, and almost "from the rivers to the ends of the earth." none of the empires of old could compare with it in this regard. it is washed by two great oceans, while its lakes are vast inland seas. its rivers are silver lines of beauty and commerce. its grand mountain chains are the links of god's forging and welding, binding together north and south, east and west. it is a land of glorious memories. it was peopled by the picked men of europe, who came hither, "not for wrath, but conscience' sake." said the younger winthrop to his father, "i shall call that my country where i may most glorify god and enjoy the presence of my dearest friends." and so came godly men and devoted women, flying from oppressive statutes, where they might find freedom to worship god. there are spots on the sun, and the microscope reveals flaws in burnished steel, and so there were spots and flaws in the character of the early founders of this land; but with them all, our colonial history is one that stirs the blood and quickens the pulse of him who reads. it is the land of the free school, the free press, and the free pulpit. it is impossible to compute the power of this trio. the free schools, open to rich and poor, bind together the people in educational bonds, and in the common memories of the recitation-room and the playground; and how strong _they_ are, you, reader, well know, as some past recollection tugs at your heart-strings. the free press may not always be altogether as dignified or elevated as the more highly cultivated may desire, but it is ever open to complaints of the people; is ever watchful of popular rights and jealous of class encroachments, and the highest in authority know that it is above president or senate. the free pulpit, sustained not by legally exacted tithes wrung from an unwilling people, but by the free-will offerings of loving supporters, gathers about it the millions, inculcates the highest morality, points to brighter worlds, and when occasion demands will not be silent before political wrongs. its power, simply as an educating agency, can scarcely be estimated. in this country its freedom gives a competition so vigorous that it must remain in direct popular sympathy. how strong it is, the country saw when its voice was lifted in the old cry, "rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft." its words started the slumbering, roused the careless, and called the "sacramental host," as well as the "men of the world, to arms." these three grand agencies are not rival, but supplementary, each doing an essential work in public culture. [illustration: the ship of columbus--the santa maria caravel. (see pages 94, 216, and 282.)] america--opportunity. ralph waldo emerson, a noted american essayist, poet, and speculative philosopher. born in boston, mass., may 25, 1803; died, april 27, 1882. america is another name for opportunity. the sequel of the discovery. there is a columbia of thought and art and character which is the last and endless sequel of columbus' adventure.--_ibid._ young america. alexander hill everett, an american scholar and diplomatist. born in boston, mass., 1792; died at canton, china, may, 1847. scion of a mighty stock! hands of iron--hearts of oak- follow with unflinching tread where the noble fathers led. craft and subtle treachery, gallant youth, are not for thee; follow thou in words and deeds where the god within thee leads. honesty, with steady eye, truth and pure simplicity, love, that gently winneth hearts, these shall be thy holy arts. prudent in the council train, dauntless on the battle plain, ready at thy country's need for her glorious cause to bleed. where the dews of night distill upon vernon's holy hill, where above it gleaming far freedom lights her guiding star, thither turn the steady eye, flashing with a purpose high; thither, with devotion meet, often turn the pilgrim feet. let the noble motto be: god--the _country_--_liberty_! planted on religion's rock, thou shalt stand in every shock. laugh at danger, far or near; spurn at baseness, spurn at fear. still, with persevering might, speak the truth, and do the right. so shall peace, a charming guest, dove-like in thy bosom rest; so shall honor's steady blaze beam upon thy closing days. responsibility. ezra stiles gannett, an american unitarian divine. born at cambridge, mass., 1801; died, august 26, 1871. from a patriotic address delivered in boston. the eyes of europe are upon us; the monarch, from his throne, watches us with an angry countenance; the peasant turns his gaze on us with joyful faith; the writers on politics quote our condition as a proof of the possibility of popular government; the heroes of freedom animate their followers by reminding them of our success. at no moment of the last half century has it been so important that we should send up a clear and strong light which may be seen across the atlantic. an awful charge of unfaithfulness to the interests of mankind will be recorded against us if we suffer this light to be obscured by the mingling vapors of passion and misrule and sin. but not europe alone will be influenced by the character we give to our destiny. the republics of the south have no other guide toward the establishment of order and freedom than our example. if this should fail them, the last stay would be torn from their hope. we are placed under a most solemn obligation, to keep before them this motive to perseverance in their endeavors to place free institutions on a sure basis. shall we leave those wide regions to despair and anarchy? better that they had patiently borne a foreign yoke, though it bowed their necks to the ground. citizens of the united states, it has been said of us, with truth, that we are at the head of the popular party of the world. shall we be ashamed of so glorious a rank? or shall we basely desert our place and throw away our distinction? forbid it! self-respect, patriotism, philanthropy. christians, we believe that god has made us a name and a praise among the nations. we believe that our religion yields its best fruit in a free land. shall we be regardless of our duty as creatures of the divine power and recipients of his goodness? shall we be indifferent to the effects which our religion may work in the world? forbid it! our gratitude, our faith, our piety. in one way only can we discharge our duty to the rest of mankind--by the purity and elevation of character that shall distinguish us as a people. if we sink into luxury, vice, or moral apathy, our brightness will be lost, our prosperity deprived of its vital element, and we shall appear disgraced before man, guilty before god. atlantic and pacific. james a. garfield, american general and statesman; twentieth president of the united states. born in orange, ohio, november 19, 1831; shot by an assassin, july 2, 1881; died, september 19 in the same year, at long branch, new jersey. from "garfield's words." by permission of messrs. houghton, mifflin & co., publishers. the atlantic is still the great historic sea. even in its sunken wrecks might be read the record of modern nations. who shall say that the pacific will not yet become the great historic sea of the future--the vast amphitheater around which shall sit in majesty and power the two americas, asia, africa, and the chief colonies of europe. god forbid that the waters of our national life should ever settle to the dead level of a waveless calm. it would be the stagnation of death, the ocean grave of individual liberty. greatest continuous empire. the right hon. william ewart gladstone, the noted english statesman and orator. born at liverpool, december 29, 1809. from his "kin beyond the sea." there is no parallel in all the records of the world to the case of that prolific british mother who has sent forth her innumerable children over all the earth to be the founders of half-a-dozen empires. she, with her progeny, may almost claim to constitute a kind of universal church in politics. but among these children there is one whose place in the world's eye and in history is superlative; it is the american republic. she is the eldest born. she has, taking the capacity of her land into view as well as its mere measurement, a natural base for the greatest continuous empire ever established by man. and it may be well here to mention what has not always been sufficiently observed, that the distinction between continuous empire, and empire severed and dispersed over sea is vital. the development which the republic has effected has been unexampled in its rapidity and force. while other countries have doubled, or at most trebled, their population, she has risen during one single century of freedom, in round numbers, from two millions to forty-five. as to riches, it is reasonable to establish, from the decennial stages of the progress thus far achieved, a series for the future; and, reckoning upon this basis, i suppose that the very next census, in the year 1880, will exhibit her to the world as certainly the wealthiest of all the nations. the huge figure of a thousand millions sterling, which may be taken roundly as the annual income of the united kingdom, has been reached at a surprising rate; a rate which may perhaps be best expressed by saying that, if we could have started forty or fifty years ago from zero, at the rate of our recent annual increment, we should now have reached our present position. but while we have been advancing with this portentous rapidity, america is passing us by as if in a canter. yet even now the work of searching the soil and the bowels of the territory, and opening out her enterprise throughout its vast expanse, is in its infancy. the england and the america of the present are probably the two strongest nations of the world. but there can hardly be a doubt, as between the america and the england of the future, that the daughter, at some no very distant time, will, whether fairer or less fair, be unquestionably yet stronger than the mother. typical american. henry w. grady, the late brilliant editor of the atlanta _constitution_. from an address delivered at the famous new england dinner in new york. with the cavalier once established as a fact in your charming little books, i shall let him work out his own stratum, as he has always done, with engaging gallantry, and we will hold no controversy as to his merits. why should we? neither puritan nor cavalier long survived as such. the virtues and traditions of both happily still live for the inspiration of their sons and the saving of the old fashion. but both puritan and cavalier were lost in the storm of their first revolution, and the american citizen, supplanting both, and stronger than either, took possession of the republic bought by their common blood and fashioned to wisdom, and charged himself with teaching men government and establishing the voice of the people as the voice of god. great types, like valuable plants, are slow to flower and fruit. but from the union of these colonists, from the straightening of their purposes and the crossing of their blood, slow perfecting through a century, came he who stands as the first typical american, the first who comprehended within himself all the strength and gentleness, all the majesty and grace of this republic--abraham lincoln. he was the sum of puritan and cavalier, for in his ardent nature were fused the virtues of both, and in the depths of his great soul the faults of both were lost. he was greater than puritan, greater than cavalier, in that he was american, and that in his homely form were first gathered the vast and thrilling forces of this ideal government--charging it with such tremendous meaning and so elevating it above human suffering that martyrdom, though infamously aimed, came as a fitting crown to a life consecrated from the cradle to human liberty. let us, each cherishing his traditions and honoring his fathers, build with reverent hands to the type of this simple but sublime life, in which all types are honored, and in the common glory we shall win as americans there will be plenty and to spare for your forefathers and for mine. gratitude and pride. benjamin harrison, american soldier, lawyer, and statesman. born at north bend, ohio, august 20, 1833. grandson of general william henry harrison, ninth president of the united states, and himself president, 1888-1892. from a speech at sacramento, cal., 1891. fellow-citizens: this fresh, delightful morning, this vast assemblage of contented and happy people, this building, dedicated to the uses of civil government--all things about us tend to inspire our hearts with pride and with gratitude. gratitude to that overruling providence that turned hither, after the discovery of this continent, the steps of those who had the capacity to organize a free representative government. gratitude to that providence that has increased the feeble colonies on an inhospitable coast to these millions of prosperous people, who have found another sea and populated its sunny shores with a happy and growing people. gratitude to that providence that led us through civil strife to a glory and a perfection of unity as a people that was otherwise impossible. gratitude that we have to-day a union of free states without a slave to stand as a reproach to that immortal declaration upon which our government rests. pride that our people have achieved so much; that, triumphing over all the hardships of those early pioneers, who struggled in the face of discouragement and difficulties more appalling than those that met columbus when he turned the prows of his little vessels toward an unknown shore; that, triumphing over perils of starvation, perils of savages, perils of sickness, here on the sunny slope of the pacific they have established civil institutions and set up the banner of the imperishable union. nature superior. sir francis bond head, a popular english writer. born near rochester, kent, january 1, 1893. lieutenant-general of upper canada 1836-1838. died, july 20, 1875. in both the northern and southern hemispheres of the new world, nature has not only outlined her works on a larger scale, but has painted the whole picture with brighter and more costly colors than she used in delineating and in beautifying the old world. the heavens of america appear infinitely higher, the sky is bluer, the air is fresher, the cold is intenser, the moon looks larger, the stars are brighter, the thunder is louder, the lightning is vivider, the wind is stronger, the rain is heavier, the mountains are higher, the rivers longer, the forests bigger, the plains broader. america's welcome. patrick henry, a celebrated american orator and patriot. born at studley, hanover county, virginia, may 29, 1736; died, june 6, 1799. the author of the celebrated phrase, "give me liberty or give me death," in speaking in the virginia convention, march, 1775. cast your eyes over this extensive country; observe the salubrity of your climate, the variety and fertility of your soil, and see that soil intersected in every quarter by bold, navigable streams, flowing to the east and to the west, as if the finger of heaven were marking out the course of your settlements, inviting you to enterprise, and pointing the way to wealth. you are destined, at some time or other, to become a great agricultural and commercial people; the only question is, whether you choose to reach this point by slow gradations, and at some distant period; lingering on through a long and sickly minority; subjected, meanwhile, to the machinations, insults, and oppressions, of enemies, foreign and domestic, without sufficient strength to resist and chastise them; or whether you choose rather to rush at once, as it were, to the full enjoyment of those high destinies, and be able to cope, single-handed, with the proudest oppressor of the old world. if you prefer the latter course, as i trust you do, encourage immigration; encourage the husbandmen, the mechanics, the merchants, of the old world to come and settle in this land of promise; make it the home of the skillful, the industrious, the fortunate, and happy, as well as the asylum of the distressed; fill up the measure of your population as speedily as you can, by the means which heaven hath placed in your power; and i venture to prophesy there are those now living who will see this favored land amongst the most powerful on earth; able to take care of herself, without resorting to that policy, which is always so dangerous, though sometimes unavoidable, of calling in foreign aid. yes, they will see her great in arts and in arms; her golden harvests waving over fields of immeasurable extent; her commerce penetrating the most distant seas, and her cannon silencing the vain boasts of those who now proudly affect to rule the waves. [illustration: niña. santa maria. pinta. the fleet of columbus (see pages 216 and 282.)] but you must have _men_; you can not get along without them; those heavy forests of valuable timber, under which your lands are growing, must be cleared away; those vast riches which cover the face of your soil, as well as those which lie hid in its bosom, are to be developed and gathered only by the skill and enterprise of men. do you ask how you are to get them? open your doors, and they will come in; the population of the old world is full to overflowing; that population is ground, too, by the oppressions of the governments under which they live. they are already standing on tiptoe upon their native shores, and looking to your coasts with a wishful and longing eye; they see here a land blessed with natural and political advantages which are not equaled by those of any other country upon earth; a land on which a gracious providence hath emptied the horn of abundance; a land over which peace hath now stretched forth her white wings, and where content and plenty lie down at every door. they see something still more attractive than all this; they see a land in which liberty hath taken up her abode; that liberty whom they had considered as a fabled goddess, existing only in the fancies of poets; they see her here a real divinity, her altars rising on every hand throughout these happy states, her glories chanted by three millions of tongues, and the whole region smiling under her blessed influence. let but this our celestial goddess, liberty, stretch forth her fair hand toward the people of the old world, tell them to come, and bid them welcome, and you will see them pouring in from the north, from the south, from the east, and from the west; your wildernesses will be cleared and settled, your deserts will smile, your ranks will be filled, and you will soon be in a condition to defy the powers of any adversary. our great trust. george stillman hillard, an eminent american writer, lawyer, and orator. born at machias, maine, 1808; died, 1879. from an independence day oration. our rome can not fall, and we be innocent. no conqueror will chain us to the car of his triumph; no countless swarm of huns and goths will bury the memorials and trophies of civilized life beneath a living tide of barbarism. our own selfishness, our own neglect, our own passions, and our own vices will furnish the elements of our destruction. with our own hands we shall tear down the stately edifice of our glory. we shall die by self-inflicted wounds. but we will not talk of themes like these. we will not think of failure, dishonor, and despair. we will elevate our minds to the contemplation of our high duties and the great trust committed to us. we will resolve to lay the foundations of our prosperity on that rock of private virtue which can not be shaken until the laws of the moral world are reversed. from our own breasts shall flow the salient springs of national increase. then our success, our happiness, our glory, will be as inevitable as the inferences of mathematics. we may calmly smile at all the croakings of all the ravens, whether of native or foreign breed. the whole will not grow weak by the increase of its parts. our growth will be like that of the mountain oak, which strikes its roots more deeply into the soil, and clings to it with a closer grasp, as its lofty head is exalted and its broad arms stretched out. the loud burst of joy and gratitude which, on this, the anniversary of our independence, is breaking from the full hearts of a mighty people, will never cease to be heard. no chasms of sullen silence will interrupt its course; no discordant notes of sectional madness mar the general harmony. year after year will increase it by tributes from now unpeopled solitudes. the farthest west shall hear it and rejoice; the oregon shall swell it with the voice of its waters; the rocky mountains shall fling back the glad sound from their snowy crests. on freedom's generous soil. oliver wendell holmes, m. d., the distinguished american author, wit, and poet. born in cambridge, mass., august 29, 1809. america is the only place where man is full-grown. national heritage. the rev. thomas starr king, an american unitarian divine. born in new york in 1824; died, 1864. from an address on the "privileges and duties of patriotism," delivered in november, 1862. by permission of messrs. houghton, mifflin & co., publishers, boston. suppose that the continent could turn toward you to-morrow at sunrise, and show to you the whole american area in the short hours of the sun's advance from eastport to the pacific. you would see new england roll into light from the green plumes of aroostook to the silver stripe of the hudson; westward thence over the empire state, and over the lakes, and over the sweet valleys of pennsylvania, and over the prairies, the morning blush would run and would waken all the line of the mississippi; from the frosts where it rises to the fervid waters in which it pours, for 3,000 miles it would be visible, fed by rivers that flow from every mile of the alleghany slope, and edged by the green embroideries of the temperate and tropic zones; beyond this line another basin, too--the missouri--catching the morning, leads your eye along its western slope till the rocky mountains burst upon the vision, and yet do not bar it; across its passes we must follow, as the stubborn courage of american pioneers has forced its way, till again the sierras and their silver veins are tinted along the mighty bulwark with the break of day; and then over to the gold fields of the western slope, and the fatness of the california soil, and the beautiful valleys of oregon, and the stately forests of washington, the eye is drawn, as the globe turns out of the night shadow; and when the pacific waves are crested with radiance, you have the one blending picture--nay, the reality--of the american domain. no such soil--so varied by climate, by products, by mineral riches, by forest and lake, by wild heights and buttresses, and by opulent plains, yet all bound into unity of configuration and bordered by both warm and icy seas--no such domain, was ever given to one people. and then suppose that you could see in a picture as vast and vivid the preparation for our inheritance of this land. columbus, haunted by his round idea, and setting sail in a sloop, to see europe sink behind him, while he was serene in the faith of his dream; the later navigators of every prominent christian race who explored the upper coasts; the mayflower, with her cargo of sifted acorns from the hardy stock of british puritanism, and the ship, whose name we know not, that bore to virginia the ancestors of washington; the clearing of the wilderness, and the dotting of its clearings with the proofs of manly wisdom and christian trust; then the gradual interblending of effort and interest and sympathy into one life--the congress of the whole atlantic slope--to resist oppression upon one member; the rally of every state around washington and his holy sword, and again the nobler rally around him when he signed the constitution, and after that the organization of the farthest west with north and south, into one polity and communion; when this was finished, the tremendous energy of free life, under the stimulus and with the aid of advancing science, in increasing wealth, subduing the wilds to the bonds of use, multiplying fertile fields and busy schools and noble work-shops and churches, hallowed by free-will offerings of prayer; and happy homes, and domes dedicated to the laws of states that rise by magic from the haunts of the buffalo and deer, all in less than a long lifetime; and if we could see also how, in achieving this, the flag which represents all this history is dyed in traditions of exploits, by land and sea, that have given heroes to american annals whose names are potent to conjure with, while the world's list of thinkers in matter is crowded with the names of american inventors, and the higher rolls of literary merit are not empty of the title of our "representative men"; if all that the past has done for us, and the present reveals, could thus stand apparent in one picture, and then if the promise of the future to the children of our millions under our common law, and with continental peace, could be caught in one vast spectral exhibition--the wealth in store, the power, the privilege, the freedom, the learning, the expansive and varied and mighty unity in fellowship, almost fulfilling the poet's dream of "the parliament of man, the federation of the world"--you would exclaim with exultation, "i, too, am an american!" you would feel that patriotism, next to your tie to the divine love, is the greatest privilege of your life; and you would devote yourselves, out of inspiration and joy, to the obligations of patriotism, that this land, so spread, so adorned, so colonized, so blessed, should be kept forever against all the assaults of traitors, one in polity, in spirit, and in aim. sifted wheat. henry wadsworth longfellow. from his "courtship of miles standish," iv. god hath sifted three kingdoms to find the wheat for this planting. center of civilization. from _north british review_. it is too late to disparage america. accustomed to look with wonder on the civilization of the past, upon the unblest glories of greece and of rome, upon mighty empires that have risen but to fall, the english mind has never fixed itself on the grand phenomenon of a great nation at school. viewing america as a forward child that has deserted its home and abjured its parent, we have ever looked upon her with a callous heart and with an evil eye, judicially blind to her progress. but how she has gone on developing the resources of a region teeming with vegetable life. how she has intrenched herself amid noble institutions, with temples enshrined in religious toleration, with universities of private bequest and public organization, with national and unshackled schools, and with all the improvements which science, literature, and philanthropy demand from the citizen or from the state. supplied from the old world with its superabundant life, the anglo-saxon tide has been carrying its multiplied population to the west, rushing onward through impervious forests, leveling their lofty pines and converting the wilderness into abodes of populous plenty, intelligence, and taste. nor is this living flood the destroying scourge which providence sometimes lets loose upon our species. it breathes in accents which are our own; it is instinct with english life; and it bears on its snowy crest the auroral light of the east, to gild the darkness of the west with the purple radiance of salvation, of knowledge, and of peace. her empire of coal, her kingdom of cotton and of corn, her regions of gold and of iron, mark out america as the center of civilization, as the emporium of the world's commerce, as the granary and storehouse out of which the kingdoms of the east will be clothed and fed; and, we greatly fear, as the asylum in which our children will take refuge when the hordes of asia and the semi-barbarians of eastern europe shall again darken and desolate the west. though dauntless in her mien, and colossal in her strength, she displays upon her banner the star of peace, shedding its radiance upon us. let us reciprocate the celestial light, and, strong and peaceful ourselves, we shall have nothing to fear from her power, but everything to learn from her example. a youthful land. james otis, a celebrated american orator and patriot. born at west barnstable, mass., february 5, 1725. killed by lightning at andover, mass., may, 1783. england may as well dam up the waters of the nile with bulrushes as to fetter the step of freedom, more proud and firm in this youthful land than where she treads the sequestered glens of scotland or couches herself among the magnificent mountains of switzerland. we plunged into the wave with the great charter of freedom in our teeth because the faggot and torch were behind us. we have waked this new world from its savage lethargy; forests have been prostrated in our path, towns and cities have grown up suddenly as the flowers of the tropics, and the fires in our autumnal woods are scarcely more rapid than the increase of our wealth and population. the columbian chorus. prof. john knowles paine of harvard university has completed the music of his columbian march and chorus, to be performed on the occasion of the dedication of the exposition buildings, october 21, 1892, to write which he was especially commissioned by the exposition management. prof. paine has provided these original words for the choral ending of his composition: all hail and welcome, nations of the earth! columbia's greeting comes from every state. proclaim to all mankind the world's new birth of freedom, age on age shall consecrate. let war and enmity forever cease, let glorious art and commerce banish wrong; the universal brotherhood of peace shall be columbia's high inspiring song. [illustration: the landing of columbus. from the celebrated picture by john vanderlyn, in the rotunda of the capitol at washington, d. c. (see page 310.)] sovereign of the ascendant. charles phillips, an irish barrister. born at sligo, about 1788. he practiced with success in criminal cases in london, and gained a wide reputation by his speeches, the style of which is rather florid. he was for many years a commissioner of the insolvent debtors' court in london. died in 1859. search creation round, where can you find a country that presents so sublime a view, so interesting an anticipation? who shall say for what purpose mysterious providence may not have designed her? who shall say that when in its follies, or its crimes, the old world may have buried all the pride of its power, and all the pomp of its civilization, human nature may not find its destined renovation in the new! when its temples and its trophies shall have moldered into dust; when the glories of its name shall be but the legend of tradition, and the light of its achievements live only in song, philosophy will revive again in the sky of her franklin, and glory rekindle at the urn of her washington. is this the vision of romantic fancy? is it even improbable? i appeal to history! tell me, thou reverend chronicler of the grave, can all the illusions of ambition realized, can all the wealth of a universal commerce, can all the achievements of successful heroism, or all the establishments of this world's wisdom secure to empire the permanency of its possessions? alas, troy thought so once; yet the land of priam lives only in song. thebes thought so once; yet her hundred gates have crumbled, and her very tombs are but as the dust they were vainly intended to commemorate. so thought palmyra; where is she? so thought the countries of demosthenes and the spartan; yet leonidas is trampled by the timid slave, and athens insulted by the servile, mindless, and enervate ottoman. in his hurried march, time has but looked at their imagined immortality, and all its vanities, from the palace to the tomb, have, with their ruins, erased the very impression of his footsteps. the days of their glory are as if they had never been; and the island that was then a speck, rude and neglected, in the barren ocean, now rivals the ubiquity of their commerce, the glory of their arms, the fame of their philosophy, the eloquence of their senate, and the inspiration of their bards. who shall say, then, contemplating the past, that england, proud and potent as she appears, may not one day be what athens is, and the young america yet soar to be what athens was. who shall say, when the european column shall have moldered, and the night of barbarism obscured its very ruins, that that mighty continent may not emerge from the horizon, to rule, for its time, sovereign of the ascendant. land of liberty. wendell phillips, "the silver-tongued orator of america," and anti-slavery reformer. born in boston, mass., november 29, 1811; died, february 2, 1884. the carpathian mountains may shelter tyrants. the slopes of germany may bear up a race more familiar with the greek text than the greek phalanx. for aught i know, the wave of russian rule may sweep so far westward as to fill once more with miniature despots the robber castles of the rhine. but of this i am sure: god piled the rocky mountains as the ramparts of freedom. he scooped the valley of the mississippi as the cradle of free states. he poured niagara as the anthem of free men. the ship columbia. edward g. porter. in an article entitled "the ship columbia and the discovery of oregon," in the _new england magazine_, june, 1892. few ships, if any, in our merchant marine, since the organization of the republic, have acquired such distinction as the columbia. by two noteworthy achievements, 100 years ago, she attracted the attention of the commercial world and rendered a service to the united states unparalleled in our history. _she was the first american vessel to carry the stars and stripes around the globe; and, by her discovery of "the great river of the west" to which her name was given, she furnished us with the title to our possession_ of that magnificent domain which to-day is represented by the flourishing young states of oregon, washington, and idaho. the famous ship was well-known and much talked about at the time, but her records have mostly disappeared, and there is very little knowledge at present concerning her. columbia's emblem. edna dean proctor. in september _century_ the rose may bloom for england, the lily for france unfold; ireland may honor the shamrock, scotland her thistle bold; but the shield of the great republic, the glory of the west, shall bear a stalk of the tasseled corn- of all our wealth the best. the arbutus and the golden-rod the heart of the north may cheer; and the mountain laurel for maryland its royal clusters rear; and jasmine and magnolia the crest of the south adorn; but the wide republic's emblem is the bounteous, golden corn! east and west. thomas buchanan read, a distinguished american artist and poet. born in chester county, pennsylvania, 1822; died in new york, may 11, 1872. from his "emigrant's song."[60] leave the tears to the maiden, the fears to the child, while the future stands beckoning afar in the wild; for there freedom, more fair, walks the primeval land, where the wild deer all court the caress of her hand. there the deep forests fall, and the old shadows fly, and the palace and temple leap into the sky. oh, the east holds no place where the onward can rest, and alone there is room in the land of the west! the primitive pitch. the rev. myron w. reed, a distinguished american clergyman of denver, colo. from an address delivered in 1892. the best thing we can do for the world is to take care of america. keep our country up to the primitive pitch. in front of my old home, in another city, is the largest elm in the county. it never talked, it never went about doing good. it stood there and made shade for an acre of children, and a shelter for all the birds that came. it stood there and preached strength in the air by wide-flung branches, and strength in the earth by as many and as long roots as limbs. it stood, one fearful night, the charge of a cyclone, and was serene in the march morning. it proclaimed what an elm could be. it set tree-planters to planting elms. so america preaches, man capable of self-government; preaches over the sea, a republic is safer than any kingdom. men have outgrown kings. we shall remember walt whitman, if only for a line, "o america! we build for you because you build for the world." moral progress. william henry seward, an eminent american statesman. born at florida, orange county, n. y., may 16, 1801; died at auburn, n. y., october 10, 1872. a kind of reverence is paid by all nations to antiquity. there is no one that does not trace its lineage from the gods, or from those who were especially favored by the gods. every people has had its age of gold, or augustine age, or historic age--an age, alas! forever passed. these prejudices are not altogether unwholesome. although they produce a conviction of declining virtue, which is unfavorable to generous emulation, yet a people at once ignorant and irreverential would necessarily become licentious. nevertheless, such prejudices ought to be modified. it is untrue that in the period of a nation's rise from disorder to refinement it is not able to continually surpass itself. we see the _present_, plainly, distinctly, with all its coarse outlines, its rough inequalities, its dark blots, and its glaring deformities. we hear all its tumultuous sounds and jarring discords. we see and hear the _past_ through a distance which reduces all its inequalities to a plane, mellows all its shades into a pleasing hue, and subdues even its hoarsest voices into harmony. in our own case, the prejudice is less erroneous than in most others. the revolutionary age was truly a heroic one. its exigencies called forth the genius, and the talents, and the virtues of society, and they ripened amid the hardships of a long and severe trial. but there were selfishness and vice and factions then as now, although comparatively subdued and repressed. you have only to consult impartial history to learn that neither public faith, nor public loyalty, nor private virtue, culminated at that period in our own country; while a mere glance at the literature, or at the stage, or at the politics of any european country, in any previous age, reveals the fact that it was marked, more distinctly than the present, by licentious morals and mean ambition. it is only just to infer in favor of the united states an improvement of morals from their established progress in knowledge and power; otherwise, the philosophy of society is misunderstood, and we must change all our courses, and henceforth seek safety in imbecility, and virtue in superstition and ignorance. a prophetic utterance of colonial days. samuel sewell. born at bishopstoke, hampshire, england, march, 1652. died at boston, mass., january, 1730. lift up your heads, o ye gates of columbia, and be ye lift up, ye everlasting doors, and the king of glory shall come in. national influence. joseph story, a distinguished american jurist. born in marblehead, mass., september 18, 1779; died at cambridge, mass., september 10, 1845. by permission of messrs. little, brown & co., publishers. when we reflect on what has been, and is, how is it possible not to feel a profound sense of the responsibilities of this republic to all future ages? what vast motives press upon us for lofty efforts! what brilliant prospects invite our enthusiasm! what solemn warnings at once demand our vigilance and moderate our confidence! we stand, the latest, and, if we fail, probably the last, experiment of self-government by the people. we have begun it under circumstances of the most auspicious nature. we are in the vigor of youth. our growth has never been checked by the oppressions of tyranny. our constitutions have never been enfeebled by the vices or luxuries of the old world. such as we are, we have been from the beginning--simple, hardy, intelligent, accustomed to self-government and self-respect. the atlantic rolls between us and any formidable foe. within our own territory, stretching through many degrees of latitude and longitude, we have the choice of many products and many means of independence. the government is mild. the press is free. religion is free. knowledge reaches, or may reach, every home. what fairer prospect of success could be presented? what means more adequate to accomplish the sublime end? what more is necessary than for the people to preserve what they themselves have created? already has the age caught the spirit of our institutions. it has already ascended the andes, and snuffed the breezes of both oceans. it has infused itself into the life-blood of europe, and warmed the sunny plains of france and the lowlands of holland. it has touched the philosophy of germany and the north, and, moving to the south, has opened to greece the lessons of her better days. an elect nation. william stoughton. from an election sermon at boston, mass., april 29, 1669. god sifted a whole nation that he might send choice grain over into this wilderness. the name "america." moses f. sweetser, an american _littérateur_. born in massachusetts, 1848. from his "hand-book of the united states."[61] the name america comes from _amalric_, or _emmerich_, an old german word spread through europe by the goths, and softened in latin to americus, and in italian to amerigo. it was first applied to brazil. americus vespucius, the son of a wealthy florentine notary, made several voyages to the new world, a few years later than columbus, and gave spirited accounts of his discoveries. about the year 1507, hylacomylus, of the college at st. dié, in the vosges mountains, brought out a book on cosmography, in which he said, "now, truly, as these regions are more widely explored, and another fourth part is discovered, by americus vespucius, i see no reason why it should not be justly called _amerigen_; that is, the land of americus, or america, from americus, its discoverer, a man of a subtle intellect." hylacomylus invented the name america, and, as there was no other title for the new world, this came gradually into general use. it does not appear that vespucius was a party to this almost accidental transaction, which has made him a monument of a hemisphere. the columbine as the exposition flower. t. t. swinburne, the poet, has written to j. m. samuels, chief of the department of horticulture at the world's columbian exposition, proposing the columbine as the columbian exposition and national flower. he gives as reasons: it is most appropriate in name, color, and form. its name is suggestive of columbia, and our country is often called by that name. its botanical name, _aquilegia_, is derived from _aquila_ (eagle), on account of the spur of the petals resembling the talons, and the blade, the beak, of the eagle, our national bird. its colors are red, white, and blue, our national colors. the corolla is divided into five points resembling the star used to represent our states on our flag; its form also represents the phrygian cap of liberty, and it is an exact copy of the horn of plenty, the symbol of the columbian exposition. the flowers cluster around a central stem, as our states around the central government. the song of '76. bayard taylor, the distinguished american traveler, writer, and poet. born in chester county, pennsylvania, in 1835; died at berlin, december 19, 1878. from his "song of '76." by permission of messrs. houghton, mifflin & co., publishers, boston. waken, voice of the land's devotion! spirit of freedom, awaken all! ring, ye shores, to the song of ocean, rivers answer, and mountains call! the golden day has come; let every tongue be dumb that sounded its malice or murmured its fears; she hath won her story; she wears her glory; we crown her the land of a hundred years! out of darkness and toil and danger into the light of victory's day, help to the weak, and home to the stranger, freedom to all, she hath held her way! now europe's orphans rest upon her mother-breast. the voices of nations are heard in the cheers that shall cast upon her new love and honor, and crown her the queen of a hundred years! north and south, we are met as brothers; east and west, we are wedded as one; right of each shall secure our mother's; child of each is her faithful son. we give thee heart and hand, our glorious native land, for battle has tried thee, and time endears. we will write thy story, and keep thy glory as pure as of old for a thousand years! man superior. henry david thoreau, american author and naturalist. born in concord, mass., 1817; died in 1862. from his "excursions" (1863). by permission of messrs. houghton, mifflin & co., publishers, boston. if the moon looks larger here than in europe, probably the sun looks larger also. if the heavens of america appear infinitely higher and the stars brighter, i trust that these facts are symbolical of the height to which the philosophy and poetry and religion of her inhabitants may one day soar. at length, perchance, the immaterial heaven will appear as much higher to the american mind, and the intimations that star it, as much brighter. for i believe that climate does thus react on man, as there is something in the mountain air that feeds the spirit and inspires. will not man grow to greater perfection intellectually as well as physically under these influences? or is it unimportant how many foggy days there are in his life? i trust that we shall be more imaginative, that our thoughts will be clearer, fresher, and more ethereal, as our sky; our understanding more comprehensive and broader, like our plains; our intellect generally on a grander scale, like our thunder and lightning, our rivers, and mountains, and forests, and our hearts shall even correspond in breadth and depth and grandeur to our inland seas. else to what end does the world go on, and why was america discovered? american scenery. william tudor, an american _littérateur_. born at boston in 1779; died, 1830. our numerous waterfalls and the enchanting beauty of our lakes afford many objects of the most picturesque character; while the inland seas, from superior to ontario, and that astounding cataract, whose roar would hardly be increased by the united murmurs of all the cascades of europe, are calculated to inspire vast and sublime conceptions. the effects, too, of our climate, composed of a siberian winter and an italian summer, furnish new and peculiar objects for description. the circumstances of remote regions are here blended, and strikingly opposite appearances witnessed, in the same spot, at different seasons of the year. in our winters, we have the sun at the same altitude as in italy, shining on an unlimited surface of snow, which can only be found in the higher latitudes of europe, where the sun, in the winter, rises little above the horizon. the dazzling brilliancy of a winter's day and a moonlight night, in an atmosphere astonishingly clear and frosty, when the utmost splendor of the sky is reflected from a surface of spotless white, attended with the most excessive cold, is peculiar to the northern part of the united states. what, too, can surpass the celestial purity and transparency of the atmosphere in a fine autumnal day, when our vision and our thought seem carried to the third heaven; the gorgeous magnificence of the close, when the sun sinks from our view, surrounded with various masses of clouds, fringed with gold and purple, and reflecting, in evanescent tints, all the hues of the rainbow. liberty has a continent of her own. horace walpole, fourth earl of oxford, a famous english literary gossip, amateur, and wit. born in london, october, 1717; died, march, 1797. liberty has still a continent to exist in. love of america. daniel webster, the celebrated american statesman, jurist, and orator. born at salisbury, n. h., january 18, 1782; died at marshfield, mass., october 24, 1852. i profess to feel a strong attachment to the liberty of the united states; to the constitution and free institutions of the united states; to the honor, and i may say the glory, of this great government and great country. i feel every injury inflicted upon this country almost as a personal injury. i blush for every fault which i think i see committed in its public councils as if they were faults or mistakes of my own. i know that, at this moment, there is no object upon earth so attracting the gaze of the intelligent and civilized nations of the earth as this great republic. all men look at us, all men examine our course, all good men are anxious for a favorable result to this great experiment of republican liberty. we are on a hill and can not be hid. we can not withdraw ourselves either from the commendation or the reproaches of the civilized world. they see us as that star of empire which, half a century ago, was predicted as making its way westward. i wish they may see it as a mild, placid, though brilliant orb, making its way athwart the whole heavens, to the enlightening and cheering of mankind; and not a meteor of fire and blood, terrifying the nations. genius of the west. john greenleaf whittier, the distinguished american poet. born at haverhill, mass, december 17, 1807. from his poem, "on receiving an eagle's quill from lake superior." by permission of messrs. houghton, mifflin & co., publishers, boston. i hear the tread of pioneers, of nations yet to be; the first low wash of waves, where soon shall roll a human sea. the rudiments of empire here are plastic yet and warm; the chaos of a mighty world is rounding into form. each rude and jostling fragment soon its fitting place shall find- the raw material of a state, its muscle and its mind. and, westering still, the star which leads the new world in its train has tipped with fire the icy spears of many a mountain chain. the snowy cones of oregon are kindling on its way; and california's golden sands gleam brighter in its ray. god save america. robert c. winthrop, an american statesman and orator. born in boston, mass., may 12, 1809. from his "centennial oration," delivered in boston, 1876. instruments and wheels of the invisible governor of the universe! this is indeed all which the greatest men ever have been, or ever can be. no flatteries of courtiers, no adulations of the multitude, no audacity of self-reliance, no intoxications of success, no evolutions or developments of science, can make more or other of them. this is "the sea-mark of their utmost sail," the goal of their farthest run, the very round and top of their highest soaring. oh, if there could be to-day a deeper and more pervading impression of this great truth throughout our land, and a more prevailing conformity of our thoughts and words and acts to the lessons which it involves; if we could lift ourselves to a loftier sense of our relations to the invisible; if, in surveying our past history, we could catch larger and more exalted views of our destinies and our responsibilities; if we could realize that the want of good men may be a heavier woe to a land than any want of what the world calls great men, our centennial year would not only be signalized by splendid ceremonials, and magnificent commemorations, and gorgeous expositions, but it would go far toward fulfilling something of the grandeur of that "acceptable year," which was announced by higher than human lips, and would be the auspicious promise and pledge of a glorious second century of independence and freedom for our country. for, if that second century of self-government is to go on safely to its close, or is to go on safely and prosperously at all, there must be some renewal of that old spirit of subordination and obedience to divine, as well as human, laws, which has been our security in the past. there must be faith in something higher and better than ourselves. there must be a reverent acknowledgment of an unseen, but all-seeing, all-controlling ruler of the universe. his word, his house, his day, his worship, must be sacred to our children, as they have been to their fathers; and his blessing must never fail to be invoked upon our land and upon our liberties. the patriot voice, which cried from the balcony of yonder old state house, when the declaration had been originally proclaimed, "stability and perpetuity to american independence," did not fail to add, "god save our american states." i would prolong that ancestral prayer. and the last phrase to pass my lips at this hour, and to take its chance for remembrance or oblivion in years to come, as the conclusion of this centennial oration, and as the sum and summing up of all i can say to the present or the future, shall be: there is, there can be, no independence of god; in him, as a nation, no less than in him, as individuals, "we live, and move, and have our being!" god save our american states! a voice of warning. from "things that threaten the destruction of american institutions," a sermon by t. de witt talmage, delivered in brooklyn tabernacle, october 12, 1884. what! can a nation die? yes; there has been great mortality among monarchies and republics. like individuals, they are born, have a middle life and a decease, a cradle and a grave. sometimes they are assassinated and sometimes they suicide. call the roll, and let some one answer for them. egyptian civilization, stand up! dead, answer the ruins of karnak and luxor. dead, respond in chorus the seventy pyramids on the east side the nile. assyrian empire, stand up! dead, answer the charred ruins of nineveh. after 600 years of opportunity, dead. israelitish kingdom, stand up! after 250 years of miraculous vicissitude, and divine intervention, and heroic achievement, and appalling depravity, dead. phoenicia, stand up! after inventing the alphabet and giving it to the world, and sending out her merchant caravans to central asia in one direction, and her navigators into the atlantic ocean in another direction, and 500 years of prosperity, dead. dead, answer the "pillars of hercules" and the rocks on which the tyrian fishermen spread their nets. athens--after phidias, after demosthenes, after miltiades, after marathon--dead. sparta--after leonidas, after eurybiades, after salamis, after thermopylæ--dead. roman empire, stand up and answer to the roll-call! once bounded on the north by the british channel and on the south by the sahara desert of africa, on the east by the euphrates and on the west by the atlantic ocean. home of three civilizations. owning all the then discovered world that was worth owning. gibbon, in his "rise and fall of the roman empire," answers, "dead." and the vacated seats of the ruined coliseum, and the skeletons of the aqueduct, and the miasma of the campagna, and the fragments of the marble baths, and the useless piers of the bridge triumphalis, and the silenced forum, and the mamertine dungeon, holding no more apostolic prisoners; and the arch of titus, and basilica of constantine, and the pantheon, lift up a nightly chorus of "dead! dead!" dead, after horace, and virgil, and tacitus, and livy, and cicero; after horatius of the bridge, and cincinnatus, the farmer oligarch; after scipio, and cassius, and constantine, and cæsar. her war-eagle, blinded by flying too near the sun, came reeling down through the heavens, and the owl of desolation and darkness made its nest in the forsaken ærie. mexican empire, dead! french empire, dead! you see it is no unusual thing for a government to perish. and in the same necrology of nations, and in the same cemetery of expired governments, will go the united states of america unless some potent voice shall call a halt, and through divine interposition, by a purified ballot-box and an all-pervading moral christian sentiment, the present evil tendency be stopped. [illustration: statue of columbus, st louis, mo. first bronze statue to columbus in america (see page 279.)] footnotes: [footnote 60: copyright, by permission of messrs. lippincott.] [footnote 61: by permission of the matthews-northrup co., publishers.] index of authors. columbus. a adams, john, 61 alden, william livingston, 61 anderson, john j., 64 anonymous, 61-64 anthony, the hon. elliott, 64 augustine, saint, 68 b baillie, joanna, 69 ballou, maturin murray, 72 baltimore _american_, the, 73 bancroft, george, 79 bancroft, hubert howe, 80 baring-gould, the rev. sabine, 84 barlow, joel, 86 barry, j. j., m. d., 88 benzoni, geronimo, 89 berkeley, the right rev. george, 90 blaine, the hon. j. g., 90 bonnafoux, baron, 90 boston _journal_, the, 91 brobst, flavius j., 93 bryant, william c., 93 buel, j. w., 94 burroughs, john, 94 burton, richard e., 95 butterworth, hezekiah, 95 byron, george gordon noel, lord, 97 c cabot, sebastian, 97 capitulations of santa fé, 98 carlyle, thomas, 99 carman, bliss, 100 carpio, lope de vega, 100 castelar, emilio, 292 chapin, e. h., 101 chicago _inter ocean_ 193 chicago _tribune_, the, 92-101 cladera, 63 clarke, hyde, 106 clarke, james freeman, 106 clemencin, diego, 107 coleman, james david, 107 collyer, robert, 108 columbus of literature, 109 columbus of the heavens, 110 columbus of modern times, 110 columbus of the skies, 110 columbus, hernando, 110 columbus, the mantle of, 113 cornwallis, kinahan, 111 curtis, william eleroy, 113 d dati, giulio, 115 delavigne, jean françois casimir, 115 de costa, rev. dr. b. f., 116 depew, chauncey m., 117 de vere, aubrey thomas, 117 draper, john william, 120 durier, right rev. anthony, 120 dutto, l. a., 124 e eden, charles henry, 125 edrisi, xerif al, 127 egan, prof. maurice francis, 127 elliott, samuel r, 128 emerson, ralph waldo, 128 everett, edward, 129 f farrar, the venerable frederick william, d. d., 131 fiske, john, 132 fothergill, john milner, m. d. 134 foster, john, 135 freeman, edward augustus, 135 friday, 136 g gaffarel, paul, 138 galiani, the abbé fernando, 139 geikie, the rev. cunningham, d. d., 139 gibbons, the right rev. james, d. d., 145 gibson, william, 145 glasgow _times_, 146 goodrich, f. b., 149 guizot, françois pierre guillaume, 149 gunsaulus, rev. f. w., d. d., 150 guyot, arnold henry, ph. d., ll. d., 151 h hale, edward everett, d. d., 151 halleck, fitz-greene, 153 halstead, murat, 153 harding, edward j., 155 hardouin, jean, 159 harrison, benjamin, 159 harrisse, henry, 160 hartley, david, 162 hegel, georg wilhelm friedrich, 163 heine, heinrich, 162 helps, sir arthur, 164 herbert, george, 164 herrera, antonio y tordesillas, 165 herrera, fernando, 165 hodgin, c. w., 165 humboldt, friedrich heinrich alexander, baron von, 166 hurst, the right rev. john fletcher. d. d., ll. d., 167 i irving, washington, 168 italian, 182 j janssens, archbishop, 203 jefferson, samuel, 182 johnston, annie fellows, 183 k kennedy, john s., 184 king, moses, 184 knight, arthur g., 185 l lactantius, lucius, 185 lamartine, alphonse, 187 lanier, sidney, 189 lawrence, eugene, 192 leo xiii., pope, 193, 194 lofft, capel, 201 lord, rev. john, 202 lorgues, rossely de, 203 lowell, james russell, 64, 204 lytton, lord, 291 m macaulay, thomas babbington, 206 mackie, c. p., 207 magnusen, finn, 208 major, r. h., 209 malte-brun, conrad, 210 margesson, helen p., 210 markham, clements robert, 211 martyr, peter, 231 mason, william, 232 matthews, j. n., 232 medina-celi, the duke of, 233 miller, joaquin, 235 montgomery, d. h., 237 morgan, gen. thomas j., 237 morris, charles, 238 n nason, emma huntingdon, 238 new orleans _morning star_, 240 new york _herald_, 251 new york _tribune_, 253 nugent, father, 254 p palos, the alcalde of, 255 pan-american tribute, 255 parker, theodore, 256 parker, capt. w. h., 256 perry, horatio j., 257 peschel, o. f., 260 petrarch, f., 266 phillips, barnet, 261 pollok, r., 261 poole, w. f., ll. d., 261 prescott, w. h., 265 pulci, luigi, 267 q quackenbos, g. p., 268 r read, thomas buchanan reed, myron, 268 roll of the crew, 269 redpath, john clark, ll. d., 270 riaño, juan f., 271 robertson, william, 272 rogers, samuel, 63, 275 russell, william, 277 s santarem, manoel francisco de barros y souza, viscount, 279 _saturday review_, 284 saunders, r. n., 287 savage, minot j., 288 seneca, 289 schiller, johann christoph friedrich, 292 shipley, mrs. john b, 292 sigourney (lydia huntley), mrs. 293 smiles, samuel, 294 smithey, royall bascom, 295 sumner, charles, 297 swing, prof. david, 298 t tasso, torquato, 300 taylor, bayard, 300 taylor, rev. george l., 300 tennyson, lord alfred, 301 tercentenary, 302 thompson, maurice, 304 thoreau, henry d., 304 toscanelli, paolo, 305 townsend, g. a., 305 townsend, l. t., d. d., 308 trivigiano, angelo, 309 v van der weyde, dr. p. h., 309 ventura, padre gioacchino, 310 w waddington, the venerable george, dean of durham, 310 watts, theodore, 312 whipple, edwin percy, 315 white, daniel appleton, 315 wiffen, jeremiah holmes, 316 willard, emma hart, 317 winchester, the rev. elhanan, 317 winsor, justin, 321 woodberry, george e., 321 worcester, joseph emerson, 321 index of authors. columbia. a adams, john, 327 agassiz, louis jean rodolphe, 327 audubon, j. j., 327 anonymous, 329 arnold, sir edwin, 329 b beecher, henry ward, 330 beman, nathaniel s. s., 331 best, st. george, 333 brackenridge, henry hugh, 333 bright, the right hon. john, m. p., 334 browning, elizabeth barrett, 334 bryant, william cullen, 335 bryce, james, m. p., 536 burke, edmund, 337 c castelar, emilio, 339 channing, william ellery, 339 chicago _inter ocean_, 341 choate, rufus, 341 u. s. s. columbia, 344 cook, eliza, 347 cornwallis, kinahan, 347 cullom, the hon. shelby m., 348 curtis, george william, 349 d dana, olive e., 350 dwight, timothy, 351 e eddy, t. m., 351 emerson, ralph waldo, 353 everett, alexander hill, 353 g gannett, ezra stiles, 354 garfield, james a., 356 gladstone, the right hon. william ewart, 356 grady, henry w., 357 h harrison, benjamin, 359 head, sir francis bond, 360 henry, patrick, 360 hillard, george stillman, 362 holmes, oliver wendell, 363 k king, the rev. thomas starr, 364 l longfellow, henry wadsworth, 366 n _north british review_, 366 o otis, james, 368 p paine, prof. j. k., 368 phillips, charles, 369 phillips, wendell, 370 porter, edward g., 370 proctor, edna dean, 371 r read, thos. buchanan, 372 reed, the rev. myron w., 372 s seward, william henry, 373 sewell, samuel, 374 storey, joseph, 374 stoughton, william, 375 sweetser, moses f., 375 swinburne, t. t., 376 t talmage, the rev. t. dewitt, 383 taylor, bayard, 377 thoreau, henry david, 378 tudor, william, 378 w walpole, horace, 379 webster, daniel, 380 whittier, john greenleaf, 380 winthrop, robert c., 381 index of head lines. a admiral of mosquito land, 237 admiration of a careful critic, 160 all within the ken of columbus, 106 america--opportunity, 353 the continent of the future, 339 the old world, 327 flag, 330 futurity, 327 idea, 348 national haste, 336 nationality, 341 scenery, 378 unprecedented growth, 337 welcome, 360 ancient anchors, 61 an appropriate hour, 135 arma virumque cano, 168 at palos, 284 atlantic and pacific, 356 attendant fame shall bless, 310 b barcelona statue, 81 bartolomeo columbus, 124 beauties of the bahama sea, 95 belief of columbus, 164 bible, 308 boston statue, 93, 280 bright's beatific vision, 334 brilliants from depew, 117 bronze door at washington, 272 brothers across the sea, 334 by faith columbus found america, 108 by the grace of god he was what he was, 203 c cabot's contemporaneous utterance, 97 capitulations of santa fé, 98 captain and seamen, 95 care of the new world, 162 cause of the discovery, 184 celebration at hamburg, 154 center of civilization, 356 children of the sun, 272 christopher, the christ-bearer, 268 circular letter, archbishop of new orleans, 241 claim of the norsemen, 266 columba christum-ferens--what's in a name, 240 columbian chorus, 368 columbia, columbus' monument, 347 columbia's emblem, 371 columbian festival allegory, 250 columbia--a prophecy, 333 columbia, queen of the world, 351 columbia's unguarded gates, 327 columbine as the exposition flower, 376 columbus, 73, 312 aim not merely secular, 163 bank note, 80 bell, 89 boldest navigator, 256 certain convictions of, 90 chains--his crown, 87 character of, 265 the civilizer, 187 collection, 112 the conqueror, 69 and the convent of la rábida, 62 and copernicus, 210 dared the main, 63 day, 159, 268-269 and the egg, 309 the first discoverer, 166 and the fourth centenary of his discovery, 211 the fulfiller of prophecy, 79 a giant, 167 glory of catholicism, 194 haven, 112 heard of norse discoveries, 210 of the heavens, 110 of the heavens--scorned, 130 a heretic and a visionary to his contemporaries, 106 an ideal commander, 86 and the indians, 237 king of discoverers, 205 of literature, 109 the mariner, 80 a martyr, 294 of modern times, 91, 110 neither a visionary nor an imbecile, 207 no chance comer, 90 lord north's _bête noir_, 315 pathfinder of the shadowy sea, 88 patron saint of real-estate dealers, 257 statue in chicago, 118 statue, the city of colon, 108 statue in madrid, 208 statue, city of mexico, 234 statue, new york, 243 a contemporary italian tribute, 115 critical days, 134 cuba's caves, 113 a voluminous writer, 261 at salamanca, 170, 293 the sea-king, 99 of the skies, 110 stamps, 263 supreme suspense of, 304 a theoretical circumnavigator, 270 crew of columbus, 269 d dark ages before columbus, 68 darkness before discovery, 297 death was columbus' friend, 260 de mortuis, nil nisi bonum, 321 dense ignorance of those days, 288 design for souvenir coins, 296 difficulties by the way, 295 discoveries of columbus and americus, 101 a discovery greater than the labors of hercules, 231 doubts of columbus, 298 dream, 120 e each the columbus of his own soul, 63 eager to share the reward, 233 earnestness of columbus, 62 earth's rotundity, 254 east and west, 372 east longed for the west, 152 effect of the discovery, 165 elect nation, 375 error of columbus, 299 example of columbus, 69 excitement at the news of the discovery, 132 f fame, 131 fate of discoverers, 322 felipa, wife of columbus, 183 final stage, 333 first american monument to columbus, 347 catholic knight, 107 glimpse of land, 125 to greet columbus, 238 fleet of columbus, 112 flight of parrots was his guiding star, 167 friday, 136 from the italian, 182 g genoa, 153, 277 genoa inscription, the, 140 genoa statue, the, 140, 280 genoa--whence grand columbus came, 117 genius travels east to west, 139 genius of the west, 380 genius traveled westward, 232 geography of the ancients, 64 germany and columbus, 144 germany's exhibit of rarities, 144 gift of spain, 256 glory to god, 300 god save america, 381 grand prophetic vision, 317 grand scope of the celebration, 341 grandeur of destiny, 335 gratitude and pride, 359 great west, 304 greatest achievement, 321 greatest continuous empire, 356 greatest event, 298 greatness of columbus, 61 h hands across the sea, 255 hardy mariners have become great heroes, 315 herschel, the columbus of the skies, 101 hidden world, 350 his life was a path of thorns, 261 honor the hardy norsemen, 116 honor to whom honor is due, 279 i ideas of the ancients, 185 important find of mms, 271 impregnable will of columbus, 204 incident of the voyage, 165 increasing interest in columbus, 184 indomitable courage of columbus, 93 in honor of columbus, 203 intense uncertainty, 238 italian statue (baltimore), 78 j jesuit geographer, 159 k knowledge of icelandic voyages, 300 l lake front park statue of columbus, 185 land of liberty, 370 last days of the voyage, 269 launched out into the deep, 277 legend of columbus, 69 legend of a western island, 85 legend of a western land, 84 liberty has a continent of her own, 379 life for liberty, 153 like homer, a beggar in the gate, 106 love of america, 380 love of country, 343 m magnanimity, 185 man of the church, 310 man's ingratitude, 86 man superior, 378 majesty of grand recollections, 167 mecca of the nation, 184 memorial arch, new york, 247 memorial to columbus at old isabella, 171 mission and reward, 232 moral progress, 373 morning triumphant, 150 mutiny at sea, 115, 257 mystery of the shadowy sea, 127 n name america, 375 national heritage, 364 national influence, 374 national self-respect, 331 nature superior, 360 navigator and the islands, 72 new life, 151 new light on christopher columbus, 146 new york statue, 281 noah and columbus, 317 nobility of columbus in adversity, 86 noble conceptions, 339 norsemen's claim to priority, 292 o observation like columbus, 139 on a portrait of columbus, 321 once the pillars of hercules were the end of the world, 145 one vast western continent, 329 on freedom's generous soil, 363 only the actions of the just, 86 onward! press on!, 291 our great trust, 362 out-bound, 100 p palos, 127 palos to barcelona--his triumph, 261 palos--the departure, 70 palos statue, 281 pan-american tribute, 255 passion for gold, 192 patience of columbus, 205 patriotism defined, 351 penetration and extreme accuracy of columbus, the, 166 pen picture from the south, a, 121 period, the, 149 personal appearance of columbus, the, 89, 110, 165 petrarch's tribute, 260 philadelphia statue, 281 pleading with kings for a new world, 268 pope reviews the life of the discoverer, the, 194 portraits of columbus, the, 113 practical and poetical, 169 previous discovery, 138 primitive pitch, 372 prophetic utterance of colonial days, 374 visions urged columbus on, 87 protest against ignorance, a, 253 psalm of the west, 189 pulci's prophecy, 267 q queen isabella's death, 87 r range of enterprise, 135 reason for sailors' superstitions, the, 145 reasoning of columbus, the, 128 religion, 176 religion turns to freedom's land, 164 religious object of columbus, 88 reminiscence of columbus, a, 287 responsibility, 354 reverence and wonder, 61 ridicule with which the views of columbus were received, 64 rising of the western star, 329 route to the spice indies, 305 s sacramento statuary, 277 sagacity, 128 st. louis statue, the, 279 salamanca monument, 278 san salvador or watling's island, 162 santa maria caravel, 94, 282 rábida, the convent, 275 santiago bust, 279 santo domingoan cannon, 282 scarlet thorn, 94 searcher of the ocean, 182 secret, 149 seeker and seer, 155 seneca's prophecy, 289 sequel of the discovery, 353 seville tomb, 289 ship columbia, 370 sifted wheat, 356 song of america, the, 111 song of '76, 377 southern america's tribute, 280 sovereign of the ascendant, 369 spanish fountain, new york, 249 speculation, 164 standard of modern criticism, the, 114 strange and colossal man, 251 stranger than fiction, 128 a superior soul, 63 sympathy for columbus, 209 t tales of the east, 252 tasso's tribute (in english spencerian stanza), 316 tendency, 151 tennyson's tribute, 301 tercentenary in new york, 302 testimony of a contemporary, 309 three days, 115 to spain, 201 the track of columbus, 259 the tribute of heinrich heine, 162 tribute of joaquin miller, 235 tributes of the phoenix of the ages, the, 100 tribute and testimony of the pope, 193 tribute of tasso, 300 trifling incident, 131 triumph of an idea, 152 typical american, 357 u undiscovered country, 128 unwept, unhonored, and unsung, 261 u. s. s. columbia, 344 v valparaiso statue, 309 vanderlyn's picture, 310 vespucci an adventurer, 206 vinland, 133 visit of columbus to iceland, 208 visit to palos, 170, 305 voice of the sea, the, 128 voice of warning, 383 w washington statue, 311 watling's island monument, 311 west indian statues, 312 westward religion's banners took their way, 90 when history does thee wrong, 97 world a seaman's hand conferred, the, 64 wrapped in a vision glorious, 202 y you can not conquer america, 93 young america, 349-353 youthful land, 368 index of statuary and inscriptions. page b baltimore monument, 73 baltimore italian statue, 78 barcelona statue, 81 boston, the iasagi statue, 92 first inspirations of columbus, 280 replica of isabella statue, 280 c cardenas (cuba) statue, 312 city of colon statue, 108 chicago, drake fountain, statue of columbus, 118 (lake front) statue, 185 g genoa inscription, 140 the reel palace statue, 280 statue, 140 h havana cathedral, tomb, 312 cathedral, inscription, 313 statue, 313 bust, 313 i isabella statue, 171 l lima (peru) statuary, 280 m madrid statue, 208 mexico city statue, 234 n nassau (bahamas) statue, 314 new york, central park statue, 281 italian statue, 243 memorial arch, 247 spanish fountain, 249 p palos statue, 281 philadelphia statue, 281 r rogers bronze door, washington, d. c., 273 s sacramento, cal., statuary in the capitol, 277 salamanca monument, 278 santiago (chili) bust, 279 santo domingo, inscription and tomb, 38, 314 statue, 315 st. louis (mo.) statue, 279 seville tomb and inscription, 36, 289 v valparaiso (chili) statue, 309 vanderlyn's picture at washington, 310 w washington (d. c.) statue, 311 watling's island monument, 311 * * * * * the rialto series. a series of books selected with the utmost care, bound in covers specially designed for each number, and admirably suited to the demands of the finer trade. the paper in this series is fine, and the books are admirably adapted for private library binding. most of the numbers are profusely and beautifully illustrated, and all of them are either copyright works or possess special intrinsic merit. each number =50= cents. this series is mailable at one cent a pound. =the iron master (le maître de forges).= by georges ohnet. illustrated. half morocco, $1.50. =the immortal, or one of the "forty" (l'immortel).= by a. daudet. illustrated. paper and cloth. cloth, $1.00. =the silence of dean maitland.= by maxwell grey. =nikanor.= by henry greville. translated by mrs. e. e. chase. typogravure illustrations. cloth and paper. =dr. rameau.= by georges ohnet. illustrated. paper and cloth. half morocco, $1.50. =merze; the story of an actress.= by marah ellis ryan. typogravure illustrations. cloth and paper. =my uncle barbassou.= by mario uchard. illustrated. paper and cloth. =jacob valmont, manager.= by geo. a. wall and g. b. heckel. illustrated. cloth and paper. =herbert severance.= by m. french-sheldon. =kings in exile.= by a. daudet. illustrated. half morocco, $1.50. =the abbé constantin.= by ludovic halèvy, with thirty-six illustrations by madeleine lemaire. double number. half morocco, gilt top, $2.00. =ned stafford's experiences in the united states.= by philip milford. =the new prodigal.= by stephen paul sheffield. =pere goriot.= by honore de balzac. half morocco, $1.50. =a strange infatuation.= by lewis harrison. illustrated. paper and cloth. =journal of marie bashkirtseff.= only unabridged edition published. cloth, $2.00; half morocco, $3.50. =numa roumestan.= by a. daudet. illustrated. half morocco, $1.50. =fabian dimitry.= by edgar fawcett. paper and cloth. =in love's domains.= by marah ellis ryan. =spirite.= by theophile gautier. illustrated. double number. half morocco, gilt top, $2.00. =the romance of a spahi.= by pierre loti. half morocco, $1.50. =the gladiators.= by g. j. whyte-melville. half morocco, $1.50. =the chouans.= by honore de balzac. illustrated. half morocco, $1.50. =criquette.= by ludovic halèvy. half morocco. $1.50. =told in the hills.= by marah ellis ryan. =a modern rosalind.= by f. xavier calvert. =a fair american.= by pierre sales. =fontenay, the swordsman.= by fortune du boisgobey. =the sign-board and other stories.= by masson, souvestre, gautier, theuriet. =a pagan of the alleghanies.= by marah ellis ryan. half morocco, $1.50. =for the old sake's sake.= by alan st. aubyn =into morocco.= by pierre loti. illustrated. half morocco, $1.50. =the light of asia.= by sir edwin arnold. cloth, $1.50. half morocco, $2.50. =wolverton; or, the modern arena.= by d. a. reynolds. cloth, $1.00. =all for jack.= by jules claretie. =arctic alaska, and siberia; or, eight months with the arctic whalemen.= by herbert l. aldrich. with thirty-four half tone process illustrations, from photographs taken by the author, and a correct map of the whaling grounds. cloth, $1.00. =sarchedon.= by g. j. whyte-melville. half morocco, $1.50. =woe to the conquered.= by karl berkow. half morocco, $1.50. =squaw élouise.= by marah ellis ryan. half morocco, $1.50. * * * * * by marah ellis ryan _issued in the rialto series. 50 cents each._ for sale by all booksellers. squaw élouise. vigorous, natural, entertaining.--_boston times._ a notable performance.--_chicago tribune._ no one can fail to become interested in the narrative.--_chicago mail._ a very strong story indeed.--_chicago times._ marah ellis ryan is always interesting.--_rocky mountain news._ a pagan of the alleghanies. a story of mountain life of remarkable interest.--_louisville times._ full of exciting interest.--_toledo blade._ a genuine art work.--_chicago tribune._ told in the hills. beautifully pictured.--_chicago times._ the word-painting is superb.--_lowell times._ one of the cleverest stories that has been issued in many a moon.--_kansas city times._ in love's domains. a trilogy. it is an entertaining book, and by no means an unprofitable one.--_boston times._ there are imagination and poetical expression in the stories, and readers will find them interesting.--_new york sun._ an unusually clever piece of work.--_charleston news._ merze; the story of an actress. beautifully illustrated. we can not doubt that the author is one of the best living orators of her sex. the book will possess a strong attraction for women.--_chicago herald._ this is the story of the life of an actress, told in the graphic style of miss ryan. it is very interesting.--_new orleans picayune._ a book of decided literary merit, besides moral tone and vigor.--_public opinion_, washington, d. c. it is an exciting tragical story.--_chicago inter ocean._ rand, mcnally & co., publishers, chicago and new york. mercedes of castile; or, the voyage to cathay. by j. fenimore cooper. "i fill this cup to one made up of loveliness alone, a woman, of her gentle sex the seeming paragon; to whom the better elements and kindly stars have given a form so fair, that, like the air, 'tis less of earth than heaven." pinkney. illustrated from drawings by f.o.c. darley. new york: w. a. townsend and company. 1861. entered, according to the act of congress, in the year 1861, by w. a. townsend and company, in the clerk's office of the district court for the southern district of new york. g. a. alvord, stereotyper & printer, new york. list of illustrations "columbus kneeled on the sands, and received the benediction." "in vain luis endeavored to persuade the devoted girl to withdraw." [illustration] preface. so much has been written of late years, touching the discovery of america, that it would not be at all surprising should there exist a disposition in a certain class of readers to deny the accuracy of all the statements in this work. some may refer to history, with a view to prove that there never were such persons as our hero and heroine, and fancy that by establishing these facts, they completely destroy the authenticity of the whole book. in answer to this anticipated objection, we will state, that after carefully perusing several of the spanish writers--from cervantes to the translator of the journal of columbus, the alpha and omega of peninsular literature--and after having read both irving and prescott from beginning to end, we do not find a syllable in either of them, that we understand to be conclusive evidence, or indeed to be any evidence at all, on the portions of our subject that are likely to be disputed. until some solid affirmative proof, therefore, can be produced against us, we shall hold our case to be made out, and rest our claims to be believed on the authority of our own statements. nor do we think there is any thing either unreasonable or unusual in this course, as perhaps the greater portion of that which is daily and hourly offered to the credence of the american public, rests on the same species of testimony--with the trifling difference that we state truths, with a profession of fiction, while the great moral caterers of the age state fiction with the profession of truth. if any advantage can be fairly obtained over us, in consequence of this trifling discrepancy, we must submit. there is one point, notwithstanding, concerning which it may be well to be frank at once. the narrative of the "voyage to cathay," has been written with the journal of the admiral before us; or, rather, with all of that journal that has been given to the world through the agency of a very incompetent and meagre editor. nothing is plainer than the general fact that this person did not always understand his author, and in one particular circumstance he has written so obscurely, as not a little to embarrass even a novelist, whose functions naturally include an entire familiarity with the thoughts, emotions, characters, and, occasionally, with the unknown fates of the subjects of his pen. the nautical day formerly commenced at meridian, and, with all our native ingenuity and high professional prerogatives, we have not been able to discover whether the editor of the journal has adopted that mode of counting time, or whether he has condescended to use the more vulgar and irrational practice of landsmen. it is our opinion, however, that in the spirit of impartiality which becomes an historian, he has adopted both. this little peculiarity might possibly embarrass a superficial critic; but accurate critics being so very common, we feel no concern on this head, well knowing that they will be much more apt to wink at these minor inconsistencies, than to pass over an error of the press, or a comma with a broken tail. as we wish to live on good terms with this useful class of our fellow-creatures, we have directed the printers to mis-spell some eight or ten words for their convenience, and to save them from headaches, have honestly stated this principal difficulty ourselves. should the publicity which is now given to the consequences of commencing a day in the middle have the effect to induce the government to order that it shall, in future, with all american seamen, commence at one of its ends, something will be gained in the way of simplicity, and the writing of novels will, in-so-much, be rendered easier and more agreeable. as respects the minor characters of this work, very little need be said. every one knows that columbus had seamen in his vessels, and that he brought some of the natives of the islands he had discovered, back with him to spain. the reader is now made much more intimately acquainted with certain of these individuals, we will venture to say, than he can be possibly by the perusal of any work previously written. as for the subordinate incidents connected with the more familiar events of the age, it is hoped they will be found so completely to fill up this branch of the subject, as to render future investigations unnecessary. [illustration] mercedes of castile. [illustration: "in vain luis endeavored to persuade the devoted girl to withdraw."] chapter i. "there was knocking that shook the marble floor, and a voice at the gate, which said- 'that the cid ruy diez, the campeador, was there in his arms array'd.'"--- mrs. hemans. whether we take the pictures of the inimitable cervantes, or of that scarcely less meritorious author from whom le sage has borrowed his immortal tale, for our guides; whether we confide in the graver legends of history, or put our trust in the accounts of modern travellers, the time has scarcely ever existed when the inns of spain were good, or the roads safe. these are two of the blessings of civilization which the people of the peninsula would really seem destined never to attain; for, in all ages, we hear, or have heard, of wrongs done the traveller equally by the robber and the host. if such are the facts to-day, such also were the facts in the middle of the fifteenth century, the period to which we desire to carry back the reader in imagination. at the commencement of the month of october, in the year of our lord 1469, john of trastamara reigned in aragon, holding his court at a place called zaragosa, a town lying on the ebro, the name of which is supposed to be a corruption of cæsar augustus, and a city that has become celebrated in our own times, under the more anglicised term of saragossa, for its deeds in arms. john of trastamara, or, as it was more usual to style him, agreeably to the nomenclature of kings, john ii., was one of the most sagacious monarchs of his age; but he had become impoverished by many conflicts with the turbulent, or, as it may be more courtly to say, the liberty-loving catalonians; had frequently enough to do to maintain his seat on the throne; possessed a party-colored empire that included within its sway, besides his native aragon with its dependencies of valencia and catalonia, sicily and the balearic islands, with some very questionable rights in navarre. by the will of his elder brother and predecessor, the crown of naples had descended to an illegitimate son of the latter, else would that kingdom have been added to the list. the king of aragon had seen a long and troubled reign, and, at this very moment, his treasury was nearly exhausted by his efforts to subdue the truculent catalans, though he was nearer a triumph than he could then foresee, his competitor, the duke of lorraine, dying suddenly, only two short months after the precise period chosen for the commencement of our tale. but it is denied to man to look into the future, and on the 9th of the month just mentioned, the ingenuity of the royal treasurer was most sorely taxed, there having arisen an unexpected demand for a considerable sum of money, at the very moment that the army was about to disband itself for the want of pay, and the public coffers contained only the very moderate sum of three hundred _enriques_, or henrys--a gold coin named after a previous monarch, and which had a value not far from that of the modern ducat, or our own quarter eagle. the matter, however, was too pressing to be deferred, and even the objects of the war were considered as secondary to those connected with this suddenly-conceived, and more private enterprise. councils were held, money-dealers were cajoled or frightened, and the confidants of the court were very manifestly in a state of great and earnest excitement. at length, the time of preparation appeared to be passed and the instant of action arrived. curiosity was relieved, and the citizens of saragossa were permitted to know that their sovereign was about to send a solemn embassy, on matters of high moment, to his neighbor, kinsman, and ally, the monarch of castile. in 1469, henry, also of trastamara, sat upon the throne of the adjoining kingdom, under the title of henry iv. he was the grandson, in the male line, of the brother of john ii.'s father, and, consequently, a first-cousin once removed, of the monarch of aragon. notwithstanding this affinity, and the strong family interests that might be supposed to unite them, it required many friendly embassies to preserve the peace between the two monarchs; and the announcement of that which was about to depart, produced more satisfaction than wonder in the streets of the town. henry of castile, though he reigned over broader and richer peninsular territories than his relative of aragon, had his cares and troubles, also. he had been twice married, having repudiated his first consort, blanche of aragon, to wed joanna of portugal, a princess of a levity of character so marked, as not only to bring great scandal on the court generally, but to throw so much distrust on the birth of her only child, a daughter, as to push discontent to disaffection, and eventually to deprive the infant itself of the rights of royalty. henry's father, like himself, had been twice married, and the issue of the second union was a son and a daughter, alfonso and isabella; the latter becoming subsequently illustrious, under the double titles of the queen of castile, and of the catholic. the luxurious impotency of henry, as a monarch, had driven a portion of his subjects into open rebellion. three years preceding that selected for our opening, his brother alfonso had been proclaimed king in his stead, and a civil war had raged throughout his provinces. this war had been recently terminated by the death of alfonso, when the peace of the kingdom was temporarily restored by a treaty, in which henry consented to the setting aside of his own daughter--or rather of the daughter of joanna of portugal--and to the recognition of his half-sister isabella, as the rightful heiress of the throne. the last concession was the result of dire necessity, and, as might have been expected, it led to many secret and violent measures, with a view to defeat its objects. among the other expedients adopted by the king--or, it might be better to say, by his favorites, the inaction and indolence of the self-indulgent but kind-hearted prince being proverbial--with a view to counteract the probable consequences of the expected accession of isabella, were various schemes to control her will, and guide her policy, by giving her hand, first to a subject, with a view to reduce her power, and subsequently to various foreign princes, who were thought to be more or less suited to the furtherance of such schemes. just at this moment, indeed, the marriage of the princess was one of the greatest objects of spanish prudence. the son of the king of aragon was one of the suitors for the hand of isabella, and most of those who heard of the intended departure of the embassy, naturally enough believed that the mission had some connection with that great stroke of aragonese policy. isabella had the reputation of learning, modesty, discretion, piety, and beauty, besides being the acknowledged heiress of so enviable a crown; and there were many competitors for her hand. among them were to be ranked french, english, and portuguese princes, besides him of aragon to whom we have already alluded. different favorites supported different pretenders, struggling to effect their several purposes by the usual intrigues of courtiers and partisans; while the royal maiden, herself, who was the object of so much competition and rivalry, observed a discreet and womanly decorum, even while firmly bent on indulging her most womanly and dearest sentiments. her brother, the king, was in the south, pursuing his pleasures, and, long accustomed to dwell in comparative solitude, the princess was earnestly occupied in arranging her own affairs, in a way that she believed would most conduce to her own happiness. after several attempts to entrap her person, from which she had only escaped by the prompt succor of the forces of her friends, she had taken refuge in leon, in the capital of which province, or kingdom as it was sometimes called, valladolid, she temporarily took up her abode. as henry, however, still remained in the vicinity of granada, it is in that direction we must look for the route taken by the embassy. the cortège left saragossa, by one of the southern gates, early in the morning of a glorious autumnal day. there was the usual escort of lances, for this the troubled state of the country demanded; bearded nobles well mailed--for few, who offered an inducement to the plunderer, ventured on the highway without this precaution; a long train of sumpter mules, and a host of those who, by their guise, were half menials and half soldiers. the gallant display drew crowds after the horses' heels, and, together with some prayers for success, a vast deal of crude and shallow conjecture, as is still the practice with the uninstructed and gossiping, was lavished on the probable objects and results of the journey. but curiosity has its limits, and even the gossip occasionally grows weary; and by the time the sun was setting, most of the multitude had already forgotten to think and speak of the parade of the morning. as the night drew on, however, the late pageant was still the subject of discourse between two soldiers, who belonged to the guard of the western gate, or that which opened on the road to the province of burgos. these worthies were loitering away the hours, in the listless manner common to men on watch, and the spirit of discussion and of critical censure had survived the thoughts and bustle of the day. "if don alonso de carbajal thinketh to ride far in that guise," observed the elder of the two idlers, "he would do well to look sharp to his followers, for the army of aragon never sent forth a more scurvily-appointed guard than that he hath this day led through the southern gate, notwithstanding the glitter of housings, and the clangor of trumpets. we could have furnished lances from valencia more befitting a king's embassy, i tell thee, diego; ay, and worthier knights to lead them, than these of aragon. but if the king is content, it ill becomes soldiers, like thee and me, to be dissatisfied." "there are many who think, roderique, that it had been better to spare the money lavished in this courtly letter-writing, to pay the brave men who so freely shed their blood in order to subdue the rebellious barcelans." "this is always the way, boy, between debtor and creditor. don john owes you a few maravedis, and you grudge him every enrique he spends on his necessities. i am an older soldier, and have learned the art of paying myself, when the treasury is too poor to save me the trouble." "that might do in a foreign war, when one is battling against the moor, for instance; but, after all, these catalans are as good christians as we are ourselves; some of them are as good subjects; and it is not as easy to plunder a countryman as to plunder an infidel." "easier by twenty fold; for the one expects it, and, like all in that unhappy condition, seldom has any thing worth taking, while the other opens his stores to you as freely as he does his heart--but who are these, setting forth on the highway, at this late hour?" "fellows that pretend to wealth, by affecting to conceal it. i'll warrant you, now, roderique, that there is not money enough among all those varlets to pay the laquais that shall serve them their boiled eggs, to-night." "by st. iago, my blessed patron!" whispered one of the leaders of a small cavalcade, who, with a single companion, rode a little in advance of the others, as if not particularly anxious to be too familiar with the rest, and laughing, lightly, as he spoke: "yonder vagabond is nearer the truth than is comfortable! we may have sufficient among us all to pay for an olla-podrida and its service, but i much doubt whether there will be a dobla left, when the journey shall be once ended." a low, but grave rebuke, checked this inconsiderate mirth; and the party, which consisted of merchants, or traders, mounted on mules, as was evident by their appearance, for in that age the different classes were easily recognized by their attire, halted at the gate. the permission to quit the town was regular, and the drowsy and consequently surly gate-keeper slowly undid his bars, in order that the travellers might pass. while these necessary movements were going on, the two soldiers stood a little on one side, coolly scanning the group, though spanish gravity prevented them from indulging openly in an expression of the scorn that they actually felt for two or three jews who were among the traders. the merchants, moreover, were of a better class, as was evident by a follower or two, who rode in their train, in the garbs of menials, and who kept at a respectful distance while their masters paid the light fee that it was customary to give on passing the gates after nightfall. one of these menials, capitally mounted on a tall, spirited mule, happened to place himself so near diego, during this little ceremony, that the latter, who was talkative by nature, could not refrain from having his say. "prithee, pepe," commenced the soldier, "how many hundred doblas a year do they pay, in that service of thine, and how often do they renew that fine leathern doublet?" the varlet, or follower of the merchant, who was still a youth, though his vigorous frame and embrowned cheek denoted equally severe exercise and rude exposure, started and reddened at this free inquiry, which was enforced by a hand slapped familiarly on his knee, and such a squeeze of the leg as denoted the freedom of the camp. the laugh of diego probably suppressed a sudden outbreak of anger, for the soldier was one whose manner indicated too much good-humor easily to excite resentment. "thy gripe is friendly, but somewhat close, comrade," the young domestic mildly observed; "and if thou wilt take a friend's counsel, it will be, never to indulge in too great familiarity, lest some day it lead to a broken pate." "by holy san pedro!--i should relish--" it was too late, however; for his master having proceeded, the youth pushed a powerful rowel into the flank of his mule, and the vigorous animal dashed ahead, nearly upsetting diego, who was pressing hard on the pommel of the saddle, by the movement. "there is mettle in that boy," exclaimed the good-natured soldier, as he recovered his feet. "i thought, for one moment, he was about to favor me with a visitation of his hand." "thou art wrong--and too much accustomed to be heedless, diego," answered his comrade; "and it had been no wonder had that youth struck thee to the earth, for the indignity thou putt'st upon him." "ha! a hireling follower of some cringing hebrew! he dare to strike a blow at a soldier of the king!" "he may have been a soldier of the king himself, in his day. these are times when most of his frame and muscle are called on to go in harness. i think i have seen that face before; ay, and that, too, where none of craven hearts would be apt to go." "the fellow is a mere varlet, and a younker that has just escaped from the hands of the women." "i'll answer for it, that he hath faced both the catalan and the moor in his time, young as he may seem. thou knowest that the nobles are wont to carry their sons, as children, early into the fight, that they may learn the deeds of chivalry betimes." "the nobles!" repeated diego, laughing. "in the name of all the devils, roderique, of what art thou thinking, that thou likenest this knave to a young noble? dost fancy him a guzman, or a mendoza, in disguise, that thou speakest thus of chivalry?" "true--it doth, indeed, seem silly--and yet have i before met that frown in battle, and heard that sharp, quick voice, in a rally. by st. iago de compostello! i have it! harkee, diego!--a word in thy ear." the veteran now led his more youthful comrade aside, although there was no one near to listen to what he said; and looking carefully round, to make certain that his words would not be overheard, he whispered, for a moment, in diego's ear. "holy mother of god!" exclaimed the latter, recoiling quite three paces, in surprise and awe. "thou canst not be right, roderique!" "i will place my soul's welfare on it," returned the other, positively. "have i not often seen him with his visor up, and followed him, time and again, to the charge?" "and he setting forth as a trader's varlet! nay, i know not, but as the servitor of a jew!" "our business, diego, is to strike without looking into the quarrel; to look without seeing, and to listen without hearing. although his coffers are low, don john is a good master, and our anointed king; and so we will prove ourselves discreet soldiers." "but he will never forgive me that gripe of the knee, and my foolish tongue. i shall never dare meet him again." "humph!--it is not probable thou ever wilt meet him at the table of the king, and, as for the field, as he is wont to go first, there will not be much temptation for him to turn back in order to look at thee." "thou thinkest, then, he will not be apt to know me again?" "if it should prove so, boy, thou need'st not take it in ill part; as such as he have more demands on their memories than they can always meet." "the blessed maria make thee a true prophet!--else would i never dare again to appear in the ranks. were it a favor i conferred, i might hope it would be forgotten; but an indignity sticks long in the memory." here the two soldiers moved away, continuing the discourse from time to time, although the elder frequently admonished his loquacious companion of the virtue of discretion. in the mean time, the travellers pursued their way, with a diligence that denoted great distrust of the roads, and as great a desire to get on. they journeyed throughout the night, nor did there occur any relaxation in their speed, until the return of the sun exposed them again to the observations of the curious, among whom were thought to be many emissaries of henry of castile, whose agents were known to be particularly on the alert, along all the roads that communicated between the capital of aragon and valladolid, the city in which his royal sister had then, quite recently, taken refuge. nothing remarkable occurred, however, to distinguish this journey from any other of the period. there was nothing about the appearance of the travellers--who soon entered the territory of soria, a province of old castile, where armed parties of the monarch were active in watching the passes--to attract the attention of henry's soldiers; and as for the more vulgar robber, he was temporarily driven from the highways by the presence of those who acted in the name of the prince. as respects the youth who had given rise to the discourse between the two soldiers, he rode diligently in the rear of his master, so long as it pleased the latter to remain in the saddle; and during the few and brief pauses that occurred in the travelling, he busied himself, like the other menials, in the duties of his proper vocation. on the evening of the second day, however, about an hour after the party had left a hostelry, where it had solaced itself with an olla-podrida and some sour wine, the merry young man who has already been mentioned, and who still kept his place by the side of his graver and more aged companion in the van, suddenly burst into a fit of loud laughter, and, reining in his mule he allowed the whole train to pass him, until he found himself by the side of the young menial already so particularly named. the latter cast a severe and rebuking glance at his reputed master, as he dropped in by his side, and said, with a sternness that ill comported with their apparent relations to each other-"how now, master nuñez! what hath called thee from thy position in the van, to this unseemly familiarity with the varlets in the rear?" "i crave ten thousand pardons, honest juan," returned the master, still laughing, though he evidently struggled to repress his mirth, out of respect to the other; "but here is a calamity befallen us, that outdoes those of the fables and legends of necromancy and knight-errantry. the worthy master ferreras, yonder, who is so skilful in handling gold, having passed his whole life in buying and selling barley and oats, hath actually mislaid the purse, which it would seem he hath forgotten at the inn we have quitted, in payment of some very stale bread and rancid oil. i doubt if there are twenty reals left in the whole party!" "and is it a matter of jest, master nuñez," returned the servant, though a slight smile struggled about his mouth, as if ready to join in his companion's merriment; "that we are penniless? thank heaven! the burgo of osma cannot be very distant; and we may have less occasion for gold. and now, master of mine, let me command thee to keep thy proper place in this cavalcade, and not to forget thyself by such undue familiarity with thy inferiors. i have no farther need of thee, and therefore hasten back to master ferreras and acquaint him with my sympathy and grief." the young man smiled, though the eye of the pretended servant was averted, as if he cared to respect his own admonitions; while the other evidently sought a look of recognition and favor. in another minute, the usual order of the journey was resumed. as the night advanced, and the hour arrived when man and beast usually betray fatigue, these travellers pushed their mules the hardest; and about midnight, by dint of hard pricking, they came under the principal gate of a small walled town, called osma, that stood not far from the boundary of the province of burgos, though still in that of soria. no sooner was his mule near enough to the gate to allow of the freedom, than the young merchant in advance dealt sundry blows on it with his staff, effectually apprising those within of his presence. it required no strong pull of the reins to stop the mules of those behind; but the pretended varlet now pushed ahead, and was about to assume his place among the principal personages near the gate, when a heavy stone, hurled from the battlements, passed so close to his head, as vividly to remind him how near he might be to making a hasty journey to another world. a cry arose in the whole party, at this narrow escape; nor were loud imprecations on the hand that had cast the missile spared. the youth, himself, seemed the least disturbed of them all; and though his voice was sharp and authoritative, as he raised it in remonstrance, it was neither angry nor alarmed. "how now!" he said; "is this the way you treat peaceful travellers; merchants, who come to ask hospitality and a night's repose at your hands?" "merchants and travellers!" growled a voice from above--"say, rather, spies and agents of king henry. who are ye? speak promptly, or ye may expect something sharper than stones, at the next visit." "tell me," answered the youth, as if disdaining to be questioned himself--"who holds this borough? is it not the noble count of treviño?" "the very same, señor," answered he above, with a mollified tone: "but what can a set of travelling traders know of his excellency? and who art thou, that speakest up as sharply and as proudly as if thou wert a grandee?" "i am ferdinand of trastamara--the prince of aragon--the king of sicily. go! bid thy master hasten to the gate." this sudden announcement, which was made in the lofty manner of one accustomed to implicit obedience, produced a marked change in the state of affairs. the party at the gate so far altered their several positions, that the two superior nobles who had ridden in front, gave place to the youthful king; while the group of knights made such arrangements as showed that disguise was dropped, and each man was now expected to appear in his proper character. it might have amused a close and philosophical observer to note the promptitude with which the young cavaliers, in particular, rose in their saddles, as if casting aside the lounging mien of grovelling traders, in order to appear what they really were, men accustomed to the tourney and the field. on the ramparts the change was equally sudden and great. all appearance of drowsiness vanished; the soldiers spoke to each other in suppressed but hurried voices; and the distant tramp of feet announced that messengers were dispatched in various directions. some ten minutes elapsed in this manner, during which an inferior officer showed himself on the ramparts, and apologized for a delay that arose altogether from the force of discipline, and on no account from any want of respect. at length a bustle on the wall, with the light of many lanterns, betrayed the approach of the governor of the town; and the impatience of the young men below, that had begun to manifest itself in half-uttered execrations, was put under a more decent restraint for the occasion. "are the joyful tidings that my people bring me true?" cried one from the battlements; while a lantern was lowered from the wall, as if to make a closer inspection of the party at the gate: "am i really so honored, as to receive a summons from don ferdinand of aragon, at this unusual hour?" "cause thy fellow to turn his lantern more closely on my countenance," answered the king, "that thou may'st make thyself sure. i will cheerfully overlook the disrespect, count of treviño, for the advantage of a more speedy admission." "'tis he!" exclaimed the noble: "i know those royal features, which bear the lineaments of a long race of kings, and that voice have i heard, often, rallying the squadrons of aragon, in their onsets against the moor. let the trumpets speak up, and proclaim this happy arrival; and open wide our gates, without delay." this order was promptly obeyed, and the youthful king entered osma, by sound of trumpet, encircled by a strong party of men-at-arms, and with half of the awakened and astonished population at his heels. "it is lucky, my lord king," said don andres de cabrera, the young noble already mentioned, as he rode familiarly at the side of don ferdinand, "that we have found these good lodgings without cost; it being a melancholy truth, that master ferreras hath, negligently enough, mislaid the only purse there was among us. in such a strait, it would not have been easy to keep up the character of thrifty traders much longer; for, while the knaves higgle at the price of every thing, they are fond of letting their gold be seen." "now that we are in thine own castile, don andres," returned the king, smiling, "we shall throw ourselves gladly on thy hospitality, well knowing that thou hast two most beautiful diamonds always at thy command." "i, sir king! your highness is pleased to be merry at my expense, although i believe it is, just now, the only gratification i can pay for. my attachment for the princess isabella hath driven me from my lands; and even the humblest cavalier in the aragonese army is not, just now, poorer than i. what diamonds, therefore, can i command?" "report speaketh favorably of the two brilliants that are set in the face of the doña beatriz de bobadilla; and i hear they are altogether at thy disposal, or as much so as a noble maiden's inclinations can leave them with a loyal knight." "ah! my lord king! if indeed this adventure end as happily as it commenceth, i may, indeed, look to your royal favor, for some aid in that matter." the king smiled, in his own sedate manner; but the count de treviño pressing nearer to his side at that moment, the discourse was changed. that night ferdinand of aragon slept soundly; but with the dawn, he and his followers were again in the saddle. the party quitted osma, however, in a manner very different from that in which it had approached its gate. ferdinand now appeared as a knight, mounted on a noble andalusian charger; and all his followers had still more openly assumed their proper characters. a strong body of lancers, led by the count of treviño in person, composed the escort; and on the 9th of the month, the whole cavalcade reached dueñas, in leon, a place quite near to valladolid. the disaffected nobles crowded about the prince to pay their court, and he was received as became his high rank and still higher destinies. here the more luxurious castilians had an opportunity of observing the severe personal discipline by which don ferdinand, at the immature years of eighteen, for he was scarcely older, had succeeded in hardening his body and in stringing his nerves, so as to be equal to any deeds in arms. his delight was found in the rudest military exercises; and no knight of aragon could better direct his steed in the tourney or in the field. like most of the royal races of that period, and indeed of this, in despite of the burning sun under which he dwelt, his native complexion was brilliant, though it had already become embrowned by exposure in the chase, and in the martial occupations of his boyhood. temperate as a mussulman, his active and well-proportioned frame seemed to be early indurating, as if providence held him in reserve for some of its own dispensations, that called for great bodily vigor as well as for deep forethought and a vigilant sagacity. during the four or five days that followed, the noble castilians who listened to his discourse, knew not of which most to approve, his fluent eloquence, or a wariness of thought and expression, which, while they might have been deemed prematurely worldly and cold-blooded, were believed to be particular merits in one destined to control the jarring passions, deep deceptions, and selfish devices of men. chapter ii. "leave to the nightingale her shady wood: a privacy of glorious light is thine; whence thou dost pour upon the world a flood of harmony, with rapture more divine; type of the wise, who soar, but never roam; true to the kindred points of heaven and home." wordsworth. while john of aragon had recourse to such means to enable his son to escape the vigilant and vindictive emissaries of the king of castile, there were anxious hearts in valladolid, awaiting the result with the impatience and doubt that ever attend the execution of hazardous enterprises. among others who felt this deep interest in the movements of ferdinand of aragon and his companions, were a few whom it has now become necessary to introduce to the reader. although valladolid had not then reached the magnificence it subsequently acquired as the capital of charles v., it was an ancient, and, for the age, a magnificent and luxurious town, possessing its palaces, as well as its more inferior abodes. to the principal of the former, the residence of john de vivero--a distinguished noble of the kingdom--we must repair in imagination; where companions more agreeable than those we have just quitted, await us, and who were then themselves awaiting, with deep anxiety, the arrival of a messenger with tidings from dueñas. the particular apartment that it will be necessary to imagine, had much of the rude splendor of the period, united to that air of comfort and fitness that woman seldom fails to impart to the portion of any edifice that comes directly under her control. in the year 1469, spain was fast approaching the termination of that great struggle which had already endured seven centuries, and in which the christian and the mussulman contended for the mastery of the peninsula. the latter had long held sway in the southern parts of leon, and had left behind him, in the palaces of this town, some of the traces of his barbaric magnificence. the lofty and fretted ceilings were not as glorious as those to be found further south, it is true; still, the moor had been here, and the name of veled vlid--since changed to valladolid--denotes its arabic connection. in the room just mentioned, and in the principal palace of this ancient town--that of john de vivero--were two females, in earnest and engrossing discourse. both were young, and, though in very different styles, both would have been deemed beautiful in any age or region of the earth. one, indeed, was surpassingly lovely. she had just reached her nineteenth year--an age when the female form has received its full development in that generous climate; and the most imaginative poet of spain--a country so renowned for beauty of form in the sex--could not have conceived of a person more symmetrical. the hands, feet, bust, and all the outlines, were those of feminine loveliness; while the stature, without rising to a height to suggest the idea of any thing masculine, was sufficient to ennoble an air of quiet dignity. the beholder, at first, was a little at a loss to know whether the influence to which he submitted, proceeded most from the perfection of the body itself, or from the expression that the soul within imparted to the almost faultless exterior. the face was, in all respects, worthy of the form. although born beneath the sun of spain, her lineage carried her back, through a long line of kings, to the gothic sovereigns; and its frequent intermarriages with foreign princesses, had produced in her countenance that intermixture of the brilliancy of the north with the witchery of the south, that probably is nearest to the perfection of feminine loveliness. her complexion was fair, and her rich locks had that tint of the auburn which approaches as near as possible to the more marked color that gives it warmth, without attaining any of the latter's distinctive hue. "her mild blue eyes," says an eminent historian, "beamed with intelligence and sensibility." in these indexes to the soul, indeed, were to be found her highest claims to loveliness, for they bespoke no less the beauty within, than the beauty without; imparting to features of exquisite delicacy and symmetry, a serene expression of dignity and moral excellence, that was remarkably softened by a modesty that seemed as much allied to the sensibilities of a woman, as to the purity of an angel. to add to all these charms, though of royal blood, and educated in a court, an earnest, but meek sincerity presided over every look and thought--as thought was betrayed in the countenance--adding the illumination of truth to the lustre of youth and beauty. the attire of this princess was simple, for, happily, the taste of the age enabled those who worked for the toilet to consult the proportions of nature; though the materials were rich, and such as became her high rank. a single cross of diamonds sparkled on a neck of snow, to which it was attached by a short string of pearls; and a few rings, decked with stones of price, rather cumbered than adorned hands that needed no ornaments to rivet the gaze. such was isabella of castile, in her days of maiden retirement and maiden pride--while waiting the issues of those changes that were about to put their seal on her own future fortunes, as well as on those of posterity even to our own times. her companion was beatriz de bobadilla, the friend of her childhood and infancy, and who continued, to the last, the friend of her prime, and of her death-bed. this lady, a little older than the princess, was of more decided spanish mien, for, though of an ancient and illustrious house, policy and necessity had not caused so many foreign intermarriages in her race, as had been required in that of her royal mistress. her eyes were black and sparkling, bespeaking a generous soul, and a resolution so high that some commentators have termed it valor; while her hair was dark as the raven's wing. like that of her royal mistress, her form exhibited the grace and loveliness of young womanhood, developed by the generous warmth of spain; though her stature was, in a slight degree, less noble, and the outlines of her figure, in about an equal proportion, less perfect. in short, nature had drawn some such distinction between the exceeding grace and high moral charms that encircled the beauty of the princess, and those which belonged to her noble friend, as the notions of men had established between their respective conditions; though, considered singly, as women, either would have been deemed pre-eminently winning and attractive. at the moment we have selected for the opening of the scene that is to follow, isabella, fresh from the morning toilet, was seated in a chair, leaning lightly on one of its arms, in an attitude that interest in the subject she was discussing, and confidence in her companion, had naturally produced; while beatriz de bobadilla occupied a low stool at her feet, bending her body in respectful affection so far forward, as to allow the fairer hair of the princess to mingle with her own dark curls, while the face of the latter appeared to repose on the head of her friend. as no one else was present, the reader will at once infer, from the entire absence of castilian etiquette and spanish reserve, that the dialogue they held was strictly confidential, and that it was governed more by the feelings of nature, than by the artificial rules that usually regulate the intercourse of courts. "i have prayed, beatriz, that god would direct my judgment in this weighty concern," said the princess, in continuation of some previous observation; "and i hope i have as much kept in view the happiness of my future subjects, in the choice i have made, as my own." "none shall presume to question it," said beatriz de bobadilla; "for had it pleased you to wed the grand turk, the castilians would not gainsay your wish, such is their love!" "say, rather, such is thy love for me, my good beatriz, that thou fanciest this," returned isabella, smiling, and raising her face from the other's head. "our castilians might overlook such a sin, but i could not pardon myself for forgetting that i am a christian. beatriz, i have been sorely tried, in this matter!" "but the hour of trial is nearly passed. holy maria! what lightness of reflection, and vanity, and misjudging of self, must exist in man, to embolden some who have dared to aspire to become your husband! you were yet a child when they betrothed you to don carlos, a prince old enough to be your father; and then, as if that were not sufficient to warm castilian blood, they chose the king of portugal for you, and he might well have passed for a generation still more remote! much as i love you, doña isabella, and my own soul is scarce dearer to me than your person and mind, for nought do i respect you more, than for the noble and princely resolution, child as you then were, with which you denied the king, in his wicked wish to make you queen of portugal." "don enriquez is my brother, beatriz; and thine and my royal master." "ah! bravely did you tell them all," continued beatriz de bobadilla, with sparkling eyes, and a feeling of exultation that caused her to overlook the quiet rebuke of her mistress; "and worthy was it of a princess of the royal house of castile! 'the infantas of castile,' you said, 'could not be disposed of, in marriage, without the consent of the nobles of the realm;' and with that fit reply they were glad to be content." "and yet, beatriz, am i about to dispose of an infanta of castile, without even consulting its nobles." "say not that, my excellent mistress. there is not a loyal and gallant cavalier between the pyrenees and the sea, who will not, in his heart, approve of your choice. the character, and age, and other qualities of the suitor, make a sensible difference in these concerns. but unfit as don alfonso of portugal was, and is, to be the wedded husband of doña isabella of castile, what shall we say to the next suitor who appeared as a pretender to your royal hand--don pedro giron, the master of calatrava! truly a most worthy lord for a maiden of the royal house! out upon him! a pachecho might think himself full honorably mated, could he have found a damsel of bobadilla to elevate his race!" "that ill-assorted union was imposed upon my brother by unworthy favorites; and god, in his holy providence, saw fit to defeat their wishes, by hurrying their intended bridegroom to an unexpected grave!" "ay! had it not pleased his blessed will so to dispose of don pedro, other means would not have been wanting!" "this little hand of thine, beatriz," returned the princess, gravely, though she smiled affectionately on her friend as she took the hand in question, "was not made for the deed its owner menaced." "that which its owner menaced," replied beatriz, with eyes flashing fire, "this hand would have executed, before isabella of castile should be the doomed bride of the grand master of calatrava. what! was the purest, loveliest virgin of castile, and she of royal birth--nay, the rightful heiress of the crown--to be sacrificed to a lawless libertine, because it had pleased don henry to forget his station and duties, and make a favorite of a craven miscreant!" "thou always forgettest, beatriz, that don enriquez is our lord the king, and my royal brother." "i do not forget, señora, that you are the royal sister of our lord the king, and that pedro de giron, or pachecho, whichever it might suit the ancient portuguese page to style him, was altogether unworthy to sit in your presence, much less to become your wedded husband. oh! what days of anguish were those, my gracious lady, when your knees ached with bending in prayer, that this might not be! but god would not permit it--neither would i! that dagger should have pierced his heart, before ear of his should have heard the vows of isabella of castile!" "speak no more of this, good beatriz, i pray thee," said the princess, shuddering, and crossing herself; "they were, in sooth, days of anguish; but what were they in comparison with the passion of the son of god, who gave himself a sacrifice for our sins! name it not, then; it was good for my soul to be thus tried; and thou knowest that the evil was turned from me--more, i doubt not, by the efficacy of our prayers, than by that of thy dagger. if thou wilt speak of my suitors, surely there are others better worthy of the trouble." a light gleamed about the dark eye of beatriz, and a smile struggled toward her pretty mouth; for well did she understand that the royal, but bashful maiden, would gladly hear something of him on whom her choice had finally fallen. although ever disposed to do that which was grateful to her mistress, with a woman's coquetry, beatriz determined to approach the more pleasing part of the subject coyly, and by a regular gradation of events, in the order in which they had actually occurred. "then, there was monsieur de guienne, the brother of king louis of france," she resumed, affecting contempt in her manner; "_he_ would fain become the husband of the future queen of castile! but even our most unworthy castilians soon saw the unfitness of that union. their pride was unwilling to run the chance of becoming a fief of france." "that misfortune could never have befallen our beloved castile," interrupted isabella with dignity; "had i espoused the king of france himself, he would have learned to respect me as the queen proprietor of this ancient realm, and not have looked upon me as a subject." "then, señora," continued beatriz, looking up into isabella's face, and laughing--"was your own royal kinsman, don ricardo of gloucester; he that they say was born with teeth, and who carries already a burthen so heavy on his back, that he may well thank his patron saint that he is not also to be loaded with the affairs of castile."[1] [footnote 1: note--the authorities differ as to which of the english princes was the suitor of isabella; edward iv. himself, clarence, or richard. isabella was the grand-daughter of catherine of lancaster, who was a daughter of john of gaunt.] "thy tongue runneth riot, beatriz. they tell me that don ricardo is a noble and aspiring prince; that he is, one day, likely to wed some princess, whose merit may well console him for his failure in castile. but what more hast thou to offer concerning my suitors?" "nay, what more can i say, my beloved mistress? we have now reached don fernando, literally the first, as he proveth to be the last, and as we know him to be, the best of them all." "i think i have been guided by the motives that become my birth and future hopes, in choosing don ferdinand," said isabella, meekly, though she was uneasy in spite of her royal views of matrimony; "since nothing can so much tend to the peace of our dear kingdom, and to the success of the great cause of christianity, as to unite castile and aragon under one crown." "by uniting their sovereigns in holy wedlock," returned beatriz, with respectful gravity, though a smile again struggled around her pouting lips. "what if don fernando is the most youthful, the handsomest, the most valiant, and the most agreeable prince in christendom, it is no fault of yours, since you did not make him, but have only accepted him for a husband!" "nay, this exceedeth discretion and respect, my good beatriz," returned isabella, affecting to frown, even while she blushed deeply at her own emotions, and looked gratified at the praises of her betrothed. "thou knowest that i have never beheld my cousin, the king of sicily." "very true, señora; but father alonso de coca hath--and a surer eye, or truer tongue than his, do not exist in castile." "beatriz, i pardon thy license, however unjust and unseemly, because i know thou lovest me, and lookest rather at mine own happiness, than at that of my people," said the princess, the effect of whose gravity now was not diminished by any betrayal of natural feminine weakness--for she felt slightly offended. "thou knowest, or ought'st to know, that a maiden of royal birth is bound principally to consult the interests of the state, in bestowing her hand, and that the idle fancies of village girls have little in common with her duties. nay, what virgin of noble extraction, like thyself, even, would dream of aught else than of submitting to the counsel of her family, in taking a husband? if i have selected don fernando of aragon, from among many princes, it is, doubtless, because the alliance is more suited to the interests of castile, than any other that hath offered. thou seest, beatriz, that the castilians and the aragonese spring from the same source, and have the same habits and prejudices. they speak the same language"-"nay, dearest lady, do not confound the pure castilian with the dialect of the mountains!" "well, have thy fling, wayward one, if thou wilt; but we can easier teach the nobles of aragon our purer spanish, than we can teach it to the gaul. then, don fernando is of my own race; the house of trastamara cometh of castile and her monarchs, and we may at least hope that the king of sicily will be able to make himself understood." "if he could not, he were no true knight! the man whose tongue should fail him, when the stake was a royal maiden of a beauty surpassing that of the dawn--of an excellence that already touches on heaven--of a crown"-"girl, girl, thy tongue is getting the mastery of thee--such discourse ill befitteth thee and me." "and yet, doña ysabel, my tongue is close bound to my heart." "i do believe thee, my good beatriz; but we should bethink us both of our last shrivings, and of the ghostly counsel that we then received. such nattering discourse seemeth light, when we remember our manifold transgressions, and our many occasions for forgiveness. as for this marriage, i would have thee think that it has been contracted on my part, with the considerations and motives of a princess, and not through any light indulgence of my fancies. thou knowest that i have never beheld don fernando, and that he hath never even looked upon me." "assuredly, dearest lady and honored mistress, all this i know, and see, and believe; and i also agree that it were unseemly and little befitting her birth, for even a noble maiden to contract the all-important obligations of marriage, with no better motive than the light impulses of a country wench. nothing is more just than that we are alike bound to consult our own dignity, and the wishes of kinsmen and friends; and that our duty, and the habits of piety and submission in which we have been reared, are better pledges for our connubial affection than any caprices of a girlish imagination. still, my honored lady, it is most fortunate that your high obligations point to one as youthful, brave, noble, and chivalrous, as is the king of sicily, as we well know, by father alonso's representations, to be the fact; and that all my friends unite in saying that don andres de cabrera, madcap and silly as he is, will make an exceedingly excellent husband for beatriz de bobadilla!" isabella, habitually dignified and reserved as she was, had her confidants and her moments for unbending; and beatriz was the principal among the former, while the present instant was one of the latter. she smiled, therefore, at this sally; and parting, with her own fair hand, the dark locks on the brow of her friend, she regarded her much as the mother regards her child, when sudden passages of tenderness come over the heart. "if madcap should wed madcap, _thy_ friends, at least, have judged rightly," answered the princess. then, pausing an instant, as if in deep thought, she continued in a graver manner, though modesty shone in her tell-tale complexion, and the sensibility that beamed in her eyes betrayed that she now felt more as a woman than as a future queen bent only on the happiness of her people: "as this interview draweth near, i suffer an embarrassment i had not thought it easy to inflict on an infanta of castile. to thee, my faithful beatriz, i will acknowledge, that were the king of sicily as old as don alfonso of portugal, or were he as effeminate and unmanly as monsieur of guienne; were he, in sooth, less engaging and young, i should feel less embarrassment in meeting him, than i now experience." "this is passing strange, señora! now, i will confess that i would not willingly abate in don andres, one hour of his life, which has been sufficiently long as it is; one grace of his person, if indeed the honest cavalier hath any to boast of; or one single perfection of either body or mind." "thy case is not mine, beatriz. thou knowest the marquis of moya; hast listened to his discourse, and art accustomed to his praises and his admiration." "holy st. iago of spain! do not distrust any thing, señora, on account of unfamiliarity with such matters--for, of all learning, it is easiest to learn to relish praise and admiration!" "true, daughter"--(for so isabella often termed her friend, though her junior: in later life, and after the princess had become a queen, this, indeed, was her usual term of endearment)--"true, daughter, when praise and admiration are freely given and fairly merited. but i distrust, myself, my claims to be thus viewed, and the feelings with which don fernando may first behold me. i know--nay, i _feel_ him to be graceful, and noble, and valiant, and generous, and good; comely to the eye, and strict of duty to our holy religion; as illustrious in qualities as in birth; and i tremble to think of my own unsuitableness to be his bride and queen." "god's justice!--i should like to meet the impudent aragonese noble that would dare to hint as much as this! if don fernando is noble, are you not nobler, señora, as coming of the senior branch of the same house; if he is young, are you not equally so; if he is wise, are you not wiser; if he is comely, are you not more of an angel than a woman; if he is valiant, are you not virtuous; if he is graceful, are you not grace itself; if he is generous, are you not good, and what is more, are you not the very soul of generosity; if he is strict of duty in matters of our holy religion, are you not an angel?" "good sooth--good sooth--beatriz, thou art a comforter! i could reprove thee for this idle tongue, but i know thee honest." "this is no more than that deep modesty, honored mistress, which ever maketh you quicker to see the merits of others, than to perceive your own. let don fernando look to it! though he come in all the pomp and glory of his many crowns, i warrant you we find him a royal maiden in castile, who shall abash him and rebuke his vanity, even while she appears before him in the sweet guise of her own meek nature!" "i have said naught of don fernando's vanity, beatriz--nor do i esteem him in the least inclined to so weak a feeling; and as for pomp, we well know that gold no more abounds at zaragosa than at valladolid, albeit he hath many crowns, in possession, and in reserve. notwithstanding all thy foolish but friendly tongue hath uttered, i distrust myself, and not the king of sicily. methinks i could meet any other prince in christendom with indifference--or, at least, as becometh my rank and sex; but i confess, i tremble at the thought of encountering the eyes and opinions of my noble cousin." beatriz listened with interest; and when her royal mistress ceased speaking, she kissed her hand affectionately, and then pressed it to her heart. "let don fernando tremble, rather, señora, at encountering yours," she answered. "nay, beatriz, we know that he hath nothing to dread, for report speaketh but too favorably of him. but, why linger here in doubt and apprehension, when the staff on which it is my duty to lean, is ready to receive its burthen: father alonso doubtless waiteth for us, and we will now join him." the princess and her friend now repaired to the chapel of the palace, where her confessor celebrated the daily mass. the self-distrust which disturbed the feelings of the modest isabella was appeased by the holy rites, or, rather, it took refuge on that rock where she was accustomed to place all her troubles, with her sins. as the little assemblage left the chapel, one, hot with haste, arrived with the expected, but still doubted tidings, that the king of sicily had reached dueñas in safety, and that, as he was now in the very centre of his supporters, there could no longer be any reasonable distrust of the speedy celebration of the contemplated marriage. isabella was much overcome with this news, and required more than usual of the care of beatriz de bobadilla, to restore her to that sweet serenity of mind and air, which ordinarily rendered her presence as attractive as it was commanding. an hour or two spent in meditation and prayer, however, finally produced a gentle calm in her feelings, and these two friends were again alone, in the very apartment where we first introduced them to the reader. "hast thou seen don andres de cabrera?" demanded the princess, taking a hand from a brow which had been often pressed in a sort of bewildered recollection. beatriz de bobadilla blushed--and then she laughed outright, with a freedom that the long-established affection of her mistress did not rebuke. "for a youth of thirty, and a cavalier well hacked in the wars of the moors, don andres hath a nimble foot," she answered. "he brought hither the tidings of the arrival; and with it he brought his own delightful person, to show it was no lie. for one so experienced, he hath a strong propensity to talk; and so, in sooth, while you, my honored mistress, would be in your closet alone, i could but listen to all the marvels of the journey. it seems, señora, that they did not reach dueñas any too soon; for the only purse among them was mislaid, or blown away by the wind on account of its lightness." "i trust this accident hath been repaired. few of the house of trastamara have much gold at this trying moment, and yet none are wont to be entirely without it." "don andres is neither beggar nor miser. he is now in our castile, where i doubt not he is familiar with the jews and money-lenders; as these last must know the full value of his lands, the king of sicily will not want. i hear, too, that the count of treviño hath conducted nobly with him." "it shall be well for the count of treviño that he hath had this liberality. but, beatriz, bring forth the writing materials; it is meet that i, at once, acquaint don enriquez with this event, and with my purpose of marriage." "nay, dearest mistress, this is out of all rule. when a maiden, gentle or simple, intendeth marriage against her kinsmen's wishes, it is the way to wed first, and to write the letter and ask the blessing when the evil is done." "go to, light-of-speech! thou hast spoken; now bring the pens and paper. the king is not only my lord and sovereign, but he is my nearest of kin, and should be my father." "and doña joanna of portugal, his royal consort, and our illustrious queen, should be your mother; and a fitting guide would she be to any modest virgin! no--no--my beloved mistress; your royal mother was the doña isabella of portugal--and a very different princess was she from this, her wanton niece." "thou givest thyself too much license, doña beatriz, and forgettest my request. i desire to write to my brother the king." it was so seldom that isabella spoke sternly, that her friend started, and the tears rushed to her eyes at this rebuke; but she procured the writing materials, before she presumed to look into isabella's face, in order to ascertain if she were really angered. there all was beautiful serenity again; and the lady of bobadilla, perceiving that her mistress's mind was altogether occupied with the matter before her, and that she had already forgotten her displeasure, chose to make no further allusion to the subject. isabella now wrote her celebrated letter, in which she appeared to forget all her natural timidity, and to speak solely as a princess. by the treaty of toros de guisando, in which, setting aside the claims of joanna of portugal's daughter, she had been recognized as the heiress of the throne, it had been stipulated that she should not marry without the king's consent; and she now apologized for the step she was about to take, on the substantial plea that her enemies had disregarded the solemn compact entered into not to urge her into any union that was unsuitable or disagreeable to herself. she then alluded to the political advantages that would follow the union of the crowns of castile and aragon, and solicited the king's approbation of the step she was about to take. this letter, after having been submitted to john de vivero, and others of her council, was dispatched by a special messenger--after which act the arrangements necessary as preliminaries to a meeting between the betrothed were entered into. castilian etiquette was proverbial, even in that age; and the discussion led to a proposal that isabella rejected with her usual modesty and discretion. "it seemeth to me," said john de vivero, "that this alliance should not take place without some admission, on the part of don fernando, of the inferiority of aragon to our own castile. the house of the latter kingdom is but a junior branch of the reigning house of castile, and the former territory of old was admitted to have a dependency on the latter." this proposition was much applauded, until the beautiful and natural sentiments of the princess, herself, interposed to expose its weakness and its deformities. "it is doubtless true," she said, "that don juan of aragon is the son of the younger brother of my royal grandfather; but he is none the less a king. nay, besides his crown of aragon--a country, if thou wilt, which is inferior to castile--he hath those of naples and sicily; not to speak of navarre, over which he ruleth, although it may not be with too much right. don fernando even weareth the crown of sicily, by the renunciation of don juan; and shall he, a crowned sovereign, make concessions to one who is barely a princess, and whom it may never please god to conduct to a throne? moreover, don john of vivero, i beseech thee to remember the errand that bringeth the king of sicily to valladolid. both he and i have two parts to perform, and two characters to maintain--those of prince and princess, and those of christians wedded and bound by holy marriage ties. it would ill become one that is about to take on herself the duties and obligations of a wife, to begin the intercourse with exactions that should be humiliating to the pride and self-respect of her lord. aragon may truly be an inferior realm to castile--but ferdinand of aragon is even now every way the equal of isabella of castile; and when he shall receive my vows, and, with them, my duty and my affections"--isabella's color deepened, and her mild eye lighted with a sort of holy enthusiasm--"as befitteth a woman, though an infidel, he would become, in some particulars, my superior. let me, then, hear no more of this; for it could not nearly as much pain don fernando to make the concessions ye require, as it paineth me to hear of them." chapter iii. "nice customs curt'sy to great kings. dear kate, you and i cannot be confined within the weak list of a country's fashion. we are the makers of manners; and the liberty that follows our places, stops the mouths of all fault-finders."--henry v. notwithstanding her high resolution, habitual firmness, and a serenity of mind, that seemed to pervade the moral system of isabella, like a deep, quiet current of enthusiasm, but which it were truer to assign to the high and fixed principles that guided all her actions, her heart beat tumultuously, and her native reserve, which almost amounted to shyness, troubled her sorely, as the hour arrived when she was first to behold the prince she had accepted for a husband. castilian etiquette, no less than the magnitude of the political interests involved in the intended union, had drawn out the preliminary negotiations several days; the bridegroom being left, all that time, to curb his impatience to behold the princess, as best he might. on the evening of the 15th of october, 1469, however, every obstacle being at length removed, don fernando threw himself into the saddle, and, accompanied by only four attendants, among whom was andres de cabrera, he quietly took his way, without any of the usual accompaniments of his high rank, toward the palace of john of vivero, in the city of valladolid. the archbishop of toledo was of the faction of the princess, and this prelate, a warlike and active partisan, was in readiness to receive the accepted suitor, and to conduct him to the presence of his mistress. isabella, attended only by beatriz de bobadilla, was in waiting for the interview, in the apartment already mentioned; and by one of those mighty efforts that even the most retiring of the sex can make, on great occasions, she received her future husband with quite as much of the dignity of a princess as of the timidity of a woman. ferdinand of aragon had been prepared to meet one of singular grace and beauty; but the mixture of angelic modesty with a loveliness that almost surpassed that of her sex, produced a picture approaching so much nearer to heaven than to earth, that, though one of circumspect behavior, and much accustomed to suppress emotion, he actually started, and his feet were momentarily riveted to the floor, when the glorious vision first met his eye. then, recovering himself, he advanced eagerly, and taking the little hand which neither met nor repulsed the attempt, he pressed it to his lips with a warmth that seldom accompanies the first interviews of those whose passions are usually so factitious. "this happy moment hath at length arrived, my illustrious and beautiful cousin!" he said, with a truth of feeling that went directly to the pure and tender heart of isabella; for no skill in courtly phrases can ever give to the accents of deceit, the point and emphasis that belong to sincerity. "i have thought it would never arrive; but this blessed moment--thanks to our own st. iago, whom i have not ceased to implore with intercessions--more than rewards me for all anxieties." "i thank my lord the prince, and bid him right welcome," modestly returned isabella. "the difficulties that have been overcome, in order to effect this meeting, are but types of the difficulties we shall have to conquer as we advance through life." then followed a few courteous expressions concerning the hopes of the princess that her cousin had wanted for nothing, since his arrival in castile, with suitable answers; when don ferdinand led her to an armed-chair, assuming himself the stool on which beatriz de bobadilla was wont to be seated, in her familiar intercourse with her royal mistress. isabella, however, sensitively alive to the pretensions of the castilians, who were fond of asserting the superiority of their own country over that of aragon, would not quietly submit to this arrangement, but declined to be seated, unless her suitor would take the chair prepared for him also, saying-"it ill befitteth one who hath little more than some royalty of blood, and her dependence on god, to be thus placed, while the king of sicily is so unworthily bestowed." "let me entreat that it may be so," returned the king. "all considerations of earthly rank vanish in this presence; view me as a knight, ready and desirous of proving his fealty in any court or field of christendom, and treat me as such." isabella, who had that high tact which teaches the precise point where breeding becomes neuter and airs commence, blushed and smiled, but no longer declined to be seated. it was not so much the mere words of her cousin that went to her heart, as the undisguised admiration of his looks, the animation of his eye, and the frank sincerity of his manner. with a woman's instinct she perceived that the impression she had made was favorable, and, with a woman's sensibility, her heart was ready, under the circumstances, to dissolve in tenderness at the discovery. this mutual satisfaction soon opened the way to a freer conversation; and, ere half an hour was passed, the archbishop--who, though officially ignorant of the language and wishes of lovers, was practically sufficiently familiar with both--contrived to draw the two or three courtiers who were present, into an adjoining room, where, though the door continued open, he placed them with so much discretion that neither eye nor ear could be any restraint on what was passing. as for beatriz de bobadilla, whom female etiquette required should remain in the same room with her royal mistress, she was so much engaged with andres de cabrera, that half a dozen thrones might have been disposed of between the royal pair, and she none the wiser. although isabella did not lose that mild reserve and feminine modesty that threw so winning a grace around her person, even to the day of her death, she gradually grew more calm as the discourse proceeded; and, falling back on her self-respect, womanly dignity, and, not a little, on those stores of knowledge that she had been diligently collecting, while others similarly situated had wasted their time in the vanities of courts, she was quickly at her ease, if not wholly in that tranquil state of mind to which she had been accustomed. "i trust there can now be no longer any delay to the celebration of our union by holy church," observed the king, in continuation of the subject. "all that can be required of us both, as those entrusted with the cares and interests of realms, hath been observed, and i may have a claim to look to my own happiness. we are not strangers to each other, doña isabella; for our grandfathers were brothers, and from infancy up, have i been taught to reverence thy virtues, and to strive to emulate thy holy duty to god." "i have not betrothed myself lightly, don fernando," returned the princess, blushing, even while she assumed the majesty of a queen; "and with the subject so fully discussed, the wisdom of the union so fully established, and the necessity of promptness so apparent, no idle delays shall proceed from me. i had thought that the ceremony might be had on the fourth day from this, which will give us both time to prepare for an occasion so solemn, by suitable attention to the offices of the church." "it must be as thou wiliest," said the king, respectfully bowing; "and now there remaineth but a few preparations, and we shall have no reproaches of forgetfulness. thou knowest, doña isabella, how sorely my father is beset by his enemies, and i need scarce tell thee that his coffers are empty. in good sooth, my fair cousin, nothing but my earnest desire to possess myself, at as early a day as possible, of the precious boon that providence and thy goodness"-"mingle not, don fernando, any of the acts of god and his providence, with the wisdom and petty expedients of his creatures," said isabella, earnestly. "to seize upon the precious boon, then, that providence appeared willing to bestow," rejoined the king, crossing himself, while he bowed his head, as much, perhaps, in deference to the pious feelings of his affianced wife, as in deference to a higher power--"would not admit of delay, and we quitted zaragosa better provided with hearts loyal toward the treasures we were to find in valladolid, than with gold. even that we had, by a mischance, hath gone to enrich some lucky varlet in an inn." "doña beatriz de bobadilla hath acquainted me with the mishap," said isabella, smiling; "and truly we shall commence our married lives with but few of the goods of the world in present possession. i have little more to offer thee, fernando, than a true heart, and a spirit that i think may be trusted for its fidelity." "in obtaining thee, my excellent cousin, i obtain sufficient to satisfy the desires of any reasonable man. still, something is due to our rank and future prospects, and it shall not be said that thy nuptials passed like those of a common subject." "under ordinary circumstances it might not appear seemly for one of my sex to furnish the means for her own bridal," answered the princess, the blood stealing to her face until it crimsoned even her brow and temples; maintaining, otherwise, that beautiful tranquillity of mien which marked her ordinary manner--"but the well-being of two states depending on our union, vain emotions must be suppressed. i am not without jewels, and valladolid hath many hebrews: thou wilt permit me to part with the baubles for such an object." "so that thou preservest for me the jewel in which that pure mind is encased," said the king of sicily, gallantly, "i care not if i never see another. but there will not be this need; for our friends, who have more generous souls than well-filled coffers too, can give such warranty to the lenders as will procure the means. i charge myself with this duty, for henceforth, my cousin--may i not say my betrothed!"-"the term is even dearer than any that belongeth to blood, fernando," answered the princess, with a simple sincerity of manner that set at nought the ordinary affectations and artificial feelings of her sex, while it left the deepest reverence for her modesty--"and we might be excused for using it. i trust god will bless our union, not only to our own happiness, but to that of our people." "then, my betrothed, henceforth we have but a common fortune, and thou wilt trust in me for the provision for thy wants." "nay, fernando," answered isabella, smiling, "imagine what we will, we cannot imagine ourselves the children of two hidalgos about to set forth in the world with humble dowries. thou art a king, even now; and by the treaty of toros de guisando, i am solemnly recognized as the heiress of castile. we must, therefore, have our separate means, as well as our separate duties, though i trust hardly our separate interests." "thou wilt never find me failing in that respect which is due to thy rank, or in that duty which it befitteth me to render thee, as the head of our ancient house, next to thy royal brother, the king." "thou hast well considered, don fernando, the treaty of marriage, and accepted cheerfully, i trust, all of its several conditions?" "as becometh the importance of the measures, and the magnitude of the benefit i was to receive." "i would have them acceptable to thee, as well as expedient; for, though so soon to become thy wife, i can never cease to remember that i shall be queen of this country." "thou mayest be assured, my beautiful betrothed, that ferdinand of aragon will be the last to deem thee aught else." "i look on my duties as coming from god, and on myself as one rigidly accountable to him for their faithful discharge. sceptres may not be treated as toys, fernando, to be trifled with; for man beareth no heavier burden, than when he beareth a crown." "the maxims of our house have not been forgotten in aragon, my betrothed--and i rejoice to find that they are the same in both kingdoms." "we are not to think principally of ourselves in entering upon this engagement," continued isabella, earnestly--"for that would be supplanting the duties of princes by the feelings of the lover. thou hast frequently perused, and sufficiently conned the marriage articles, i trust?" "there hath been sufficient leisure for that, my cousin, as they have now been signed these nine months." "if i may have seemed to thee exacting in some particulars," continued isabella, with the same earnest and beautiful simplicity as usually marked her deportment in all the relations of life--"it is because the duties of a sovereign may not be overlooked. thou knowest, moreover, fernando, the influence that the husband is wont to acquire over the wife, and wilt feel the necessity of my protecting my castilians, in the fullest manner, against my own weaknesses." "if thy castilians do not suffer until they suffer from that cause, doña isabella, their lot will indeed be blessed." "these are words of gallantry, and i must reprove their use on an occasion so serious, fernando. i am a few months thy senior, and shall assume an elder sister's rights, until they are lost in the obligations of a wife. thou hast seen in those articles, how anxiously i would protect my castilians against any supremacy of the stranger. thou knowest that many of the greatest of this realm are opposed to our union, through apprehension of aragonese sway, and wilt observe how studiously we have striven to appease their jealousies." "thy motives, doña isabella, have been understood, and thy wishes in this and all other particulars shall be respected." "i would be thy faithful and submissive wife," returned the princess, with an earnest but gentle look at her betrothed; "but i would also that castile should preserve her rights and her independence. what will be thy influence, the maiden that freely bestoweth her hand, need hardly say; but we must preserve the appearance of separate states." "confide in me, my cousin. they who live fifty years hence will say that don fernando knew how to respect his obligations and to discharge his duty." "there is the stipulation, too, to war upon the moor. i shall never feel that the christians of spain have been true to the faith, while the follower of the arch-imposter of mecca remaineth in the peninsula." "thou and thy archbishop could not have imposed a more agreeable duty, than to place my lance in rest against the infidels. my spurs have been gained in those wars, already; and no sooner shall we be crowned, than thou wilt see my perfect willingness to aid in driving back the miscreants to their original sands." "there remaineth but one thing more upon my mind, gentle cousin. thou knowest the evil influence that besets my brother, and that it hath disaffected a large portion of his nobles as well as of his cities. we shall both be sorely tempted to wage war upon him, and to assume the sceptre before it pleaseth god to accord it to us, in the course of nature. i would have thee respect don enriquez, not only as the head of our royal house, but as my brother and anointed master. should evil counsellors press him to attempt aught against our persons or rights, it will be lawful to resist; but i pray thee, fernando, on no excuse seek to raise thy hand in rebellion against my rightful sovereign." "let don enriquez, then, be chary of his beltraneja!" answered the prince with warmth. "by st. peter! i have rights of mine own that come before those of that ill-gotten mongrel! the whole house of trastamara hath an interest in stifling that spurious scion which hath been so fraudulently engrafted on its princely stock!" "thou art warm, don fernando, and even the eye of beatriz de bobadilla reproveth thy heat. the unfortunate joanna never can impair our rights to the throne, for there are few nobles in castile so unworthy as to wish to see the crown bestowed where it is believed the blood of pelayo doth not flow." "don enriquez hath not kept faith with thee, isabella, since the treaty of toros de guisando!" "my brother is surrounded by wicked counsellors--and then, fernando,"--the princess blushed crimson as she spoke--"neither have we been able rigidly to adhere to that convention, since one of its conditions was that my hand should not be bestowed without the consent of the king." "he hath driven us into this measure, and hath only to reproach himself with our failure on this point." "i endeavor so to view it, though many have been my prayers for forgiveness of this seeming breach of faith. i am not superstitious, fernando, else might i think god would frown on a union that is contracted in the face of pledges like these. but, it is well to distinguish between motives, and we have a right to believe that he who readeth the heart, will not judge the well-intentioned severely. had not don enriquez attempted to seize my person, with the plain purpose of forcing me to a marriage against my will, this decisive step could not have been necessary, and would not have been taken." "i have reason to thank my patron saint, beautiful cousin, that thy will was less compliant than thy tyrants had believed." "i could not plight my troth to the king of portugal, or to monsieur de guienne, or to any that they proposed to me, for my future lord," answered isabella, ingenuously. "it ill befitted royal or noble maidens to set up their own inexperienced caprices in opposition to the wisdom of their friends, and the task is not difficult for a virtuous wife to learn to love her husband, when nature and opinion are not too openly violated in the choice; but i have had too much thought for my soul to wish to expose it to so severe a trial, in contracting the marriage duties." "i feel that i am only too unworthy of thee, isabella--but thou must train me to be that thou wouldst wish; i can only promise thee a most willing and attentive scholar." the discourse now became more general, isabella indulging her natural curiosity and affectionate nature, by making many inquiries concerning her different relatives in aragon. after the interview had lasted two hours or more, the king of sicily returned to dueñas, with the same privacy as he had observed in entering the town. the royal pair parted with feelings of increased esteem and respect, isabella indulging in those gentle anticipations of domestic happiness that more properly belong to the tender nature of woman. the marriage took place, with suitable pomp, on the morning of the 19th october, 1469, in the chapel of john de vivero's palace; no less than two thousand persons, principally of condition, witnessing the ceremony. just as the officiating priest was about to commence the offices, the eye of isabella betrayed uneasiness, and turning to the archbishop of toledo, she said-"your grace hath promised that there should be nothing wanting to the consent of the church on this solemn occasion. it is known that don fernando of aragon and i stand within the prohibited degrees." "most true, my lady isabella," returned the prelate, with a composed mien and a paternal smile. "happily, our holy father pius hath removed this impediment, and the church smileth on this blessed union in every particular." the archbishop then took out of his pocket a dispensation, which he read, in a clear, sonorous, steady voice; when every shade disappeared from the serene brow of isabella, and the ceremony proceeded. years elapsed before this pious and submissive christian princess discovered that she had been imposed on, the bull that was then read having been an invention of the old king of aragon and the prelate, not without suspicions of a connivance on the part of the bridegroom. this deception had been practised from a perfect conviction that the sovereign pontiff was too much under the influence of the king of castile, to consent to bestow the boon in opposition to that monarch's wishes. it was several years before sixtus iv. repaired this wrong, by granting a more genuine authority. nevertheless, ferdinand and isabella became man and wife. what followed in the next twenty years must be rather glanced at than related. henry iv. resented the step, and vain attempts were made to substitute his supposititious child, la beltraneja, in the place of his sister, as successor to the throne. a civil war ensued, during which isabella steadily refused to assume the crown, though often entreated; limiting her efforts to the maintenance of her rights as heiress presumptive. in 1474, or five years after her marriage, don henry died, and she then became queen of castile, though her spurious niece was also proclaimed by a small party among her subjects. the war of the succession, as it was called, lasted five years longer, when joanna, or la beltraneja, assumed the veil, and the rights of isabella were generally acknowledged. about the same time, died don john ii., when ferdinand mounted the throne of aragon. these events virtually reduced the sovereignties of the peninsula, which had so long been cut up into petty states, to four, viz., the possessions of ferdinand and isabella, which included castile, leon, aragon, valencia, and many other of the finest provinces of spain; navarre, an insignificant kingdom in the pyrenees; portugal, much as it exists to-day; and granada, the last abiding-place of the moor, north of the strait of gibraltar. neither ferdinand, nor his royal consort, was forgetful of that clause in their marriage contract, which bound the former to undertake a war for the destruction of the moorish power. the course of events, however, caused a delay of many years, in putting this long-projected plan in execution; but when the time finally arrived, that providence which seemed disposed to conduct the pious isabella, through a train of important incidents, from the reduced condition in which we have just described her to have been, to the summit of human power, did not desert its favorite. success succeeded success--and victory, victory; until the moor had lost fortress after fortress, town after town, and was finally besieged in his very capital--his last hold in the peninsula. as the reduction of granada was an event that, in christian eyes, was to be ranked second only to the rescuing of the holy sepulchre from the hands of the infidels, so was it distinguished by some features of singularity, that have probably never before marked the course of a siege. the place submitted on the 25th november, 1491--twenty-two years after the date of the marriage just mentioned, and, it may not be amiss to observe, on the very day of the year that has become memorable in the annals of this country, as that on which the english, three centuries later, reluctantly yielded their last foothold on the coast of the republic. in the course of the preceding summer, while the spanish forces lay before the town, and isabella, with her children, were anxious witnesses of the progress of events, an accident occurred that had well nigh proved fatal to the royal family, and brought destruction on the christian arms. the pavillion of the queen took fire, and was consumed, placing the whole encampment in the utmost jeopardy. many of the tents of the nobles were also destroyed, and much treasure, in the shape of jewelry and plate, was lost, though the injury went no further. in order to guard against the recurrence of such an accident, and probably viewing the subjection of granada as the great act of their mutual reign--for, as yet, time threw his veil around the future, and but one human eye foresaw the greatest of all the events of the period, which was still in reserve--the sovereigns resolved on attempting a work that, of itself, would render this siege memorable. the plan of a regular town was made, and laborers set about the construction of good substantial edifices, in which to lodge the army; thus converting the warfare into that of something like city against city. in three months this stupendous work was completed, with its avenues, streets, and squares, and received the name of santa fé, or holy faith--an appellation quite as well suited to the zeal which could achieve such a work, in the heat of a campaign, as to that general reliance on the providence of god which animated the christians in carrying on the war. the construction of this place struck terror into the hearts of the moors, for they considered it a proof that their enemies intended to give up the conflict only with their lives; and it is highly probable that it had a direct and immediate influence on the submission of boabdil, the king of granada, who yielded the alhambra a few weeks after the spaniards had taken possession of their new abodes. santa fé still exists, and is visited by the traveller as a place of curious origin; while it is rendered remarkable by the fact--real or assumed--that it is the only town of any size in spain, that has never been under moorish sway. the main incidents of our tale will now transport us to this era, and to this scene; all that has been related as yet, being merely introductory matter, to prepare the reader for the events that are to follow. [illustration] chapter iv. "what thing a right line is,--the learned know; but how availes that him, who in the right of life and manners doth desire to grow? what then are all these humane arts, and lights, but seas of errors? in whose depths who sound, of truth finde only shadowes, and no ground." human learning. the morning of the 2d of january, 1492, was ushered in with a solemnity and pomp that were unusual even in a court and camp as much addicted to religious observances and royal magnificence, as that of ferdinand and isabella. the sun had scarce appeared, when all in the extraordinary little city of santa fé were afoot, and elate with triumph. the negotiations for the surrender of granada, which had been going on secretly for weeks, were terminated; the army and nation had been formally apprised of their results, and this was the day set for the entry of the conquerors. the court had been in mourning for don alonso of portugal, the husband of the princess royal of castile, who had died a bridegroom; but on this joyous occasion the trappings of woe were cast aside, and all appeared in their gayest and most magnificent apparel. at an hour that was still early, the grand cardinal moved forward, ascending what is called the hill of martyrs, at the head of a strong body of troops, with a view to take possession. while making the ascent, a party of moorish cavaliers was met; and at their head rode one in whom, by the dignity of his mien and the anguish of his countenance, it was easy to recognize the mental suffering of boabdil, or abdallah, the deposed monarch. the cardinal pointed out the position occupied by ferdinand, who, with that admixture of piety and worldly policy which were so closely interwoven in his character, had refused to enter within the walls of the conquered city, until the symbol of christ had superseded the banners of mahomet; and who had taken his station at some distance from the gates, with a purpose and display of humility that were suited to the particular fanaticism of the period. as the interview that occurred has often been related, and twice quite recently by distinguished writers of our own country, it is unnecessary to dwell on it here. abdallah next sought the presence of the purer-minded and gentle isabella, where his reception, with less affection of the character, had more of the real charity and compassion of the christian; when he went his way toward that pass in the mountains that has ever since been celebrated as the point where he took his last view of the palaces and towers of his fathers, from which it has obtained the poetical and touching name of el ultimo suspiro del moro. although the passage of the last king of granada, from his palace to the hills, was in no manner delayed, as it was grave and conducted with dignity, it consequently occupied some time. these were hours in which the multitude covered the highways, and the adjacent fields were garnished with a living throng, all of whom kept their eyes riveted on the towers of the alhambra, where the signs of possession were anxiously looked for by every good catholic who witnessed the triumph of his religion. isabella, who had made this conquest a condition in the articles of marriage--whose victory in truth it was--abstained, with her native modesty, from pressing forward on this occasion. she had placed herself at some distance in the rear of the position of ferdinand. still--unless, indeed, we except the long-coveted towers of the alhambra--she was the centre of attraction. she appeared in royal magnificence, as due to the glory of the occasion; her beauty always rendered her an object of admiration; her mildness, inflexible justice, and unyielding truth, had won all hearts; and she was really the person who was most to profit by the victory, granada being attached to her own crown of castile, and not to that of aragon, a country that possessed little or no contiguous territory. previously to the appearance of abdallah, the crowd moved freely, in all directions; multitudes of civilians having flocked to the camp to witness the entry. among others were many friars, priests, and monks--the war, indeed, having the character of a crusade. the throng of the curious was densest near the person of the queen, where, in truth, the magnificence of the court was the most imposing. around this spot, in particular, congregated most of the religious, for they felt that the pious mind of isabella created a sort of moral atmosphere in and near her presence, that was peculiarly suited to their habits, and favorable to their consideration. among others, was a friar of prepossessing mien, and, in fact, of noble birth, who had been respectfully addressed as father pedro, by several grandees, as he made his way from the immediate presence of the queen, to a spot where the circulation was easier. he was accompanied by a youth of an air so much superior to that of most of those who did not appear that day in the saddle, that he attracted general attention. although not more than twenty, it was evident, from his muscular frame, and embrowned but florid cheeks, that he was acquainted with exposure; and by his bearing, many thought, notwithstanding he did not appear in armor on an occasion so peculiarly military, that both his mien and his frame had been improved by familiarity with war. his attire was simple, as if he rather avoided than sought observation, but it was, nevertheless, such as was worn by none but the noble. several of those who watched this youth, as he reached the less confined portions of the crowd, had seen him received graciously by isabella, whose hand he had even been permitted to kiss, a favor that the formal and fastidious court of castile seldom bestowed except on the worthy, or on those, at least, who were unusually illustrious from their birth. some whispered that he was a guzman, a family that was almost royal; while others thought that he might be a ponce, a name that had got to be one of the first in spain, through the deeds of the renowned marquis-duke of cadiz, in this very war; while others, again, affected to discern in his lofty brow, firm step, and animated eye, the port and countenance of a mendoza. it was evident that the subject of all these commentaries was unconscious of the notice that was attracted by his vigorous form, handsome face, and elastic, lofty tread; for, like one accustomed to be observed by inferiors, his attention was confined to such objects as amused his eye, or pleased his fancy, while he lent a willing ear to the remarks that, from time to time, fell from the lips of his reverend companion. "this is a most blessed and glorious day for christianity!" observed the friar, after a pause a little longer than common. "an impious reign of seven hundred years hath expired, and the moor is at length lowered from his pride; while the cross is elevated above the banners of the false prophet. thou hast had ancestors, my son, who might almost arise from their tombs, and walk the earth in exultation, if the tidings of these changes were permitted to reach the souls of christians long since departed." "the blessed maria intercede for them, father, that they may not be disturbed, even to see the moor unhoused; for i doubt much, agreeable as the infidel hath made it, if they find granada as pleasant as paradise." "son don luis, thou hast got much levity of speech, in thy late journeyings; and i doubt if thou art as mindful of thy paters and confessions, as when under the care of thy excellent mother, of sainted memory!" this was not only said reprovingly, but with a warmth that amounted nearly to anger. "chide me not so warmly, father, for a lightness of speech that cometh of youthful levity, rather than of disrespect for holy church. nay, thou rebukest warmly, and then, as i come like a penitent to lay my transgressions before thee, and to seek absolution, thou fastenest thine eye on vacancy, and gazest as if one of the spirits of which thou so lately spokest actually had arisen and come to see the moor crack his heart strings at quitting his beloved alhambra!" "dost see that man, luis!" demanded the friar, still gazing in a fixed direction, though he made no gesture to indicate to which particular individual of the many who were passing in all directions, he especially alluded. "by my veracity, i see a thousand, father, though not one to fasten the eye as if he were fresh from paradise. would it be exceeding discretion to ask who or what hath thus riveted thy gaze?" "dost see yonder person of high and commanding stature, and in whom gravity and dignity are so singularly mingled with an air of poverty; or, if not absolutely of poverty--for he is better clad, and, seemingly, in more prosperity now, than i remember ever to have seen him--still, evidently not of the rich and noble; while his bearing and carriage would seem to bespeak him at least a monarch?" "i think i now perceive him thou meanest, father; a man of very grave and reverend appearance, though of simple deportment. i see nothing extravagant, or ill-placed, either in his attire, or in his bearing." "i mean not that; but there is a loftiness in his dignified countenance that one is not accustomed to meet in those who are unused to power." "to me, he hath the air and dress of a superior navigator, or pilot--of a man accustomed to the seas--ay, he hath sundry symbols about him that bespeak such a pursuit." "thou art right, don luis, for such is his calling. he cometh of genoa, and his name is christoval colon; or, as they term it in italy, christoforo colombo." "i remember to have heard of an admiral of that name, who did good service in the wars of the south, and who formerly led a fleet into the far east." "this is not he, but one of humbler habits, though possibly of the same blood, seeing that both are derived from the identical place. this is no admiral, though he would fain become one--ay, even a king!" "the man is, then, either of a weak mind, or of a light ambition." "he is neither. in mind, he hath outdone many of our most learned churchmen; and it is due to his piety to say that a more devout christian doth not exist in spain. it is plain, son, that thou hast been much abroad, and little at court, or thou wouldst have known the history of this extraordinary being, at the mention of his name, which has been the source of merriment for the frivolous and gay this many a year, and which has thrown the thoughtful and prudent into more doubts than many a fierce and baneful heresy." "thou stirrest my curiosity, father, by such language. who and what is the man?" "an enigma, that neither prayers to the virgin, the learning of the cloisters, nor a zealous wish to reach the truth, hath enabled me to read. come hither, luis, to this bit of rock, where we can be seated, and i will relate to thee the opinions that render this being so extraordinary. thou must know, son, it is now seven years since this man first appeared among us. he sought employment as a discoverer, pretending that, by steering out into the ocean, on a western course, for a great and unheard-of distance, he could reach the farther indies, with the rich island of cipango, and the kingdom of cathay, of which one marco polo hath left us some most extraordinary legends!" "by st. james of blessed memory! the man must be short of his wits!" interrupted don luis, laughing. "in what way could this thing be, unless the earth were round--the indies lying east, and not west of us?" "that hath been often objected to his notions; but the man hath ready answers to much weightier arguments." "what weightier than this can be found? our own eyes tell us that the earth is flat." "therein he differeth from most men--and to own the truth, son luis, not without some show of reason. he is a navigator, as thou wilt understand, and he replies that, on the ocean, when a ship is seen from afar, her upper sails are first perceived, and that as she draweth nearer, her lower sails, and finally her hull cometh into view. but thou hast been over sea, and may have observed something of this?" "truly have i, father. while mounting the english sea, we met a gallant cruiser of the king's, and, as thou said'st, we first perceived her upper sail, a white speck upon the water; then followed sail after sail, until we came nigh and saw her gigantic hull, with a very goodly show of bombards and cannon--some twenty at least, in all." "then thou agreest with this colon, and thinkest the earth round?" "by st. george of england! not i. i have seen too much of the world, to traduce its fair surface in so heedless a manner. england, france, burgundy, germany, and all those distant countries of the north, are just as level and flat as our own castile." "why, then, didst thou see the upper sails of the englishman first?" "why, father--why--because they were first visible. yes, because they came first into view." "do the english put the largest of their sails uppermost on the masts?" "they would be fools if they did. though no great navigators--our neighbors the portuguese, and the people of genoa, exceeding all others in that craft--though no great navigators, the english are not so surpassingly stupid. thou wilt remember the force of the winds, and understand that the larger the sail the lower should be its position." "then how happened it that thou sawest the smaller object before the larger?" "truly, excellent fray pedro, thou hast not conversed with this christoforo for nothing! a question is not a reason." "socrates was fond of questions, son; but _he_ expected answers." "_peste!_ as they say at the court of king louis. i am not socrates, my good father, but thy old pupil and kinsman, luis de bobadilla, the truant nephew of the queen's favorite, the marchioness of moya, and as well-born a cavalier as there is in spain--though somewhat given to roving, if my enemies are to be believed." "neither thy pedigree, thy character, nor thy vagaries, need be given to me, don luis de bobadilla, since i have known thee and thy career from childhood. thou hast one merit that none will deny thee, and that is, a respect for truth; and never hast thou more completely vindicated thy character, in this particular, than when thou saidst thou were not socrates." the worthy friar's good-natured smile, as he made this sally, took off some of its edge; and the young man laughed, as if too conscious of his own youthful follies to resent what he heard. "but, dear fray pedro, lay aside thy government, for once, and stoop to a rational discourse with me on this extraordinary subject. _thou_, surely, wilt not pretend that the earth is round?" "i do not go as far as some, on this point, luis, for i see difficulties with holy writ, by the admission. still, this matter of the sails much puzzleth me, and i have often felt a desire to go from one port to another, by sea, in order to witness it. were it not for the exceeding nausea that i ever feel in a boat, i might attempt the experiment." "that would be a worthy consummation of all thy wisdom!" exclaimed the young man, laughing. "fray pedro de carrascal turned rover, like his old pupil, and that, too, astride a vagary! but set thy heart at rest, my honored kinsman and excellent instructor, for i can save thee the trouble. in all my journeyings, by sea and by land--and thou knowest that, for my years, they have been many--i have ever found the earth flat, and the ocean the flattest portion of it, always excepting a few turbulent and uneasy waves." "no doubt it so seemeth to the eye; but this colon, who hath voyaged far more than thou, thinketh otherwise. he contendeth that the earth is a sphere, and that, by sailing west, he can reach points that have been already attained by journeying east." "by san lorenzo! but the idea is a bold one! doth the man really propose to venture out into the broad atlantic, and even to cross it to some distant and unknown land?" "that is his very idea; and for seven weary years hath he solicited the court to furnish him with the means. nay, as i hear, he hath passed much more time--other seven years, perhaps--in urging his suit in different lands." "if the earth be round," continued don luis, with a musing air, "what preventeth all the water from flowing to the lower parts of it? how is it, that we have any seas at all? and if, as thou hast hinted, he deemeth the indies on the other side, how is it that their people stand erect?--it cannot be done without placing the feet uppermost." "that difficulty hath been presented to colon, but he treateth it lightly. indeed, most of our churchmen are getting to believe that there is no up, or down, except as it relateth to the surface of the earth; so that no great obstacle existeth in that point." "thou would'st not have me understand, father, that a man can walk on his head--and that, too, with the noble member in the air? by san francisco! thy men of cathay must have talons like a cat, or they would be falling, quickly!" "whither, luis?" "whither, fray pedro?--to tophet, or the bottomless pit. it can never be that men walk on their heads, heels uppermost, with no better foundation than the atmosphere. the caravels, too, must sail on their masts--and that would be rare navigation! what would prevent the sea from tumbling out of its bed, and falling on the devil's fires and extinguishing them?" "son luis," interrupted the monk, gravely, "thy lightness of speech is carried too far. but, if thou so much deridest the opinion of this colon, what are thine own notions of the formation of this earth, that god hath so honored with his spirit and his presence?" "that it is as flat as the buckler of the moor i slew in the last sortie, which is as flat as steel can hammer iron." "dost thou think it hath limits?" "that do i--and please heaven, and doña mercedes de valverde, i will see them before i die!" "then thou fanciest there is an edge, or precipice, at the four sides of the world, which men may reach, and where they can stand and look off, as from an exceeding high platform?" "the picture doth not lose, father, for the touch of thy pencil! i have never bethought me of this before; and yet some such spot there must be, one would think. by san fernando, himself! that would be a place to try the metal of even don alonso de ojeda, who might stand on the margin of the earth, put his foot on a cloud, and cast an orange to the moon!" "thou hast bethought thee little of any thing serious, i fear, luis; but to me, this opinion and this project of colon are not without merit. i see but two serious objections to them, one of which is, the difficulty connected with holy writ; and the other, the vast and incomprehensible, nay, useless, extent of the ocean that must necessarily separate us from cathay; else should we long since have heard from that quarter of the world." "do the learned favor the man's notions?" "the matter hath been seriously argued before a council held at salamanca, where men were much divided upon it. one serious obstacle is the apprehension that should the world prove to be round, and could a ship even succeed in getting to cathay by the west, there would be great difficulty in her ever returning, since there must be, in some manner, an ascent and a descent. i must say that most men deride this colon; and i fear he will never reach his island of cipango, as he doth not seem in the way even to set forth on the journey. i marvel that he should now be here, it having been said he had taken his final departure for portugal." "dost thou say, father, that the man hath long been in spain?" demanded don luis, gravely, with his eye riveted on the dignified form of columbus, who stood calmly regarding the gorgeous spectacle of the triumph, at no great distance from the rock where the two had taken their seats. "seven weary years hath he been soliciting the rich and the great to furnish him with the means of undertaking his favorite voyage." "hath he the gold to prefer so long a suit?" "by his appearance, i should think him poor--nay, i know that he hath toiled for bread, at the occupation of a map-maker. one hour he hath passed in arguing with philosophers and in soliciting princes, while the next hath been occupied in laboring for the food that he hath taken for sustenance." "thy description, father, hath whetted curiosity to so keen an edge, that i would fain speak with this colon. i see he remaineth yonder, in the crowd, and will go and tell him that i, too, am somewhat of a navigator, and will extract from him a few of his peculiar ideas." "and in what manner wilt thou open the acquaintance, son?" "by telling him that i am don luis de bobadilla, the nephew of the doña beatriz of moya, and a noble of one of the best houses of castile." "and this, thou thinkest, will suffice for thy purpose, luis!" returned the friar, smiling. "no--no--my son; this may do with most map-sellers, but it will not effect thy wishes with yonder christoval colon. that man is so filled with the vastness of his purposes; is so much raised up with the magnitude of the results that his mind intently contemplateth, day and night; seemeth so conscious of his own powers, that even kings and princes can, in no manner, lessen his dignity. that which thou proposest, don fernando, our honored master, might scarcely attempt, and hope to escape without some rebuke of manner, if not of tongue." "by all the blessed saints! fray pedro, thou givest an extraordinary account of this man, and only increasest the desire to know him. wilt thou charge thyself with the introduction?" "most willingly, for i wish to inquire what hath brought him back to court, whence, i had understood, he lately went, with the intent to go elsewhere with his projects. leave the mode in my hands, son luis, and we will see what can be accomplished." the friar and his mercurial young companion now arose from their seats on the rock, and threaded the throng, taking the direction necessary to approach the man who had been the subject of their discourse, and still remained that of their thoughts. when near enough to speak, fray pedro stopped, and stood patiently waiting for a moment when he might catch the navigator's eye. this did not occur for several minutes, the looks of colon being riveted on the towers of the alhambra, where, at each instant, the signal of possession was expected to appear; and luis de bobadilla, who, truant, and errant, and volatile, and difficult to curb, as he had proved himself to be, never forgot his illustrious birth and the conventional distinctions attached to personal rank, began to manifest his impatience at being kept so long dancing attendance on a mere map-seller and a pilot. he in vain urged his companion to advance, however; but one of his own hurried movements at length drew aside the look of columbus, when the eyes of the latter and of the friar met, and being old acquaintances, they saluted in the courteous manner of the age. "i felicitate you, señor colon, on the glorious termination of this siege, and rejoice that you are here to witness it, as i had heard affairs of magnitude had called you to another country." "the hand of god, father, is to be traced in all things. you perceive in this success the victory of the cross; but to me it conveyeth a lesson of perseverance, and sayeth as plainly as events can speak, that what god hath decreed, must come to pass." "i like your application, señor; as, indeed, i do most of your thoughts on our holy religion. perseverance is truly necessary to salvation; and i doubt not that a fitting symbol to the same may be found in the manner in which our pious sovereigns have conducted this war, as well as in its glorious termination." "true, father; and also doth it furnish a symbol to the fortunes of all enterprises that have the glory of god and the welfare of the church in view," answered colon, or columbus, as the name has been latinized; his eye kindling with that latent fire which seems so deeply seated in the visionary and the enthusiast. "it may seem out of reason to you, to make such applications of these great events; but the triumph of their highnesses this day, marvellously encourageth me to persevere, and not to faint, in my own weary pilgrimage, both leading to triumphs of the cross." "since you are pleased to speak of your own schemes, señor colon," returned the friar, ingenuously, "i am not sorry that the matter hath come up between us; for here is a youthful kinsman of mine, who hath been somewhat of a rover, himself, in the indulgence of a youthful fancy, that neither friends nor yet love could restrain; and having heard of your noble projects, he is burning with a desire to learn more of them from your own mouth, should it suit your condescension so to indulge him." "i am always happy to yield to the praiseworthy wishes of the young and adventurous, and shall cheerfully communicate to your young friend all he may desire to know," answered columbus, with a simplicity and dignity that at once put to flight all the notions of superiority and affability with which don luis had intended to carry on the conversation, and which had the immediate effect to satisfy the young man that he was to be the obliged and honored party, in the intercourse that was to follow. "but, señor, you have forgotten to give me the name of the cavalier." "it is don luis de bobadilla, a youth whose best claims to your notice, perhaps, are, a most adventurous and roving spirit, and the fact that he may call your honored friend, the marchioness of moya, his aunt." "either would be sufficient, father. i love the spirit of adventure in the youthful; for it is implanted, no doubt, by god, in order that they may serve his all-wise and beneficent designs; and it is of such as these that my own chief worldly stay and support must be found. then, next to father juan perez de marchena and señor alonzo de quintanilla, do i esteem doña beatriz, among my fastest friends; her kinsman, therefore, will be certain of my esteem and respect." all this sounded extraordinary to don luis; for, though the dress and appearance of this unknown stranger, who even spoke the castilian with a foreign accent, were respectable, he had been told he was merely a pilot, or navigator, who earned his bread by toil; and it was not usual for the noblest of castile to be thus regarded, as it might be, with a condescending favor, by any inferior to those who could claim the blood and lineage of princes. at first he was disposed to resent the words of the stranger; then to laugh in his face; but, observing that the friar treated him with great deference, and secretly awed by the air of the reputed projector, he was not only successful in maintaining a suitable deportment, but he made a proper and courteous reply, such as became his name and breeding. the three then retired together, a little aloof from the thickest of the throng, and found seats, also, on one of the rocks, of which so many were scattered about the place. "don luis hath visited foreign lands, you say, father," said columbus, who did not fail to lead the discourse, like one entitled to it by rank, or personal claims, "and hath a craving for the wonders and dangers of the ocean?" "such hath been either his merit or his fault, señor; had he listened to the wishes of doña beatriz, or to my advice, he would not have thrown aside his knightly career for one so little in unison with his training and birth." "nay, father, you treat the youth with unmerited severity; he who passeth a life on the ocean, cannot be said to pass it in either an ignoble or a useless manner. god separated different countries by vast bodies of water, not with any intent to render their people strangers to each other, but, doubtless, that they might meet amid the wonders with which he hath adorned the ocean, and glorify his name and power so much the more. we all have our moments of thoughtlessness in youth--a period when we yield to our impulses rather than to our reason; and as i confess to mine, i am little disposed to bear too hard on señor don luis, that he hath had his." "you have probably battled with the infidel, by sea, señor colon," observed the young man, not a little embarrassed as to the manner in which he should introduce the subject he most desired. "ay, and by land, too, son"--the familiarity startled the young noble, though he could not take offence at it--"and by land, too. the time hath been, when i had a pleasure in relating my perils and escapes, which have been numerous, both from war and tempests; but, since the power of god hath awakened my spirit to mightier things, that his will may be done, and his word spread throughout the whole earth, my memory ceaseth to dwell on them." fray pedro crossed himself, and don luis smiled and shrugged his shoulders, as one is apt to do when he listens to any thing extravagant; but the navigator proceeded in the earnest, grave manner that appeared to belong to his character. "it is now very many years since i was engaged in that remarkable combat between the forces of my kinsman and namesake, the younger colombo, as he was called, to distinguish him from his uncle, the ancient admiral of the same name, which took place not far north from cape st. vincent. on that bloody day, we contended with the foe--venetians, richly laden--from morn till even, and yet the lord carried me through the hot contest unharmed. on another occasion, the galley in which i fought was consumed by fire, and i had to find my way to land--no trifling distance--by the aid of an oar. to me, it seemeth that the hand of god was in this, and that he would not have taken so signal and tender a care of one of his insignificant creatures, unless to use him largely for his own honor and glory." although the eye of the navigator grew brighter as he uttered this, and his cheek flushed with a species of holy enthusiasm, it was impossible to confound one so grave, so dignified, so measured even in his exaggerations (if such they were), with the idle and light-minded, who mistake momentary impulses for indelible impressions, and passing vanities for the convictions that temper character. fray pedro, instead of smiling, or in any manner betraying that he regarded the other's opinions lightly, devoutly crossed himself again, and showed by the sympathy expressed in his countenance, how much he entered into the profound religious faith of the speaker. "the ways of god are often mysterious to his creatures," said the friar; "but we are taught that they all lead to the exaltation of his name and to the glory of his attributes." "it is so that i consider it, father; and with such views have i always regarded my own humble efforts to honor him. we are but instruments, and useless instruments, too, when we look at how little proceedeth from our own spirits and power." "there cometh the blessed symbol that is our salvation and guide!" exclaimed the friar, holding out both arms eagerly, as if to embrace some distant object in the heavens, immediately falling to his knees, and bowing his shaven and naked head, in deep humility, to the earth. columbus turned his eyes in the direction indicated by his companion's gestures, and he beheld the large silver cross that the sovereigns had carried with them throughout the late war, as a pledge of its objects, glittering on the principal tower of the alhambra. at the next instant, the banners of castile and of st. james were unfolded from other elevated places. then came the song of triumph, mingled with the chants of the church. te deum was sung, and the choirs of the royal chapel chanted in the open fields the praises of the lord of hosts. a scene of magnificent religious pomp, mingled with martial array, followed, that belongs rather to general history than to the particular and private incidents of our tale. chapter v. "who hath not proved how feebly words essay to fix one spark of beauty's heavenly ray? who doth not feel, until his failing sight faints into dimness with its own delight, his changing cheek, his sinking heart confess the might--the majesty of loveliness!" byron. that night the court of castile and aragon slept in the palace of the alhambra. as soon as the religious ceremony alluded to in the last chapter had terminated, the crowd rushed into the place, and the princes followed, with a dignity and state better suited to their high character. the young christian nobles, accompanied by their wives and sisters--for the presence of isabella, and the delay that attended the surrender, had drawn together a vast many of the gentler sex, in addition to those whose duty it was to accompany their royal mistress--hurried eagerly through the celebrated courts and fretted apartments of this remarkable residence; nor was curiosity appeased even when night came to place a temporary stay to its indulgence. the court of the lions in particular, a place still renowned throughout christendom for its remains of oriental beauty, had been left by boabdil in the best condition; and, although it was midwinter, by the aid of human art it was even then gay with flowers; while the adjacent halls, those of the two sisters and of abencerrages, were brilliant with light, and alive with warriors and courtiers, dignified priests and luxuriant beauty. although no spanish eye could be otherwise than familiar with the light peculiar graces of moorish architecture, these of the alhambra so much surpassed those of any other palace which had been erected by the mussulman dynasties of that part of the world, that their glories struck the beholders with the freshness of novelty, as well as with the magnificence of royalty. the rich conceits in stucco, an art of eastern origin then little understood in christendom; the graceful and fanciful arabesques--which, improved on by the fancies of some of the greatest geniuses the world ever saw, have descended to our own times, and got to be so familiar in europe, though little known on this side of the atlantic--decorated the walls, while brilliant fountains cast their waters into the air, and fell in glittering spray, resembling diamonds. among the throng that moved through this scene of almost magical beauty, was beatriz de bobadilla, who had long been the wife of don andres de cabrera, and was now generally known as the marchioness of moya; the constant, near, and confidential friend of the queen, a character she retained until her royal mistress was numbered with the dead. on her arm leaned lightly a youthful female, of an appearance so remarkable, that few strangers would have passed her without turning to take a second look at features and a countenance that were seldom seen and forgotten. this was doña mercedes de valverde, one of the noblest and richest heiresses of castile; the relative, ward, and adopted daughter of the queen's friend--favorite being hardly the term one would apply to the relation in which doña beatriz stood toward isabella. it was not the particular beauty of doña mercedes, however, that rendered her appearance so remarkable and attractive; for, though feminine, graceful, of exquisite form, and even of pleasing features, there were many in that brilliant court who would generally be deemed fairer. but no other maiden of castile had a countenance so illuminated by the soul within, or no other female face habitually wore so deep an impression of sentiment and sensibility; and the professed physiognomist would have delighted to trace the evidences of a deeply-seated, earnest, but unobtrusive enthusiasm, which even cast a shade of melancholy over a face that fortune and the heart had equally intended should be sunny and serene. serene it was, notwithstanding; the shadow that rested on it seeming to soften and render interesting its expression, rather than to disturb its tranquillity or to cloud its loveliness. on the other side of the noble matron walked luis de bobadilla, keeping a little in advance of his aunt, in a way to permit his own dark, flashing looks to meet, whenever feeling and modesty would allow it, the fine, expressive blue eyes of mercedes. the three conversed freely, for the royal personages had retired to their private apartments, and each group of passengers was so much entranced with the novelty of its situation and its own conversation, as to disregard the remarks of others. "this is a marvel, luis," observed doña beatriz, in continuation of a subject that evidently much interested them all, "that thou, a truant and a rover thyself, should now have heard for the first time of this colon! it is many years since he has been soliciting their highnesses for their royal aid in effecting his purposes. the matter of his schemes was solemnly debated before a council at salamanca; and he hath not been without believers at the court itself." "among whom is to be classed doña beatriz de cabrera," said mercedes, with that melancholy smile that had the effect to bring out glimpses of all the deep but latent feeling that lay concealed beneath the surface: "i have often heard her highness declare that colon hath no truer friend in castile." "her highness is seldom mistaken, child--and never in my heart. i do uphold the man; for to me he seemeth one fitted for some great and honorable undertaking; and surely none greater hath ever been proposed or imagined by human mind, than this he urgeth. think of our becoming acquainted with the nations of the other side of the earth, and of finding easy and direct means of communicating with them, and of imparting to them the consolations of holy church!" "ay, señora my aunt," cried luis, laughing, "and of walking in their delightful company with all our heels in the air, and our heads downward! i hope this colon hath not neglected to practice a little in the art, for it will need some time to gain a sure foot, in such circumstances. he might commence on the sides of these mountains, by way of a horn-book, throwing the head boldly off at a right-angle; after which, the walls and towers of this alhambra would make a very pretty grammar, or stepping-stone to new progress." mercedes had unconsciously but fervently pressed the arm of her guardian, as doña beatriz admitted her interest in the success of the great project; but at this sally of don luis, she looked serious, and threw a glance at him, that he himself felt to be reproachful. to win the love of his aunt's ward was the young man's most ardent wish; and a look of dissatisfaction could at any moment repress that exuberance of spirits which often led him into an appearance of levity that did injustice to the really sterling qualities of both his heart and mind. under the influence of that look, then, he was not slow to repair the wrong he had done himself, by adding almost as soon as he had ceased to speak-"the doña mercedes is of the discovering party, too, i see; this colon appeareth to have had more success with the dames of castile than with her nobles"-"is it extraordinary, don luis," interrupted the pensive-looking girl, "that women should have more confidence in merit, more generous impulses, more zeal for god, than men?" "it must be even so, since you and my aunt, doña beatriz, side with the navigator. but i am not always to be understood in the light i express myself;" mercedes now smiled, but this time it was archly--"i have never studied with the minstrels, nor, sooth to say, deeply with the churchmen. to be honest with you, i have been much struck with this noble idea; and if señor colon doth, in reality, sail in quest of cathay and the indies, i shall pray their highnesses to let me be one of the party, for, now that the moor is subdued, there remaineth little for a noble to do in spain." "if thou should'st really go on this expedition," said doña beatriz, with grave irony, "there will, at least, be one human being topsy-turvy, in the event of thy reaching cathay. but yonder is an attendant of the court; i doubt if her highness doth not desire my presence." the lady of moya was right--the messenger coming to announce to her that the queen required her attendance. the manners of the day and country rendered it unseemly that doña mercedes should continue her promenade accompanied only by don luis, and the marchioness led the way to her own apartments, where a saloon suitable to her rank and to her favor with the queen, had been selected for her from among the numberless gorgeous rooms of the moorish kings. even here, the marchioness paused a moment, in thought, before she would leave her errant nephew alone with her ward. "though a rover, he is no troubadour, and cannot charm thy ear with false rhymes. it were better, perhaps, that i sent him beneath thy balcony, with his guitar; but knowing so well his dulness, i will confide in it, and leave him with thee, for the few minutes that i shall be absent. a cavalier who hath so strong a dislike to reversing the order of nature, will not surely condescend to go on his knees, even though it be to win a smile from the sweetest maiden in all castile." don luis laughed; doña beatriz smiled, as she kissed her ward, and left the room; while doña mercedes blushed, and riveted her gaze on the floor. luis de bobadilla was the declared suitor and sworn knight of mercedes de valverde; but, though so much favored by birth, fortune, affinity, and figure, there existed some serious impediments to his success. in all that was connected with the considerations that usually decide such things, the union was desirable; but there existed, nevertheless, a strong influence to overcome, in the scruples of doña beatriz, herself. high-principled, accustomed to the just-minded views of her royal mistress, and too proud to do an unworthy act, the very advantages that a marriage with her ward offered to her nephew, had caused the marchioness to hesitate. don luis had little of the castilian gravity of character--and, by many, his animal spirits were mistaken for lightness of disposition and levity of thought. his mother was a woman of a very illustrious french family; and national pride had induced most observers to fancy that the son inherited a constitutional disposition to frivolity, that was to be traced to the besetting weakness of a whole people. a consciousness of his being so viewed at home, had, indeed, driven the youth abroad; and as, like all observant travellers, he was made doubly sensible of the defects of his own state of society on his return, a species of estrangement had grown up between him and his natural associates that had urged the young man, again and again, to wander into foreign lands. nothing, indeed, but his early and constantly increasing passion for mercedes had induced him to return; a step that, fortunately for himself, he had last taken in time to assist in the reduction of granada. notwithstanding these traits, which, in a country like castile, might be properly enough termed peculiarities, don luis de bobadilla was a knight worthy of his lineage and name. his prowess in the field and in the tourney, indeed, was so very marked as to give him a high military character, in despite of what were deemed his failings; and he passed rather as an inconsiderate and unsafe young man, than as one who was either debased or wicked. martial qualities, in that age in particular, redeemed a thousand faults; and don luis had even been known to unhorse, in the tourney, alonzo de ojeda, then the most expert lance in spain. such a man could not be despised, though he might be distrusted. but the feeling which governed his aunt, referred quite as much to her own character as to his. deeply conscientious, while she understood her nephew's real qualities much better than mere superficial observers, she had her doubts about the propriety of giving the rich heiress who was entrusted to her care, to so near a relative, when all could not applaud the act. she feared, too, that her own partiality might deceive her, and that luis might in truth be the light and frivolous being he sometimes appeared to be in castilian eyes, and that the happiness of her ward would prove the sacrifice of the indiscretion. with these doubts, then, while she secretly desired the union, she had in public looked coldly on her nephew's suit; and, though unable, without a harshness that circumstances would not warrant, to prevent all intercourse, she had not only taken frequent occasions to let mercedes understand her distrust, but she had observed the precaution not to leave so handsome a suitor, notwithstanding he was often domiciliated in her own house, much alone with her ward. the state of mercedes' feelings was known only to herself. she was beautiful, of an honorable family, and an heiress; and as human infirmities were as besetting beneath the stately mien of the fifteenth century as they are to-day, she had often heard the supposed faults of don luis' character sneered at, by those who felt distrustful of his good looks and his opportunities. few young females would have had the courage to betray any marked preference under such circumstances, until prepared to avow their choice, and to take sides with its subject against the world; and the quiet but deep enthusiasm that prevailed in the moral system of the fair young castilian, was tempered by a prudence that prevented her from running into most of its lighter excesses. the forms and observances that usually surround young women of rank, came in aid of this native prudence; and even don luis himself, though he had watched the countenance and emotions of her to whom he had so long urged his suit, with a lover's jealousy and a lover's instincts, was greatly in doubt whether he had succeeded in the least in touching her heart. by one of those unlooked-for concurrences of circumstances that so often decide the fortunes of men, whether as lovers or in more worldly-minded pursuits, these doubts were now about to be unexpectedly and suddenly removed. the triumph of the christian arms, the novelty of her situation, and the excitement of the whole scene, had aroused the feelings of mercedes from that coy concealment in which they usually lay smothered beneath the covering of maiden diffidence; and throughout the evening her smile had been more open, her eye brighter, and her cheeks more deeply flushed, than was usual even with one whose smiles were always sweet, whose eyes were never dull, and whose cheeks answered so sensitively to the varying impulses within. as his aunt quitted the room, leaving him alone with mercedes for the first time since his return from his last ramble, don luis eagerly threw himself on a stool that stood near the feet of his adored, who placed herself on a sumptuous couch, that, twenty-four hours before, had held the person of a princess of abdallah's family. "much as i honor and reverence her highness," the young man hurriedly commenced, "my respect and veneration are now increased ten-fold! would that she might send for my beloved aunt thrice where she now wants her services only once! and may her presence become so necessary to her sovereign that the affairs of castile cannot go on without her counsel, if so blessed an opportunity as this, to tell you all i feel, doña mercedes, is to follow her obedience!" "it is not they who are most fluent of speech, or the most vehement, who always feel the deepest, don luis de bobadilla." "nor do they feel the least. mercedes, thou canst not doubt my love! it hath grown with my growth--increased with each increase of my ideas--until it hath got to be so interwoven with my mind itself, that i can scarce use a faculty that thy dear image doth not mingle with it. in all that is beautiful, i behold thee; if i listen to the song of a bird, it is thy carol to the lute; or if i feel the gentle south wind from the fragrant isles fanning my cheek, i would fain think it thy sigh." "you have dwelt so much among the light conceits of the french court, don luis, you appear to have forgotten that the heart of a castilian girl is too true, and too sincere, to meet such rhapsodies with favor." had don luis been older, or more experienced in the sex, he would have been flattered by this rebuke--for he would have detected in the speaker's manner, both feeling of a gentler nature than her words expressed, and a tender regret. "if thou ascribest to me rhapsodies, thou dost me great injustice. i may not do credit to my own thoughts and feelings; but never hath my tongue uttered aught to thee, mercedes, that the heart hath not honestly urged. have i not loved thee since thou and i were children? did i ever fail to show my preference for thee when we were boy and girl, in all the sports and light-hearted enjoyments of that guileless period?" "guileless, truly," answered mercedes, her look brightening as it might be with agreeable fancies and a flood of pleasant recollections--doing more, in a single instant, to break down the barriers of her reserve, than years of schooling had effected toward building them up. "thou wert then, at least, sincere, luis, and i placed full faith in thy friendship, and in thy desire to please." "bless thee, bless thee, for these precious words, mercedes! for the first time in two years, hast thou spoken to me as thou wert wont to do, and called me luis without that courtly, accursed, don." "a noble castilian should never regard his honors lightly, and he oweth it to his rank to see that others respect them, too;" answered our heroine, looking down, as if she already half repented of the familiarity. "you are quick to remind me of my forgetfulness, don luis de bobadilla." "this unlucky tongue of mine can never follow the path that its owner wisheth! hast thou not seen in all my looks--all my acts--all my motives--a desire to please thee, and thee alone, lovely mercedes? when her highness gave her royal approbation of my success, in the last tourney, did i not seek thine eye, in order to ask if thou notedst it? hast thou ever expressed a wish, that i have not proved an eager desire to see it accomplished?" "nay, now, luis, thou emboldenest me to remind thee that i expressed a wish that thou wouldst not go on thy last voyage to the north, and yet thou didst depart! i felt that it would displease doña beatriz; thy truant disposition having made her uneasy lest thou shouldst get altogether into the habits of a rover, and into disfavor with the queen." "it was for this that thou madst the request, and it wounded my pride to think that mercedes de valverde should so little understand my character, as to believe it possible a noble of my name and lineage could so far forget his duties as to sink into the mere associate of pilots and adventurers." "thou didst not know that i believed this of thee." "hadst thou asked of me, mercedes, to remain for thy sake--nay, hadst thou imposed the heaviest services on me, as thy knight, or as one who enjoyed the smallest degree of thy favor--i would have parted with life sooner than i would have parted from castile. but not even a look of kindness could i obtain, in reward for all the pain i had felt on thy account"-"pain, luis!" "is it not pain to love to the degree that one might kiss the earth that received the foot-print of its object--and yet to meet with no encouragement from fair words, no friendly glance of the eye, nor any sign or symbol to betoken that the being one hath enshrined in his heart's core, ever thinketh of her suitor except as a reckless rover and a hair-brained adventurer?" "luis de bobadilla, no one that really knoweth thy character, can ever truly think thus of thee." "a million of thanks for these few words, beloved girl, and ten millions for the gentle smile that hath accompanied them! thou mightst mould me to all thy wishes"-"my wishes, don luis?" "to all thy severe opinions of sobriety and dignity of conduct, wouldst thou but feel sufficient interest in me to let me know that my acts can give thee either pain or pleasure." "can it be otherwise? could'st thou, luis, see with indifference the proceedings of one thou hast known from childhood, and esteemed as a friend?" "esteem! blessed mercedes! dost thou own even that little in my favor?" "it is not little, luis, to esteem--but much. they who prize virtue never esteem the unworthy; and it is not possible to know thy excellent heart and manly nature, without esteeming thee. surely i have never _concealed_ my _esteem_ from thee or from any one else." "hast thou _concealed_ aught? ah! mercedes, complete this heavenly condescension, and admit that one--as lightly as thou wilt--but that one soft sentiment hath, at times, mingled with this esteem." mercedes blushed brightly, but she would not make the often-solicited acknowledgment. it was some little time before she answered at all. when she did speak, it was hesitatingly, and with frequent pauses, as if she distrusted the propriety or the discretion of that which she was about to utter. "thou hast travelled much and far, luis," she said; "and hast lost some favor on account of thy roving propensities; why not regain the confidence of thy aunt by the very means through which it has been lost?" "i do not comprehend thee. this is singular counsel to come from one like thee, who art prudence itself!" "the prudent and discreet think well of their acts and words, and are the more to be confided in. thou seemest to have been struck with these bold opinions of the señor colon; and while thou hast derided them, i can see that they have great weight on thy mind." "i shall, henceforth, regard thee with ten-fold respect, mercedes; for thou hast penetrated deeper than my foolish affectation of contempt, and all my light language, and discovered the real feeling that lieth underneath. ever since i have heard of this vast project, it hath, indeed, haunted my imagination; and the image of the genoese hath constantly stood beside thine, dearest girl, before my eyes, if not in my heart. i doubt if there be not some truth in his opinions; so noble an idea cannot be wholly false!" the fine, full eye of mercedes was fastened intently on the countenance of don luis; and its brilliancy increased as some of that latent enthusiasm which dwelt within, kindled and began to glow at this outlet of the feelings of the soul. "there _is_," she answered, solemnly--"there _must_ be truth in it! the genoese hath been inspired of heaven, with his sublime thoughts, and he will live, sooner or later, to prove their truth. imagine this earth fairly encircled by a ship; the farthest east, the land of the heathen, brought in close communion with ourselves, and the cross casting its shadows under the burning sun of cathay! these are glorious, heavenly anticipations, luis, and would it not be an imperishable renown, to share in the honor of having aided in bringing about so great a discovery?" "by heaven! i will see the genoese as soon as the morrow's sun shall appear, and offer to make one in his enterprise. he shall not need for gold, if that be his only want." "thou speakest like a generous, noble-minded, fearless young castilian, as thou art!" said mercedes, with an enthusiasm that set at naught the usual guards of her discretion and her habits, "and as becometh luis de bobadilla. but gold is not plenty with any of us at this moment, and it will surpass the power of an ordinary subject to furnish that which will be necessary. nor is it meet than any but sovereigns should send forth such an expedition, as there may be vast territories to govern and dispose of, should colon succeed. my powerful kinsman--the duke of medina celi--hath had this matter in close deliberation, and he viewed it favorably, as is shown by his letters to her highness; but even he conceived it a matter too weighty to be attempted by aught but a crowned head, and he hath used much influence with our mistress, to gain her over to the opinion of the genoese's sagacity. it is idle to think, therefore, of aiding effectually in this noble enterprise, unless it be through their highnesses." "thou knowest, mercedes, that i can do naught for colon, with the court. the king is the enemy of all who are not as wary, cold, and as much given to artifice as himself"-"luis! thou art in his palace--beneath his roof, enjoying his hospitality and protection, at this very moment!" "not i," answered the young man, with warmth--"this is the abode of my royal mistress, doña isabella; granada being a conquest of castile, and not of aragon. touching the queen, mercedes, thou shalt never hear disrespectful word from me, for, like thyself, she is all that is virtuous, gentle, and kind in woman; but the king hath many of the faults of us corrupt and mercenary men. thou canst not tell me of a young, generous, warm-blooded cavalier, even among his own aragonese, who truly and confidingly loveth don fernando; whilst all of castile adore the doña isabella." "this may be true in part, luis, but it is altogether imprudent. don fernando is a king, and i fear me, from the little i have seen while dwelling in a court, that they who manage the affairs of mortals must make large concessions to their failings, or human depravity will thwart the wisest measures that can be devised. moreover, can one truly love the wife and not esteem the husband? to me it seemeth that the tie is so near and dear as to leave the virtues and the characters of a common identity." "surely, thou dost not mean to compare the modest piety, the holy truth, the sincere virtue, of our royal mistress, with the cautious, wily policy of our scheming master!" "i desire not to make comparisons between them, luis. we are bound to honor and obey both; and if doña isabella hath more of the confiding truth and pure-heartedness of her sex, than his highness, is it not ever so as between man and woman?" "if i could really think that thou likenest me, in any way, with that managing and false-faced king of aragon, much as i love thee, mercedes, i would withdraw, forever, in pure shame." "no one will liken thee, luis, to the false-tongued or the double-faced; for it is thy failing to speak truth when it might be better to say nothing, as witness the present discourse, and to look at those who displease thee, as if ever ready to point thy lance and spur thy charger in their very teeth." "my looks have been most unfortunate, fair mercedes, if they have left such memories in thee!" answered the youth, reproachfully. "i speak not in any manner touching myself, for to me, luis, thou hast ever been gentle and kind," interrupted the young castilian girl, with a haste and earnestness that hurried the blood to her cheeks a moment afterward; "but solely that thou mayst be more guarded in thy remarks on the king." "thou beganst by saying that i was a rover"-"nay, i have used no such term of reproach, don luis; thy aunt may have said this, but it could have been with no intent to wound. i said that thou hadst travelled _far_ and _much_." "well--well--i merit the title, and shall not complain of my honors. thou saidst that i had travelled _far_ and _much_, and thou spokest approvingly of the project of this genoese. am i to understand, mercedes, it is thy wish that i should make one of the adventurers?" "such was my meaning, luis, for i have thought it an emprise fitting thy daring mind and willing sword; and the glory of success would atone for a thousand trifling errors, committed under the heat and inconsideration of youth." don luis regarded the flushed cheek and brightened eyes of the beautiful enthusiast nearly a minute, in silent but intense observation; for the tooth of doubt and jealousy had fastened on him, and, with the self-distrust of true affection, he questioned how far he was worthy to interest so fair a being, and had misgivings concerning the motive that induced her to wish him to depart. "i wish i could read thy heart, doña mercedes," he at length resumed; "for, while the witching modesty and coy reserve of thy sex, serve but to bind us so much the closer in thy chains, they puzzle the understanding of men more accustomed to rude encounters in the field than to the mazes of their ingenuity. dost thou desire me to embark in an adventure that most men, the wise and prudent don fernando at their head--he whom thou so much esteemest, too--look upon as the project of a visionary, and as leading to certain destruction? did i think this, i would depart to-morrow, if it were only that my hated presence should never more disturb thy happiness." "don luis, you have no justification for this cruel suspicion," said mercedes, endeavoring to punish her lover's distrust by an affectation of resentment, though the tears struggled through her pride, and fell from her reproachful eyes. "you know that no one, here or elsewhere, hateth you; you know that you are a general favorite, though castilian prudence and castilian reserve may not always view your wandering life with the same applause as they give to the more attentive courtier and rigidly observant knight." "pardon me, dearest, most beloved mercedes; thy coldness and aversion sometime madden me." "coldness! aversion! luis de bobadilla! when hath mercedes de valverde ever shown either, to _thee_?" "i fear that doña mercedes de valverde is, even now, putting me to some such proof." "then thou little knowest her motives, and ill appreciatest her heart. no, luis, i am not averse, and would not appear cold, to _thee_. if thy wayward feelings get so much the mastery, and pain thee thus, i will strive to be more plain. yes! rather than thou shouldst carry away with thee the false notion, and perhaps plunge, again, into some unthinking sea-adventure, i will subdue my maiden pride, and forget the reserve and caution that best become my sex and rank, to relieve thy mind. in advising thee to attach thyself to this colon, and to enter freely into his noble schemes, i had thine own happiness in view, as thou hast, time and again, sworn to me, thy happiness _could_ only be secured"-"mercedes! what meanest thou? my happiness can only be secured by a union with thee!" "and thy union with me can only be secured by thy ennobling that besetting propensity to roving, by some act of worthy renown, that shall justify doña beatriz in bestowing her ward on a truant nephew, and gain the favor of doña isabella." "and thou!--would this adventure win thee, too, to view me with kindness?" "luis, if thou _wilt_ know all, i am won already--nay--restrain this impetuosity, and hear all i have to say. even while i confess so much more than is seemly in a maiden, thou art not to suppose i can further forget myself. without the cheerful consent of my guardian, and the gracious approbation of her highness, i will wed no man--no, not even _thee_, luis de bobadilla, dear as i acknowledge thee to be to my heart"--the ungovernable emotions of female tenderness caused the words to be nearly smothered in tears--"would i wed, without the smiles and congratulations of all who have a right to smile, or weep, for any of the house of valverde. thou and i cannot marry like a village hind and village girl; it is suitable that we stand before a prelate, with a large circle of approving friends to grace our union. ah! luis, thou hast reproached me with coldness and indifference to thee"--sobs nearly stifled the generous girl--"but others have not been so blind--nay, speak not, but suffer me, now that my heart is overflowing, to unburden myself to thee, entirely, for i fear that shame and regret will come soon enough to cause repentance for what i now confess--but all have not been blind as thou. our gracious queen well understandeth the female heart, and that thou hast been so slow to discover, she hath long seen; and her quickness of eye and thought hath alone prevented me from saying to thee, earlier, a part at least of that which i now reluctantly confess"-"how! is doña isabella, too, my enemy? have i her highness' scruples to overcome, as well as those of my cold-hearted and prudish aunt?" "luis, thy intemperance causeth thee to be unjust. doña beatriz of moya is neither cold-hearted nor prudish, but all that is the reverse. a more generous or truer spirit never sacrificed self to friendship, and her very nature is frankness and simplicity. much of that i so love in thee, cometh of her family, and _thou_ shouldst not reproach her for it. as for her highness, certes, it is not needed that i should proclaim her qualities. thou knowest that she is deemed the mother of her people; that she regardeth the interests of all equally, or so far as her knowledge will allow; and that what she doth for any, is ever done with true affection, and a prudence that i have heard the cardinal say, seemeth to be inspired by infinite wisdom." "ay, it is not difficult, mercedes, to seem prudent, and benevolent, and inspired, with castile for a throne, and leon, with other rich provinces, for a footstool!" "don luis, if you would retain my esteem," answered the single-minded girl, with a gravity that had none of her sex's weakness in it, though much of her sex's truth--"speak not lightly of my royal mistress. whatever she may have done in this matter, hath been done with a mother's feelings and a mother's kindness--thy injustice maketh me almost to apprehend, with a mother's wisdom." "forgive me, adored, beloved mercedes! a thousand times more adored and loved than ever, now that thou hast been so generous and confiding. but i cannot rest in peace until i know what the queen hath said and done, in any thing that toucheth thee and me." "thou knowest how kind and gracious the queen hath ever been to me, luis, and how much i have reason to be grateful for her many condescensions and favors. i know not how it is, but, while thy aunt hath never seemed to detect my feelings, and all those related to me by blood have appeared to be in the same darkness, the royal eye hath penetrated a mystery that, at the moment, i do think, was even concealed from myself. thou rememberest the tourney that took place just before thou left us on thy last mad expedition?" "do i not? was it not thy coldness after my success in that tourney, and when i even wore thy favors, that not only drove me out of spain, but almost drove me out of the world?" "if the world could impute thy acts to such a cause, all obstacles would at once be removed, and we might be happy without further efforts. but," and mercedes smiled, archly, though with great tenderness in her voice and looks, as she added, "i fear thou art much addicted to these fits of madness, and that thou wilt never cease to wish to be driven to the uttermost limits of the world, if not fairly out of it." "it is in thy power to make me as stationary as the towers of this alhambra. one such smile, daily, would chain me like a captive moor at thy feet, and take away all desire to look at other objects than thy beauty. but her highness--thou hast forgotten to add what her highness hath said and done." "in that tourney thou wert conqueror, luis! the whole chivalry of castile was in the saddle, that glorious day, and yet none could cope with thee! even alonzo de ojeda was unhorsed by thy lance, and all mouths were filled with thy praises; all memories--perhaps, it would be better to say that all memories but one--forgot thy failings." "and that one was thine, cruel mercedes." "thou knowest better, unkind luis! that day i remembered nothing but thy noble, generous heart, manly bearing in the tilt-yard, and excellent qualities. the more mindful memory was the queen's, who sent for me, to her closet, when the festivities were over, and caused me to pass an hour with her, in gentle, affectionate discourse, before she touched at all on the real object of her command. she spoke to me, luis, of our duties as christians, of our duties as females, and, most of all, of the solemn obligations that we contract in wedlock, and of the many pains that, at best, attend that honored condition. when she had melted me to tears, by an affection that equalled a mother's love, she made me promise--and i confirmed it with a respectful vow--that i would never appear at the altar, while she lived, without her being present to approve of my nuptials; or, if prevented by disease or duty, at least not without a consent given under her royal signature." "by st. denis of paris! her highness endeavored to influence thy generous and pure mind against me!" "thy name was not even mentioned, luis, nor would it have been in any way concerned in the discourse, had not my unbidden thoughts turned anxiously toward thee. what her highness meditated, i do not even now know, but it was the manner in which my own sensitive feelings brought up thy image, that hath made me, perhaps idly, fancy the effect might be to prevent me from wedding thee, without doña isabella's consent. but, knowing, as i well do, her maternal heart and gentle affections, how can i doubt that she will yield to my wishes, when she knoweth that my choice is not really unworthy, though it may seem to the severely prudent in some measure indiscreet." "but thou thinkest--thou feelest, mercedes, that it was in fear of me that her highness extorted the vow?" "i apprehended it, as i have confessed, with more readiness than became a maiden's pride, because thou wert uppermost in my mind. then thy triumphs throughout the day, and the manner in which thy name was in all men's mouths, might well tempt the thoughts to dwell on thy person." "mercedes, thou canst not deny that thou believest her highness extorted that vow in dread of me?" "i wish to deny nothing that is true, don luis; and you are early teaching me to repent of the indiscreet avowal i have made. that it was in _dread_ of you that her highness spoke, i do deny; for i cannot think she has any such feelings toward _you_. she was full of maternal affection for _me_, and i think, for i will conceal naught that i truly believe, that apprehension of thy powers to please, luis, may have induced her to apprehend that an orphan girl, like myself, might possibly consult her fancy more than her prudence, and wed one who seemed to love the uttermost limits of the earth so much better than his own noble castles and his proper home." "and thou meanest to respect this vow!" "luis! thou scarce reflectest on thy words, or a question so sinful would not be put to me! what christian maiden ever forgets her vows, whether of pilgrimage, penitence, or performance--and why should i be the first to incur this disgraceful guilt? besides, had i not vowed, the simple wish of the queen, expressed in her own royal person, would have been enough to deter me from wedding any. she is my sovereign, mistress, and, i might almost say, mother; doña beatriz herself scarce manifesting greater interest in my welfare. now, luis, thou must listen to my suit, although i see thou art ready to exclaim, and protest, and invoke; but i have heard thee patiently some years, and it is now my turn to speak and thine to listen. i do not think the queen had thee in her mind on the occasion of that vow, which was _offered_ freely by me, rather than _extorted_, as thou seemest to think, by her highness. i _do_, then, believe that doña isabella supposed there might be a danger of my yielding to thy suit, and that she had apprehensions that one so much given to roving, might not bring, or keep, happiness in the bosom of a family. but, luis, if her highness hath not done thy noble, generous heart, justice; if she hath been deceived by appearances, like most of those around her; if she hath not known thee, in short, is it not thine own fault? hast thou not been a frequent truant from castile; and, even when present, hast thou been as attentive and assiduous in thy duties at court, as becometh thy high birth and admitted claims? it is true, her highness, and all others who were present, witnessed thy skill in the tourney, and in these wars thy name hath had frequent and honorable mention for prowess against the moor; but while the female imagination yields ready homage to this manliness, the female heart yearneth for other, and gentler, and steadier virtues, at the fireside and in the circle within. this, doña isabella hath seen, and felt, and knoweth, happy as hath been her own marriage with the king of aragon; and is it surprising that she hath felt this concern for me? no, luis; feeling hath made thee unjust to our royal mistress, whom it is now manifestly thy interest to propitiate, if thou art sincere in thy avowed desire to obtain my hand." "and how is this to be done, mercedes? the moor is conquered, and i know not that any knight would meet me to do battle for thy favor." "the queen wisheth nothing of this sort--neither do i. we both know thee as an accomplished christian knight already, and, as thou hast just said, there is no one to meet thy lance, for no one hath met with the encouragement to justify the folly. it is through this colon that thou art to win the royal consent." "i believe i have, in part, conceived thy meaning; but would fain hear thee speak more plainly." "then i will tell thee in words as distinct as my tongue can utter them," rejoined the ardent girl, the tint of tenderness gradually deepening on her cheek to the flush of a holy enthusiasm, as she proceeded: "thou knowest already the general opinions of the señor colon, and the mode in which he proposeth to effect his ends. i was still a child when he first appeared in castile, to urge the court to embark in this great enterprise, and i can see that her highness hath often been disposed to yield her aid, when the coldness of don fernando, or the narrowness of her ministers, hath diverted her mind from the object. i think she yet regardeth the scheme with favor; for it is quite lately that colon, who had taken leave of us all, with the intent to quit spain and seek elsewhere for means, was summoned to return, through the influence of fray juan perez, the ancient confessor of her highness. he is now here, as thou hast seen, waiting impatiently for an audience, and it needeth only to quicken the queen's memory, to obtain for him that favor. should he get the caravels he asketh, no doubt many of the nobles will feel a desire to share in an enterprise that will confer lasting honor on all concerned, if successful; and thou mightst make one." "i know not how to regard this solicitude, mercedes, for it seemeth strange to wish to urge those we affect to value, to enter on an expedition whence they may never return." "god will protect thee!" answered the girl, her face glowing with pious ardour: "the enterprise will be undertaken for his glory, and his powerful hand will guide and shield the caravels." don luis de bobadilla smiled, having far less religious faith and more knowledge of physical obstacles than his mistress. he did full justice to her motives, notwithstanding his hastily expressed doubts; and the adventure was of a nature to arouse his constitutional love of roving, and his desire for encountering dangers. both he and mercedes well knew that he had fairly earned no small part of that distrust of his character, which alone thwarted their wishes; and, quick of intellect, he well understood the means and manner by which he was to gain doña isabella's consent. the few doubts that he really entertained were revealed by the question that succeeded. "if her highness is disposed to favor this colon," he asked, "why hath the measure been so long delayed?" "this moorish war, an empty treasury, and the wary coldness of the king, have prevented it." "might not her highness look upon all the followers of the man, as so many vain schemers, should we return without success, as will most likely be the case--if, indeed, we ever return?" "such is not doña isabella's character. she will enter into this project, in honor of god, if she entereth into it at all; and she will regard all who accompany colon voluntarily, as so many crusaders, well entitled to her esteem. thou wilt not return unsuccessful, luis; but with such credit as will cause thy wife to glory in her choice, and to be proud of thy name." "thou art a most dear enthusiast, beloved girl! if i could take thee with me, i would embark in the adventure, with no other companion." a fitting reply was made to this gallant, and, at the moment, certainly sincere speech, after which the matter was discussed between the two, with greater calmness and far more intelligibly. don luis succeeded in restraining his impatience; and the generous confidence with which mercedes gradually got to betray her interest in him, and the sweet, holy earnestness with which she urged the probability of success, brought him at length to view the enterprise as one of lofty objects, rather than as a scheme which flattered his love of adventure. doña beatriz left the lovers alone for quite two hours, the queen requiring her presence all that time; and soon after she returned, her reckless, roving, indiscreet, but noble-hearted and manly nephew, took his leave. mercedes and her guardian, however, did not retire until midnight; the former laying open her whole heart to the marchioness, and explaining all her hopes as they were connected with the enterprise of colon. doña beatriz was both gratified and pained by this confession, while she smiled at the ingenuity of love, in coupling the great designs of the genoese with the gratification of its own wishes. still she was not displeased. luis de bobadilla was the son of an only and much-beloved brother, and she had transferred to her nephew most of the affection she had felt for the father. all who knew him, indeed, were fond of the handsome and gallant young cavalier, though the prudent felt compelled to frown on his indiscretions; and he might have chosen a wife, at will, from among the fair and high-born of castile, with the few occasional exceptions that denote the circumspection and reserve of higher principles than common, and a forethought that extends beyond the usual considerations of marriage. the marchioness, therefore, was not an unwilling listener to her ward; and ere they separated for the night, the ingenuous but modest confessions, the earnest eloquence, and the tender ingenuity, of mercedes, had almost made a convert of doña beatriz. chapter vi. "looke back, who list, unto the former ages, and call to count, what is of them become, where be those learned wits and antique sages, which of all wisdom knew the perfect somme? where those great warriors which did overcome the world with conquest of their might and maine, and made one meare of th'earth and of their raigne." ruins of time. two or three days had passed before the christians began to feel at home in the ancient seat of mahommedan power. by that time, however, the alhambra and the town got to be more regulated than they were during the hurry, delight, and grief, of taking possession and departing; and as the politic and far from ill-disposed ferdinand had issued strict orders that the moors should not only be treated with kindness, but with delicacy, the place gradually settled down into tranquillity, and men began to fall into their ancient habits and to interest themselves in their customary pursuits. don fernando was much occupied with new cares, as a matter of course; but his illustrious consort, who reserved herself for great occasions, exercising her ordinary powers in the quiet, gentle manner that became her sex and native disposition, her truth and piety, had already withdrawn, as far as her high rank and substantial authority would allow, from the pageantry and martial scenes of a warlike court, and was seeking, with her wonted readiness, the haunts of private affection, and that intercourse which is most congenial to the softer affections of a woman. her surviving children were with her, and they occupied much of her maternal care; but she had also many hours for friendship, and for the indulgence of an affection that appeared to include all her subjects within the ties of family. on the morning of the third day that succeeded the evening of the interview related in the preceding chapter, doña isabella had collected about her person a few of those privileged individuals who might be said to have the entrée to her more private hours; for while that of castile was renowned among christian courts for etiquette, habits that it had probably derived from the stately oriental usages of its mahommedan neighbors, the affectionate nature of the queen had cast a halo around her own private circle, that at once rendered it graceful as well as delightful to all who enjoyed the high honor of entering it. at that day, churchmen enjoyed a species of exclusive favor, mingling with all the concerns of life, and not unfrequently controlling them. while we are quick to detect blemishes of this sort among foreign nations, and are particularly prone to point out the evils that have flowed from the meddling of the romish divines, we verify the truth of the venerable axiom that teaches us how much easier it is to see the faults of others than to discover our own; for no people afford stronger evidences of the existence of this control, than the people of the united states, more especially that portion of them who dwell in places that were originally settled by religionists, and which still continue under the influence of the particular sects that first prevailed; and perhaps the strongest national trait that exists among us at this moment--that of a disposition to extend the control of society beyond the limits set by the institutions and the laws, under the taking and plausible appellation of public opinion--has its origin in the polity of churches of a democratic character, that have aspired to be an _imperium in imperio_, confirmed and strengthened by their modes of government and by provincial habits. be the fact as it may among ourselves, there is no question of the ascendency of the catholic priesthood throughout christendom, previously to the reformation; and isabella was too sincerely devout, too unostentatiously pious, not to allow them every indulgence that comported with her own sense of right, and among others, that of a free access to her presence, and an influence on all her measures. on the occasion just named, among others who were present was fernando de talavera, a prelate of high station, who had just been named to the new dignity of archbishop of granada, and the fray pedro de carrascal, the former teacher of luis de bobadilla, an unbeneficed divine, who owed his favor to great simplicity of character, aided by his high birth. isabella, herself, was seated at a little table, where she was employed with her needle, the subject of her toil being a task as homely as a shirt for the king, it being a part of her womanly propensities to acquit herself of this humble duty, as scrupulously as if she had been the wife of a common tradesman of her own capital. this was one of the habits of the age, however, if not a part of the policy of princes; for most travellers have seen the celebrated saddle of the queen of burgundy, with a place arranged for the distaff, that, when its owner rode forth, she might set an example of thrift to her admiring subjects; and with our own eyes, in these luxurious times, when few private ladies even condescend to touch any thing as useful as the garment that occupied the needle of isabella of castile, we have seen a queen, seated amid her royal daughters, as diligently employed with the needle as if her livelihood depended on her industry. but doña isabella had no affectations. in feelings, speech, nature, and acts, she was truth itself; and matrimonial tenderness gave her a deeply felt pleasure in thus being occupied for a husband whom she tenderly loved as a man, while it was impossible she could entirely conceal from herself all his faults as a monarch. near her sat the companion of her girlish days, the long-tried and devoted beatriz de cabrera. mercedes occupied a stool, at the feet of the infanta isabella, while one or two other ladies of the household were placed at hand, with such slight distinctions of rank as denoted the presence of royalty, but with a domestic freedom that made these observances graceful without rendering them fatiguing. the king himself was writing at a table, in a distant corner of the vast apartment; and no one, the newly-created archbishop not excepted, presumed to approach that side of the room. the discourse was conducted in a tone a little lower than common; even the queen, whose voice was always melody, modulating its tones in a way not to interfere with the train of thought into which her illustrious consort appeared to be profoundly plunged. but, at the precise moment that we now desire to present to the reader, isabella had been deeply lost in reflection for some time, and a general silence prevailed in the female circle around the little work-tables. "daughter-marchioness"--for so the queen usually addressed her friend--"daughter-marchioness," said isabella, arousing herself from the long silence, "hath aught been seen or heard of late of the señor colon, the pilot who hath so long urged us on the subject of this western voyage?" the quick, hurried glance of intelligence and gratification, that passed between mercedes and her guardian, betrayed the interest they felt in this question, while the latter answered, as became her duty and her respect for her mistress-"you remember, señora, that he was written for, by fray juan perez, your highness' ancient confessor, who journeyed all the way from his convent of santa maria de rabida, in andalusia, to intercede in his behalf, that his great designs might not be lost to castile." "thou thinkest his designs, then, great, daughter-marchioness?" "can any think them otherwise, señora? they seem reasonable and natural, and if just, is it not a great and laudable undertaking to extend the bounds of the church, and to confer honor and wealth on one's own country? my enthusiastic ward, mercedes de valverde, is so zealous in behalf of this navigator's great project, that, next to her duty to her god, and her duty to her sovereigns, it seemeth to make the great concern of her life." the queen turned a smiling face toward the blushing girl who was the subject of this remark, and she gazed at her, for an instant, with the expression of affection that was so wont to illuminate her lovely countenance when dwelling on the features of her own daughters. "dost thou acknowledge this, doña mercedes?" she said; "hath colon so convinced thee, that thou art thus zealous in his behalf?" mercedes arose, respectfully, when addressed by the queen, and she advanced a step or two nearer to the royal person before she made any reply. "it becometh me to speak modestly, in this presence," said the beautiful girl; "but i shall not deny that i feel deep concern for the success of the señor colon. the thought is so noble, señora, that it were a pity it should not be just." "this is the reasoning of the young and generous-minded; and i confess myself, beatrice, almost as childish as any, on this matter, at times--colon, out of question, is still here?" "indeed he is, señora," answered mercedes, eagerly, and with a haste she immediately repented, for the inquiry was not made directly to herself; "i know of one who hath seen him as lately as the day the troops took possession of the town." "who is that person?" asked the queen, steadily, but not severely, her eye having turned again to the face of the girl, with an interest that continued to increase as she gazed. mercedes now bitterly regretted her indiscretion, and, in spite of a mighty effort to repress her feelings, the tell-tale blood mounted to her temples, ere she could find resolution to reply. "don luis de bobadilla, señora, the nephew of my guardian, doña beatriz," she at length answered; for the love of truth was stronger in this pure-hearted young creature, even, than the dread of shame. "thou art particular, señorita," isabella observed calmly, severity seldom entering into her communication with the just-minded and good; "don luis cometh of too illustrious a house to need a herald to proclaim his alliances. it is only the obscure that the world doth not trouble itself about. daughter-marchioness," relieving mercedes from a state scarcely less painful than the rack, by turning her eyes toward her friend, "this nephew of thine is a confirmed rover--but i doubt if he could be prevailed on to undertake an expedition like this of colon's, that hath in view the glory of god and the benefit of the realm." "indeed, señora"--mercedes repressed her zeal by a sudden and triumphant effort. "thou wert about to speak, doña mercedes," gravely observed the queen. "i crave your highness' forgiveness. it was improperly, as your own words were not addressed to me." "this is not the court of the queen of castile, daughter, but the private room of isabella de trastamara," said the queen, willing to lessen the effect of what had already passed. "thou hast the blood of the admiral of castile in thy veins, and art even akin to our lord the king. speak freely, then." "i know your gracious goodness to me, señora, and had nearly forgotten myself, under its influence. all i had to say was, that don luis de bobadilla desireth exceedingly that the señor colon might get the caravels he seeketh, and that he himself might obtain the royal permission to make one among the adventurers." "can this be so, beatriz?" "luis is a truant, señora, beyond a question, but it is not with ignoble motives. i have heard him ardently express his desire to be one of colon's followers, should that person be sent by your highness in search of the land of cathay." isabella made no reply, but she laid her homely work in her lap, and sat musing, in pensive silence, for several minutes. during this interval, none near her presumed to speak, and mercedes retired, stealthily, to her stool, at the feet of the infanta. at length the queen arose, and, crossing the room, she approached the table where don fernando was still busily engaged with the pen. here she paused a moment, as if unwilling to disturb him; but soon, laying a hand kindly on his shoulder, she drew his attention to herself. the king, as if conscious whence such familiarity could alone proceed, looked around immediately, and, rising from his chair, he was the first to speak. "these moriscoes need looking to," he said, betraying the direction that his thoughts had so early taken toward the increase of his power--"i find we have left abdallah many strongholds in the apulxarras, that may make him a troublesome neighbor, unless we can push him across the mediterranean"-"of this, fernando, we will converse on some other opportunity," interrupted the queen, whose pure mind disliked every thing that even had an approach to a breach of faith. "it is hard enough for those who control the affairs of men, always to obey god and their own consciences, without seeking occasions to violate their faith. i have come to thee, on another matter. the hurry of the times, and the magnitude of our affairs, have caused us to overlook the promise given to colon, the navigator"-"still busied with thy needle, isabella, and for my comfort," observed the king, playing with the shirt that his royal consort had unconsciously brought in her hand; "few subjects have wives as considerate and kind as thou!" "thy comfort and happiness stand next to my duty to god and the care of my people," returned isabella, gratified at the notice the king of aragon had taken of this little homage of her sex, even while she suspected that it came from a wish to parry the subject that was then uppermost in her thoughts. "i would do naught in this important concern, without thy fullest approbation, if that may be had; and i think it toucheth our royal words to delay no longer. seven years are a most cruel probation, and, unless we are active, we shall have some of the hot-blooded young nobles of the kingdom undertaking the matter, as their holiday sports." "thou say'st true, señora, and we will refer the subject, at once, to fernando de talavera, yonder, who is of approved discretion, and one to be relied on." as the king spoke, he beckoned to the individual named, who immediately approached the royal pair. "archbishop of granada," continued the wily king, who had as many politic arts as a modern patriot intently bent on his own advancement--"archbishop of granada, our royal consort hath a desire that this affair of colon should be immediately inquired into, and reported on to ourselves. it is our joint command that you, and others, take the matter, before the next twenty-four hours shall pass, into mature consideration and inquiry, and that you lay the result before ourselves. the names of your associates shall be given to you in the course of the day." while the tongue of ferdinand was thus instructing the prelate, the latter read in the expression of the monarch's eye, and in the coldness of his countenance, a meaning that his quick and practiced wits were not slow in interpreting. he signified his dutiful assent, however; received the names of his associates in the commission, of whom isabella pointed out one or two, and then waited to join in the discourse. "this project of colon's is worthy of being more seriously inquired into," resumed the king, when these preliminaries were settled, "and it shall be our care to see that he hath all consideration. they tell me the honest navigator is a good christian." "i think him devotedly so, don fernando. he hath a purpose, should god prosper his present undertaking, to join in a new effort to regain the holy sepulchre." "umph! such designs may be meritorious, but ours is the true way to advance the faith--this conquest of our own. we have raised the cross, my wife, where the ensigns of infidelity were lately seen, and granada is so near castile that it will not be difficult to maintain our altars. such, at least, are the opinions of a layman--holy prelate--on these matters." "and most just and wise opinions are they, señor," returned the archbishop. "that which can be retained, it is wisest to seek, for we lose our labors in gaining things that providence hath placed so far beyond our control, that they do not seem designed for our purposes." "there are those, my lord archbishop," observed the queen, "who might argue against all attempts to recover the holy sepulchre, hearing opinions like these, from so high authority!" "then, señora, they would misconceive that authority," the politic prelate hurriedly replied. "it is well for all christendom, to drive the infidels from the holy land; but for castile it is better to dispossess them of granada. the distinction is a very plain one, as every sound casuist must admit." "this truth is as evident to our reason," added ferdinand, casting a look of calm exultation out at a window, "as that yonder towers were once abdallah's, and that they are now our own!" "better for castile!" repeated isabella, in the tones of one who mused. "for her worldly power better, perhaps, but not better for the souls of those who achieve the deed--surely, not better for the glory of god!" "my much-honored wife, and beloved consort"--said the king. "señora"--added the prelate. but isabella walked slowly away, pondering on principles, while the eyes of the two worldings she left behind her, met, with the sort of free-masonry that is in much request among those who are too apt to substitute the expedient for the right. the queen did not return to her seat, but she walked up and down that part of the room which the archbishop had left vacant when he approached herself and her husband. here she remained alone for several minutes, even ferdinand holding her in too much reverence to presume to disturb her meditations, uninvited. the queen several times cast glances at mercedes, and, at length, she commanded her to draw near. "daughter," said isabella, who frequently addressed those she loved by this endearing term, "thou hast not forgotten thy freely-offered vow?" "next to my duty to god, señora, i most consider my duty to my sovereign." mercedes spoke firmly, and in those tones that seldom deceive. isabella riveted her eyes on the pale features of the beautiful girl, and when the words just quoted were uttered, a tender mother could not have regarded a beloved child with stronger proofs of affection. "thy duty to god overshadoweth all other feelings, daughter, as is just," answered the queen; "thy duty to me is secondary and inferior. still, thou and all others, owe a solemn duty to your sovereign, and i should be unfit for the high trust that i have received from providence, did i permit any of these obligations to lessen. it is not i that reign in castile, but providence, through its humble and unworthy instrument. my people are my children, and i often pray that i may have heart enough to hold them all. if princes are sometimes obliged to frown on the unworthy, it is but in humble and distant imitation of that power which cannot smile on evil." "i hope, señora," said the girl, timidly, observing that the queen paused, "i have not been so unfortunate as to displease you; a frown from your highness would indeed be a calamity!" "thou? no, daughter; i would that all the maidens of castile, noble and simple, were of thy truth, and modesty, and obedience. but we cannot permit thee to become the victim of the senses. thou art too well taught, doña mercedes, not to distinguish between that which is brilliant and that which is truly virtuous"-"señora!" cried mercedes, eagerly--then checking herself, immediately, for she felt it was a disrespect to interrupt her sovereign. "i listen to what thou wouldst say, daughter," isabella answered, after pausing for the frightened girl to continue. "speak freely; thou addressest a parent." "i was about to say, señora, that if all that is brilliant is not virtuous, neither is all that is unpleasant to the sight, or what prudence might condemn, actually vicious." "i understand thee, señorita, and the remark hath truth in it. now, let us speak of other things. thou appearest to be friendly to the designs of this navigator, colon?" "the opinion of one untaught and youthful as i, can have little weight with the queen of castile, who can ask counsel of prelates and learned churchmen, besides consulting her own wisdom;" mercedes modestly answered. "but thou thinkest well of his project; or have i mistaken thy meaning?" "no, señora, i _do_ think well of colon's scheme; for to me it seemeth of that nobleness and grandeur that providence would favor, for the good of man and the advancement of the church." "and thou believest that nobles and cavaliers can be found willing to embark with this obscure genoese, in his bold undertaking?" the queen felt the hand that she affectionately held in both her own, tremble, and when she looked at her companion she perceived that her face was crimsoned and her eyes lowered. but the generous girl thought the moment critical for the fortunes of her lover, and she rallied all her energies in order to serve his interests. "señora, i do," she answered, with a steadiness that both surprised and pleased the queen, who entered into and appreciated all her feelings; "i think don luis de bobadilla will embark with him; since his aunt hath conversed freely with him on the nature and magnitude of the enterprise, his mind dwelleth on little else. he would be willing to furnish gold for the occasion, could his guardians be made to consent." "which any guardian would be very wrong to do. we may deal freely with our own, but it is forbidden to jeopard the goods of another. if don luis de bobadilla persevere in this intention, and act up to his professions, i shall think more favorably of his character than circumstances have hitherto led me to do." "señora!" "hear me, daughter; we cannot now converse longer on this point, the council waiting my presence, and the king having already left us. thy guardian and i will confer together, and thou shalt not be kept in undue suspense; but mercedes de valverde"-"my lady the queen"-"remember thy vow, daughter. it was freely given, and must not be hastily forgotten." isabella now kissed the pale cheek of the girl and withdrew, followed by all the ladies; leaving the half-pleased and yet half-terrified mercedes standing in the centre of the vast apartment, resembling a beautiful statue of doubt. [illustration] chapter vii. "he that of such a height hath built his mind, and reared the dwelling of his thoughts so strong as neither fear nor hope can shake the frame of his resolved powers." daniel. the following day the alhambra was crowded with courtiers as usual; applicants for favors, those who sought their own, and those who solicited the redress of imaginary wrongs. the ante-chambers were thronged, and the different individuals in waiting jealously eyed each other, as if to inquire how far their neighbors would be likely to thwart their several views or to advance their wishes. men bowed, in general, coldly and with distrust; and the few that did directly pass their greetings, met with the elaborated civility that commonly characterizes the intercourse of palaces. while curiosity was active in guessing at the business of the different individuals present, and whispers, nods, shrugs of the shoulders, and meaning glances, passed among the old stagers, as they communicated to each other the little they knew, or thought they knew, on different subjects, there stood in the corner of the principal apartment, one in particular, who might be distinguished from all around him, by his stature, the gravity and dignity of his air, and the peculiar sort of notice that he attracted. few approached him, and they that did, as they turned their backs, cast those glances of self-sufficiency and ridicule about them, that characterize the vulgar-minded when they fancy that they are deriding or sneering in consonance with popular opinion. this was columbus, who was very generally regarded by the multitude as a visionary schemer, and who necessarily shared in that sort of contemptuous obloquy that attaches itself to the character. but even the wit and jokes of the crowd had been expended upon this subject, and the patience of those who danced attendance was getting to be exhausted, when a little stir at the door announced the approach of some new courtier. the manner in which the throng quickly gave way, denoted the presence of some one of high rank, and presently don luis de bobadilla stood in the centre of the room. "it is the nephew of her highness' favorite," whispered one. "a noble of one of the most illustrious families of castile," said another; "but a fitting associate of this colon, as neither the authority of his guardians, the wishes of the queen, nor his high station, can keep him from the life of a vagabond." "one of the best lances in spain, if he had the prudence and wisdom to turn his skill to profit," observed a third. "that is the youthful knight who hath so well deported himself in this last campaign," growled an inferior officer of the infantry, "and who unhorsed don alonso de ojeda in the tourney; but his lance is as unsteady in its aim, as it is good in the rest. they tell me he is a rover." as if purposely to justify this character, luis looked about him anxiously a moment, and then made his way directly to the side of colon. the smiles, nods, shrugs, and half-suppressed whispers that followed, betrayed the common feeling; but a door on the side of the closet opening, all eyes were immediately bent in that direction, and the little interruption just mentioned was as soon forgotten. "i greet you, señor," said luis, bowing respectfully to columbus. "since our discourse of last evening i have thought of little besides its subject, and have come hither to renew it." that columbus was pleased by this homage, appeared in his eye, his smile, and the manner in which he raised his body, as if full of the grandeur of his own designs; but he was compelled to defer the pleasure that it always gave him to dilate on his enterprise. "i am commanded hither, noble señor," he answered, cordially, "by the holy archbishop of granada, who, it seemeth, hath it in charge from their highnesses, to bring my affair to a speedy issue, and who hath named this very morning for that purpose. we touch upon the verge of great events: the day is not distant, when this conquest of granada will be forgotten, in the greater importance of the mighty things that god hath held in reserve!" "by san pedro, my new patron! i do believe you, señor. cathay must lie at or near the spot you have named, and your own eyes shall not see it, and its gorgeous stories of wealth, sooner than mine. remember pedro de muños, i pray you, señor colon." "he shall not be forgotten, i promise you, young lord; and all the great deeds of your ancestors will be eclipsed by the glory achieved by their son. but i hear my name called; we will talk of this anon." "el señor christoval colon!" was called by one of the pages, in a loud authoritative voice, and the navigator hurried forward, buoyed up with hope and joy. the manner in which one so generally regarded with indifference, if not with contempt, had been selected from all that crowd of courtiers, excited some surprise; but as the ordinary business of the antechamber went on, and the subordinates of office soon appeared in the rooms, to hear solicitations and answer questions, the affair was quickly forgotten. luis withdrew disappointed, for he had hoped to enjoy another long discourse with columbus, on a subject which, as it was connected with his dearest hopes, now occupied most of his thoughts. we shall leave him, however, and all in the ante-chambers, to follow the great navigator further into the depths of the palace. fernando de talavera had not been unmindful of his orders. instead, however, of associating with this prelate, men known to be well disposed to listen to the propositions of columbus, the king and queen had made the mistake of choosing some six or eight of their courtiers, persons of probity and of good general characters, but who were too little accustomed to learned research, properly to appreciate the magnitude of the proposed discoveries. into the presence of these distinguished nobles and churchmen was columbus now ushered, and among them is the reader to suppose him seated. we pass over the customary ceremonies of the introduction, and proceed at once to the material part of the narrative. the archbishop of granada was the principal speaker on the part of the commissioners. "we understand, señor colon," continued the prelate, "should you be favored by their highnesses' power and authority, that you propose to undertake a voyage into the unknown atlantic, in quest of the land of cathay and the celebrated island of cipango?" "that is my design, holy and illustrious prelate. the matter hath been so often up between the agents of the two sovereigns and myself, that there is little occasion to enlarge on my views." "these were fully discussed at salamanca, of a verity, where many learned churchmen were of your way of thinking, señor, though more were against it. our lord the king, and our lady the queen, however, are disposed to view the matter favorably, and this commission hath been commanded that we might arrange all previous principles, and determine the rights of the respective parties. what force in vessels and equipments do you demand, in order to achieve the great objects you expect, under the blessing of god, to accomplish?" "you have well spoken, lord archbishop; it will be by the blessing of god, and under his especial care, that all will be done, for his glory and worship are involved in the success. with so good an ally on my side, little worldly means will be necessary. two caravels of light burden are all i ask, with the flag of the sovereigns, and a sufficiency of mariners." the commissioners turned toward each other in surprise, and while some saw in the moderate request the enthusiastic heedlessness of a visionary, others detected the steady reliance of faith. "that is not asking much, truly," observed the prelate, who was among the first; "and, though these wars have left us of castile with an exhausted treasury, we could compass that little without the aid of a miracle. the caravels might be found, and the mariners levied, but there are weighty points to determine before we reach that concession. you expect, señor, to be intrusted with the command of the expedition, in your own person?" "without that confidence i could not be answerable for success. i ask the full and complete authority of an admiral, or a sea-commander, of their highnesses. the force employed will be trifling in appearance, but the risks will be great, and the power of the two crowns must completely sustain that of him on whose shoulders will rest the entire weight of the responsibility." "this is but just, and none will gainsay it. but, señor, have you thought maturely on the advantages that are to accrue to the sovereigns, should they sustain you in this undertaking?" "lord archbishop, for eighteen years hath this subject occupied my thoughts, and employed my studies, both by day and by night. in the whole of that long period have i done little that hath not had a direct bearing on the success of this mighty enterprise. the advantages to all concerned, that will flow from it, have, therefore, scarce been forgotten." "name them, señor." "first, then, as is due to his all-seeing and omnipotent protection, glory will be given to the almighty, by the spreading of his church and the increase of his worshippers." fernando de talavera and all the churchmen present piously crossed themselves, an act in which columbus himself joined. "their highnesses, as is meet, will reap the next advantages, in the extension of their empire and in the increase of their subjects. wealth will flow in upon castile and aragon, in a rapid stream, his holiness freely granting to christian monarchs the thrones and territories of all infidel princes whose possessions may be discovered, or people converted to the faith, through their means." "this is plausible, señor," returned the prelate, "and founded on just principles. his holiness certainly is entrusted with that power, and hath been known to use it, for the glory of god. you doubtless know, señor colon, that don john of portugal hath paid great attention to these matters already, and that he and his predecessors have probably pushed discovery to the verge of its final limits. his enterprise hath also obtained from rome certain privileges that may not be meddled with." "i am not ignorant of the portuguese enterprise, holy prelate, nor of the spirit with which don john hath exercised his power. his vessels voyage along the western shore of africa, and in a direction altogether different from that i propose to take. my purpose is to launch forth, at once, into the broad atlantic, and by following the sun toward his place of evening retirement, reach the eastern bounds of the indies, by a road that will lessen the journey many months." although the archbishop and most of his coadjutors belonged to the numerous class of those who regarded columbus as a brain-heated visionary, the earnest, but lofty dignity, with which he thus simply touched upon his projects; the manner in which he quietly smoothed down his white locks, when he had spoken; and the enthusiasm that never failed to kindle in his eye, as he dwelt on his noble designs, produced a deep impression on all present, and there was a moment when the general feeling was to aid him to the extent of the common means. it was a singular and peculiar proof of the existence of this transient feeling that one of the commissioners immediately inquired-"do you propose, señor colon, to seek the court of prestor john?" "i know not, noble señor, that such a potentate hath even an existence," answered columbus, whose notions had got the fixed and philosophical bias that is derived from science, and who entered little into the popular fallacies of the day, though necessarily subject to much of the ignorance of the age; "i find nothing to establish the truth of there being such a monarch at all, or such territories." this admission did not help the navigator's cause; for to affirm that the earth was a sphere, and that prestor john was a creature of the imagination, was abandoning the marvellous to fall back on demonstration and probabilities--a course that the human mind, in its uncultivated condition, is not fond of taking. "there are men who will be willing to put faith in the truth of prestor john's power and territories," interrupted one of the commissioners, who was indebted to his present situation purely to king ferdinand's policy, "who will flatly deny that the earth is round; since we all know that there are kings, and territories, and christians, while we see that the earth and the ocean are plains." this opinion was received with an assenting smile by most present, though fernando de talavera had doubts of its justice. "señor," answered columbus, mildly, "if all in this world was in truth what it seemeth, confessions would be little needed, and penance would be much lighter." "i esteem you a good christian, señor colon," observed the archbishop, sharply. "i am such as the grace of god and a weak nature have made me, lord archbishop; though i humbly trust that when i shall have achieved this great end, that i may be deemed more worthy of the divine protection, as well as of the divine favor." "it hath been said that thou deemest thyself especially set apart by providence for this work." "i feel that within me, holy prelate, that encourageth such a hope; but i build naught on mysteries that exceed my comprehension." it would be difficult to say whether columbus lost or gained in the opinions of his auditors, by this answer. the religious feeling of the age was in perfect consonance with the sentiment; but, to the churchmen present, it seemed arrogant in a humble and unknown layman, even to believe it possible that he could be the chosen vessel, when so many who appeared to have higher claims were rejected. still no expression of this feeling was permitted, for it was then, as it is now--he who seemed to rely on the power of god, carrying with him a weight and an influence that ordinarily checked rebukes. "you propose to endeavor to reach cathay by means of sailing forth into the broad atlantic," resumed the archbishop, "and yet you deny the existence of prestor john." "your pardon, holy prelate--i do propose to reach cathay and cipango in the mode you mention, but i do not absolutely deny the existence of the monarch you have named. for the probability of the success of my enterprise, i have already produced my proofs and reasons, which have satisfied many learned churchmen; but evidence is wanting to establish the last." "and yet giovanni di montecorvino, a pious bishop of our holy church, is said to have converted such a prince to the true faith, nearly two centuries since." "the power of god can do any thing, lord archbishop, and i am not one to question the merits of his chosen ministers. all i can answer on this point is, to say that i find no scientific or plausible reasons to justify me in pursuing what may prove to be as deceptive as the light which recedes before the hand that would touch it. as for cathay and its position and its wonders, we have the better established evidence of the renowned venetians, marco and nicolo polo, who not only travelled in those territories, but sojourned years at the court of their monarch. but, noble gentlemen, whether there is a prestor john, or a cathay, there is certainly a limit to the western side of the atlantic, and that limit i am ready to seek." the archbishop betrayed his incredulity in the upward turn of his eyes; but having his commands from those who were accustomed to be obeyed, and knowing that the theory of columbus had been gravely heard and reported on, years before, at salamanca, he determined prudently to keep within his proper sphere, and to proceed at once to that into which it was his duty to inquire. "you have set forth the advantages that you think may be derived to the sovereigns, should your project succeed, señor," he said, "and truly they are not light, if all your brilliant hopes may be realized; but it now remaineth to know what conditions you reserve for yourself, as the reward of all your risks and many years of anxious labor." "all that hath been duly considered, illustrious archbishop, and you will find the substance of my wishes set forth in this paper, though many of the smaller provisions will remain to be enumerated." as columbus spoke he handed the paper in question to ferdinand of talavera. the prelate ran his eyes over it hastily at first, but a second time with more deliberation, and it would be difficult to say whether ridicule or indignation was most strongly expressed in his countenance, as he deridingly threw the document on a table. when this act of contempt was performed, he turned toward columbus, as if to satisfy himself that the navigator was not mad. "art thou serious in demanding these terms, señor?" he asked sternly, and with a look that would have caused most men, in the humble station of the applicant, to swerve from their purpose. "lord archbishop," answered columbus, with a dignity that was not easily disturbed, "this matter hath now occupied my mind quite eighteen years. during the whole of this long period i have thought seriously of little else, and it may be said to have engaged my mind sleeping and waking. i saw the truth early and intensely, but every day seems to bring it brighter and brighter before my eyes. i feel a reliance on success, that cometh from dependence on god. i think myself an agent, chosen for the accomplishment of great ends, and ends that will not be decided by the success of this one enterprise. there is more beyond, and i must retain the dignity and the means necessary to accomplish it. i cannot abate, in the smallest degree, the nature or the amount of these conditions." although the manner in which these words were uttered lent them weight, the prelate fancied that the mind of the navigator had got to be unsettled by his long contemplation of a single subject. the only things that left any doubt concerning the accuracy of this opinion, were the method and science with which he had often maintained, even in his own presence, the reasonableness of his geographical suppositions; arguments which, though they had failed to convince one bent on believing the projector a visionary, had, nevertheless, greatly puzzled the listener. still, the demands he had just read seemed so extravagant, that, for a single instant, a sentiment of pity repressed the burst of indignation to which he felt disposed to give vent. "how like ye, noble lords," he cried, sarcastically, turning to two or three of his fellow-commissioners, who had eagerly seized the paper and were endeavoring to read it, and all at the same moment, "the moderate and modest demands of the señor christoval colon, the celebrated navigator who confounded the council of salamanca! are they not such as becometh their highnesses to accept on bended knees, and with many thanks?" "read them, lord archbishop," exclaimed several in a breath. "let us first know their nature." "there are many minor conditions that might be granted, as unworthy of discussion," resumed the prelate, taking the paper; "but here are two that must give the sovereigns infinite satisfaction. the señor colon actually satisfieth himself with the rank of admiral and viceroy over all the countries he may discover; and as for gains, one-tenth--the church's share, my brethren--yea, even one-tenth, one _humble_ tenth of the proceeds and customs, will content him!" the general murmur that passed among the commissioners, denoted a common dissatisfaction, and at that instant columbus had not a true supporter in the room. "nor is this all, illustrious nobles, and holy priests," continued the archbishop, following up his advantage as soon as he believed his auditors ready to hear him--"nor is this all; lest these high dignities should weary their highnesses' shoulders, and those of their royal progeny, the liberal genoese actually consenteth to transmit them to his own posterity, in all time to come; converting the kingdom of cathay into a realm for the uses of the house of colon, to maintain the dignity of which, the tenth of all the benefits are to be consigned to its especial care!" there would have been an open laugh at this sally, had not the noble bearing of columbus checked its indulgence; and even ferdinand of talavera, under the stern rebuke of an eye and mien that carried with them a grave authority, began to think he had gone too far. "your pardon, señor colon," he immediately and more courteously added; "but your conditions sounded so lofty that they have quite taken me by surprise. you cannot seriously mean to maintain them?" "not one jot will i abate, lord priest: that much will be my due; and he that consenteth to less than he deserveth, becometh an instrument of his own humiliation. i shall give to the sovereigns an empire that will far exceed in value all their other possessions, and i claim my reward. i tell you, moreover, reverend prelate, that there is much in reserve, and that these conditions will be needed to fulfil the future." "these are truly modest proposals for a nameless genoese!" exclaimed one of the courtiers, who had been gradually swelling with disgust and contempt. "the señor colon will be certain of commanding in the service of their highnesses, and if nothing is done he will have that high honor without cost; whereas, should this most improbable scheme lead to any benefits, he will become a vice-king, humbly contenting himself with the church's revenue!" this remark appeared to determine the wavering, and the commissioners rose, in a body, as if the matter were thought to be unworthy of further discussion. with the view to preserve at least the appearance of impartiality and discretion, however, the archbishop turned once more toward columbus, and now, certain of obtaining his ends, he spoke to him in milder tones. "for the last time, señor," he said, "i ask if you still insist on these unheard-of terms?" "on them, and on no other," said columbus, firmly. "i know the magnitude of the services i shall perform, and will not degrade them--will in no manner lessen their dignity, by accepting aught else. but, lord archbishop, and you, too, noble señor, that treateth my claims so lightly, i am ready to add to the risk of person, life, and name, that of gold. i will furnish one-eighth of the needful sums, if ye will increase my benefits in that proportion." "enough, enough," returned the prelate, preparing to quit the room; "we will make our report to the sovereigns, this instant, and thou shalt speedily know their pleasure." thus terminated the conference. the courtiers left the room, conversing earnestly among themselves, like men who did not care to repress their indignation; while columbus, filled with the noble character of his own designs, disappeared in another direction, with the bearing of one whose self-respect was not to be lessened by clamor, and who appreciated ignorance and narrowness of views too justly to suffer them to change his own high purposes. ferdinand of talavera was as good as his word. he was the queen's confessor, and, in virtue of that holy office, had at all times access to her presence. full of the subject of the late interview, he took his way directly to the private apartments of the queen, and, as a matter of course, was at once admitted. isabella heard his representations with mortification and regret, for she had begun to set her heart on the sailing of this extraordinary expedition. but the influence of the archbishop was very great, for his royal penitent knew the sincerity and devotedness of his heart. "this carrieth presumption to insolence, señora," continued the irritated churchman; "have we not here a mendicant adventurer demanding honors and authority that belong only to god and his anointed, the princes of the earth? who is this colon?--a nameless genoese, without rank, services, or modesty, and yet doth he carry his pretensions to a height that might cause even a guzman to hesitate." "he is a good christian, holy prelate," isabella meekly answered, "and seemeth to delight in the service and glory of god, and to wish to favor the extension of his visible and catholic church." "true, señora, and yet may there be deceit in this"-"nay, lord archbishop, i do not think that deceit is the man's failing, for franker speech and more manly bearing it is not usual to see, even in the most powerful. he hath solicited us for years, and yet no act of meanness may be fairly laid to his charge." "i shall not judge the heart of this man harshly, doña isabella, but we may judge of his actions and his pretensions, and how far they may be suitable to the dignity of the two crowns, freely and without censure. i confess him grave, and plausible, and light of neither discourse nor manner, virtues certainly, as the world moveth in courts"--isabella smiled, but she said nothing, for her ghostly counsellor was wont to rebuke with freedom, and she to listen with humility--"where the age is not exhibiting its purest models of sobriety of thought and devotion, but even these may exist without the spirit that shall be fitted for heaven. but what are gravity and decorum, if sustained by an inflated pride and inordinate rapacity? ambition being a term too lofty for such a craving. reflect, señora, on the full nature of these demands. this colon requireth to be established, forever, in the high state of a substitute for a king, not only for his own person, but for those of his descendants throughout all time, with the title and authority of admiral over all adjacent seas, should he discover any of the lands he so much exalts, before he will consent to enter into the command of certain of your highnesses' vessels, a station of itself only too honorable for one of so little note! should his most extravagant pretensions be realized--and the probabilities are that they will entirely fail--his demands would exceed his services; whereas, in the case of failure, the castilian and aragonese names would be covered with ridicule, and a sore disrespect would befal the royal dignity for having been thus duped by an adventurer. much of the glory of this late conquest would be tarnished, by a mistake so unfortunate." "daughter-marchioness," observed the queen, turning toward the faithful, and long-tried friend who was occupied with her needle near her own side--"these conditions of colon do, truly, seem to exceed the bounds of reason." "the enterprise also exceedeth all the usual bounds of risks and adventures, señora," was the steady reply of doña beatriz, as she glanced toward the countenance of mercedes. "noble efforts deserve noble rewards." the eye of isabella followed the glance of her friend, and it remained fixed for some time on the pale, anxious features of her favorite's ward. the beautiful girl herself was unconscious of the attention she excited; but one who knew her secret might easily detect the intense feeling with which she awaited the issue. the opinions of her confessor had seemed so reasonable, that isabella was on the point of assenting to the report of the commissioners, and of abandoning altogether the secret hopes and expectations she had begun to couple with the success of the navigator's schemes, when a gentler feeling, one that belonged peculiarly to her own feminine heart, interposed to give the mariner another chance. it is seldom that woman is dead to the sympathies connected with the affections, and the wishes that sprang from the love of mercedes de valverde were the active cause of the decision that the queen of castile came to at that critical moment. "we must be neither harsh nor hasty with this genoese, lord archbishop," she said, turning again to the prelate. "he hath the virtues of devoutness and fair-dealing, and these are qualities that sovereigns learn to prize. his demands no doubt have become somewhat exaggerated by long brooding, in his thoughts, on a favorite and great scheme; but kind words and reason may yet lead him to more moderation. let him, then, be tried with propositions of our own, and doubtless, his necessities, if not a sense of justice, will cause him to accept them. the viceroyalty doth, indeed, exceed the usual policy of princes, and, as you say, holy prelate, the tenth is the church's share; but the admiral's rank may be fairly claimed. meet him, then, with these moderated proposals, and substitute a fifteenth for a tenth; let him be a viceroy in his own person, during the pleasure of don fernando and myself, but let him relinquish the claim for his posterity." fernando de talavera thought even these concessions too considerable, but, while he exercised his sacred office with a high authority, he too well knew the character of isabella to presume to dispute an order she had once issued, although it was in her own mild and feminine manner. after receiving a few more instructions, therefore, and obtaining the counsel of the king, who was at work in an adjoining cabinet, the prelate went to execute this new commission. two or three days now passed before the subject was finally disposed of, and isabella was again seated in the domestic circle, when admission was once more demanded in behalf of her confessor. the archbishop entered with a flushed face, and his whole appearance was so disturbed that it must have been observed by the most indifferent person. "how now, holy archbishop,"--demanded isabella--"doth thy new flock vex thy spirit, and is it so very hard to deal with an infidel?" "'tis naught of that, señora--'tis naught relating to my new people. i find even the followers of the false prophet more reasonable than some who exult in christ's name and favor. this colon is a madman, and better fitted to become a saint in mussulmans' eyes, than even a pilot in your highness' service." at this burst of indignation, the queen, the marchioness of moya, and doña mercedes de valverde, simultaneously dropped their needle-work, and sat looking at the prelate, with a common concern. they had all hoped that the difficulties which stood in the way of a favorable termination to the negotiation would be removed, and that the time was at hand, when the being who, in spite of the boldness and unusual character of his projects, had succeeded in so signally commanding their respect, and in interesting their feelings, was about to depart, and to furnish a practical solution to problems that had as much puzzled their reasons as they had excited their curiosity. but here was something like a sudden and unlooked-for termination to all their expectations; and while mercedes felt something like despair chilling her heart, the queen and doña beatriz were both displeased. "didst thou duly explain to señor colon, the nature of our proposals, lord archbishop?" the former asked, with more severity of manner than she was accustomed to betray; "and doth he still insist on the pretensions to a vice-regal power, and on the offensive condition in behalf of his posterity?" "even so, your highness; were it isabella of castile treating with henry of england or louis of france, the starving genoese could not hold higher terms or more inflexible conditions. he abateth nothing. the man deemeth himself chosen of god, to answer certain ends, and his language and conditions are such as one who felt a holy impulse to his course, could scarcely feel warranted in assuming." "this constancy hath its merit," observed the queen; "but there is a limit to concession. i shall urge no more in the navigator's favor, but leave him to the fortune that naturally followeth self-exaltation and all extravagance of demand." this speech apparently sealed the fate of columbus in castile. the archbishop was appeased, and, first holding a short private conference with his royal penitent, he left the room. shortly after, christoval colon, as he was called by the spaniards--columbus, as he styled himself in later life--received, for a definite answer, the information that his conditions were rejected, and that the negotiation for the projected voyage to the indies was finally at an end. [illustration] chapter viii. "oh! ever thus, from childhood's hour, i've seen my fondest hopes decay; i never loved a tree or flower, but 'twas the first to fade away." lalla rookh. the season had now advanced to the first days of february, and, in that low latitude, the weather was becoming genial and spring-like. on the morning succeeding that of the interview just related, some six or eight individuals, attracted by the loveliness of the day, and induced morally by a higher motive, were assembled before the door of one of those low dwellings of santa fé that had been erected for the accommodation of the conquering army. most of these persons were grave spaniards of a certain age, though young luis de bobadilla was also there, and the tall, dignified form of columbus was in the group. the latter was equipped for the road, and a stout, serviceable andalusian mule stood ready to receive its burden, near at hand. a charger was by the side of the mule, showing that the rider of the last was about to have company. among the spaniards were alonzo de quintanilla, the accountant-general of castile, a firm friend of the navigator, and luis de st. angel, the receiver of the ecclesiastical revenues of aragon, who was one of the firmest converts that columbus had made to the philosophical accuracy of his opinions and to the truth of his vast conceptions. the two last had been in earnest discourse with the navigator, but the discussion had closed, and señor de st. angel, a man of generous feelings and ardent imagination, was just expressing himself warmly, in the following words-"by the lustre of the two crowns!" he cried, "this ought not to come to pass. but, adieu, señor colon--god have you in his holy keeping, and send you wiser and less prejudiced judges, hereafter. the past can only cause us shame and grief, while the future is in the womb of time." the whole party, with the exception of luis de bobadilla, then took their leave. as soon as the place was clear, columbus mounted, and passed through the thronged streets, attended by the young noble on his charger. not a syllable was uttered by either, until they were fairly on the plain, though columbus often sighed like a man oppressed with grief. still, his mien was calm, his bearing dignified, and his eye lighted with that unquenchable fire which finds its fuel in the soul within. when fairly without the gates, columbus turned courteously to his young companion and thanked him for his escort; but, with a consideration for the other that was creditable to his heart, he added-"while i am so grateful for this honor, coming from one so noble and full of hopes, i must not forget your own character. didst thou not remark, friend luis, as we passed through the streets, that divers spaniards pointed at me, as the object of scorn?" "i did, señor," answered luis, his cheek glowing with indignation, "and had it not been that i dreaded your displeasure, i would have trodden the vagabonds beneath my horse's feet, failing of a lance to spit them on!" "thou hast acted most wisely in showing forbearance. but these are men, and their common judgment maketh public opinion; nor do i perceive that the birth, or the opportunities, causeth material distinctions between them, though the manner of expression vary. there are vulgar among the noble, and noble among the lowly. this very act of kindness of thine, will find its deriders and contemners in the court of the two sovereigns." "let him look to it, who presumeth to speak lightly of you, señor, to luis de bobadilla! we are not a patient race, and castilian blood is apt to be hot blood." "i should be sorry that any man but myself should draw in my quarrel. but, if we take offence at all who think and speak folly, we may pass our days in harness. let the young nobles have their jest, if it give them pleasure--but do not let me regret my friendship for thee." luis promised fairly, and then, as if his truant thoughts would revert to the subject unbidden, he hastily resumed-"you speak of the noble as of a class different from your own--surely, señor colon, thou art noble?" "would it make aught different in thy opinions and feelings, young man, were i to answer no?" the cheek of don luis flushed, and, for an instant, he repented of his remark; but falling back on his own frank and generous nature, he answered immediately, without reservation or duplicity-"by san pedro, my new patron! i could wish you were noble, señor, if it were merely for the honor of the class. there are so many among us who do no credit to their spurs, that we might gladly receive such an acquisition." "this world is made up of changes, young señor," returned columbus, smiling. "the seasons undergo their changes; night follows day; comets come and go; monarchs become subjects, and subjects monarchs; nobles lose the knowledge of their descent, and plebeians rise to the rank of nobles. there is a tradition among us, that we were formerly of the privileged class; but time and our unlucky fortune have brought us down to humble employments. am i to lose the honor of don luis de bobadilla's company in the great voyage, should i be more fortunate in france than i have been in castile, because his commander happeneth to have lost the evidences of his nobility?" "that would be a most unworthy motive, señor, and i hasten to correct your mistake. as we are now about to part for some time, i ask permission to lay bare my whole soul to you. i confess that when first i heard of this voyage, it struck me as a madman's scheme"-"ah! friend luis," interrupted columbus, with a melancholy shake of the head, "this is the opinion of but too many! i fear don ferdinand of aragon, as well as that stern prelate, his namesake, who hath lately disposed of the question, thinketh in the same manner." "i crave your pardon, señor colon, if i have uttered aught to give you pain; but if i have once done you injustice, i am ready enough to expiate the wrong, as you will quickly see. thinking thus, i entered into discourse with you, with a view to amuse myself with fancied ravings; but, though no immediate change of opinion followed as to the truth of the theory, i soon perceived that a great philosopher and profound reasoner had the matter in hand. here my judgment might have rested, and my opinion been satisfied, but for a circumstance of deep moment to myself. you must know, señor, though come of the oldest blood of spain, and not without fair possessions, that i may not always have answered the hopes of those who have been charged with the care of my youth"-"this is unnecessary, noble sir"-"nay, by st. luke! it shall be said. now, i have two great and engrossing passions, that sometimes interfere with each other. the one is a love for rambling--a burning desire to see foreign lands, and this, too, in a free and roving fashion--with a disposition for the sea and the doings of havens; and the other is a love for mercedes de valverde, the fairest, gentlest, most affectionate, warmest-hearted, and truest maiden of castile!" "noble, withal," put in columbus, smiling. "señor," answered luis, gravely, "i jest not concerning my guardian angel. she is not only noble, and every way fitted to honor my name, but she hath the blood of the guzmans, themselves, in her veins. but i have lost favor with others, if not with my lovely mistress, in yielding to this rambling inclination; and even my own aunt, who is her guardian, hath not looked smilingly on my suit. doña isabella, whose word is law among all the noble virgins of the court, hath also her prejudices, and it hath become necessary to regain her good opinion, to win the doña mercedes. it struck me"--luis was too manly to betray his mistress by confessing that the thought was hers--"it struck me, that if my rambling tastes took the direction of some noble enterprise, like this you urge, that what hath been a demerit might be deemed a merit in the royal eyes, which would be certain soon to draw all other eyes after them. with this hope, then, i first entered into the present intercourse, until the force of your arguments hath completed my conversion, and now no churchman hath more faith in the head of his religion, than i have that the shortest road to cathay is athwart the broad atlantic; or no lombard is more persuaded that his lombardy is flat, than i feel convinced that this good earth of ours is a sphere." "speak reverently of the ministers of the altar, young señor," said columbus, crossing himself, "for no levity should be used in connection with their holy office. it seemeth, then," he added, smiling, "i owe my disciple to the two potent agents of love and reason; the former, as most potent, overcoming the first obstacles, and the latter getting uppermost at the close of the affair, as is wont to happen--love, generally, triumphing in the onset, and reason, last." "i'll not deny the potency of the power, señor, for i feel it too deeply to rebel against it. you now know my secret, and when i have made you acquainted with my intentions, all will be laid bare. i here solemnly vow"--don luis lifted his cap and looked to heaven, as he spoke--"to join you in this voyage, on due notice, sail from whence you may, in whatever bark you shall choose, and whenever you please. in doing this, i trust, first to serve god and his church; secondly, to visit cathay and those distant and wonderful lands; and lastly, to win doña mercedes de valverde." "i accept the pledge, young sir," rejoined columbus, struck by his earnestness, and pleased with his sincerity--"though it might have been a more faithful representation of your thoughts had the order of the motives been reversed." "in a few months i shall be master of my own means," continued the youth, too intent on his own purposes to heed what the navigator had said--"and then, nothing but the solemn command of doña isabella, herself, shall prevent our having one caravel, at least; and the coffers of bobadilla must have been foully dealt by, during their master's childhood, if they do not afford two. i am no subject of don fernando's, but a servant of the elder branch of the house of trastamara; and the cold judgment of the king, even, shall not prevent it." "this soundeth generously, and thy sentiments are such as become a youthful and enterprising noble; but the offer cannot be accepted. it would not become columbus to use gold that came from so confiding a spirit and so inexperienced a head; and there are still greater obstacles than this. my enterprise must rest on the support of some powerful prince. even the guzman hath not deemed himself of sufficient authority to uphold a scheme so large. did we make the discoveries without that sanction, we should be toiling for others, without security for ourselves, since the portuguese or some other monarch would wrong us of our reward. that i am destined to effect this great work, i feel, and it must be done in a manner suited to the majesty of the thought and to the magnitude of the subject. and, here, don luis, we must part. should my suit be successful at the court of france, thou shalt hear from me, for i ask no better than to be sustained by hearts and hands like thine. still, thou must not mar thy fortunes unheedingly, and i am now a fallen man in castile. it may not serve thee a good turn, to be known to frequent my company any longer--and i again say, here we must part." luis de bobadilla protested his indifference to what others might think; but the more experienced columbus, who rose so high above popular clamor in matters that affected himself, felt a generous reluctance to permit this confiding youth to sacrifice his hopes, to any friendly impressions in his own favor. the leave-taking was warm, and the navigator felt a glow at his heart, as he witnessed the sincere and honest emotions that the young man could not repress at parting. they separated, however, about half a league from the town, and each bent his way in his own direction; don luis de bobadilla's heart swelling with indignation at the unworthy treatment that there was, in sooth, so much reason for thinking his new friend had received. columbus journeyed on, with very different emotions. seven weary years had he been soliciting the monarchs and nobles of spain to aid him in his enterprise. in that long period, how much of poverty, contempt, ridicule, and even odium, had he not patiently encountered, rather than abandon the slight hold that he had obtained on a few of the more liberal and enlightened minds of the nation! he had toiled for bread while soliciting the great to aid themselves in becoming still more powerful; and each ray of hope, however feeble, had been eagerly caught at with joy, each disappointment borne with a constancy that none but the most exalted spirit could sustain. but he was now required to endure the most grievous of all his pains. the recall of isabella had awakened within him a confidence to which he had long been a stranger; and he awaited the termination of the siege with the calm dignity that became his purpose, no less than his lofty philosophy. the hour of leisure had come, and it produced a fatal destruction to all his buoyant hopes. he had thought his motives understood, his character appreciated, and his high objects felt; but he now found himself still regarded as a visionary projector, his intentions distrusted, and his promised services despised. in a word, the bright expectations that had cheered his toil for years, had vanished in a day, and the disappointment was all the greater for the brief, but delusive hopes produced by his recent favor. it is not surprising, therefore, that, when left alone on the highway, even the spirit of this extraordinary man grew faint within him, and he had to look to the highest power for succor. his head dropped upon his breast, and one of those bitter moments occurred, in which the past and the future, crowd the mind, painfully as to sufferings endured, cheerlessly as to hope. the time wasted in spain seemed a blot in his existence, and then came the probability of another long and exhausting probation, that, like this, might lead to nothing. he had already reached the lustrum that would fill his threescore years, and life seemed slipping from beneath him, while its great object remained unachieved. still the high resolution of the man sustained him. not once did he think of a compromise of what he felt to be his rights--not once did he doubt of the practicability of accomplishing the great enterprise that others derided. his heart was full of courage, even while his bosom was full of grief. "there is a wise, a merciful, and omnipotent god!" he exclaimed, raising his eyes to heaven. "he knoweth what is meet for his own glory, and in him do i put my trust." there was a pause, and the eyes kindled, while a scarcely perceptible smile lighted the grave face, and then were murmured the words--"yea, he taketh his time, but the infidel shall be enlightened, and the blessed sepulchre redeemed!" after this burst of feeling, the grave-looking man, whose hairs had already become whitened to the color of snow, by cares, and toils, and exposures, pursued his way, with the quiet dignity of one who believed that he was not created for naught, and who trusted in god for the fulfilment of his destiny. if quivering sighs occasionally broke out of his breast, they did not disturb the placidity of his venerable countenance; if grief and disappointment still lay heavy on his heart, they rested on a base that was able to support them. leaving columbus to follow the common mule-track across the vega, we will now return to santa fé, where ferdinand and isabella had re-established their court, after the few first days that succeeded the possession of their new conquest. luis de st. angel was a man of ardent feelings and generous impulses. he was one of those few spirits who live in advance of their age, and who permitted his reason to be enlightened and cheered by his imagination, though it was never dazzled by it. as he and his friend alonzo de quintanilla, after quitting columbus as already related, walked toward the royal pavillion, they conversed freely together concerning the man, his vast conceptions, the treatment he had received, and the shame that would alight on spain in consequence, were he suffered thus to depart forever. blunt of speech, the receiver of the ecclesiastical revenues did not measure his terms, every syllable of which found an echo in the heart of the accountant-general, who was an old and fast friend of the navigator. in short, by the time they reached the pavilion, they had come to the resolution to make one manly effort to induce the queen to yield to columbus' terms and to recall him to her presence. isabella was always easy of access to such of her servants as she knew to be honest and zealous. the age was one of formality, and, in many respects, of exaggeration, while the court was renowned for ceremony; but the pure spirit of the queen threw a truth and a natural grace around all that depended on her, which rendered mere forms, except as they were connected with delicacy and propriety, useless, and indeed impracticable. both the applicants for the interview enjoyed her favor, and the request was granted with that simple directness that this estimable woman loved to manifest, whenever she thought she was about to oblige any whom she esteemed. the queen was surrounded by the few ladies among whom she lived in private, as luis de st. angel and alonzo de quintanilla entered. among them, of course, were the marchioness of moya and doña mercedes de valverde. the king, on this occasion, was in an adjoining closet, at work, as usual, with his calculations and orders. official labor was ferdinand's relaxation, and he seldom manifested more happiness than when clearing off a press of affairs that most men would have found to the last degree burdensome. he was a hero in the saddle, a warrior at the head of armies, a sage in council, and respectable, if not great, in all things but motives. "what has brought the señor st. angel and the señor quintanilla, as suitors, so early to my presence?" asked isabella, smiling in a way to assure both that the boon would be asked of a partial mistress. "ye are not wont to be beggars, and the hour is somewhat unusual." "all hours are suitable, gracious lady, when one cometh to _confer_ and not to _seek_ favor," returned luis de st. angel, bluntly. "we are not here to solicit for ourselves, but to show your highness the manner in which the crown of castile may be garnished with brighter jewels than any it now possesseth." isabella looked surprised, both at the words of the speaker, and at his hurried earnestness, as well as his freedom of speech. accustomed, however, to something of the last, her own calm manner was not disturbed, nor did she even seem displeased. "hath the moor another kingdom of which to be despoiled," she asked; "or would the receiver of the church's revenues have us war upon the holy see?" "i would have your highness accept the boons that come from god, with alacrity and gratitude, and not reject them unthankfully," returned de st. angel, kissing the queen's offered hand with a respect and affection that neutralized the freedom of his words. "do you know, my gracious mistress, that the señor christoval colon, he from whose high projects we spaniards have hoped so much, hath actually taken mule and quitted santa fé?" "i expected as much, señor, though i was not apprized that it had actually come to pass. the king and i put the matter into the hands of the archbishop of granada, with other trusty counsellors, and they have found the terms of the genoese arrogant; so full of exceeding and unreasonable extravagance, that it ill befitted our dignity, and our duty to ourselves, to grant them. one who hath a scheme of such doubtful results, ought to manifest moderation in his preliminaries. many even believe the man a visionary." "it is unlike an unworthy pretender, señora, to abandon his hopes before he will yield his dignity. this colon feeleth that he is treating for empires, and he negotiates like one full of the importance of his subject." "he that lightly valueth himself, in matters of gravity, hath need to expect that he will not stand high in the estimation of others," put in alonzo de quintanilla. "and, moreover, my gracious and beloved mistress," added de st. angel, without permitting isabella even to answer, "the character of the man, and the value of his intentions, may be appreciated by the price he setteth on his own services. if he succeed, will not the discovery eclipse all others that have been made since the creation of the world? is it nothing to circle the earth, to prove the wisdom of god by actual experiment, to follow the sun in its daily track, and imitate the motions of that glorious moving mass? and then the benefits that will flow on castile and aragon--are they not incalculable? i marvel that a princess who hath shown so high and rare a spirit on all other occasions, should shrink from so grand an enterprise as this!" "thou art earnest, my good de st. angel," returned isabella, with a smile that betrayed no anger; "and when there is much earnestness there is sometimes much forgetfulness. if there were honor and profit in success, what would there be in failure? should the king and myself send out this colon, with a commission to be our viceroy, forever, over undiscovered lands, and no lands be discovered, the wisdom of our councils might be called in question, and the dignity of the two crowns would be fruitlessly and yet deeply committed." "the hand of the lord archbishop is in this! this prelate hath never been a believer in the justice of the navigator's theories, and it is easy to raise objections when the feelings lean against an enterprise. no glory is obtained without risk. look, your highness, at our neighbors, the portuguese--how much have discoveries done for that kingdom, and how much more may it do for us! we know, my honored mistress, that the earth is round"-"are we quite certain of that important fact, señor," asked the king, who, attracted by the animated and unusual tones of the speaker, had left his closet, and approached unseen. "is that truth established? our doctors at salamanca were divided on that great question, and, by st. james! i do not see that it is so very clear." "if not round, my lord the king," answered de st. angel, turning quickly to face this new opponent, like a well-drilled corps wheeling into a new front, "of what form _can_ it be? will any doctor, come he of salamanca, or come he from elsewhere, pretend that the earth is a plain, and that it hath limits, and that one may stand on these limits and jump down upon the sun as he passeth beneath at night--is this reasonable, honored señor, or is it in conformity with scripture?" "will any one, doctor of salamanca, or elsewhere," rejoined the king, gravely, though it was evident his feelings were little interested in the discussion, "allege that there are nations who forever walk with their heads downward, where the rain falleth upward, and where the sea remaineth in its bed, though its support cometh from above, and is not placed beneath?" "it is to explain these great mysteries, señor don fernando, my gracious master, that i would have this colon at once go forth. we may see, nay, we have demonstration, that the earth is a sphere, and yet we do not see that the waters fall from its surface any where. the hull of a ship is larger than her top-masts, and yet the last are first visible on the ocean, which proveth that the body of the vessel is concealed by the form of the water. this being so, and all who have voyaged on the ocean know it to be thus, why doth not the water flow into a level, here, on our own shores? if the earth be round, there must be means to encircle it by water, as well as by land--to complete the entire journey, as well as to perform a part. colon proposeth to open the way to this exploit, and the monarch that shall furnish the means will live in the memories of our descendants, as one far greater than a conqueror. remember, illustrious señor, that all the east is peopled with infidels, and that the head of the church freely bestoweth their lands on any christian monarch that may drag them from their benighted condition, into the light of god's favor. believe me, doña isabella, should another sovereign grant the terms colon requireth, and reap the advantages that are likely to flow from such discoveries, the enemies of spain would make the world ring with their songs of triumph, while the whole peninsula would mourn over this unhappy decision." "whither hath the señor colon sped?" demanded the king, quickly; all his political jealousies being momentarily aroused by the remarks of his receiver-general: "he hath not gone again to don john of portugal?" "no, señor, my master, but to king louis of france, a sovereign whose love for aragon amounteth to a proverb." the king muttered a few words between his teeth, and he paced the apartment, to and fro, with a disturbed manner; for, while no man living cared less to hazard his means, without the prospect of a certain return, the idea of another's reaping an advantage that had been neglected by himself, brought him at once under the control of those feelings that always influenced his cold and calculating policy. with isabella the case was different. her pious wishes had ever leaned toward the accomplishment of columbus' great project, and her generous nature had sympathized deeply with the noble conception, vast moral results, and the glory of the enterprise. nothing but the manner in which her mind, as well as her religious aspirations, had been occupied by the war in granada, had prevented her from entering earlier into a full examination of the navigator's views; and she had yielded to the counsel of her confessor, in denying the terms demanded by columbus, with a reluctance it had not been easy to overcome. then the gentler feelings of her sex had their influence, for, while she too reflected on what had just been urged, her eye glanced around the room and rested on the beautiful face of mercedes, who sat silent from diffidence, but whose pale, eloquent countenance betrayed all the pleadings of the pure, enthusiastic love of woman. "daughter-marchioness," asked the queen, turning as usual to her tried friend, in her doubts, "what thinkest thou of this weighty matter? ought we so to humble ourselves as to recal this haughty genoese?" "say not haughty, señora, for to me he seemeth much superior to any such feeling; but rather regard him as one that hath a just appreciation of that he hath in view. i agree fully with the receiver-general in thinking that castile will be much discredited, if, in sooth, a new world should be discovered, and they who favored the enterprise could point to this court and remind it that the glory of the event was in its grasp, and that it threw it away, heedlessly"-"and this, too, on a mere point of dignity, señora," put in st. angel--"on a question of parchment and of sound." "nay, nay"--retorted the queen--"there are those who think the honors claimed by colon would far exceed the service, even should the latter equal all the representations of the genoese himself." "then, my honored mistress, they know not at what the genoese aims. reflect, señora, that it will not be an every-day deed to prove that this earth is a sphere, by actual measurement, whatever we may know in theories. then cometh the wealth and benefits of those eastern possessions, a quarter of the world whence all riches flow--spices, pearls, silks, and the most precious metals. after these, again, cometh the great glory of god, which crowneth and exceedeth all." isabella crossed herself, her cheek flushed, her eye kindled, and her matronly but fine form seemed to tower with the majesty of the feelings that these pictures created. "i do fear, don fernando," she said, "that our advisers have been precipitate, and that the magnitude of this project may justify more than common conditions!" but the king entered little into the generous emotions of his royal consort; feeling far more keenly the stings of political jealousy, than any promptings of a liberal zeal for either the church or science. he was generally esteemed a wise prince, a title that would seem to infer neither a generous nor a very just one. he smiled at the kindling enthusiasm of his wife, but continued to peruse a paper that had just been handed to him by a secretary. "your highness feels as doña isabella of castile ought to feel when the glory of god and the honor of her crown are in question," added beatriz de cabrera, using that freedom of speech that her royal mistress much encouraged in their more private intercourse. "i would rather hear you utter the words of recall to this colon, than again listen to the shouts of our late triumph over the moor." "i know that thou lovest me, beatriz!" exclaimed the queen: "if there is not a true heart in that breast of thine, the fallen condition of man does not suffer the gem to exist!" "we all love and reverence your highness," continued de st. angel, "and we wish naught but your glory. fancy, señora, the page of history open, and this great exploit of the reduction of the moor succeeded by the still greater deed of a discovery of an easy and swift communication with the indies, the spread of the church, and the flow of inexhaustible wealth into spain! this colon cannot be supported by the colder and more selfish calculations of man, but his very enterprise seeks the more generous support of her who can risk much for god's glory and the good of the church." "nay, señor de st. angel, thou flatterest and offendest in the same breath." "it is an honest nature pouring out its disappointment, my beloved mistress, and a tongue that hath become bold through much zeal for your highnesses' fame. alas! alas! should king louis grant the terms we have declined, poor spain will never lift her head again for very shame!" "art certain, st. angel, that the genoese hath gone for france?" suddenly demanded the king, in his sharp, authoritative voice. "i have it, your highness, from his own mouth. yes, yes, he is at this moment striving to forget our castilian dialect, and endeavoring to suit his tongue to the language of the frenchman. they are bigots and unreflecting disciples of musty prejudices, señora, that deny the theories of colon. the old philosophers have reasoned in the same manner; and though it may seem to the timid an audacious and even a heedless adventure to sail out into the broad atlantic, had not the portuguese done it he would never have found his islands. god's truth! it maketh my blood boil, when i bethink me of what these lusitanians have done, while we of aragon and castile have been tilting with the infidels for a few valleys and mountains, and contending for a capital!" "señor, you are forgetful of the honor of the sovereigns, as well as of the service of god," interrupted the marchioness of moya, who had the tact to perceive that the receiver-general was losing sight of his discretion, in the magnitude of his zeal. "this conquest is one of the victories of the church, and will add lustre to the two crowns in all future ages. the head of the church, himself, hath so recognized it, and all good christians should acknowledge its character." "it is not that i undervalue this success, but that i consider the conquest that colon is likely to achieve over so many millions, that i have thus spoken, doña beatriz." the marchioness, whose spirit was as marked as her love for the queen, made a sharp reply, and, for a few minutes, she and luis de st. angel, with alonzo de quintanilla, maintained the discussion by themselves, while isabella conversed apart, with her husband, no one presuming to meddle with their private conference. the queen was earnest, and evidently much excited, but ferdinand maintained his customary coolness and caution, though his manner was marked with that profound respect which the character of isabella had early inspired, and which she succeeded in maintaining throughout her married life. this was a picture familiar to the courtiers, one of the sovereigns being as remarkable for his wily prudence, as was the other for her generous and sincere ardor, whenever impelled by a good motive. this divided discourse lasted half an hour, the queen occasionally pausing to listen to what was passing in the other group, and then recurring to her own arguments with her husband. at length isabella left the side of ferdinand, who coldly resumed the perusal of a paper, and she moved slowly toward the excited party, that was now unanimous and rather loud in the expression of its regrets--loud for even the indulgence of so gentle a mistress. her intention to repress this ardor by her own presence, however, was momentarily diverted from its object by a glimpse of the face of mercedes, who sat alone, her work lying neglected in her lap, listening anxiously to the opinions that had drawn all her companions to the general circle. "thou takest no part in this warm discussion, child," observed the queen, stopping before the chair of our heroine, and gazing an instant into her eloquently expressive face. "hast thou lost all interest in colon?" "i speak not, señora, because it becometh youth and ignorance to be modest; but though silent, i _feel_ none the less." "and what are thy feelings, daughter? dost thou, too, think the services of the genoese cannot be bought at too high a price?" "since your highness doth me this honor," answered the lovely girl, the blood gradually flushing her pale face, as she warmed with the subject--"i will not hesitate to speak. i do believe this great enterprise hath been offered to the sovereigns, as a reward for all that they have done and endured for religion and the church. i do think that colon hath been guided to this court by a divine hand, and by a divine hand hath he been kept here, enduring the long servitude of seven years, rather than abandon his object; and i do think that this late appeal in his favor cometh of a power and spirit that should prevail." "thou art an enthusiast, daughter, more especially in this cause," returned the queen, smiling kindly on the blushing mercedes. "i am greatly moved by thy wishes to aid in this enterprise!" thus spoke isabella, at a moment when she had neither the leisure nor the thought to analyze her own feelings, which were influenced by a variety of motives, rather than by any single consideration. even this passing touch of woman's affections, however, contributed to give her mind a new bias, and she joined the group, which respectfully opened as she advanced, greatly disposed to yield to de st. angel's well-meant though somewhat intemperate entreaties. still she hesitated, for her wary husband had just been reminding her of the exhausted state of the two treasuries, and the impoverished condition in which both crowns had been left by the late war. "daughter-marchioness," said isabella, slightly answering the reverences of the circle, "dost thou still think this colon expressly called of god, for the high purposes to which he pretendeth?" "señora, i say not exactly that, though i believe the genoese hath some such opinion of himself. but this much i do think--that heaven beareth in mind its faithful servitors, and when there is need of important actions, suitable agents are chosen for the work. now, we do know that the church, at some day, is to prevail throughout the whole world; and why may not this be the allotted time, as well as another? god ordereth mysteriously, and the very adventure that so many of the learned have scoffed at, may be intended to hasten the victory of the church. we should remember, your highness, the humility with which this church commenced; how few of the seemingly wise lent it their aid; and the high pass of glory to which it hath reached. this conquest of the moor savoreth of a fulfilment of time, and his reign of seven centuries terminated, may merely be an opening for a more glorious future." isabella smiled upon her friend, for this was reasoning after her own secret thoughts; but her greater acquirements rendered her more discriminating in her zeal, than was the case with the warm-hearted and ardent marchioness. "it is not safe to affix the seal of providence to this or that enterprise, daughter-marchioness"--she answered--"and the church alone may say what are intended for miracles, and what is left for human agencies. what sum doth colon need, señor de st. angel, to carry on the adventure in a manner that will content him?" "he asketh but two light caravels, my honored mistress, and three thousand crowns--a sum that many a young spendthrift would waste on his pleasures, in a few short weeks." "it is not much, truly," observed isabella, who had been gradually kindling with the thoughts of the nobleness of the adventure; "but, small as it is, my lord the king doubteth if our joint coffers can, at this moment, well bear the drain." "oh! it were a pity that such an occasion to serve god, such an opportunity to increase the christian sway, and to add to the glory of spain, should be lost for this trifle of gold!" exclaimed doña beatriz. "it would be, truly," rejoined the queen, whose cheek now glowed with an enthusiasm little less obvious than that which shone so brightly in the countenance of the ardent mercedes. "señor de st. angel, the king cannot be prevailed on to enter into this affair, in behalf of aragon; but i take it on myself, as queen of castile, and, so far as it may properly advance human interests, for the benefit of my own much-beloved people. if the royal treasury be drained, my private jewels should suffice for that small sum, and i will freely pledge them as surety for the gold, rather than let this colon depart without putting the truth of his theories to the proof. the result, truly, is of too great magnitude, to admit of further discussion." an exclamation of admiration and delight escaped those present, for it was not a usual thing for a princess to deprive herself of personal ornaments in order to advance either the interests of the church or those of her subjects. the receiver-general, however, soon removed all difficulties on the score of money, by saying that his coffers could advance the required sum, on the guarantee of the crown of castile, and that the jewels so freely offered, might remain in the keeping of their royal owner. "and now to recall colon," observed the queen, as soon as these preliminaries had been discussed. "he hath already departed, you say, and no time should be lost in acquainting him with this new resolution." "your highness hath here a willing courier, and one already equipped for the road, in the person of don luis de bobadilla," cried alonzo de quintanilla, whose eye had been drawn to a window by the trampling of a horse's foot; "and the man who will more joyfully bear these tidings to the genoese cannot be found in santa fé." "'tis scarce a service suited to one of his high station," answered isabella, doubtingly; "and yet we should consider every moment of delay a wrong to colon"-"nay, señora, spare not my nephew," eagerly interposed doña beatriz; "he is only too happy at being employed in doing your highness' pleasure." "let him, then, be summoned to our presence without another instant's delay. i scarce seem to have decided, while the principal personage of the great adventure is journeying from the court." a page was immediately despatched in quest of the young noble, and in a few minutes the footsteps of the latter were heard in the antechamber. luis entered the presence, flushed, excited, and with feelings not a little angered, at the compelled departure of his new friend. he did not fail to impute the blame of this occurrence to those who had the power to prevent it; and when his dark, expressive eye met the countenance of his sovereign, had it been in her power to read its meaning, she would have understood that he viewed her as a person who had thwarted his hopes on more than one occasion. nevertheless, the influence of doña isabella's pure character and gentle manners was seldom forgotten by any who were permitted to approach her person; and his address was respectful, if not warm. "it is your highness' pleasure to command my presence," said the young man, as soon as he made his reverences to the queen. "i thank you for this promptitude, don luis, having some need of your services. can you tell us what hath befel the señor christoval colon, the genoese navigator, with whom, they inform me, you have some intimacy?" "forgive me, señora, if aught unbecoming escape me; but a full heart must be opened lest it break. the genoese is about to shake the dust of spain from his shoes, and, at this moment, is on his journey to another court, to proffer those services that this should never have rejected." "it is plain, don luis, that all thy leisure time hath not been passed in courts," returned the queen, smiling; "but we have now service for thy roving propensities. mount thy steed, and pursue the señor colon, with the tidings that his conditions will be granted, and a request that he will forthwith return. i pledge my royal word, to send him forth on this enterprise, with as little delay as the necessary preparations and a suitable prudence will allow." "señora! doña isabella! my gracious queen! do i hear aright?" "as a sign of the fidelity of thy senses, don luis, here is the pledge of my hand." this was said kindly, and the gracious manner in which the hand was offered, brought a gleam of hope to the mind of the lover, which it had not felt since he had been apprized that the queen's good opinion was necessary to secure his happiness. kneeling respectfully, he kissed the hand of his sovereign, after which, without changing his attitude, he desired to know if he should that instant depart on the duty she had named. "rise, don luis, and lose not a moment to relieve the loaded heart of the genoese--i might almost say, to relieve ours, also; for, daughter-marchioness, since this holy enterprise hath broken on my mind with a sudden and almost miraculous light, it seemeth that a mountain must lie on my breast until the señor christoval shall learn the truth!" luis de bobadilla did not wait a second bidding, but hurried from the presence, as fast as etiquette would allow, and the next minute he was in the saddle. at his appearance, mercedes had shrunk into the recess of a window, where she now, luckily, commanded a view of the court. as her lover gained his seat, he caught a glimpse of her form; and though the spurs were already in his charger's flanks, the rein tightened, and the snorting steed was thrown suddenly on his haunches. so elastic are the feelings of youth, so deceptive and flattering the hopes of those who love, that the glances which were exchanged were those of mutual delight. neither thought of all the desperate chances of the contemplated voyage; of the probability of its want of success; or of the many motives which might still induce the queen to withhold her consent. mercedes awoke first from the short trance that succeeded, for, taking the alarm at luis' indiscreet delay, she motioned him hurriedly to proceed. again the rowels were buried in the flanks of the noble animal; fire flashed beneath his armed heels, and, at the next minute, don luis de bobadilla had disappeared. in the mean time columbus had pursued his melancholy journey across the vega. he travelled slowly, and several times, even after his companion had left him, did he check his mule, and sit, with his head dropped upon his breast, lost in thought, the very picture of woe. the noble resignation that he manifested in public, nearly gave way in private, and he felt, indeed, how hard his disappointments were to be borne. in this desultory manner of travelling he had reached the celebrated pass of the bridge of piños, the scene of many a sanguinary combat, when the sound of a horse's hoofs first overtook his ear. turning his head, he recognized luis de bobadilla in hot pursuit, with the flanks of his horse dyed in blood, and his breast white with foam. "joy! joy! a thousand times, joy, señor colon," shouted the eager youth, even before he was near enough to be distinctly heard. "blessed maria be praised! joy! señor, joy! and naught but joy!" "this is unexpected, don luis," exclaimed the navigator, "what meaneth thy return!" luis now attempted to explain his errand, but eagerness and the want of breath rendered his ideas confused and his utterance broken and imperfect. "and why should i return to a hesitating, cold, and undecided court?" demanded columbus. "have i not wasted years in striving to urge it to its own good? look at these hairs, young señor, and remember that i have lost a time that nearly equals all thy days, in striving uselessly to convince the rulers of this peninsula that my project is founded on truth." "at length you have succeeded. isabella, the true-hearted and never-deceiving queen of castile, herself hath awoke to the importance of thy scheme, and pledges her royal word to favor it." "is this true? _can_ this be true, don luis?" "i am sent to you express, señor, to urge your immediate return." "by whom, young lord?" "by doña isabella, my gracious mistress, through her own personal commands." "i cannot forego a single condition already offered." "it is not expected, señor. our excellent and generous mistress granteth all you ask, and hath nobly offered, as i learn, to pledge her private jewels, rather than that the enterprise fail." columbus was deeply touched with this information, and, removing his cap, he concealed his face with it for a moment, as if ashamed to betray the weakness that came over him. when he uncovered his face it was radiant with happiness, and every doubt appeared to have vanished. years of suffering were forgotten in that moment of joy, and he immediately signified his readiness to accompany the youth back to santa fé. chapter ix. "how beautiful is genius when combined with holiness! oh! how divinely sweet the tones of earthly harp, whose cords are touch'd by the soft hand of piety, and hung upon religion's shrine, there vibrating with solemn music in the air of god!" john wilson. columbus was received by his friends, luis de st. angel and alonzo de quintanilla, with a gratification they found it difficult to express. they were loud in their eulogiums on isabella, and added to the assurances of don luis, such proofs of the seriousness of the queen's intentions, as to remove all doubts from the mind of the navigator. he was then, without further delay, conducted to the presence. "señor colon," said isabella, as the genoese advanced and knelt at her feet, "you are welcome back again. all our misunderstandings are finally removed, and henceforth, i trust that we shall act cheerfully and unitedly to produce the same great end. rise, señor, and receive this as a gage of my support and friendship." columbus saluted the offered hand, and arose from his knees. at that instant, there was probably no one present whose feelings were not raised to the buoyancy of hope; for it was a peculiarity connected with the origin and execution of this great enterprise, that, after having been urged for so long a period, amid sneers, and doubts, and ridicule, it was at first adopted with something very like enthusiasm. "señora," returned columbus, whose grave aspect and noble mien contributed not a little to the advancement of his views--"señora, my heart thanks you for this kindness--so welcome because so little hoped for this morning--and god will reward it. we have great things in reserve, and i devoutly wish we may all be found equal to our several duties. i hope my lord the king will not withhold from my undertaking the light of his gracious countenance." "you are a servitor of castile, señor colon, though little is attempted for even this kingdom, without the approbation and consent of the king of aragon. don fernando hath been gained over to our side, though his greater caution and superior wisdom have not as easily fallen into the measure, as woman's faith and woman's hopes." "i ask no higher wisdom, no truer faith than those of isabella's," said the navigator, with a grave dignity that rendered the compliment so much the more acceptable, by giving it every appearance of sincerity. "her known prudence shall turn from me the derision of the light-minded and idle, and on her royal word i place all my hopes. henceforth, and i trust forever, i am your highness' subject and servant." the queen was deeply impressed with the air of lofty truth that elevated the thoughts and manners of the speaker. hitherto she had seen but little of the navigator, and never before under circumstances that enabled her so thoroughly to feel the influence of his air and deportment. columbus had not the finish of manner that it is fancied courts only can bestow, and which it would be more just to refer to lives devoted to habits of pleasing; but the character of the man shone through the exterior, and, in his case, all that artificial training could supply fell short of the noble aspect of nature, sustained by high aspirations. to a commanding person, and a gravity that was heightened by the loftiness of his purposes, columbus added the sober earnestness of a deeply-seated and an all-pervading enthusiasm, which threw the grace of truth and probity on what he said and did. no quality of his mind was more apparent than its sense of right, as right was then considered in connection with the opinions of the age; and it is a singular circumstance that the greatest adventure of modern times was thus confided by providence, as it might be with especial objects, to the care of a sovereign and to the hands of an executive leader, who were equally distinguished by the possession of so rare a characteristic. "i thank you, señor, for this proof of confidence," returned the queen, both surprised and gratified; "and so long as god giveth me power to direct, and knowledge to decide, your interests as well as those of this long-cherished scheme, shall be looked to. but we are not to exclude the king from our confederacy, since he hath been finally gained to our opinions, and no doubt now as anxiously looketh forward to success as we do ourselves." columbus bowed his acquiescence, and the conjugal affection of isabella was satisfied with this concession to her husband's character and motives; for, while it was impossible that one so pure and ardent in the cause of virtue, and as disinterested as the queen, should not detect some of the selfishness of ferdinand's cautious policy, the feelings of a wife so far prevailed in her breast over the sagacity of the sovereign, as to leave her blind to faults that the enemies of aragon were fond of dwelling on. all admitted the truth of isabella, but ferdinand had far less credit with his contemporaries, either on the score of faith or on that of motives. still he might have been ranked among the most upright of the reigning princes of europe, his faults being rendered more conspicuous, perhaps, from being necessarily placed in such close connection with, and in such vivid contrast to, the truer virtues of the queen. in short, these two sovereigns, so intimately united by personal and political interests, merely exhibited on their thrones a picture that may be seen, at any moment, in all the inferior gradations of the social scale, in which the worldly views and meretricious motives of man serve as foils to the truer heart, sincerer character, and more chastened conduct of woman. don fernando now appeared, and he joined in the discourse in a manner to show that he considered himself fully committed to redeem the pledges given by his wife. the historians have told us that he had been won over by the intercessions of a favorite, though the better opinion would seem to be that deference for isabella, whose pure earnestness in the cause of virtue often led him from his more selfish policy, lay at the bottom of his compliance. whatever may have been the motive, however, it is certain that the king never entered into the undertaking with the ardent, zealous endeavors to insure success, which from that moment distinguished the conduct of his royal consort. "we have recovered our truant," said isabella, as her husband approached, her eyes lighting and her cheeks flushed with a pious enthusiasm, like those of mercedes de valverde, who was an entranced witness of all that was passing. "we have recovered our truant, and there is not a moment of unnecessary delay to be permitted, until he shall be sent forth on this great voyage. should he truly attain cathay and the indies, it will be a triumph to the church even exceeding this conquest of the territories of the moor." "i am pleased to see the señor colon at santa fé, again," courteously returned the king, "and if he but do the half of that thou seemest to expect, we shall have reason to rejoice that our countenance hath not been withheld. he may not render the crown of castile still more powerful, but he may so far enrich himself that, as a subject, he will have difficulty in finding the proper uses for his gold." "there will always be a use for the gold of a christian," answered the navigator, "while the infidel remaineth the master of the holy sepulchre." "how is this!" exclaimed ferdinand, in his quick, sharp voice: "dost thou think, señor, of a crusade, as well as of discovering new regions?" "such, your highness, it hath long been my hope, would be the first appropriation of the wealth that will, out of question, flow from the discovery of a new and near route to the indies. is it not a blot on christendom that the mussulman should be permitted to raise his profane altars on the spot that christ visited on earth; where, indeed he was born, and where his holy remains lay until his glorious resurrection? this foul disgrace there are hearts and swords enough ready to wipe out; all that is wanted is gold. if the first desire of my heart be to become the instrument of leading the way to the east, by a western and direct passage, the second is, to see the riches that will certainly follow such a discovery, devoted to the service of god, by rearing anew his altars and reviving his worship, in the land where he endured his agony and gave up the ghost for the sins of men." isabella smiled at the navigator's enthusiasm, though, sooth to say, the sentiment found something of an echo in her pious bosom; albeit the age of crusades appeared to have gone by. not so exactly with ferdinand. he smiled also, but no answering sentiment of holy zeal was awakened within him. he felt, on the contrary, a strong distrust of the wisdom of committing the care of even two insignificant caravels, and the fate of a sum as small as three thousand crowns, to a visionary, who had scarcely made a commencement in one extremely equivocal enterprise, before his thoughts were running on the execution of another, that had baffled the united efforts and pious constancy of all europe. to him, the discovery of a western passage to the indies, and the repossession of the holy sepulchre, were results that were equally problematical, and it would have been quite sufficient to incur his distrust, to believe in the practicability of either. here, however, was a man who was about to embark in an attempt to execute the first, holding in reserve the last, as a consequence of success in the undertaking in which he was already engaged. there were a few minutes, during which ferdinand seriously contemplated the defeat of the genoese's schemes, and had the discourse terminated here, it is uncertain how far his cool and calculating policy might have prevailed over the good faith, sincere integrity, and newly awakened enthusiasm of his wife. fortunately, the conversation had gone on while he was meditating on this subject, and when he rejoined the circle he found the queen and the navigator pursuing the subject with an earnestness that had entirely overlooked his momentary absence. "i shall show your highness all that she demandeth," continued columbus, in answer to a question of the queen's. "it is my expectation to reach the territories of the great khan, the descendant of the monarch who was visited by the polos, a century since; at which time a strong desire to embrace the religion of christ was manifested by many in that gorgeous court, the sovereign included. we are told in the sacred books of prophecy, that the day is to arrive when the whole earth will worship the true and living god; and that time, it would seem, from many signs and tokens that are visible to those who seek them, draweth near, and is full of hope to such as honor god and seek his glory. to bring all those vast regions in subjection to the church, needeth but a constant faith, sustained by the delegated agencies of the priesthood, and the protecting hands of princes." "this hath a seeming probability," observed the queen, "and providence so guide us in this mighty undertaking, that it may come to pass! were those polos pious missionaries, señor?" "they were but travellers; men who sought their own advantage, while they were not altogether unmindful of the duties of religion. it may be well, señora, first to plant the cross in the islands, and thence to spread the truth over the main land. cipango, in particular, is a promising region for the commencement of the glorious work, which, no doubt, will proceed with all the swiftness of a miracle." "is this cipango known to produce spices, or aught that may serve to uphold a sinking treasury, and repay us for so much cost and risk?" asked the king, a little inopportunely for the zeal of the two other interlocutors. isabella looked pained, the prevailing trait in ferdinand's character often causing her to feel as affectionate wives are wont to feel when their husbands forget to think, act, or speak up to the level of their own warm-hearted and virtuous propensities; but she suffered no other sign of the passing emotions to escape her. "according to the accounts of marco polo, your highness," answered columbus, "earth hath no richer island. it aboundeth especially in gold; nor are pearls and precious stones at all rare. but all that region is a quarter of infinite wealth and benighted infidelity. providence seemeth to have united the first with the last, as a reward to the christian monarch who shall use his power to extend the sway of the church. the sea, thereabouts, is covered with smaller islands, marco telling us that no less than seven thousand four hundred and forty have been enumerated, not one of all which doth not produce some odoriferous tree, or plant of delicious perfume. it is then, thither, gracious lord and lady, my honored sovereigns, that i propose to proceed at once, leaving all meaner objects, to exalt the two kingdoms and to serve the church. should we reach cipango in safety, as, by the blessing of god, acting on a zeal and faith that are not easily shaken, i trust we shall be able to do, in the course of two months' diligent navigation, it will be my next purpose to pass over to the continent, and seek the khan himself, in his kingdom of cathay. the day that my foot touches the land of asia will be a glorious day for spain, and for all who have had a part in the accomplishment of so great an enterprise!" ferdinand's keen eyes were riveted on the navigator, as he thus betrayed his hopes with the quiet but earnest manner of deep enthusiasm, and he might have been at a loss, himself, just at that moment, to have analyzed his own feelings. the picture of wealth that columbus had conjured to his imagination, was as enticing, as his cold and calculating habits of distrust and caution rendered it questionable. isabella heard only, or thought only, of the pious longings of her pure spirit for the conversion and salvation of the infidels, and thus each of the two sovereigns had a favorite impulse to bind him, or her, to the prosecution of the voyage. after this, the conversation entered more into details, and the heads of the terms demanded by columbus were gone over again, and approved of by those who were most interested in the matter. all thought of the archbishop and his objections was momentarily lost, and had the genoese been a monarch, treating with monarchs, he could not have had more reason to be satisfied with the respectful manner in which his terms were heard. even his proposal to receive one-eighth of the profits of this, and all future expeditions to the places he might discover, on condition of his advancing an equal proportion of the outfits, was cheerfully acceded to; making him, at once, a partner with the crown, in the risks and benefits of the many undertakings that it was hoped would follow from the success of this. luis de st. angel and alonzo de quintanilla quitted the royal presence, in company with columbus. they saw him to his lodgings, and left him with a respect and cordiality of manner, that cheered a heart which had lately been so bruised and disappointed. as they walked away in company, the former, who, notwithstanding the liberality of his views and his strong support of the navigator, was not apt to suppress his thoughts, opened a dialogue in the following manner. "by all the saints! friend alonzo," he exclaimed, "but this colon carrieth it with a high hand among us, and in a way, sometimes, to make me doubt the prudence of our interference. he hath treated with the two sovereigns like a monarch, and like a monarch hath he carried his point!" "who hath aided him more than thyself, friend luis?" returned alonzo de quintanilla; "for, without thy bold assault on doña isabella's patience, the matter had been decided against this voyage, and the genoese would still be on his way to the court of king louis." "i regret it not; the chance of keeping the frenchman within modest bounds being worth a harder effort. her highness--heaven and all the saints unite to bless her for her upright intentions and generous thoughts--will never regret the trifling cost, even though bootless, with so great an aim in view. but now the thing is done, i marvel, myself, that a queen of castile and a king of aragon should grant such conditions to an unknown and nameless sea-farer; one that hath neither services, family, nor gold, to recommend him!" "hath he not had luis de st. angel of his side?" "that hath he," returned the receiver-general, "and that right stoutly, too; and for good and sufficient cause. i only marvel at our success, and at the manner in which this colon hath borne himself in the affair. i much feared that the high price he set upon his services might ruin all our hopes." "and yet thou didst reason with the queen, as if thou thoughtst it insignificant, compared with the good that would come of the voyage." "is there aught wonderful in this, my worthy friend? we consume our means in efforts to obtain our ends, and, while suffering under the exhaustion, begin first to see the other side of the question. i am chiefly surprised at mine own success! as for this genoese, he is, truly, a most wonderful man, and, in my heart, i think him right in demanding such high conditions. if he succeed, who so great as he? and, if he fail, the conditions will do him no good, and castile little harm." "i have remarked, señor de st angel, that when grave men set a light value on themselves, the world is apt to take them at their word, though willing enough to laugh at the pretensions of triflers. after all, the high demands of colon may have done him much service, since their highnesses could not but feel that they were negotiating with one who had faith in his own projects." "it is much as thou sayest, alonzo; men often prizing us as we seem to prize ourselves, so long as we act at all up to the level of our pretensions. but there is sterling merit in this colon to sustain him in all that he sayeth and doth; wisdom of speech, dignity and gravity of mien, and nobleness of feeling and sentiment. truly, i have listened to the man when he hath seemed inspired!" "well, he hath now good occasion to manifest whether this inspiration be of the true quality or not," returned the other. "of a verity, i often distrust the wisdom of our own conclusions." in this manner did even these two zealous friends of columbus discuss his character and chances of success; for, while they were among the most decided of his supporters, and had discovered the utmost readiness to uphold him when his cause seemed hopeless, now that the means were likely to be afforded to allow him to demonstrate the justice of his opinions, doubts and misgivings beset their minds. such is human nature. opposition awakens our zeal, quickens our apprehension, stimulates our reason, and emboldens our opinions; while, thrown back upon ourselves for the proofs of what we have been long stoutly maintaining under the pressure of resistance, we begin to distrust the truth of our own theories and to dread the demonstrations of a failure. even the first disciples of the son of god faltered most in their faith as his predictions were being realized; and most reformers are never so dogmatical and certain as when battling for their principles, or so timid and wavering as when they are about to put their own long-cherished plans in execution. in all this we might see a wise provision of providence, which gives us zeal to overcome difficulties, and prudence when caution and moderation become virtues rather than faults. although luis de st. angel and his friend conversed thus freely together, however, they did not the less continue true to their original feelings. their doubts were transient and of little account; and it was remarked of them, whenever they were in the presence of columbus himself, that the calm, steady, but deeply seated enthusiasm of that extraordinary man, did not fail to carry with him the opinions, not only of these steady supporters, but those of most other listeners. chapter x. --"song is on thy hills: oh, sweet and mournful melodies of spain, that lull'd my boyhood, how your memory thrills the exile's heart with sudden-wakening pain." the forest sanctuary. from the moment that isabella pledged her royal word to support columbus in his great design, all reasonable doubts of the sailing of the expedition ceased, though few anticipated any results of importance. of so much greater magnitude, indeed, did the conquest of the kingdom of granada appear, at that instant, than any probable consequences which could follow from this novel enterprise, that the latter was almost overlooked in the all-absorbing interest that was connected with the former. there was one youthful and generous heart, however, all of whose hopes were concentrated in the success of the great voyage. it is scarcely necessary to add, we mean that of mercedes de valverde. she had watched the recent events as they occurred, with an intensity of expectation that perhaps none but the youthful, fervent, inexperienced, and uncorrupted, can feel: and now that all her hopes were about to be realized, a tender and generous joy diffused itself over her whole moral system, in a way to render her happiness, for the time, even blissful. although she loved so truly and with so much feminine devotedness, nature had endowed this warm-hearted young creature with a sagacity and readiness of apprehension, which, when quickened by the sentiments that are so apt to concentrate all the energies of her sex, showed her the propriety of the distrust of the queen and her guardian, and fully justified their hesitation in her eyes, which were rather charmed than blinded by the ascendency of her passion. she knew too well what was due to her virgin fame, her high expectations, her great name, and her elevated position near the person, and in the immediate confidence of isabella, even to wish her hand unworthily bestowed; and while she deferred, with the dignity and discretion of birth and female decorum, to all that opinion and prudence could have a right to ask of a noble maiden, she confided in her lover's power to justify her choice, with the boundless confidence of a woman. her aunt had taught her to believe that this voyage of the genoese was likely to lead to great events, and her religious enthusiasm, like that of the queen's, led her to expect most of that which she so fervently wished. during the time it was known to those near the person of isabella, that the conditions between the sovereigns and the navigators were being reduced to writing and were receiving the necessary forms, luis neither sought an interview with his mistress, nor was accidentally favored in that way; but, no sooner was it understood columbus had effected all that he deemed necessary in this particular, and had quitted the court for the coast, than the young man threw himself, at once, on the generosity of his aunt, beseeching her to favor his views now that he was about to leave spain on an adventure that most regarded as desperate. all he asked was a pledge of being well received by his mistress and her friends, on his return successful. "i see that thou hast taken a lesson from this new master of thine," answered the high-souled but kind-hearted beatriz, smiling--"and would fain have thy terms also. but thou knowest, luis, that mercedes de valverde is no peasant's child to be lightly cared for, but that she cometh of the noblest blood of spain, having had a guzman for a mother, and mendozas out of number among her kinsmen. she is, moreover, one of the richest heiresses of castile; and it would ill become her guardian to forget her watchfulness, under such circumstances, in behalf of one of the idle wanderers of christendom, simply because he happeneth to be her own beloved brother's son." "and if the doña mercedes be all thou sayest, señora--and thou hast not even touched upon her highest claims to merit, her heart, her beauty, her truth, and her thousand virtues--but if she be all that thou sayest, doña beatriz, is a bobadilla unworthy of her?" "how! if she be, moreover, all _thou_ sayest too, don luis! the heart, the truth, and the thousand virtues! methinks a shorter catalogue might content one who is himself so great a rover, lest some of these qualities be lost in his many journeys!" luis laughed, in spite of himself, at the affected seriousness of his aunt; and then successfully endeavoring to repress a little resentment that her language awakened, he answered in a way to do no discredit to a well-established reputation for good-nature. "i cannot call thee 'daughter-marchioness,' in imitation of her highness," he answered, with a coaxing smile, so like that her deceased brother was wont to use when disposed to wheedle her out of some concession, that it fairly caused doña beatriz to start--"but i can say with more truth, 'aunt-marchioness,'--and a very dear aunt, too--wilt thou visit a little youthful indiscretion so severely? i had hoped, now colon was about to set forth, that all was forgotten in the noble and common end we have in view." "luis," returned the aunt, regarding her nephew with the severe resolution that was so often exhibited in her acts as well as in her words, "dost think that a mere display of courage will prove sufficient to win mercedes from me? to put to sleep the vigilance of her friends? to gain the approbation of her guardian? learn, too confident boy, that mercedes de guzman was the companion of my childhood; my warmest, dearest friend, next to her highness; and that she put all faith in my disposition to do full justice by her child. she died by slow degrees, and the fate of the orphan was often discussed between us. that she could ever become the wife of any but a christian noble, neither of us imagined possible; but there are so many different characters under the same outward professions, that names deceived us not. i do believe that poor woman bethought her more of her child's future worldly fortunes than of her own sins, and that she prayed oftener for the happy conclusion of the first than for the pardon of the last! thou knowest little of the strength of a mother's love, luis, and canst not understand all the doubts that beset the heart, when the parent is compelled to leave a tender plant, like mercedes, to the cold nursing of a selfish and unfeeling world." "i can readily fancy the mother of my love fitted for heaven without the usual interpositions of masses and paters, doña beatriz; but have aunts no consideration for nephews, as well as mothers for children?" "the tie is close and strong, my child, and yet is it not parental; nor art thou a sensitive, true-hearted, enthusiastic girl, filled with the confidence of thy purity, and overflowing with the affections that, in the end, make mothers what they are." "by san iago! and am i not the very youth to render such a creature happy? i, too, am sensitive--too much so, in sooth, for my own peace; i, too, am true-hearted, as is seen by my having had but this one love, when i might have had fifty; and if i am not exactly overflowing with the confidence of purity, i have the confidence of youth, health, strength, and courage, which is quite as useful for a cavalier; and i have abundance of the affection that makes good fathers, which is all that can reasonably be asked of a man." "thou, then, thinkest thyself, truant, every way worthy to be the husband of mercedes de valverde?" "nay, aunt of mine, thou hast a searching way with thy questions! who is, or can be, exactly worthy of so much excellence? i may not be altogether _deserving_ of her, but then again, i am not altogether _undeserving_ of her. i am quite as noble, nearly as well endowed with estates, of suitable years, of fitting address as a knight, and love her better than i love my own soul. methinks the last should count for something, since he that loveth devotedly, will surely strive to render its object happy." "thou art a silly, inexperienced boy, with a most excellent heart, a happy, careless disposition, and a head that was made to hold better thoughts than commonly reside there!" exclaimed the aunt, giving way to an impulse of natural feeling, even while she frowned on her nephew's folly. "but, hear me, and for once think gravely, and reflect on what i say. i have told thee of the mother of mercedes, of her dying doubts, her anxiety, and of her confidence in me. her highness and i were alone with her, the morning of the day that her spirit took its flight to heaven; and then she poured out all her feelings, in a way that has left on us both an impression that can never cease, while aught can be done by either for the security of the daughter's happiness. thou hast thought the queen unkind. i know not but, in thy intemperate speech, thou hast dared to charge her highness with carrying her care for her subjects' well-being beyond a sovereign's rights"-"nay, doña beatriz," hastily interrupted luis, "herein thou dost me great injustice. i may have felt--no doubt i have keenly, bitterly, felt the consequences of doña isabella's distrust of my constancy; but never has rebel thought of mine even presumed to doubt her right to command all our services, as well as all our lives. this is due to her sacred authority from all; but we, who so well know the heart and motives of the queen, also know that she doth naught from caprice or a desire to rule; while she doth so much from affection to her people." as don luis uttered this with an earnest look, and features flushed with sincerity, it was impossible not to see that he meant as much as he said. if men considered the consequences that often attend their lightest words, less levity of speech would be used, and the office of tale-bearer, the meanest station in the whole catalogue of social rank, would become extinct for want of occupation. few cared less, or thought less, about the consequences of what they uttered, than luis de bobadilla; and yet this hasty but sincere reply did him good service with more than one of those who exercised a material influence over his fortunes. the honest praise of the queen went directly to the heart of the marchioness, who rather idolized than loved her royal mistress, the long and close intimacy that had existed between them having made her thoroughly acquainted with the pure and almost holy character of isabella; and when she repeated the words of her nephew to the latter, her own well-established reputation for truth caused them to be implicitly believed. whatever may be the correctness of our views in general, one of the most certain ways to the feelings is the assurance of being respected and esteemed; while, of all the divine mandates, the most difficult to find obedience is that which tells us to "love those who hate" us. isabella, notwithstanding her high destiny and lofty qualities, was thoroughly a woman; and when she discovered that, in spite of her own coldness to the youth, he really entertained so much profound deference for her character, and appreciated her feelings and motives in a way that conscience told her she merited, she was much better disposed to look at his peculiar faults with indulgence, and to ascribe that to mere animal spirits, which, under less favorable auspices, might possibly have been mistaken for ignoble propensities. but this is a little anticipating events. the first consequence of luis' speech was a milder expression in the countenance of his aunt, and a disposition to consider his entreaties to be admitted to a private interview with mercedes, with more indulgence. "i may have done thee injustice in this, luis," resumed doña beatriz, betraying in her manner the sudden change of feeling mentioned; "for i do think thee conscious of thy duty to her highness, and of the almost heavenly sense of justice that reigneth in her heart, and through that heart, in castile. thou hast not lost in my esteem by thus exhibiting thy respect and love for the queen, for it is impossible to have any regard for female virtue, and not to manifest it to its best representative." "do i not, also, dear aunt, in my attachment to thy ward? is not my very choice, in some sort, a pledge of the truth and justice of my feelings in these particulars?" "ah! luis de bobadilla, it is not difficult to teach the heart to lean toward the richest and the noblest, when she happeneth also to be the fairest, maiden of spain!" "and am i a hypocrite, marchioness? dost thou accuse the son of thy brother of being a feigner of that which he doth not feel?--one influenced by so mean a passion as the love of gold and of lands?" "foreign lands, heedless boy," returned the aunt, smiling, "but not of others' lands. no, luis, none that know thee will accuse thee of hypocrisy. we believe in the truth and ardor of thy attachment, and it is for that very cause that we most distrust thy passion." "how! are feigned feelings of more repute with the queen and thyself, than real feelings? a spurious and fancied love, than the honest, downright, manly passion." "it is this genuine feeling, this honest, downright, manly passion, as thou termest it, which is most apt to awaken sympathy in the tender bosom of a young girl. there is no truer touch-stone, by which to try the faithfulness of feelings, than the heart, when the head is not turned by vanity; and the more unquestionable the passion, the easier is it for its subject to make the discovery. two drops of water do not glide together more naturally than two hearts, nephew, when there is a strong affinity between them. didst thou not really love mercedes, as my near and dear relative, thou mightst laugh and sing in her company at all times that should be suitable for the dignity of a maiden, and it would not cause me an uneasy moment." "i am thy near and dear relative, aunt of mine, with a miracle! and yet it is more difficult for me to get a sight of thy ward"-"who is the especial care of the queen of castile." "well, be it so; and why should a bobadilla be proscribed by even a queen of castile?" luis then had recourse to his most persuasive powers, and, improving the little advantage he had gained, by dint of coaxing and teasing he so far prevailed on doña beatriz as to obtain a promise that she would apply to the queen for permission to grant him one private interview with mercedes. we say the queen, since isabella, distrusting the influence of blood, had cautioned the marchioness on this subject; and the prudence of letting the young people see each other as little as possible, had been fully settled between them. it was in redeeming this promise, that the aunt related the substance of the conversation that has just been given, and mentioned to her royal mistress the state of her nephew's feelings as respected herself. the effect of such information was necessarily favorable to the young man's views, and one of its first fruits was the desired permission to have the interview he sought. "they are not sovereigns," remarked the queen, with a smile that the favorite could see was melancholy, though it surpassed her means of penetration to say whether it proceeded from a really saddened feeling, or whether it were merely the manner in which the mind is apt to glance backward at emotions that it is known can never be again awakened in our bosoms;--"they are not sovereigns, daughter-marchioness, to woo by proxy, and wed as strangers. it may not be wise to suffer the intercourse to become too common, but it were cruel to deny the youth, as he is about to depart on an enterprise of so doubtful issue, one opportunity to declare his passion and to make his protestations of constancy. if thy ward hath, in truth, any tenderness for him, the recollection of this interview will soothe many a weary hour while don luis is away." "and add fuel to the flame," returned doña beatriz, pointedly. "we know not that, my good beatriz, since, the heart being softened by the power of god to a sense of its religious duties, may not the same kind hand direct it and shield it in the indulgence of its more worldly feelings? mercedes will never forget her duty, and, the imagination feeding itself, it may not be the wisest course to leave that of an enthusiast like our young charge, so entirely to its own pictures. realities are often less hazardous than the creatures of the fancy. then, thy nephew will not be a loser by the occasion, for, by keeping constantly in view the object he now seemeth to pursue so earnestly, he will the more endeavor to deserve success." "i much fear, señora, that the best conclusions are not to be depended on in an affair that touches the waywardness of the feelings." "perhaps not, beatriz; and yet i do not see that we can well deny this interview, now that don luis is so near departure. tell him i accord him that which he so desireth, and let him bear in mind that a grandee should never quit castile without presenting himself before his sovereign." "i fear, your highness," returned the marchioness, laughing, "that don luis will feel this last command, however gracious and kind in fact, as a strong rebuke, since he hath more than once done this already, without even presenting himself before his own aunt!" "on those occasions he went idly, and without consideration; but he is now engaged in an honorable and noble enterprise, and we will make it apparent to him that all feel the difference." the conversation now changed, it being understood that the request of the young man was to be granted. isabella had, in this instance, departed from a law she had laid down for her own government, under the influence of her womanly feelings, which often caused her to forget that she was a queen, when no very grave duties existed to keep alive the recollection; for it would have been difficult to decide in which light this pure-minded and excellent female most merited the esteem of mankind--in her high character as a just and conscientious sovereign, or when she acted more directly under the gentler impulses of her sex. as for her friend, she was perhaps more tenacious of doing what she conceived to be her duty, by her ward, than the queen herself; since, with a greater responsibility, she was exposed to the suspicion of acting with a design to increase the wealth and to strengthen the connections of her own family. still, the wishes of isabella were laws to the marchioness of moya, and she sought an early opportunity to acquaint her ward with her intention to allow don luis, for once, to plead his own cause with his mistress, before he departed on his perilous and mysterious enterprise. our heroine received this intelligence with the mingled sensations of apprehension, delight, misgivings, and joy, that are so apt to beset the female heart, in the freshness of its affections, when once brought in subjection to the master-passion. she had never thought it possible luis would sail on an expedition like that in which he was engaged, without endeavoring to see her alone; but, now she was assured that both the queen and her guardian acquiesced in his being admitted, she almost regretted their compliance. these contradictory emotions, however, soon subsided in the tender melancholy that gradually drew around her manner, as the hour for the departure approached. nor were her feelings on the subject of luis' ready enlistment in the expedition, more consistent. at times she exulted in her lover's resolution, and in his manly devotion to glory and the good of the church; remembering with pride that, of all the high nobility of castile, he alone ventured life and credit with the genoese; and then, again, tormenting doubts came over her, as she feared that the love of roving, and of adventure, was quite as active in his heart, as love of herself. but in all this there was nothing new. the more pure and ingenuous the feelings of those who truly submit to the influence of this passion, the more keenly alive are their distrusts apt to be, and the more tormenting their misgivings of themselves. her mind made up, doña beatriz acted fairly by the young people. as soon as luis was admitted to her own presence, on the appointed morning, she told him that he was expected by mercedes, who was waiting his appearance in the usual reception-room. scarce giving himself time to kiss the hand of his aunt, and to make those other demonstrations of respect that the customs of the age required from the young to their seniors--more especially when there existed between them a tie of blood as close as that which united the marchioness of moya with the conde de llera--the young man bounded away, and was soon in the presence of his mistress. as mercedes was prepared for the interview, she betrayed the feeling of the moment merely by a heightened color, and the greater lustre of eyes that were always bright, though often so soft and melancholy. "luis!" escaped from her, and then, as if ashamed of the emotion betrayed in the very tones of her voice, she withdrew the foot that had involuntarily advanced to meet him, even while she kept a hand extended in friendly confidence. "mercedes!" and the hand was withdrawn to put a stop to the kisses with which it was covered. "thou art harder to be seen, of late, than it will be to discover this cathay of the genoese; for, between the doña isabella and doña beatriz, never was paradise watched more closely by guardian angels, than thy person is watched by thy protectors." "and can it be necessary, luis, when thou art the danger apprehended?" "do they think i shall carry thee off, like some moorish girl borne away on the crupper of a christian knight's saddle, and place thee in the caravel of colon, that we may go in search of prestor john and the great khan, in company?" "they may think _thee_ capable of this act of madness, dear luis, but they will hardly suspect _me_." "no, thou art truly a model of prudence in all matters that require feeling for thy lover." "luis!" exclaimed the girl, again; and this time unbidden tears started to her eyes. "forgive me, mercedes--dearest, dearest mercedes; but this delay and all these coldly cruel precautions make me forget myself. am i a needy and unknown adventurer, that they treat me thus, instead of being a noble castilian knight!" "thou forgettest, luis, that noble castilian maidens are not wont to see even noble castilian cavaliers alone, and, but for the gracious condescension of her highness, and the indulgence of my guardian, who happeneth to be thy aunt, this interview could not take place." "alone! and dost thou call this being alone, or any excessive favor, on the part of her highness, when thou seest that we are watched by the eye, if not by the ear! i fear to speak above my breath, lest the sounds should disturb that venerable lady's meditations!" as luis de bobadilla uttered this, he glanced his eye at the figure of the dueña of his mistress, whose person was visible through an open door, in an adjoining room, where the good woman sat, intently occupied in reading certain homilies. "dost mean my poor pepita," answered mercedes, laughing; for the presence of her attendant, to whom she had been accustomed from infancy, was no more restraint on her own innocent thoughts and words, than would have proved a reduplication of herself, had such a thing been possible. "many have been her protestations against this meeting, which she insists is contrary to all rule among noble ladies, and which, she says, would never have been accorded by my poor, sainted mother, were she still living." "ay, she hath a look that is sufficient of itself to set every generous mind a-tilting with her. one can see envy of thy beauty and youth, in every wrinkle of her unamiable face." "then little dost thou know my excellent pepita, who envieth nothing, and who hath but one marked weakness, and that is, too much affection, and too much indulgence, for myself." "i detest a dueña; ay, as i detest an infidel!" "señor," said pepita, whose vigilant ears, notwithstanding her book and the homilies, heard all that passed, "this is a common feeling among youthful cavaliers, i fear; but they tell me that the very dueña who is so displeasing to the lover, getteth to be a grateful object, in time, with the husband. as my features and wrinkles, however, are so disagreeable to you, and no doubt cause you pain, by closing this door the sight will be shut out, as, indeed, will be the sound of my unpleasant cough, and of your own protestations of love, señor knight." this was said in much better language than was commonly used by women of the dueña's class, and with a good-nature that seemed indomitable, it being completely undisturbed by luis' petulant remarks. "thou shalt not close the door, pepita," cried mercedes, blushing rosy red, and springing forward to interpose her own hand against the act. "what is there that the conde de llera can have to say to one like me, that _thou_ mayest not hear?" "nay, dear child, the noble cavalier is about to talk of love!" "and is it thou, with whom the language of affection is so uncommon, that it frighteneth thee! hath thy discourse been of aught but love, since thou hast known and cared for me?" "it augureth badly for thy suit, señor," said pepita, smiling, while she suspended the movement of the hand that was about to close the door, "if doña mercedes thinketh of your love as she thinketh of mine. surely, child, thou dost not fancy me a gay, gallant young noble, come to pour out his soul at thy feet, and mistakest my simple words of affection for such as will be likely to flow from the honeyed tongue of a bobadilla, bent on gaining his suit with the fairest maiden of castile?" mercedes shrunk back, for, though innocent as purity itself, her heart taught her the difference between the language of her lover and the language of her nurse, even when each most expressed affection. her hand released its hold of the wood, and unconsciously was laid, with its pretty fellow, on her crimsoned face. pepita profited by her advantage, and closed the door. a smile of triumph gleamed on the handsome features of luis, and, after he had forced his mistress, by a gentle compulsion, to resume the seat from which she had risen to meet him, he threw himself on a stool at her feet, and stretching out his well-turned limbs in an easy attitude, so as to allow himself to gaze into the beautiful face that he had set up, like an idol, before him, he renewed the discourse. "this is a paragon of dueñas," he cried, "and i might have known that none of the ill-tempered, unreasonable school of such beings, would be tolerated near thy person. this pepita is a jewel, and she may consider herself established in her office for life, if, by the cunning of this genoese, mine own resolution, the queen's repentance, and thy gentle favor, i ever prove so lucky as to become thy husband." "thou forgettest, luis," answered mercedes, trembling even while she laughed at her own conceit, "that if the husband esteemeth the dueña the lover could not endure, that the lover may esteem the dueña that the husband may be unwilling to abide." "_peste!_ these are crooked matters, and ill-suited to the straight-forward philosophy of luis de bobadilla. there is one thing only, which i can, or do, pretend to know, out of any controversy, and that i am ready to maintain in the face of all the doctors of salamanca, or all the chivalry of christendom, that of the infidel included; which is, that thou art the fairest, sweetest, best, most virtuous, and in all things the most winning maiden of spain, and that no other living knight so loveth and honoreth his mistress as i love and honor thee!" the language of admiration is ever soothing to female ears, and mercedes, giving to the words of the youth an impression of sincerity that his manner fully warranted, forgot the dueña and her little interruption, in the delight of listening to declarations that were so grateful to her affections. still, the coyness of her sex, and the recent date of their mutual confidence, rendered her answer less open than it might otherwise have been. "i am told,", she said, "that you young cavaliers, who pant for occasions to show your skill and courage with the lance and in the tourney, are ever making some such protestations in favor of this or that noble maiden, in order to provoke others like themselves to make counter assertions, that they may show their prowess as knights, and gain high names for gallantry." "this cometh of being so much shut up in doña beatriz's private rooms, lest some bold spanish eyes should look profanely on thy beauty, mercedes. we are not in the age of the errants and the troubadours, when men committed a thousand follies that they might be thought weaker even than nature had made them. in that age, your knights _discoursed_ largely of love, but in our own they _feel_ it. in sooth, i think this savoreth of some of the profound morality of pepita!" "say naught against pepita, luis, who hath much befriended thee to-day, else would thy tongue, and thine eyes too, be under the restraint of her presence. but that which thou termest the morality of the good dueña, is, in truth, the morality of the excellent and most noble doña beatriz de cabrera, marchioness of moya, who was born a lady of the house of bobadilla, i believe." "well, well, i dare to say there is no great difference between the lessons of a duchess and the lessons of a dueña in the privacy of the closet, when there is one like thee, beautiful, and rich, and virtuous, to guard. they say you young maidens are told that we cavaliers are so many ogres, and that the only way to reach paradise is to think naught of us but evil, and then, when some suitable marriage hath been decided on, the poor young creature is suddenly alarmed by an order to come forth and be wedded to one of these very monsters." "and, in this mode, hast thou been treated! it would seem that much pains are taken to make the young of the two sexes think ill of each other. but, luis, this is pure idleness, and we waste in it most precious moments; moments that may never return. how go matters with colon--and when is he like to quit the court?" "he hath already departed; for, having obtained all he hath sought of the queen, he quitted santa fé, with the royal authority to sustain him in the fullest manner. if thou hearest aught of one pedro de muños, or pero gutierrez, at the court of cathay, thou wilt know on whose shoulders to lay his follies." "i would rather that thou shouldst undertake this voyage in thine own name, luis, than under a feigned appellation. concealments of this nature are seldom wise, and surely thou dost not undertake the enterprise"--the tell-tale blood stole to the cheeks of mercedes as she proceeded--"with a motive that need bring shame." "'tis the wish of my aunt; as for myself, i would put thy favor in my casque, thy emblem on my shield, and let it be known, far and near, that luis of llera sought the court of cathay, with the intent to defy its chivalry to produce as fair or as virtuous a maiden as thyself." "we are not in the age of errants, sir knight, but in one of reason and truth," returned mercedes, laughing, though every syllable that proved the earnest and entire devotion of the young man went directly to her heart, strengthening his hold on it, and increasing the flame that burnt within, by adding the fuel that was most adapted to that purpose--"we are not in the age of knights-errant, don luis de bobadilla, as thou thyself hast just affirmed; but one in which even the lover is reflecting, and as apt to discover the faults of his lady-love as to dwell upon her perfections. i look for better things from thee, than to hear that thou hast ridden through the highways of cathay, defying to combat and seeking giants, in order to exalt my beauty, and tempting others to decry it, if it were only out of pure opposition to thy idle boastings. ah! luis, thou art now engaged in a most truly noble enterprise, one that will join thy name to those of the applauded of men, and which will form thy pride and exultation in after-life, when the eyes of us both shall be dimmed by age, and we shall look back with longings to discover aught of which to be proud." it was thrice, pleasant to the youth to hear his mistress, in the innocence of her heart, and in the fulness of her feelings, thus uniting his fate with her own; and when she ceased speaking, all unconscious how much might be indirectly implied from her words, he still listened intently, as if he would fain hear the sounds after they had died on his ear. "what enterprise can be nobler, more worthy to awaken all my resolution, than to win thy hand!" he exclaimed, after a short pause. "i follow colon with no other object; share his chances, to remove the objections of doña isabella; and will accompany him to the earth's end, rather than that thy choice should be dishonored. _thou_ art _my_ great khan, beloved mercedes, and thy smiles and affection are the only cathay i seek." "say not so, dear luis, for thou knowest not the nobility of thine own soul, nor the generosity of thine own intentions. this is a stupendous project of colon's, and much as i rejoice that he hath had the imagination to conceive it, and the heart to undertake it in his own person, on account of the good it must produce to the heathen, and the manner in which it will necessarily redound to the glory of god, still i fear that i am equally gladdened with the recollection that thy name will be forever associated with the great achievement, and thy detractors put to shame with the resolution and spirit with which so noble an end will have been attained." "this is nothing but truth, mercedes, should we reach the indies; but, should the saints desert us, and our project fail, i fear that even thou wouldst be ashamed to confess an interest in an unfortunate adventurer who hath returned without success, and thereby made himself the subject of sneers and derision, instead of wearing the honorable distinction that thou seemest so confidently to expect." "then, luis de bobadilla, thou knowest me not," answered mercedes, hastily, and speaking with a tender earnestness that brought the blood into her cheeks, gradually brightening the brilliancy of her eyes, until they shone with a lustre that seemed almost supernatural--"then, luis de bobadilla, thou knowest me not. i wish thee to share in the glory of this enterprise, because calumny and censure have not been altogether idle with thy youth, and because i feel that her highness' favor is most easily obtained by it; but, if thou believest that the spirit to engage with colon was necessary to incline me to think kindly of my guardian's nephew, thou neither understandest the sentiments that draw me toward thee, nor hast a just appreciation of the hours of sorrow i have suffered on thy account." "dearest, most generous, noble-hearted girl, i am unworthy of thy truth, of thy pure sincerity, and of all thy devoted feelings! drive me from thee at once, that i may ne'er again cause thee a moment's grief." "nay, luis, thy remedy, i fear me, would prove worse than the disease that thou wouldst cure," returned the beautiful girl, smiling and blushing as she spoke, and turning her eloquent eyes on the youth in a way to avow volumes of tenderness. "with thee must i be happy, or unhappy, as providence may will it; or miserable without thee." the conversation now took that unconnected, and yet comprehensive cast, which is apt to characterize the discourse of those who feel as much as they reason, and it covered more interests, sentiments, and events, than our limits will allow us to record. as usual, luis was inconsistent, jealous, repentant, full of passion and protestations, fancying a thousand evils at one instant, and figuring in his imagination a terrestrial paradise at the next; while mercedes was enthusiastic, generous, devoted, and yet high-principled, self-denying, and womanly; meeting her ardent suitor's vows with a tenderness that seemed to lose all other considerations in her love, and repelling with maiden coyness, and with the dignity of her sex, his rhapsodies, whenever they touched upon the exaggerated and indiscreet. the interview lasted an hour, and it is scarce necessary to say that vows of constancy, and pledges never to marry another, were given, again and again. as the time for separating approached, mercedes opened a small casket that contained her jewels, and drew forth one which she offered to her lover as a gage of her truth. "i will not give thee a glove to wear in thy casque at tourneys, luis," she said, "but i offer this holy symbol, which may remind thee, at the same moment, of the great pursuit thou hast before thee, and of her who will wait its issue with doubts and fears little less active than those of colon himself. thou needst no other crucifix to say thy paters before, and these stones are sapphires, which thou knowest are the tokens of fidelity--a feeling that thou mayst encourage as respects thy lasting welfare, and which it would not grieve me to know thou kept'st ever active in thy bosom when thinking of the unworthy giver of the trifle." this was said half in melancholy, and half in lightness of heart, for mercedes felt, at parting, both a weight of sorrow that was hard to be borne, and a buoyancy of the very feeling to which she had just alluded, that much disposed her to smile; and it was said with those winning accents with which the youthful and tender avow their emotions, when the heart is subdued by the thoughts of absence and dangers. the gift was a small cross, formed of the stones she had named, and of great intrinsic value, as well as precious from the motives and character of her who offered it. "thou hast had a care of my soul, in this, mercedes," said luis, smiling, when he had kissed the jewelled cross again and again--"and art resolved if the sovereign of cathay should refuse to be converted to our faith, that we shall not be converted to his. i fear that my offering will appear tame and valueless in thine eyes, after so precious a boon." "one lock of thy hair, luis, is all i desire. thou knowest that i have no need of jewels." "if i thought the sight of my bushy head would give thee pleasure, every hair should quit it, and i would sail from spain with a poll as naked as a priest's, or even an infidel's; but the bobadillas have their jewels, and a bobadilla's bride shall wear them: this necklace was my mother's, mercedes; it is said to have once been the property of a queen, though none have ever worn it who will so honor it as thou." "i take it, luis, for it is thy offering and may not be refused; and yet i take it tremblingly, for i see signs of our different natures in these gifts. thou hast chosen the gorgeous and the brilliant, which pall in time, and seldom lead to contentment; while my woman's heart hath led me to constancy. i fear some brilliant beauty of the east would better gain thy lasting admiration than a poor castilian maid who hath little but her faith and love to recommend her!" protestations on the part of the young man followed, and mercedes permitted one fond and long embrace ere they separated. she wept on the bosom of don luis, and at the final moment of parting, as ever happens with woman, feeling got the better of form, and her whole soul confessed its weakness. at length luis tore himself away from her presence, and that night he was on his way to the coast, under an assumed name, and in simple guise; whither columbus had already preceded. [illustration] chapter xi. "but where is harold? shall i then forget to urge the gloomy wanderer o'er the wave? little reck'd he of all that men regret; no loved one now in feign'd lament could rave; no friend the parting hand extended gave ere the cold stranger pass'd to other climes." byron. the reader is not to suppose that the eyes of europe were on our adventurers. truth and falsehood, inseparable companions, it would seem, throughout all time, were not then diffused over the land by means of newspapers, with mercenary diligence; and it was only the favored few who got early intelligence of enterprises like that in which columbus was engaged. luis de bobadilla had, therefore, stolen from court unnoticed, and they who came in time to miss his presence, either supposed him to be on a visit to one of his castles, or to have gone forth on another of those wandering tours which were supposed to be blemishes on his chivalry and unworthy of his birth. as for the genoese himself, his absence was scarcely heeded, though it was understood among the courtiers generally that isabella had entered into some arrangement with him, which gave the adventurer higher rank and greater advantages than his future services would probably ever justify. the other principal adventurers were too insignificant to attract much attention, and they had severally departed for the coast without the knowledge of their movements extending far beyond the narrow circles of their own acquaintances. neither was this expedition, so bold in its conception and so momentous in its consequences, destined to sail from one of the more important ports of spain; but orders to furnish the necessary means had been sent to a haven of altogether inferior rank, and which would seem to have possessed no other recommendations for this particular service, than hardy mariners, and a position without the pass of gibraltar, which was sometimes rendered hazardous by the rovers of africa. the order, however, is said to have been issued to the place selected, in consequence of its having incurred some legal penalty, by which it had been condemned to serve the crown for a twelvemonth with two armed caravels. such punishments, it would seem, were part of the policy of an age in which navies were little more than levies on sea-ports, and when fleets were usually manned by soldiers from the land. palos de moguer, the place ordered to pay this tribute for its transgression, was a town of little importance, even at the close of the fifteenth century, and it has since dwindled to an insignificant fishing village. like most places that are little favored by nature, its population was hardy and adventurous, as adventure was then limited by ignorance. it possessed no stately caracks, its business and want of opulence confining all its efforts to the lighter caravel and the still more diminutive felucca. all the succor, indeed, that columbus had been able to procure from the two crowns, by his protracted solicitations, was the order for the equipment of the two caravels mentioned, with the additional officers and men that always accompanied a royal expedition. the reader, however, is not to infer from this fact any niggardliness of spirit, or any want of faith, on the part of isabella. it was partly owing to the exhausted condition of her treasury, a consequence of the late war with the moor, and more, perhaps, to the experience and discretion of the great navigator himself, who well understood that, for the purposes of discovery, vessels of this size would be more useful and secure than those that were larger. on a rocky promontory, at a distance of less than a league from the village of palos, stood the convent of la rabida, since rendered so celebrated by its hospitality to columbus. at the gate of this building, seven years before, the navigator, leading his youthful son by the hand, had presented himself, a solicitor for food in behalf of the wearied boy. the story is too well known to need repetition here, and we will merely add that his long residence in this convent, and the firm friends he had made of the holy franciscans who occupied it, as well as among others in their vicinity, were also probably motives that influenced him in directing the choice of the crown to this particular place. columbus had not only circulated his opinions with the monks, but with the more intelligent of the neighborhood, and the first converts he made in spain were at this place. notwithstanding all the circumstances named, the order of the crown to prepare the caravels in question, spread consternation among the mariners of palos. in that age, it was thought a wonderful achievement to follow the land, along the coast of africa, and to approach the equator. the vaguest notions existed in the popular mind, concerning those unknown regions, and many even believed that by journeying south it was possible to reach a portion of the earth where animal and vegetable life must cease on account of the intense heat of the sun. the revolution of the planets, the diurnal motion of the earth, and the causes of the changes in the seasons, were then profound mysteries even to the learned; or, if glimmerings of the truth did exist, they existed as the first rays of the dawn dimly and hesitatingly announce the approach of day. it is not surprising, therefore, that the simple-minded and unlettered mariners of palos viewed the order of the crown as a sentence of destruction on all who might be fated to obey it. the ocean, when certain limits were passed, was thought to be, like the firmament, a sort of chaotic void; and the imaginations of the ignorant had conjured up currents and whirlpools that were believed to lead to fiery climates and frightful scenes of natural destruction. some even fancied it possible to reach the uttermost boundaries of the earth, and to slide off into vacuum, by means of swift but imperceptible currents. such was the state of things, in the middle of the month of july. columbus was still in the convent of rabida, in the company of his constant friend and adherent, fray juan perez, when a lay brother came to announce that a stranger had arrived at the gate, asking earnestly for the señor christoval colon. "hath he the aspect of a messenger from the court?" demanded the navigator; "for, since the failure of the mission of juan de peñalosa, there is need of further orders from their highnesses to enforce their gracious intentions." "i think not, señor," answered the lay brother; "these hard-riding couriers of the queen generally appearing with their steeds in a foam, and with hurried air and blustering voices; whereas this young cavalier behaveth modestly, and rideth a stout andalusian mule." "did he give thee his name, good sancho?" "he gave me two, señor, styling himself pedro de muños, or pedro gutierrez, without the don." "this is well," exclaimed columbus, turning a little quickly toward the door, but otherwise maintaining a perfect self-command; "i expect the youth, and he is right welcome. let him come in at once, good sancho, and that without any useless ceremony." "an acquaintance of the court, señor?" observed the prior, in the way one indirectly asks a question. "a youth that hath the spirit, father, to adventure life and character for the glory of god, through the advancement of his church, by embarking in our enterprise. he cometh of a reputable lineage, and is not without the gifts of fortune. but for the care of guardians, and his own youth, gold would not have been wanting in our need. as it is, he ventureth his own person, if one can be said to risk aught in an expedition that seemeth truly to set even the orders of their highnesses at defiance." as columbus ceased speaking, the door opened and luis de bobadilla entered. the young grandee had laid aside all the outward evidences of his high rank, and now appeared in the modest guise of a traveller belonging to a class more likely to furnish a recruit for the voyage, than one of the rank he really was. saluting columbus with cordial and sincere respect, and the franciscan with humble deference, the first at once perceived that this gallant and reckless spirit had truly engaged in the enterprise with a determination to use all the means that would enable him to go through with it. "thou art welcome, pedro," columbus observed, as soon as luis had made his salutations; "thou hast reached the coast at a moment when thy presence and support may be exceedingly useful. the first order of her highness, by which i should have received the services of the two caravels to which the state is entitled, hath been utterly disregarded; and a second mandate, empowering me to seize upon any vessel that may suit our necessities, hath fared but little better, notwithstanding the señor de peñalosa was sent directly from court to enforce its conditions, under a penalty, to the port, of paying a daily tax of two hundred maravedis, until the order should be fulfilled. the idiots have conjured all sorts of ills with which to terrify themselves and their neighbors, and i seem to be as far from the completion of my hopes as i was before i procured the friendship of this holy friar and the royal protection of doña isabella. it is a weary thing, my good pedro, to waste a life in hopes defeated, with such an object in view as the spread of knowledge and the extension of the church!" "i am the bearer of good tidings, señor," answered the young noble. "in coming hither from the town of moguer, i journeyed with one martin alonzo pinzon, a mariner with whom i have formerly voyaged, and we have had much discourse concerning your commission and difficulties. he tells me that he is known to you, señor colon, and i should judge from his discourse that he thinketh favorably of the chances." "he doth--he doth, indeed, good pedro, and hath often listened to my reasoning like a discreet and skilful navigator, as i make no question he really is. but didst thou say that thou wast _known_ to him?" "señor, i did. we have voyaged together as far as cyprus, on one occasion, and, again, to the island of the english. in such long voyages, men get to some knowledge of each other's temperament and disposition, and, of a sooth, i think well of both, in this señor pinzon." "thou art young to pass an opinion on a mariner of martin alonzo's years and experience, son," put in the friar; "a man of much repute in this vicinity, and of no little wealth. nevertheless, i am rejoiced to hear that he continueth of the same mind as formerly, in relation to the great voyage; for, of late, i did think even he had begun to waver." don luis had expressed himself of the great man of the vicinity, more like a bobadilla than became his assumed name of muños, and a glance from the eye of columbus told him to forget his rank and to remember the disguise he had assumed. "this is truly encouraging," observed the navigator, "and openeth a brighter view of cathay. thou wast journeying between moguer and palos, i think thou saidst, when this discourse was had with our acquaintance, the good martin alonzo?" "i was, señor, and it was he who sent me hither in quest of the admiral. he gave you the title that the queen's favor hath bestowed, and i consider that no small sign of friendship, as most others with whom i have conversed in this vicinity seem disposed to call you by any other name." "none need embark in this enterprise," returned the navigator, gravely, as if he would admonish the youth that this was an occasion on which he might withdraw from the adventure, if he saw fit, "who feel disposed to act differently, or who distrust my knowledge." "by san pedro, my patron! they tell another tale at palos, and at moguer, señor amirale," returned luis, laughing; "at which places, i hear, that no man whose skin hath been a little warmed by the sun of the ocean, dare show himself in the highways, lest he be sent to cathay by a road that no one ever yet travelled, except in fancy! there is, notwithstanding, one free and willing volunteer, señor colon, who is disposed to follow you to the edge of the earth, if it be flat, and to follow you quite around it, should it prove to be a sphere; and that is one pedro de muños, who engageth with you from no sordid love of gold, or love of aught else that men usually prize; but from the pure love of adventure, somewhat excited and magnified, perhaps, by love of the purest and fairest maid of castile." fray juan perez gazed at the speaker, whose free manner and open speech a good deal surprised him; for columbus had succeeded in awakening so much respect that few presumed to use any levity in his presence, even before he was dignified by the high rank so recently conferred by the commission of isabella. little did the good monk suspect that one of a still higher personal rank, though entirely without official station, stood before him, in the guise of pedro de muños; and he could not refrain from again expressing the little relish he felt for such freedom of speech and deportment toward those whom he himself habitually regarded with so much respect. "it would seem, señor pedro de muños," he said, "if that be thy name--though duke, or marquis, or count, would be a title better becoming thy bearing--that thou treatest his excellency the admiral with quite as much freedom of thought, at least, as thou treatest the worthy martin alonzo of our own neighborhood; a follower should be more humble, and not pass his jokes on the opinions of his leader, in this loose style of expression." "i crave your pardon, holy father, and that of the admiral, too, who better understandeth me i trust, if there be any just grounds of offence. all i wish to express is, that i know this martin alonzo of your neighborhood, as an old fellow-voyager; that we have ridden some leagues in company this very day, and that, after close discourse, he hath manifested a friendly desire to put his shoulder to the wheel, in order to lift the expedition, if not from a slough of mud, at least from the sands of the river; and that he hath promised to come also to this good convent of la rabida, for that same purpose and no other. as for myself, i can only add, that here i am, ready to follow wheresoever the honorable señor colon may see fit to lead." "tis well, good pedro--'tis well," rejoined the admiral. "i give thee full credit for sincerity and spirit, and that must content thee until an opportunity offereth to convince others. i like these tidings concerning martin alonzo, father, since he might truly do us much good service, and his zeal had assuredly begun to flag." "that might he, and that will he, if he engageth seriously in the affair. martin is the greatest navigator on all this coast, for, though i did not know that he had ever been even to cyprus, as would appear by the account of this youth, i was well aware that he had frequently sailed as far north as france, and as far south as the canaries. dost think cathay much more remote than cyprus, señor almirante?" columbus smiled at this question, and shook his head in the manner of one who would prepare a friend for some sore disappointment. "although cyprus be not distant from the holy land and the seat of the infidel's power," he answered, "cathay must lie much more remote. i flatter not myself, nor those who are disposed to follow me, with the hope of reaching the indies short of a voyage that shall extend to some eight hundred or a thousand leagues." "'tis a fearful and a weary distance!" exclaimed the franciscan; while luis stood in smiling unconcern, equally indifferent whether he had to traverse one-thousand or ten thousand leagues of ocean, so that the journey led to mercedes and was productive of adventure. "a fearful and weary distance, and yet i doubt not, señor almirante, that you are the very man designed by providence to overcome it, and to open the way for those who will succeed you, bearing on high the cross of christ and the promises of his redemption!" "let us hope this," returned columbus, reverently making the usual sign of the sacred emblem to which his friend alluded; "as a proof that we have some worldly foundation for the expectation, here cometh the señor pinzon himself, apparently hot with haste to see us." martin alonzo pinzon, whose name is so familiar to the reader, as one who greatly aided the genoese in his vast undertaking, now entered the room, seemingly earnest and bent on some fixed purpose, as columbus' observant eye had instantly detected. fray juan perez was not a little surprised to see that the first salutation of martin alonzo, the great man of the neighborhood, was directed to pedro, the second to the admiral, and the third to himself. there was not time, however, for the worthy franciscan, who was a little apt to rebuke any dereliction of decency on the spot, to express what he felt on this occasion, ere martin alonzo opened his errand with an eagerness that showed he had not come on a mere visit of friendship, or of ceremony. "i am sorely vexed, señor almirante," he commenced, "at learning the obstinacy, and the disobedience to the orders of the queen, that have been shown among our mariners of palos. although a dweller of the port itself, and one who hath always viewed your opinions of this western voyage with respect, if not with absolute faith, i did not know the full extent of this insubordination until i met, by accident, an old acquaintance on the highway, in the person of don pedro--i ought to say the _señor_ pedro de muños, here, who, coming from a distance as he doth, hath discovered more of our backslidings than i had learned myself, on the spot. but, señor, you are not now to hear for the first time, of what sort of stuff men are made. they are reasoning beings, we are told; notwithstanding which undeniable truth, as there is not one in a hundred who is at the trouble to do his own thinking, means may be found to change the opinions of a sufficient number for all your wants, without their even suspecting it." "this is very true, neighbor martin alonzo," put in the friar--"so true, that it might go into a homily and do no disservice to religion. man _is_ a rational animal, and an accountable animal, but it is not meet that he should be a _thinking_ animal. in matters of the church, now, its interests being entrusted to a ministry, what have the unlearned and ignorant to say of its affairs? in matters of navigation, it doth, indeed, seem as if one steersman were better than a hundred! although man be a reasoning animal, there are quite as many occasions when he is bound to obey without reasoning, and few when he should be permitted to reason without obeying." "all true, holy friar and most excellent neighbor; so true that you will find no one in palos to deny that, at least. and now we are on the subject, i may as well add that it is the church that hath thrown more obstacles in the way of the señor almirante's success, than any other cause. all the old women of the port declare that the notion of the earth's being round is a heresy, and contrary to the bible; and, if the truth must be said, there are not a few underlings of this very convent, who uphold them in the opinion. it doth appear unnatural to tell one who hath never quitted the land, and who seeth himself much oftener in a valley than on an eminence, that the globe is round, and, though i have had many occasions to see the ocean, it would not easily find credit with me, were it not for the fact that we see the upper and smaller sails of a ship first, when approaching her, as well as the vanes and crosses of towns, albeit they are the smaller objects about vessels and churches. we mariners have one way to inspirit our followers, and you churchmen have another; and, now that i intend to use my means to put wiser thoughts into the heads of the seamen of palos, reverend friar, i look to you to set the church's engines at work, so as to silence the women, and to quell the doubts of the most zealous among your own brotherhood." "am i to understand by this, señor pinzon," demanded columbus, "that you intend to take a direct and more earnest interest than before in the success of my enterprise?" "señor, you may. that is my intention, if we can come to as favorable an understanding about the terms, as your worship would seem to have entered into with our most honored mistress, doña isabella de trastamara. i have had some discourse with señor don--i would say with the señor pedro de muños, here--odd's folly, an excess of courtesy is getting to be a vice with me of late--but as he is a youth of prudence, and manifests a desire to embark with you, it hath stirred my fancy so far, that i would gladly be of the party. señor de muños and i have voyaged so much together, that i would fain see his worthy countenance once more upon the ocean." "these are cheerful tidings, martin alonzo"--eagerly put in the friar, "and thy soul, and the souls of all who belong to you, will reap the benefits of this manly and pious resolution. it is one thing, señor almirante, to have their highnesses of your side, in a place like palos, and another to have our worthy neighbor pinzon, here; for, if they are sovereigns in law, he is an emperor in opinion. i doubt not that the caravels will now be speedily forthcoming." "since thou seemest to have truly resolved to enter into our enterprise, señor martin alonzo," added columbus, with his dignified gravity, "out of doubt, thou hast well bethought thee of the conditions, and art come prepared to let them be known. do they savor of the terms that have already been in discussion between us?" "señor admiral, they do; though gold is not, just now, as abundant in our purses, as when we last discoursed on this subject. on that head, some obstacles may exist, but on all others, i doubt not, a brief explanation between us will leave the matter free from doubt." "as to the eighth, for which i stand committed with their highnesses, señor pinzon, there will be less reason, now, to raise that point between us, than when we last met, as other means may offer to redeem that pledge"--as columbus spoke, his eyes involuntarily turned toward the pretended pedro, whither those of martin alonzo pinzon significantly followed; "but there will be many difficulties to overcome with these terrified and silly mariners, which may yield to thy influence. if thou wilt come with me into this chamber, we will at once discuss the heads of our treaty, leaving this youth, the while, to the hospitality of our reverend friend." the prior raising no objection to this proposition, it was immediately put in execution, columbus and pinzon withdrawing to a more private apartment, leaving fray juan perez alone with our hero. "then thou thinkest seriously, son, of making one in this great enterprise of the admiral's," said the franciscan, as soon as the door was closed on those who had just left them, eyeing luis, for the first time, with a more strict scrutiny than hitherto he had leisure to exercise. "thou carriest thyself much like the young lords of the court, and wilt have occasion to acquire a less towering air in the narrow limits of one of our palos caravels." "i am no stranger to nao, carraca, fusta, pinaza, carabelon, or felucca, holy prior, and shall carry myself with the admiral, as i should carry myself before don fernando of aragon, were he my fellow-voyager, or in the presence of boabdil of grenada, were that unhappy monarch again seated on the throne from which he hath been so lately hurled, urging his chivalry to charge the knights of christian spain." "these are fine words, son, ay, and uttered with a tilting air, if truth must be said; but they will avail thee nothing with this genoese, who hath that in him, that would leave him unabashed even in the presence of our gracious lady, doña isabella, herself." "thou knowest the queen, holy monk?" inquired luis, forgetting his assumed character, in the freedom of his address. "i ought to know her inmost heart, son, for often have i listened to her pure and meek spirit, in the secrets of the confessional. much as she is beloved by us castilians, no one can know the true, spiritual elevation of that pious princess, and most excellent woman, but they who have had occasion to shrive her." don luis hemmed, played with the handle of his rapier, and then gave utterance to the uppermost thought, as usual. "didst thou, by any chance of thy priestly office, father, ever find it necessary to confess a maiden of the court, who is much esteemed by the queen?" he inquired, "and whose spirit, i'll answer for it, is as pure as that of doña isabella's itself." "son, thy question denoteth greater necessity for repairing to salamanca, in order to be instructed in the history, and practices, and faith of the church, than to be entering into an enterprise, even as commendable as this of colon's! dost thou not know that we churchmen are not permitted to betray the secrets of the confessional, or to draw comparisons between penitents? and, moreover, that we do not take even doña isabella, the blessed maria keep her ever in mind, as the standard of holiness to which all christians are expected to aim? the maiden of whom thou speakest may be virtuous, according to worldly notions, and yet a grievous sinner in the eyes of mother church." "i should like, before i quit spain, to hear a mendoza, or a guzman, who hath not a shaven crown, venture to hint as much, most reverend prior!" "thou art hot and restive, and talkest idly, son; what would one like thee find to say to a guzman, or a mendoza, or a bobadilla, even, did he affirm what thou wishest? but, who is the maid, in whom thy feelings seem to take so deep, although i question if it be not an unrequited, interest?" "nay, i did but speak in idleness. our stations have made such a chasm between us, that it is little likely we should ever come to speech; nor is my merit such as would be apt to cause her to forget her high advantages." "still, she hath a name?" "she hath, truly, prior, and a right noble one it is. i had the doña maria de las mercedes de valverde in my thoughts, when the light remark found utterance. haply, thou may'st know that illustrious heiress?" fray juan perez, a truly guileless priest, started at the name; then he gazed intently, and with a sort of pity, at the youth; after which he bent his head toward the tiles beneath his feet, smiled, and shook his head like one whose thoughts were very active. "i do, indeed, know the lady," he said, "and even when last at court, on this errand of colon's, their own confessor being ill, i shrived her, as well as my royal mistress. that she is worthy of doña isabella's esteem is true; but thy admiration for this noble maiden, which must be something like the distant reverence we feel for the clouds that sail above our heads, can scarce be founded on any rational hopes." "thou canst not know that, father. if this expedition end as we trust, all who engage in it will be honored and advanced; and why not i, as well as another?" "in this, thou may'st utter truth, but as for the doña--" the franciscan checked himself, for he was about to betray the secret of the confessional. he had, in truth, listened to the contrition of mercedes, of which her passion for luis was the principal cause; and it was he who, with a species of pious fraud of which he was himself unconscious, had first pointed out the means by which the truant noble might be made to turn his propensity to rove to the profit of his love; and his mind was full of her beautiful exhibition of purity and natural feeling, nearly even to overflowing. but habit and duty interfered in time, and he did not utter the name that had been trembling on his lips. still, his thoughts continued in this current, and his tongue gave utterance to that portion of them which he believed to be harmless. "thou hast been much about the world, it would seem, by master alonzo's greeting," he continued, after a short pause; "didst ever meet, son, with a certain cavalier of castile, named don luis de bobadilla--a grandee, who also bears the title of conde de llera?" "i know little of his hopes, and care less for his titles," returned luis, calmly, who thought he would manifest a magnanimous indifference to the franciscan's opinions--"but i have seen the cavalier, and a roving, mad-brained, graceless youth it is, of whom no good can be expected." "i fear this is but too true," rejoined fray juan perez, shaking his head in a melancholy manner--"and yet they say he is a gallant knight, and the very best lance in all spain." "ay, he may be that," answered luis, hemming a little louder than was decorous, for his throat began to grow husky--"ay, he may be that; but of what avail is a good lance without a good character. i hear little commendable of this young conde de llera." "i trust he is not the man he generally passeth for,"--answered the simple-hearted monk, without in the least suspecting his companion's disguise; "and i do know that there are some who think well of him--nay, whose existence, i might say whose very souls, are wrapped up in him!" "holy franciscan!--why wilt thou not mention the names of one or two of these?" demanded luis, with an impetuosity that caused the prior to start. "and why should i give this information to thee, young man, more than to another?" "why, father--why, for several most excellent and unanswerable reasons. in the first place, i am a youth myself, as thou seest; and example, they say, is better than precept. then, too, _i_ am somewhat given to roving, and it may profit me to know how others of the same propensity have sped. moreover, it would gladden my inmost heart to hear that--but two sufficient reasons are better than three, and thou hast the first number already." fray juan perez, a devout christian, a learned churchman, and a liberal scholar, was as simple as a child in matters that related to the world and its passions. nevertheless, he was not so dull as to overlook the strange deportment and stranger language of his companion. a direction had been given to his thoughts by the mention of the name of our heroine; and, as he himself had devised the very course taken by our hero, the truth began to dawn on his imagination. "young cavalier," he exclaimed, "thou art don luis de bobadilla!" "i shall never deny the prophetic knowledge of a churchman, worthy father, after this detection! i _am_ he thou sayest, entered on this expedition to win the love of mercedes de valverde." "'tis as i thought--and yet, señor, you might have taken our poor convent less at an advantage. suffer that i command the lay brothers to place refreshments before you!" "thy pardon, excellent prior--pedro de muños, or even pero gutierrez, hath no need of food; but, now that thou knowest me, there can be less reason for not conversing of the doña mercedes?" "now that i know thee, señor conde, there is greater reason for silence on that head," returned fray juan perez, smiling. "thine aunt, the most esteemed and virtuous lady of moya, can give thee all occasion to urge thy suit with this charming maiden, and it would ill become a churchman to temper her prudence by any indiscreet interference." this explanation was the commencement of a long and confidential dialogue, in which the worthy prior, now that he was on his guard, succeeded in preserving his main secret, though he much encouraged the young man in the leading hope of his existence, as well as in his project to adhere to the fortunes of columbus. in the mean while, the great navigator himself continued closeted with his new counsellor; and when the two reappeared, it was announced to those without that the latter had engaged in the enterprise with so much zeal, that he actually entertained the intention of embarking on board of one of the caravels in person. chapter xii. "yet he to whom each danger hath become a dark delight, and every wild a home, still urges onward--undismayed to tread where life's fond lovers would recoil with dread." the abencerrage. the intelligence that martin alonzo pinzon was to make one of the followers of colon, spread through the village of palos like wild-fire. volunteers were no longer wanting; the example of one known and respected in the vicinity, operating far more efficiently on the minds of the mariners, than the orders of the queen or the philosophy of columbus. martin alonzo they knew; they were accustomed to submit to his influence; they could follow in his footsteps, and had confidence in his judgment; whereas, the naked orders of an unseen sovereign, however much beloved, had more of the character of a severe judgment than of a generous enterprise; and as for columbus, though most men were awed by his dignified appearance and grave manner, when out of sight he was as much regarded as an adventurer at palos, as he had been at santa fé. the pinzons set about their share of the expedition after the manner of those who were more accustomed to execute than to plan. several of the family entered cordially into the work; and a brother of martin alonzo's, whose name was vincente yañez, also a mariner by profession, joined the adventurers as commander of one of the vessels, while another took service as a pilot. in short, the month that succeeded the incidents just mentioned, was actively employed, and more was done in that short space of time toward bringing about a solution of the great problem of columbus, than had been accomplished, in a practical way, during the seventeen long years that the subject had occupied his time and engrossed his thoughts. notwithstanding the local influence of the pinzons, a vigorous opposition to the project still existed in the heart of the little community that had been chosen for the place of equipment of the different vessels required. this family had its enemies as well as its friends, and, as is usual with most human undertakings, two parties sprang up, one of which was quite as busily occupied in thwarting the plans of the navigator, as the other was engaged in promoting them. one vessel had been seized for the service, under the order of the court, and her owners became leaders of the dissatisfied faction. many seamen, according to the usage of that day, had been impressed for duty on this extraordinary and mysterious voyage; and, as a matter of course, they and their friends were not slow to join the ranks of the disaffected. much of the necessary work was found to be imperfectly done; and when the mechanics were called on to repair these omissions, they absconded in a body. as the time for sailing approached, the contention grew more and more violent, and even the pinzons had the mortification of discovering that many of those who had volunteered to follow their fortunes, began to waver, and that some had unequivocally deserted. such was the state of things, toward the close of the month of july, when martin alonzo pinzon again repaired to the convent of santa maria de rabida, where columbus continued to pass most of the time that was not given to a direct personal superintendence of the preparations, and where luis de bobadilla, who was altogether useless in the actual condition of affairs, also passed many a weary hour, chafing for active duty, and musing on the loveliness, truth, and virtues of mercedes de valverde. fray juan perez was earnest in his endeavors to facilitate the execution of the objects of his friends, and he had actually succeeded, if not in absolutely suppressing the expression of all injurious opinion on the part of the less enlightened of the brotherhood, at least in rendering the promulgation of them more cautious and private. when columbus and the prior were told that the señor pinzon sought an interview, neither was slow in granting the favor. as the hour of departure drew nigh, the importance of this man's exertions became more and more apparent, and both well knew that the royal protection of isabella herself, just at that moment and in that place, was of less account than that of this active mariner. the señor pinzon, therefore, had not long to wait for his audience, having been ushered into the room that was commonly occupied by the zealous franciscan, almost as soon as his request was preferred. "thou art right welcome, worthy martin alonzo!" exclaimed the prior, the moment he caught a glimpse of the features of his old acquaintance--"how get on matters at palos, and when shall we have this holy undertaking in a fair direction for success?" "by san francisco, reverend prior, that is more than it will be safe for any man to answer. i have thought we were in a fair way to make sail, a score of times, when some unforeseen difficulty hath arisen. the santa maria, on board which the admiral and the señor gutierrez, or de muños, if he will have it so, will embark, is already fitted. she may be set down as a tight craft, and somewhat exceedeth a hundred tons in burthen, so that i trust his excellency, and all the gallant cavaliers who may accompany him, will be as comfortable as the holy monks of rabida--more especially as the good caravel hath a deck." "these are, truly, glad tidings," returned the prior, rubbing his hands with delight--"and the excellent craft hath really a deck! señor almirante, thou mayst not be in a vessel that is altogether worthy of thy high aim, but, on the whole, thou wilt be both safe and comfortable, keeping in view, in particular, this convenient and sheltering deck." "neither my safety nor my convenience is a consideration to be mentioned, friend juan perez, when there is question of so much graver matters. i rejoice that thou hast come to the convent this morning, señor martin alonzo, as, being about to address letters to the court, by means of an especial courier, i desire to know the actual condition of things. thou thinkest the santa maria will be in a state for service by the end of the month?" "señor, i do. the ship hath been prepared with due diligence, and will conveniently hold some three score, should the panic that hath seized on so many of the besotted fools of palos, leave us that number, who may still be disposed to embark. i trust that the saints look upon our many efforts, and will remember our zeal when we shall come to a joint division of the benefits of this undertaking, which hath had no equal in the history of navigation!" "the benefits, honest martin alonzo, will be found in the spread of the church's dominion, and the increased glory of god!" put in the prior, significantly. "out of all question, holy fray juan perez--this is the common aim; though i trust it is permitted to a pains-taking mariner to bethink him of his wife and children, in discreet subordination to those greater ends. i have much mistaken the señor colon, if he do not look for some little advantage, in the way of gold, from this visit to cathay." "thou hast not mistaken me, honest martin alonzo," returned columbus, gravely. "i do, indeed, expect to see the wealth of the indies pouring into the coffers of castile, in consequence of this voyage. in sooth, excellent prior, in my view, the recovery of the holy sepulchre is dependent mainly on the success of our present undertaking, in the way of a substantial worldly success." "this is well, señor admiral," put in martin alonzo, a little hastily, "and ought to gain us great favor in the eyes of all good christians--more especially with the monks of la rabida. but it is hard enough to persuade the mariners of the port to obey the queen, in this matter, and to fulfil their engagements with ourselves, without preaching a crusade, as the best means of throwing away the few maravedis they may happen to gain by their hardships and courage. the worthy pilots, francisco martin pinzon, mine own brother, sancho ruiz, pedro alonzo niño, and bartolemeo roldan, are all now firmly tied to us by the ropes of the law; but should they happen to find a crusade at their end, all the saints in the calendar would scarce have influence to make them hesitate about loosening themselves from the agreement." "i hold no one but myself bound to this object," returned columbus, calmly. "each man, friend martin alonzo, will be judged by his own deeds, and called on to fulfil his own vows. of those who pledge naught, naught will be exacted, and naught given at the great final account of the human race. but what are the tidings of the pinta, thine own vessel? hath she been finally put into a condition to buffet the atlantic?" "as ever happeneth with a vessel pressed into the royal service, señor, work hath gone on heavily, and things in general have not borne that merry activity which accompanieth the labor of those who toil of a free will, and for their own benefit." "the silly mariners have toiled in their own behalf, without knowing it," observed columbus. "it is the duty of the ignorant to submit to be led by the more enlightened, and to be grateful for the advantages they derive from a borrowed knowledge, albeit it is obtained contrary to their own wishes." "that is it, truly," added the prior; "else would the office of us churchmen be reduced to very narrow limits. faith--faith in the church--is the christian's earliest and latest duty." "this seemeth reasonable, excellent sirs," returned master alonzo, "though the ignorant find it difficult to comprehend matters that they do not understand. when a man fancieth himself condemned to an unheard-of death, he is little apt to see the benefit that lieth beyond the grave. nevertheless, the pinta is more nearly ready for the voyage, than any other of our craft, and hath her crew engaged to a man, and that under contracts that will not permit much dispute before a notary." "there remaineth only the niña, then," added columbus; "with her prepared, and our religious duties observed, we may hope finally to commence the enterprise!" "señor, you may. my brother, vicente yañez, hath finally consented to take charge of this little craft; and that which a pinzon promiseth, a pinzon performeth. she will be ready to depart with the santa maria and the pinta, and cathay must be distant, indeed, if we do not reach it with one or the other of our vessels." "this is right encouraging, neighbor martin alonzo," returned the friar, rubbing his hands with delight; "and i make no question all will come round in the end. what say the crones and loose talkers of moguer, and of the other ports, touching the shape of the earth, and the chances of the admiral's reaching the indies, now-a-days?" "they discourse much as they did, fray juan perez, idly and without knowledge. although there is not a mariner in any of the havens who doth not admit that the upper sails, though so much the smallest, are the first seen on the ocean, yet do they deny that this cometh of the shape of the earth, but, as they affirm, of the movements of the waters." "have none of them ever observed the shadows cast by the earth, in the eclipses of the moon?" asked columbus, in his calm manner, though he smiled, even in putting the question, as one smiles who, having dipped deeply into a natural problem himself, carelessly lays one of its more popular proofs before those who are less disposed to go beneath the surface. "do they not see that these shadows are round, and do they not know that a shadow which is round can only be cast by a body that is round?" "this is conclusive, good martin alonzo," put in the prior, "and it ought to remove the doubts of the silliest gossip on the coast. tell them to encircle their dwellings, beginning to the right, and see if, by following the walls, they do not return to the spot from which they started, coming in from the left." "ay, reverend prior, if we could bring our distant voyage down to these familiar examples, there is not a crone in moguer, or a courtier at seville, that might not be made to comprehend the mystery. but it is one thing to state a problem fairly, and another to find those who can understand it. now, i did give some such reasoning to the alguiazil, in palos here, and the worthy señor asked me if i expected to return from this voyage by the way of the lately captured town of granada. i fancy that the easiest method of persuading these good people to believe that cathay can be reached by the western voyage, will be by going there and returning." "which we will shortly do, master martin alonzo," observed columbus, cheerfully--"but the time of our departure draweth near, and it is meet that none of us neglect the duties of religion. i commend thee to thy confessor, señor pinzon, and expect that all who sail with me, in this great enterprise, will receive the holy communion in my company, before we quit the haven. this excellent prior will shrive pedro de muños and myself, and let each man seek such other holy counsellor and monitor as hath been his practice." with this intimation of his intention to pay a due regard to the rites of the church before he departed--rites that were seldom neglected in that day--the conversation turned, for the moment, on the details of the preparations. after this the parties separated, and a few more days passed away in active exertions. on the morning of thursday, august the second, 1492, columbus entered the private apartment of fray juan perez, habited like a penitent, and with an air so devout, and yet so calm, that it was evident his thoughts were altogether bent on his own transgressions and on the goodness of god. the zealous priest was in waiting, and the great navigator knelt at the feet of him, before whom isabella had often knelt, in the fulfilment of the same solemnity. the religion of this extraordinary man was colored by the habits and opinions of his age, as, indeed, in a greater or less degree, must be the religion of every man; his confession, consequently, had that admixture of deep piety with inconsistent error, that so often meets the moralist in his investigations into the philosophy of the human mind. the truth of this peculiarity will be seen, by adverting to one or two of the admissions of the great navigator, as he laid before his ghostly counsellor the catalogue of his sins. "then, i fear, holy father," columbus continued, after having made most of the usual confessions touching the more familiar weaknesses of the human race, "that my mind hath become too much exalted in this matter of the voyage, and that i may have thought myself more directly set apart by god, for some good end, than it might please his infinite knowledge and wisdom to grant." "that would be a dangerous error, my son, and i carefully admonish thee against the evils of self-righteousness. that god selecteth his agents, is beyond dispute; but it is a fearful error to mistake the impulses of self-love, for the movements of his divine spirit! it is hardly safe for any who have not received the church's ordination, to deem themselves chosen vessels." "i endeavor so to consider it, holy friar," answered columbus, meekly; "and, yet, there is that within, which constantly urgeth to this belief, be it a delusion, or come it directly from heaven. i strive, father, to keep the feeling in subjection, and most of all do i endeavor to see that it taketh a direction that may glorify the name of god and serve the interests of his visible church." "this is well, and yet do i feel it a duty to admonish thee against too much credence in these inward impulses. so long as they tend, solely, to increase thy love for the supreme father of all, to magnify his holiness, and glorify his nature, thou may'st be certain it is the offspring of good; but when self-exaltation seemeth to be its aim, beware the impulse, as thou wouldst eschew the dictation of the great father of evil!" "i so consider it; and now having truly and sincerely disburdened my conscience, father, so far as in me lieth, may i hope for the church's consolation, with its absolution?" "canst thou think of naught else, son, that should not lie hid from before the keeper of all consciences?" "my sins are many, holy prior, and cannot be too often or too keenly rebuked; but i do think that they may be fairly included in the general heads that i have endeavored to recall." "hast thou nothing to charge thyself with, in connection with that sex that the devil as often useth as his tempters to evil, as the angels would fain employ them as the ministers of grace?" "i have erred as a man, father; but do not my confessions already meet those sins?" "hast thou bethought thee of doña beatriz enriquez? of thy son fernando, who tarrieth, at this moment, in our convent of la rabida?" columbus bowed his head in submission, and the heavy sigh, amounting almost to a groan, that broke out of his bosom, betrayed the weight of his momentary contrition. "thou say'st true, father; that is an offence which should never be forgotten, though so often shrived since its commission. heap on me the penance that i feel is due, and thou shalt see how a christian can bend and kiss the rod that he is conscious of having merited." "the spirit thus to do is all that the church requireth; and thou art now bent on a service too important to her interests to be drawn aside from thy great intentions, for any minor considerations. still may not a minister of the altar overlook the offence. thou wilt say a pater, daily, on account of this great sin, for the next twenty days, all of which will be for the good of thy soul; after which the church releaseth thee from this especial duty, as thou wilt, then, be drawing near to the land of cathay, and may have occasion for all thy thoughts and efforts to effect thy object." the worthy prior then proceeded to prescribe several light penances, most of which were confined to moderate increases of the daily duties of religion; after which he shrived the navigator. the turn of luis came next, and more than once the prior smiled involuntarily, as he listened to this hot-blooded and impetuous youth, whose language irresistibly carried back his thoughts to the more meek, natural, and the more gentle admissions of the pure-minded mercedes. the penance prescribed to luis was not entirely free from severity, though, on the whole, the young man, who was not much addicted to the duties of the confessional, fancied himself well quit of the affair, considering the length of the account he was obliged to render, and the weight of the balance against him. these duties performed in the persons of the two principal adventurers, martin alonzo pinzon and the ruder mariners of the expedition appeared before different priests and gave in the usual reckoning of their sins. after this came a scene that was strictly characteristic of the age, and which would be impressive and proper, in all times and seasons, for men about to embark in an undertaking of a result so questionable. high mass was said in the chapel of the convent, and columbus received the consecrated bread from the hands of fray juan perez, in humble reliance on the all-seeing providence of god, and with a devout dependence on his fostering protection. all who were about to embark with the admiral imitated his example, communing in his company; for that was a period when the wire-drawn conclusions of man had not yet begun so far to supplant the faith and practices of the earlier church as to consider its rites as the end of religion, but he was still content to regard them as its means. many a rude sailor, whose ordinary life might not have been either saintly or even free from severe censure, knelt that day at the altar, in devout dependence on god, with feelings, for the moment, that at least placed him on the highway to grace; and it would be presumptuous to suppose that the omniscient being to whom his offerings were made, did not regard his ignorance with commiseration, and even look upon his superstition with pity. we scoff at the prayers of those who are in danger, without reflecting that they are a homage to the power of god, and are apt to fancy that these passages in devotion are mere mockery, because the daily mind and the ordinary life are not always elevated to the same standard of godliness and purity. it would be more humble to remember the general infirmities of the race; to recollect, that as none are perfect, the question is reduced to one of degree; and to bear in mind, that the being who reads the heart, may accept of any devout petitions, even though they come from those who are not disposed habitually to walk in his laws. these passing but pious emotions are the workings of the spirit, since good can come from no other source; and it is as unreasonable as it is irreverent to imagine that the deity will disregard, altogether, the effects of his own grace, however humble. whatever may have been the general disposition of most of the communicants on this occasion, there is little doubt that there knelt at the altar of la rabida, that day, one in the person of the great navigator himself, who, as far as the eye could perceive, lived habitually in profound deference to the dogmas of religion, and who paid an undeviating respect to all its rites. columbus was not strictly a devotee; but a quiet, deeply seated enthusiasm, which had taken the direction of christianity, pervaded his moral system, and at all times disposed him to look up to the protecting hand of the deity and to expect its aid. the high aims that he entertained for the future have already been mentioned, and there is little doubt of his having persuaded himself that he had been set apart by providence as the instrument it designed to employ in making the great discovery on which his mind was so intently engaged, as well as in accomplishing other and ulterior purposes. if, indeed, an overruling power directs all the events of this world, who will presume to say that this conviction of columbus was erroneous, now that it has been justified by the result? that he felt this sentiment sustaining his courage and constantly urging him onward, is so much additional evidence in favor of his impression, since, under such circumstances, nothing is more probable than that an earnest belief in his destiny would be one of the means most likely to be employed by a supernatural power in inducing its human agent to accomplish the work for which he had actually been selected. let this be as it might, there is no doubt that colon observed the rites of the church, on the occasion named, with a most devout reliance on the truth of his mission, and with the brightest hopes as to its successful termination. not so, however, with all of his intended followers. their minds had wavered, from time to time, as the preparations advanced; and the last month had seen them eager to depart, and dejected with misgivings and doubts. although there were days of hope and brightness, despondency perhaps prevailed, and this so much the more because the apprehensions of mothers, wives, and of those who felt an equally tender interest in the mariners, though less inclined to avow it openly, were thrown into the scale by the side of their own distrust. gold, unquestionably, was the great aim of their wishes, and there were moments when visions of inexhaustible mines and of oriental treasures floated before their imaginations; at which times none could be more eager to engage in the mysterious undertaking, or more ready to risk their lives and hopes on its success. but these were fleeting impressions, and, as has just been said, despondency was the prevalent feeling among those who were about to embark. it heightened the devotion of the communicants, and threw a gloom over the chastened sobriety of the altar, that weighed heavily on the hearts of most assembled there. "our people seem none of the most cheerful, señor almirante," said luis, as they left the convent-chapel in company; "and, if truth must be spoken, one could wish to set forth on an expedition of this magnitude, better sustained by merry hearts and smiling countenances." "dost thou imagine, young count, that he hath the firmest mind who weareth the most smiling visage, or that the heart is weak because the countenance is sobered? these honest mariners bethink them of their sins, and no doubt are desirous that so holy an enterprise be not tainted by the corruption of their own hearts, but rather purified and rendered fitting, by their longings to obey the will of god. i trust, luis"--intercourse had given columbus a sort of paternal interest in the welfare of the young grandee, that lessened the distance made by rank between them--"i trust, luis, thou art not, altogether, without these pious longings in thine own person." "by san pedro, my new patron! señor almirante, i think more of mercedes de valverde, than of aught else, in this great affair. she is my polar star, my religion, my cathay. go on, in heaven's name, and discover what thou wilt, whether it be cipango or the furthest indies; beard the great khan on his throne, and i will follow in thy train, with a poor lance and an indifferent sword, swearing that the maid of castile hath no equal, and ransacking the east, merely to prove in the face of the universe that she is peerless, let her rivals come from what part of the earth they may." although columbus permitted his grave countenance slightly to relax at this rhapsody, he did not the less deem it prudent to rebuke the spirit in which it was uttered. "i grieve, my young friend," he said, "to find that thou hast not the feelings proper for one who is engaged, as it might be, in a work of heaven's own ordering. canst thou not foresee the long train of mighty and wonderful events that are likely to follow from this voyage--the spread of religion, through the holy church; the conquest of distant empires, with their submission to the sway of castile; the settling of disputed points in science and philosophy, and the attainment of inexhaustible wealth; with the last and most honorable consequence of all, the recovery of the sepulchre of the son of god, from the hands of the infidels!" "no doubt, señor colon--no doubt, i see them all, but i see the doña mercedes at their end. what care i for gold, who already possess--or shall so soon possess--more than i need? what is the extension of the sway of castile to me, who can never be its king? and as for the holy sepulchre, give me but mercedes, and, like my ancestors that are gone, i am ready to break a lance with the stoutest infidel who ever wore a turban, be it in that, or in any other quarrel. in short, señor almirante, lead on; and though we go forth with different objects and different hopes, doubt not that they will lead us to the same goal. i feel that you ought to be supported in this great and noble design, and it matters not what may bring me in your train." "thou art a mad-brained youth, luis, and must be humored, if it were only for the sake of the sweet and pious young maiden who seemeth to engross all thy thoughts." "you have seen her, señor, and can say whether she be not worthy to occupy the minds of all the youth of spain?" "she is fair, and virtuous, and noble, and a zealous friend of the voyage. these are all rare merits, and thou may'st be pardoned for thy enthusiasm in her behalf. but forget not, that, to win her, thou must first win a sight of cathay." "in the reality, you must mean, señor almirante; for, with the mind's eye, i see it keenly, constantly, and see little else, with mercedes standing on its shores, smiling a welcome, and, by st. paul! sometimes beckoning me on, with that smile that fires the soul with its witchery, even while it subdues the temper with its modesty. the blessed maria send us a wind, right speedily, that we may quit this irksome river and wearying convent!" columbus made no answer; for, while he had all consideration for a lover's impatience, his thoughts turned to subjects too grave, to be long amused even by a lover's follies. chapter xiii. "nor zayda weeps him only, but all that dwell between the great alhambra's palace walls and springs of albalein." bryant's translations. the instant of departure at length arrived. the moment so long desired by the genoese was at hand, and years of poverty, neglect, and of procrastination, were all forgotten at that blessed hour; or, if they returned in any manner to the constant memory, it was no longer with the bitterness of hope deferred. the navigator, at last, saw himself in the possession of the means of achieving the first great object for which he had lived the last fifteen years, with the hope, in perspective, of making the success of his present adventure the stepping-stone toward effecting the conquest of the holy sepulchre. while those around him were looking with astonishment at the limited means with which ends so great were to be attained, or were struck aghast at the apparent temerity of an undertaking that seemed to defy the laws of nature, and to set at naught the rules of providence, he had grown more tranquil as the time for sailing drew nearer, and his mind was oppressed merely by a feeling of intense, but of sobered, delight. fray juan perez whispered to luis, that he could best liken the joy of the admiral to the chastened rapture of a christian who was about to quit a world of woe, to enter on the untasted, but certain, fruition of blessed immortality. this, however, was far from being the state of mind of all in palos. the embarkation took place in the course of the afternoon of the 2d of august, it being the intention of the pilots to carry the vessels that day to a point off the town of huelvas, where the position was more favorable to making sail than when anchored in front of palos. the distance was trifling, but it was the commencement of the voyage, and, to many, it was like snapping the cords of life, to make even this brief movement. columbus, himself, was one of the last to embark, having a letter to send to the court, and other important duties to discharge. at length he quitted the convent, and, accompanied by luis and the prior, he, too, took his way to the beach. the short journey was silent, for each of the party was deeply plunged in meditation. never before this hour, did the enterprise seem so perilous and uncertain to the excellent franciscan. columbus was carefully recalling the details of his preparations, while luis was thinking of the maid of castile, as he was wont to term mercedes, and of the many weary days that must elapse before he could hope to see her again. the party stopped on the shore, in waiting for a boat to arrive, at a place where they were removed from any houses. there fray juan perez took his leave of the two adventurers. the long silence that all three had maintained, was more impressive than any ordinary discourse could have been; but it was now necessary to break it. the prior was deeply affected, and it was some little time before he could even trust his voice to speak. "señor christoval," he at length commenced, "it is now many years since thou first appeared at the gate of santa maria de rabida--years of friendship and pleasure have they proved to me." "it is full seven, fray juan perez," returned columbus--"seven weary years have they proved to me, as a solicitor for employment--years of satisfaction, father, in all that concerneth thee. think not that i can ever forget the hour, when, leading diego, houseless, impoverished, wanderers, journeying on foot, i stopped to tax the convent's charity for refreshment! the future is in the hands of god, but the past is imprinted here"--laying his hand on his heart--"and can never be forgotten. thou hast been my constant friend, holy prior, and that, too, when it was no credit to favor the nameless genoese. should my estimation ever change in men's opinions"-"nay, señor almirante, it hath changed already," eagerly interrupted the prior. "hast thou not the commission of the queen--the support of don fernando--the presence of this young noble, though still as an incognito--the wishes of all the learned? dost thou not go forth, on this great voyage, carrying with thee more of our hopes than of our fears?" "so far as thou art concerned, dear juan perez, this may be so. i feel that i have all thy best wishes for success; i know that i shall have thy prayers. few in spain, notwithstanding, will think of colon with respect, or hope, while we are wandering on the great desert of the ocean, beyond a very narrow circle. i fear me, that, even at this moment, when the means of learning the truth of our theories is in actual possession--when we stand, as it might be, on the very threshold of the great portal which opens upon the indies--that few believe in our chances of success." "thou hast doña isabella of thy side, señor!" "and doña mercedes!" put in luis; "not to speak of my decided and true-hearted aunt!" "i ask but a few brief months, señores," returned columbus, his face turned to heaven with uncovered head, his gray hair floating in the wind, and his eye kindling with the light of enthusiasm--"a few short months, that will pass away untold with the happy--that even the miserable may find supportable, but which to us will seem ages, must now dispose of this question. prior, i have often quitted the shore feeling that i carried my life in my hand, conscious of all the dangers of the ocean, and as much expecting death as a happy return; but at this glorious moment no doubts beset me; as for life, i know it is in the keeping of god's care; as for success, i feel it is in god's wisdom!" "these are comfortable sentiments, at so serious a moment, señor, and i devoutly hope the end will justify them. but, yonder is thy boat, and we must now part. señor, my son, thou knowest that my spirit will be with thee in this mighty undertaking." "holy prior, remember me in thy prayers. i am weak, and have need of this support. i trust much to the efficacy of thy intercessions, aided by those of thy pious brotherhood. thou wilt bestow on us a few masses?" "doubt us not, my friend; all that la rabida can do with the blessed virgin, or the saints, shall be exercised, without ceasing, in thy behalf. it is not given to man to foresee the events that are controlled by providence; and, though we deem this enterprise of thine so certain, and so reasonable, it may nevertheless fail." "it may _not_ fail, father; god hath thus far directed it, and he will not permit it to fail." "we know not, señor colon; our wisdom is but as a grain of mustard seed among the sands of this shore, as compared with his inscrutable designs. i was about to say, as it is possible thou may'st return a disappointed, a defeated man, that thou wilt still find the gate of santa maria open to thee; since, in our eyes, it is as meritorious to attempt nobly, as it is often, in the eyes of others, to achieve successfully." "i understand thee, holy prior; and the cup and the morsel bestowed on the young diego, were not more grateful than this proof of thy friendship! i would not depart without thy blessing." "kneel, then, señor; for, in this act it will not be juan perez de marchena that will speak, and pronounce, but the minister of god and the church. even these sands will be no unworthy spot to receive such an advantage." the eyes of both columbus and the prior were suffused with tears, for at that moment the heart of each was touched with the emotions natural to a moment so solemn. the first loved the last, because he had proved himself a friend when friends were few and timid; and the worthy monk had some such attachment for the great navigator as men are apt to feel for those they have cherished. each, also, respected and appreciated the other's motives, and there was a bond of union in their common reverence for the christian religion. columbus kneeled on the sands, and received the benediction of his friend, with the meek submission of faith, and with some such feelings of reverence as those with which a pious son would have listened to a blessing pronounced by a natural father. [illustration: "columbus kneeled on the sands, and received the benediction."] "and thou, young lord," resumed fray juan perez, with a husky voice--"thou, too, wilt be none the worse for the prayers of an aged churchman." like most of that age, luis, in the midst of his impetuous feelings, and youthful propensities, had enshrined in his heart an image of the son of god, and entertained an habitual respect for holy things. he knelt without hesitation, and listened to the trembling words of the priest with thankfulness and respect. "adieu, holy prior," said columbus, squeezing his friend's hand. "thou hast befriended me when others held aloof; but i trust in god that the day is not now distant, when those who have ever shown confidence in my predictions will cease to feel uneasiness at the mention of my name. forget us in all things but thy prayers, for a few short months, and then expect tidings that, of a verity, shall exalt castile to a point of renown which will render this conquest of granada but an incident of passing interest amid the glory of the reign of ferdinand and isabella!" this was not said boastfully, but with the quiet earnestness of one who saw a truth that was concealed from most eyes, and this with an intensity so great, that the effect on his moral vision produced a confidence equalling that which is the fruit of the evidence of the senses in ordinary men. the prior understood him, and the assurance thus given cheered the mind of the worthy franciscan long after the departure of his friend. they embraced and separated. by this time the boat of columbus had reached the shore. as the navigator moved slowly toward it, a youthful female rushed wildly past him and luis, and, regardless of their presence, she threw her arms around a young mariner who had quitted the boat to meet her, and sobbed for a minute on his bosom, in uncontrollable agony, or as women weep in the first outbreak of their emotions. "come, then, pepe," the young wife at length said, hurriedly, and with low earnestness, as one speaks who would fain persuade herself that denial was impossible--"come, pepe; thy boy hath wept for thee, and thou hast pushed this matter, already, much too far." "nay, monica," returned the husband, glancing his eye at columbus, who was already near enough to hear his words--"thou knowest it is by no wish of mine that i am to sail on this unknown voyage. gladly would i abandon it, but the orders of the queen are too strong for a poor mariner like me, and they must be obeyed." "this is foolish, pepe," returned the woman, pulling at her husband's doublet to drag him from the water-side--"i have had enough of this; sufficient to break my heart. come, then, and look again upon thy boy." "thou dost not see that the admiral is near, monica, and we are showing him disrespect." the habitual deference that was paid by the low to the high, induced the woman, for a moment, to pause. she looked imploringly at columbus, her fine dark eyes became eloquent with the feelings of a wife and mother, and then she addressed the great navigator, himself. "señor," she said, eagerly, "you can have no further need of pepe. he hath helped to carry your vessels to huelva, and now his wife and boy call for him at home." columbus was touched with the manner of the woman, which was not entirely without a show of that wavering of reason which is apt to accompany excessive grief, and he answered her less strongly than, at a moment so critical, he might otherwise have been disposed to do to one who was inciting to disobedience. "thy husband is honored in being chosen to be my companion in the great voyage," he said. "instead of bewailing his fate, thou wouldst act more like a brave mariner's wife, in exulting in his good fortune." "believe him not, pepe. he speaketh under the evil one's advice to tempt thee to destruction. he hath talked blasphemy, and belied the word of god, by saying that the world is round, and that one may sail east by steering west, that he might ruin thee and others, by tempting ye all to follow him!" "and why should i do this, good woman?" demanded the admiral. "what have i to gain by the destruction of thy husband, or by the destruction of any of his comrades?" "i know not--i care not--pepe is all to me, and he shall not go with you on this mad and wicked voyage. no good can come of a journey that is begun by belying the truths of god!" "and what particular evil dost thou dread, in this, more than in another voyage, that thou thus hang'st upon thy husband, and usest such discourse to one who beareth their highnesses' authority for that he doeth? thou knewest he was a mariner when thou wert wedded, and yet thou wouldst fain prevent him from serving the queen, as becometh his station and duty." "he may go against the moor, or the portuguese, or the people of inghleterra, but i would not that he voyage in the service of the prince of darkness. why tell us that the earth is round, señor, when our eyes show that it is flat? and if round, how can a vessel that hath descended the side of the earth for days, ever return? the sea doth not flow upward, neither can a caravel mount the waterfall. and when thou hast wandered about for months in the vacant ocean, in what manner wilt thou, and those with thee, ever discover the direction that must be taken to return whence ye all sailed? oh! señor, palos is but a little town, and once lost sight of in such a confusion of ideas, it will never be regained." "idle and childish as this may seem," observed columbus, turning quietly to luis, "it is as reasonable as much that i have been doomed to hear from the learned, during the last sixteen years. when the night of ignorance obscures the mind, the thoughts conjure arguments a thousand times more vain and frivolous than the phenomena of nature that it fancies so unreasonable. i will try the effect of religion on this woman, converting her present feelings on that head, from an enemy into an ally. monica," calling her kindly and familiarly by name, "art thou a christian?" "blessed maria! señor almirante, what else should i be? dost think pepe would have married a moorish girl?" "listen, then, to me, and learn how unlike a believer thou conductest. the moor is not the only infidel, but this earth groaneth with the burden of their numbers, and of their sins. the sands on this shore are not as numerous as the unbelievers in the single kingdom of cathay; for, as yet, god hath allotted but a small portion of the earth to those who have faith in the mediation of his son. even the sepulchre of christ is yet retained by infidel hands." "this have i heard, señor; and 'tis a thousand pities the faith is so weak in those who have vowed to obey the law, that so crying an evil hath never been cured!" "hast thou not been told that such is to be the fate of the world, for a time, but that light will dawn when the word shall pass, like the sound of trumpets, into the ears of infidels, and when the earth, itself, shall be but one vast temple, filled with the praises of god, the love of his name, and obedience to his will?" "señor, the good fathers of la rabida, and our own parish priests, often comfort us with these hopes." "and hast thou seen naught of late to encourage that hope--to cause thee to think that god is mindful of his people, and that new light is beginning to burst on the darkness of spain?" "pepe, his excellency must mean the late miracle at the convent, where they say that real tears were seen to fall from the eyes of the image of the holy maria, as she gazed at the child that lay on her bosom." "i mean not that," interrupted columbus, a little sternly, though he crossed himself, even while he betrayed dissatisfaction at the allusion to a miracle that was much too vulgar for his manly understanding--"i mean no such questionable wonder, which it is permitted us to believe, or not, as it may be supported by the church's authority. can thy faith and zeal point to no success of the two sovereigns, in which the power of god, as exercised to the advancement of the faith, hath been made signally apparent to believers?" "he meaneth the expulsion of the moor, pepe!" the woman exclaimed, glancing quickly toward her husband, with a look of pleasure, "that hath happened of late, they say, by conquering the city of granada; into which place, they tell me, doña isabella hath marched in triumph." "in that conquest, thou seest the commencement of the great acts of our time. granada hath now its churches; and the distant land of cathay will shortly follow her example. these are the doings of the lord, foolish woman; and in holding back thy husband from this great undertaking, thou hinderest him from purchasing a signal reward in heaven, and may unwittingly be the instrument of casting a curse, instead of a blessing, on that very boy, whose image now filleth thy thoughts more than that of his maker and redeemer." the woman appeared bewildered, first looking at the admiral, and then at her husband, after which she bowed her head low, and devoutly crossed herself. recovering from this self-abasement, she again turned toward columbus, demanding earnestly-"and you, señor--do you sail with the wish and hope of serving god?" "such is my principal aim, good woman. i call on heaven itself, to witness the truth of what i say. may my voyage prosper, only, as i tell thee naught but truth!" "and you, too, señor?" turning quickly to luis de bobadilla; "is it to serve god that you also go on this unusual voyage?" "if not at the orders of god, himself, my good woman, it is, at least, at the bidding of an angel!" "dost thou think it is so, pepe? have we been thus deceived, and has so much evil been said of the admiral and his motives, wrongfully?" "what hath been said?" quietly demanded columbus. "speak freely; thou hast naught to dread from my displeasure." "señor, you have your enemies, as well as another, and the wives, and mothers, and the betrothed of palos, have not been slow to give vent to their feelings. in the first place, they say that you are poor." "that is so true and manifest, good woman, it would be idle to deny it. is poverty a crime at palos?" "the poor are little respected, señor, in all this region. i know not why, for to me we seem to be as the rest, but few respect us. then they say, señor, that you are not a castilian, but a genoese." "this is also true; is that, too, a crime among the mariners of moguer, who ought to prize a people as much renowned for their deeds on the sea, as those of the superb republic?" "i know not, señor; but many hold it to be a disadvantage not to belong to spain, and particularly to castile, which is the country of doña isabella, herself; and how can it be as honorable to be a genoese as to be a spaniard? i should like it better were pepe to sail with one who is a spaniard, and that, too, of palos or moguer." "thy argument is ingenious, if not conclusive," returned columbus, smiling, the only outward exhibition of feeling he betrayed--"but cannot one who is both poor and a genoese serve god?" "no doubt, señor; and i think better of this voyage since i know your motive, and since i have seen you and spoken with you. still, it is a great sacrifice for a young wife to let her husband sail on an expedition so distrusted, and he the father of her only boy!" "here is a young noble, an only son, a lover, and that, too, of impetuous feelings, an only child withal, rich, honored, and able to go whither he will, who not only embarketh with me, but embarketh by the consent--nay, i had better say, by the orders of his mistress!" "is this so, señor?" the wife asked, eagerly. "so true, my good woman, that my greatest hopes depend on this voyage. did i not tell thee that i went at the bidding of an angel?" "ah! these young lords have seductive tongues! but, señor almirante, since such is your quality, they say, moreover, that to you this voyage can only bring honors and good, while it may bring misery and death on your followers. poor and unknown, it maketh you a high officer of the queen; and some think that the venetian galleys will be none the more heavily freighted, should you need them on the high seas." "and in what can all this harm thy husband? i go whithersoever he goeth, share his dangers, and expose life for life with him. if there is gold gained by the adventure, he will not be forgotten; and if heaven is made any nearer to us, by our dangers and hardships, pepe will not be a loser. at the last great reckoning, woman, we shall not be asked who is poor, or who is a genoese." "this is true, señor; and yet it is hard for a young wife to part from her husband. dost thou wish, in truth, to sail with the admiral, pepe?" "it matters little with me, monica; i am commanded to serve the queen, and we mariners have no right to question her authority. now i have heard his excellency's discourse, i think less of the affair than before." "if god is really to be served in this voyage," continued the woman, with dignity, "thou shouldst not be backward, more than another, my husband. señor, will you suffer pepe to pass the night with his family, on condition that he goeth on board the santa maria in the morning?" "what certainty have i that this condition will be respected?" "señor, we are both christians, and serve the same god--have been redeemed by the same saviour." "this is true, and i will confide in it. pepe, thou canst remain until the morning, when i shall expect thee at thy station. there will be oarsmen enough, without thee." the woman looked her thanks, and columbus thought he read an assurance of good faith in her noble spanish manner, and lofty look. as some trifling preparations were to be made before the boat could quit the shore, the admiral and luis paced the sands the while, engaged in deep discourse. "this hath been a specimen of what i have had to overcome and endure, in order to obtain even yonder humble means for effecting the good designs of providence," observed columbus, mournfully, though he spoke without acrimony. "it is a crime to be poor--to be a genoese--to be aught else than the very thing that one's judges and masters fancy themselves to be! the day will come, conde de llera, when genoa shall think herself in no manner disgraced, in having given birth to christofero colombo, and when your proud castile will be willing to share with her in the dishonor! thou little know'st, young lord, how far thou art on the road to renown, and toward high deeds, in having been born noble, and the master of large possessions. thou seest me, here, a man already stricken in years, with a head whitened by time and sufferings, and yet am i only on the threshold of the undertaking that is to give my name a place among those of the men who have served god, and advanced the welfare of their fellow-creatures." "is not this the course of things, señor, throughout the earth? do not those who find themselves placed beneath the level of their merits, struggle to rise to the condition to which nature intended them to belong, while those whom fortune hath favored through their ancestors, are too often content to live on honors that they have not themselves won? i see naught in this but the nature of man, and the course of the world." "thou art right, luis, but philosophy and fact are different matters. we may reason calmly on principles, when their application in practice causeth much pain. thou hast a frank and manly nature, young man; one that dreadeth neither the gibe of the christian, nor the lance of the moor, and wilt answer to any, in fearlessness and truth. a castilian thyself, dost _thou_, too, really think one of thy kingdom better than one of genoa?" "not when he of genoa is christoval colon, señor, and he of castile is only luis de bobadilla," answered the young man, laughing. "nay, i will not be denied--hast thou any such notion as this, which the wife of pepe hath so plainly avowed?" "what will you, señor christoval? man is the same in spain, that he is among the italians, or the english. is it not his besetting sin to think good of himself, and evil of his neighbor?" "a plain question that is loyally put, may not be answered with a truism, luis." "nor a civil, honest reply confounded with one that is evasive. we of castile are humble and most devout christians, by the same reason that we think ourselves faultless, and the rest of mankind notable sinners. by san iago, of blessed faith and holy memory! it is enough to make a people vain, to have produced such a queen as doña isabella, and such a maiden as mercedes de valverde!" "this is double loyalty, for it is being true to the queen and to thy mistress. with this must i satisfy myself, even though it be no answer. but, castilian though i am not, even the guzmans have not ventured on the voyage to cathay, and the house of trastamara may yet be glad to acknowledge its indebtedness to a genoese. god hath no respect to worldly condition, or worldly boundaries, in choosing his agents, for most of the saints were despised hebrews, while jesus, himself, came of nazareth. we shall see, we shall see, young lord, what three months will reveal to the admiration of mankind." "señor almirante, i hope and pray it may be the island of cipango and the realms of the great khan; should it not be so, we are men who can not only bear our toils, but who can bear our disappointments." "of disappointments in this matter, don luis, i look for none--now that i have the royal faith of isabella, and these good caravels to back me; the drudge who saileth from madeira to lisbon, is not more certain of gaining his port than i am certain of gaining cathay." "no doubt, señor colon, that what any navigator can do, you can do and will perform; nevertheless, disappointment would seem to be the lot of man, and it might be well for all of us to be prepared to meet it." "the sun that is just sinking beyond yon hill, luis, is not plainer before my eyes than this route to the indies. i have seen it, these seventeen years, distinct as the vessels in the river, bright as the polar star, and, i make little doubt, as faithfully. it is well to talk of disappointments, since they are the lot of man; and who can know this better than one that hath been led on by false hopes during all the better years of his life; now encouraged by princes, statesmen, and churchmen; and now derided and scoffed at as a vain projector, that hath neither reason nor fact to sustain him!" "by my new patron, san pedro! señor almirante, but you have led a most grievous life, for this last age, or so. the next three months will, indeed, be months of moment to you." "thou little know'st the calmness of conviction and confidence, luis," returned columbus, "if thou fanciest any doubts beset me as the hour of trial approacheth. this day is the happiest i have known, for many a weary year; for, though the preparations are not great, and our barks are but slight and of trifling bulk, yonder lie the means through which a light, that hath long been hid, is about to break upon the world, and to raise castile to an elevation surpassing that of any other christian nation." "thou must regret, señor colon, that it hath not been genoa, thy native land, that is now about to receive this great boon, after having merited it by generous and free gifts, in behalf of this great voyage." "this hath not been the least of my sorrows, luis. it is hard to desert one's own country, and to seek new connections, as life draweth to a close, though we mariners, perhaps, feel the tie less than those who never quit the land. but genoa would have none of me; and if the child is bound to love and honor the parent, so is the parent equally bound to protect and foster the child. when the last forgets its duty, the first is not to be blamed if it seek support wherever it may be found. there are limits to every human duty; those we owe to god alone, never ceasing to require their fulfilment, and our unceasing attention. genoa hath proved but a stern mother to me; and though naught could induce me to raise a hand against her, she hath no longer any claims on my service. besides, when the object in view is the service of god, it mattereth little with which of his creatures we league as instruments. one cannot easily hate the land of his birth, but injustice may lead him to cease to love it. the tie is mutual, and when the country ceaseth to protect person, character, property, or rights, the subject is liberated from all his duties. if allegiance goeth with protection, so should protection go with allegiance. doña isabella is now my mistress, and, next to god, her will i serve, and serve only. castile is henceforth my country." at this moment it was announced that the pinnace waited, and the two adventurers immediately embarked. it must have required all the deep and fixed convictions of an ardent temperament, to induce columbus to rejoice that he had, at length, obtained the means of satisfying his longings for discovery, when he came coolly to consider what those means were. the names of his vessels, the santa maria, the pinta, and the niña, have already been mentioned, and some allusions have been made to their size and construction. still, it may aid the reader in forming his opinions of the character of this great enterprise, if we give a short sketch of the vessels, more especially that in which columbus and luis de bobadilla were now received. she was, of course, the santa maria, a ship of nearly twice the burden of the craft next her in size. this vessel had been prepared with more care than the others, and some attention had been paid to the dignity and comfort of the admiral she was destined to carry. not only was she decked in, but a poop, or round-house, was constructed on her quarter-deck, in which he had his berth. no proper notion can be obtained of the appearance of the santa maria, from the taunt-rigged, symmetrical, and low-sterned ships of the present time; for, though the santa maria had both a poop and top-gallant-forecastle, as they would be termed to-day, neither was constructed in the snug and unobtrusive manner that is now used. the poop, or round-house, was called a castle, to which it had some fancied resemblance, while the top-gallant-forecastle, in which most of the people lived, was out of proportion large, rose like a separate structure on the bows of the vessel, and occupied about a third of the deck, from forward aft. to those who never saw the shipping that was used throughout europe, a century since, it will not be very obvious how vessels so small could rise so far above the water, in safety; but this difficulty may be explained; many very old ships, that had some of the peculiarities of this construction, existing within the memory of man, and a few having fallen under our own immediate inspection. the bearings of these vessels were at the loaded water-lines, or very little above them, and they tumbled home, in a way to reduce their beams on their poop decks nearly, if not quite, a fourth. by these precautions, their great height out of the water was less dangerous than might otherwise have been the case; and as they were uniformly short ships, possessing the advantages of lifting easily forward, and were, moreover, low-waisted, they might be considered safe in a sea, rather than the reverse. being so short, too, they had great beam for their tonnage, which, if not an element of speed, was at least one of security. although termed ships, these vessels were not rigged in the manner of the ships of the present day, their standing spars being relatively longer than those now in use, while their upper, or shifting spars, were much less numerous, and much less important than those which now point upward, like needles, toward the clouds. neither had a ship necessarily the same number of spars, in the fifteenth century, as belong to a ship in the nineteenth. the term itself, as it was used in all the southern countries of europe, being directly derived from the latin word _navis_, was applied rather as a generic than as a distinctive term, and by no means inferred any particular construction, or particular rig. the caravel was a ship, in this sense, though not strictly so, perhaps, when we descend to the more minute classification of seamen. much stress has been justly laid on the fact, that two of the vessels in this extraordinary enterprise were undecked. in that day, when most sea voyages were made in a direction parallel to the main coasts, and when even those that extended to the islands occupied but a very few days, vessels were seldom far from the land; and it was the custom of the mariners, a practice that has extended to our own times, in the southern seas of europe, to seek a port at the approach of bad weather. under such circumstances, decks were by no means as essential, either for the security of the craft, the protection of the cargo, or the comfort of the people, as in those cases in which the full fury of the elements must be encountered. nevertheless, the reader is not to suppose a vessel entirely without any upper covering, because she was not classed among those that were decked; even such caravels, when used on the high seas, usually possessing quarter-decks and forecastles, with connecting gangways; depending on tarpaulings, and other similar preventives, to exclude the wash of the sea from injuring their cargoes. after all these explanations, however, it must be conceded, that the preparations for the great undertaking of columbus, while the imaginations of landsmen probably aggravate their incompleteness, strike the experienced seaman as altogether inadequate to its magnitude and risks. that the mariners of the day deemed them positively insufficient is improbable, for men as accustomed to the ocean as the pinzons, would not have volunteered to risk their vessel, their money, and their persons, in an expedition that did not possess the ordinary means of security. chapter xiv. "o'er the glad waters of the dark blue sea, our thoughts as boundless, and our souls as free, far as the breeze can bear, the billows foam, survey our empire, and behold our home." byron. as columbus sought his apartment, soon after he reached the deck of the holy maria, luis had no farther opportunity to converse with him that night. he occupied a part of the same room, it is true, under the assumed appellation of the admiral's secretary; but the great navigator was so much engaged with duties necessary to be discharged previously to sailing, that he could not be interrupted, and the young man paced the narrow limits of the deck until near midnight, thinking, as usual, of mercedes, and of his return, when, seeking his mattress, he found columbus already buried in a deep sleep. the following day was friday; and it is worthy of remark, that the greatest and most successful voyage that has ever occurred on this globe, was commenced on a day of the week that seamen have long deemed to be so inauspicious to nautical enterprises, that they have often deferred sailing, in order to avoid the unknown, but dreaded consequences. luis was among the first who appeared again on deck, and casting his eyes upward, he perceived that the admiral was already afoot, and in possession of the summit of the high poop, or castle, whose narrow limits, indeed, were deemed sacred to the uses of the privileged, answering, in this particular, to the more extended promenade of the modern quarter-deck. here it was that he who directed the movements of a squadron, overlooked its evolutions, threw out his signals, made his astronomical observations, and sought his recreation in the open air. the whole space on board the santa maria might have been some fifteen feet in one direction, and not quite as much in the other, making a convenient look-out, more from its exclusion and retirement, than from its dimensions. as soon as the admiral--or don christoval, as he was now termed by the spaniards, since his appointment to his present high rank, which gave him the rights and condition of a noble--as soon as don christoval caught a glance of luis' eye, he made a sign for the young man to ascend and take a position at his side. although the expedition was so insignificant in numbers and force, not equalling, in the latter particular, the power of a single modern sloop of war, the authority of the queen, the gravity and mien of columbus himself, and, most of all, its own mysterious and unwonted object, had, from the first, thrown around it a dignity that was disproportioned to its visible means. accustomed to control the passions of turbulent men, and aware of the great importance of impressing his followers with a sense of his high station and influence with the court, columbus had kept much aloof from familiar intercourse with his subordinates, acting principally through the pinzons and the other commanders, lest he might lose some portion of that respect which he foresaw would be necessary to his objects. it needed not his long experience to warn him that men, crowded together in so small a space, could only be kept in their social and professional stations, by the most rigid observance of forms and decorum, and he had observed a due attention to these great requisites, in prescribing the manner in which his own personal service should be attended to, and his personal dignity supported. this is one of the great secrets of the discipline of a ship, for they who are incapable of reasoning, can be made to feel, and no man is apt to despise him who is well entrenched behind the usages of deference and reserve. we see, daily, the influence of an appellation, or a commission, even the turbulent submitting to its authority, when they might resist the same lawful commands issuing from an apparently less elevated source. "thou wilt keep much near my person, señor gutierrez," said the admiral, using the feigned name which luis affected to conceal under that of pedro de muños, as he knew a ship was never safe from eaves-droppers, and was willing that the young noble should pass as the gentleman of the king's bedchamber, "this is our station, and here we must remain much of our time, until god, in his holy and wise providence, shall have opened the way for us to cathay, and brought us near the throne of the great khan. here is our course, and along this track of pathless ocean it is my intention to steer." as columbus spoke, he pointed to a chart that lay spread before him on an arm-chest, passing a finger calmly along the line he intended to pursue. the coast of europe, in its general outlines, was laid down on this chart, with as much accuracy as the geographical knowledge of the day would furnish, and a range of land extended southward as far as guinea, all beyond which region was _terra incognita_ to the learned world at that time. the canaries and the azores, which had been discovered some generations earlier, occupied their proper places, while the western side of the atlantic was bounded by a fancied delineation of the eastern coast of india, or of cathay, buttressed by the island of cipango, or japan, and an archipelago, that had been represented principally after the accounts of marco polo and his relatives. by a fortunate misconception, cipango had been placed in a longitude that corresponded very nearly with that of washington, or some two thousand leagues east of the position in which it is actually to be found. this error of columbus, in relation to the extent of the circumference of the globe, in the end, most probably saved his hardy enterprise from becoming a failure. luis, for the first time since he had been engaged in the expedition, cast his eyes over this chart, with some curiosity, and he felt a noble desire to solve the great problem rising within him, as he thus saw, at a glance, all the vast results, as well as the interesting natural phenomena, that were dependent on the issue. "by san gennaro of napoli!" he exclaimed--the only affectation the young noble had, was a habit of invoking the saints of the different countries he had visited, and of using the little oaths and exclamations of distant lands, a summary mode of both letting the world know how far he had journeyed, as well as a portion of the improvement he had derived from his travels--"by san gennaro, señor don christoval, but this voyage will be one of exceeding merit, if we ever find our way across this great belt of water; and greater still, should we ever manage to return!" "the last difficulty is the one, at this moment, uppermost in the minds of most in this vessel," answered columbus. "dost thou not perceive, don luis, the grave and dejected countenances of the mariners, and hearest thou the wailings that are rising from the shore?" this remark caused the young man to raise his eyes from the chart, and to take a survey of the scene around him. the niña, a light felucca, in fact, was already under way, and brushing past them under a latine foresail, her sides thronged with boats filled with people, no small portion of whom were females and children, and most of whom were wringing their hands and raising piteous cries of despair. the pinta was in the act of being cast; and, although the authority of martin alonzo pinzon had the effect to render their grief less clamorous, her sides were surrounded by a similar crowd, while numberless boats plied around the santa maria herself; the authority and dignity of the admiral alone keeping them at a distance. it was evident that most of those who remained, fancied that they now saw their departing relations for the last time, while no small portion of those who were on the eve of sailing, believed they were on the point of quitting spain forever. "hast looked for pepe, this morning, among our people?" demanded columbus, the incident of the young sailor recurring to his thoughts, for the first time that morning; "if he prove false to his word, we may regard it as an evil omen, and have an eye on all our followers, while there is a chance of escape." "if his absence would be an omen of evil, señor almirante, his presence ought to be received as an omen of good. the noble fellow is on this yard, above our heads, loosening the sail." columbus turned his eyes upward, and there, indeed, was the young mariner in question, poised on the extreme and attenuated end of the latine yard, that ships even then carried on their after-masts, swinging in the wind while he loosened the gasket that kept the canvas in its folds. occasionally he looked beneath him, anxious to discover if his return had been noted; and, once or twice, his hands, usually so nimble, lingered in their employment, as he cast glances over the stern of the vessel, as if one also drew his attention in that quarter. columbus made a sign of recognition to the gratified young mariner, who instantly permitted the canvas to fall; and then he walked to the taffrail, accompanied by luis, in order to ascertain if any boat was near the ship. there, indeed, close to the vessel, lay a skiff, rowed by monica alone, and which had been permitted to approach so near on account of the sex of its occupant. the moment the wife of pepe observed the form of the admiral, she arose from her seat, and clasped her hands toward him, desirous, but afraid, to speak. perceiving that the woman was awed by the bustle, the crowd of persons, and the appearance of the ship, which she was almost near enough to touch with her hand, columbus addressed her. he spoke mildly, and his looks, usually so grave, and sometimes even stern, were softened to an expression of gentleness that luis had never before witnessed. "i see that thy husband hath been true to his promise, good woman," he said; "and i doubt not that thou hast told him it is wiser and better manfully to serve the queen, than to live under the disgrace of a runaway." "señor, i have. i give doña isabella my husband, without a murmur, if not cheerfully, now i know that you go forth to serve god. i see the wickedness of my repinings, and shall pray that he may be foremost, on all occasions, until the ears of the infidel shall be opened to the words of the true faith." "this is said like a spanish wife, and a christian woman! our lives are in the care of providence, and doubt not of seeing pepe, in health and safety, after he hath visited cathay, and done his share in its discovery." "ah! señor--when?" exclaimed the wife, unable, in spite of her assumed fortitude, and the strong feelings of religious duty, to suppress the impulses of a woman. "in god's time, my good--how art thou named?" "monica, señor almirante, and my husband is called pepe; and the boy, the poor, fatherless child, hath been christened juan. we have no moorish blood, but are pure spaniards, and i pray your excellency to remember it, on such occasions as may call for more dangerous duty than common." "thou may'st depend on my care of the father of juan," returned the admiral, smiling, though a tear glistened in his eye. "i, too, leave behind those that are dear to me as my own soul, and among others a motherless son. should aught serious befall our vessel, diego would be an orphan; whereas thy juan would at least enjoy the care and affection of her who brought him into the world." "señor, a thousand pardons!" said the woman, much touched by the feeling that was betrayed by the admiral in his voice. "we are selfish, and forget that others have sorrows, when we feel our own too keenly. go forth, in god's name, and do his holy will--take my husband with you; i only wish that little juan was old enough to be his companion." monica could utter no more, but dashing the tears from her eyes, she resumed the oars, and pulled the little skiff slowly, as if the inanimate machine felt the reluctance of the hands that propelled it, toward the land. the short dialogue just related, had been carried on in voices so loud as to be heard by all near the speakers; and when columbus turned from the boat, he saw that many of his crew had been hanging suspended in the rigging, or on the yards, eagerly listening to what had been said. at this precise instant the anchor of the santa maria was raised from the bottom, and the ship's head began to incline from the direction of the wind. at the next moment, the flap of the large square foresail that crafts of her rig then carried, was heard, and in the course of the next five minutes, the three vessels were standing slowly but steadily down the current of the odiel, in one of the arms of which river they had been anchored, holding their course toward a bar near its mouth. the sun had not yet risen, or rather it rose over the hills of spain, a fiery ball, just as the sails were set, gilding with a melancholy glory, a coast that not a few in the different vessels apprehended they were looking upon for the last time. many of the boats clung to the two smaller craft until they reached the bar of saltes, an hour or two later, and some still persevered until they began to toss in the long waves of the breathing ocean, when, the wind being fresh at the west, they reluctantly cast off, one by one, amid sighs and groans. the liberated ships, in the meanwhile, moved steadily into the blue waters of the shoreless atlantic, like human beings silently impelled by their destinies toward fates that they can neither foresee, control, nor avoid. the day was fine, and the wind both brisk and fair. thus far the omens were propitious; but the unknown future threw a cloud over the feelings of a large portion of those who were thus quitting, in gloomy uncertainty, all that was most dear to them. it was known that the admiral intended making the best of his way toward the canaries, thence to enter on the unknown and hitherto untrodden paths of the desert ocean that lay beyond. those who doubted, therefore, fixed upon those islands as the points where their real dangers were to commence, and already looked forward to their appearance in the horizon, with feelings akin to those with which the guilty regard the day of trial, the condemned the morning of execution, or the sinner the bed of death. many, however, were superior to this weakness, having steeled their nerves and prepared their minds for any hazards, though the feelings of nearly all fluctuated; there being hours when hope, and anticipations of success, seemed to cheer the entire crews; and then, moments would occur, in which the disposition was to common doubts, and a despondency that was nearly general. a voyage to the canaries or the azores, in that age, was most probably to be classed among the hardiest exploits of seamen. the distance was not as great, certainly, as many of their more ordinary excursions, for vessels frequently went, even in the same direction, as far as the cape de verdes; but all the other european passages lay along the land, and in the mediterranean the seaman felt that he was navigating within known limits, and was apt to consider himself as embayed within the boundaries of human knowledge. on the contrary, while sailing on the broad atlantic, he was, in some respects, placed in a situation resembling that of the æronaut, who, while floating in the higher currents of the atmosphere, sees beneath him the earth as his only alighting place, the blue void of untravelled space stretching in all other directions about him. the canary isles were known to the ancients. juba, the king of mauritania, who was a contemporary of cæsar, is said to have described them with tolerable accuracy, under the general name of the fortunate isles. the work itself has been lost, but the fact is known through the evidence of other writers; and by the same means it is known that they possessed, even in that remote age, a population that had made some respectable advances toward civilization. but in the process of time, and during the dark period that succeeded the brightness of the roman sway, even the position of these islands was lost to the europeans; nor was it again ascertained until the first half of the fourteenth century, when they were discovered by certain fugitive spaniards who were hard pressed by the moors. after this, the portuguese, then the most hardy navigators of the known world, got possession of one or two of them, and made them the starting points for their voyages of discovery along the coast of guinea. as the spaniards reduced the power of the mussulmans, and regained their ancient sway in the peninsula, they once more turned their attention in this direction, conquering the natives of several of the other islands, the group belonging equally to those two christian nations, at the time of our narrative. luis de bobadilla, who had navigated extensively in the more northern seas, and who had passed and repassed the mediterranean in various directions, knew nothing of these islands except by report; and as they stood on the poop, columbus pointed out to him their position, and explained their different characters; relating his intentions in connection with them, dwelling on the supplies they afforded, and on their facilities as a point of departure. "the portuguese have profited much by their use of these islands," said columbus, "as a place for victualling, and wooding, and watering, and i see no reason why castile may not, now, imitate their example, and receive her share of the benefits. thou seest how far south our neighbors have penetrated, and what a trade and how much riches are flowing into lisbon through these noble enterprises, which, notwithstanding, are but as a bucket of water in the ocean, when compared with the wealth of cathay and all the mighty consequences that are to follow from this western voyage of ours." "dost thou expect to reach the territories of the great khan, don christoval," demanded luis, "within a distance as small as that to which the portuguese hath gone southwardly?" the navigator looked warily around, to ascertain who might hear his words, and finding that no one was within reach of the sound of his voice while he used a proper caution, he lowered its tones, and answered in a manner which greatly flattered his young companion, as it proved that the admiral was disposed to treat him with the frankness and confidence of a friend. "thou know'st, don luis," the navigator resumed, "the nature of the spirits with whom we have to deal. i shall not even be certain of their services, so long as we continue near the coast of europe; for naught is easier than for one of yonder craft to abandon me in the night, and to seek a haven on some known coast, seeking his justification in some fancied necessity." "martin alonzo is not a man to do that ignoble and unworthy act!" interrupted luis. "he is not, my young friend, for a motive as base as fear," returned columbus, with a sort of thoughtful smile, which showed how truly and early he had dived into the real characters of those with whom he was associated. "martin alonzo is a bold and intelligent navigator, and we may look for good service at his hands, in all that toucheth resolution and perseverance. but the eyes of the pinzons cannot be always open, and the knowledge of all the philosophers of the earth could make no resistance against the headlong impetuosity of a crew of alarmed mutineers. i do not feel certain of our own people while there is a hope of easy return; much less of men who are not directly under my own eye and command. the question thou hast asked, luis, may not, therefore, be publicly answered, since the distance we are about to sail over would frighten our easily alarmed mariners. thou art a cavalier; a knight of known courage, and may be depended on; and i may tell thee, without fear of arousing any unworthy feeling, that the voyage on which we are now fairly embarked, hath never had a precedent on this earth, for its length, or for the loneliness of its way." "and yet, señor, thou enterest on it with the confidence of a man certain of reaching his haven?" "luis, thou hast well judged my feelings. as to all those common dreads of descents, and ascents, of the difficulties of a return, and of reaching the margin of the world, whence we may glide off into space, neither thou, nor i, shall be much subjected." "by san iago! señor don christoval, i have no very settled notions about these things. i have never known of any one who hath slidden off the earth into the air, it is true, nor do i much think that such a slide is likely to befall us and our good ships; but, on the other hand, we have as yet only doctrine to prove that the earth is round, and that it is possible to journey east, by sailing west. on these subjects, then, i hold myself neuter; while, at the same time, thou may'st steer direct for the moon, and luis de bobadilla will be found at thy side." "thou makest thyself less expert in science, mad-brained young noble, than is either true or necessary; but we will say no more of this, at present. there will be sufficient leisure to make thee familiar with all my intricate reasons and familiar motives. and is not this, don luis, a most heavenly sight? here am i in the open ocean, honored by the two sovereigns with the dignity of their viceroy and admiral; with a fleet that is commissioned by their highnesses to carry the knowledge of their power and authority to the uttermost parts of the earth; and, most of all, to raise the cross of our blessed redeemer before the eyes of infidels, who have never yet even heard his name, or, if they have, reverence it as little as a christian would reverence the idols of the heathens!" this was said with the calm but deep enthusiasm that colored the entire character of the great navigator, rendering him, at times, equally the subject of distrust and of profound respect. on luis, as, indeed, on most others who lived in sufficient familiarity with the man to enable them to appreciate his motives, and to judge correctly of the uprightness of his views, the effect, however, was always favorable, and probably would have been so had mercedes never existed. the young man, himself, was not entirely without a tinge of enthusiasm, and, as is ever the case with the single-minded and generous, he best knew how to regard the impulses of those who were influenced by similar qualities. this answer was consequently in accordance with the feelings of the admiral, and they remained on the poop several hours, discoursing of the future, with the ardor of those who hoped for every thing, but in a manner too discursive and general to render a record of the dialogue easy or necessary. it was eight o'clock in the morning when the vessels passed the bar of saltes, and the day had far advanced before the navigators had lost sight of the familiar eminences that lay around palos, and the other well-known land-marks of the coast. the course was due south, and, as the vessels of that day were lightly sparred, and spread comparatively very little canvas, when considered in connection with the more dashing navigation of our own times, the rate of sailing was slow, and far from promising a speedy termination to a voyage that all knew must be long without a precedent, and which so many feared could never have an end. two marine leagues, of three english miles, an hour, was good progress for a vessel at that day, even with a fresh and favorable wind; though there are a few memorable days' works set down by columbus himself, which approach to a hundred and sixty miles in the twenty-four hours, and which are evidently noted as a speed of which a mariner might well be proud. in these days of locomotion and travelling, it is scarcely necessary to tell the intelligent reader this is but a little more than half the distance that is sailed over by a fast ship, under similar circumstances, and in our own time. thus the sun set upon the adventurers, in this celebrated voyage, when they had sailed with a strong breeze, to use the words of columbus' own record, some eleven hours, after quitting the bar. by this time, they had made good less than fifty miles, in a due south course from the place of their departure. the land in the neighborhood of palos had entirely sunk behind the watery margin of the ocean, in that direction, and the coast trending eastward, it was only here and there that the misty summits of a few of the mountains of seville could just be discovered by the experienced eyes of the older mariners, as the glowing ball of the sun sunk into the watery bed of the western horizon, and disappeared from view. at this precise moment, columbus and luis were again on the poop, watching, with melancholy interest, the last shadows cast by spanish land, while two seamen were at work near them, splicing a rope that had been chafed asunder. the latter were seated on the deck, and as, out of respect to the admiral, they had taken their places a little on one side, their presence was not at first noted. "there setteth the sun beneath the waves of the wide atlantic, señor gutierrez," observed the admiral, who was ever cautious to use one or the other of luis' feigned appellations, whenever any person was near. "there the sun quitteth us, pero, and in his daily course i see a proof of the globular form of the earth; and of the truth of a theory which teacheth us that cathay may be reached by the western voyage." "i am ever ready to admit the wisdom of all your plans, expectations, and thoughts, señor don christoval," returned the young man, punctiliously observant of respect, both in speech and manner; "but i confess i cannot see what the daily course of the sun has to do with the position of cathay, or with the road that leads to it. we know that the great luminary travelleth the heavens without ceasing, that it cometh up out of the sea in the morning, and goeth down to its watery bed at night; but this it doth on the coast of castile, as well as on that of cathay; and, therefore, to me it doth appear, that no particular inference, for or against our success, is to be drawn from the circumstance." as this was said, the two sailors ceased working, looking curiously up into the face of the admiral, anxious to hear his reply. by this movement luis perceived that one was pepe, to whom he gave a nod of recognition, while the other was a stranger. the last had every appearance of a thorough-bred seaman of that period, or of being, what would have been termed in english, and the more northern languages of europe, a regular "sea-dog;" a term that expresses the idea of a man so completely identified with the ocean by habit, as to have had his exterior, his thoughts, his language, and even his morality, colored by the association. this sailor was approaching fifty, was short, square, athletic, and still active, but there was a mixture of the animal with the intellectual creature about his coarse, heavy features, that is very usual in the countenances of men of native humor and strong sense, whose habits have been coarse and sensual. that he was a prime seaman, columbus knew at a glance, not only from his general appearance, but from his occupation, which was such as only fell to the lot of the most skilful men of every crew. "i reason after this fashion, señor," answered the admiral, as soon as his eye turned from the glance that he, too, had thrown upon the men; "the sun is not made to journey thus around the earth without a sufficient motive, the providence of god being ruled by infinite wisdom. it is not probable that a luminary so generous and useful should be intended to waste any of its benefits; and we are certain already that day and night journey westward over this earth as far as it is known to us, whence i infer that the system is harmonious, and the benefits of the great orb are unceasingly bestowed on man, reaching one spot on the earth as it quits another. the sun that hath just left us is still visible in the azores, and will be seen again at smyrna, and among the grecian islands, an hour, or more, before it again meets our eyes. nature hath designed naught for uselessness; and i believe that cathay will be enlightened by that ball which hath just left us, while we shall be in the deepest hour of the night, to return by its eastern path, across the great continent of asia, and to greet us again in the morning. in a word, friend pedro, that which sol is now doing with such nimble speed in the heavens, we are more humbly imitating in our own caravels; give us sufficient time, and we, too, might traverse the earth, coming in from our journey by the land of the tartars and the persians." "from all of which you infer that the world is round, wherein we are to find the certainty of our success?" "this is so true, señor de muños, that i should be sorry to think any man who now saileth under my command did not admit it. here are two seamen who have been listening to our discourse, and we will question them, that we may know the opinions of men accustomed to the ocean. thou art the husband with whom i held discourse on the sands, the past evening, and thy name is pepe?" "señor almirante, your excellency's memory doth me too much honor, in not forgetting a face that is altogether unworthy of being noticed and remembered." "it is an honest face, friend, and no doubt speaketh for a true heart. i shall count on thee as a sure support, let things go as they may." "his excellency hath not only a right to command me, as her highness' admiral, but he hath now the good-will of monica, and that is much the same as having gained her husband." "i thank thee, honest pepe, and shall count on thee, with certainty, in future," answered columbus, turning toward the other seaman--"and thou, shipmate--thou hast the air of one that the sight of troubled water will not alarm--thou hast a name?" "that i have, noble admiral," returned the fellow, looking up with a freedom that denoted one used to have his say; "though it hath neither a don, nor a señor, to take it in tow. my intimates commonly call out sancho, when pressed for time, and when civility gets the better of haste, they add mundo, making sancho mundo for the whole name of a very poor man." "mundo is a large name for so small a person," said the admiral, smiling, for he foresaw the expediency of having friends among his crew, and knew men sufficiently to understand that, while undue familiarity undermined respect, a little unbending had a tendency to win hearts. "i wonder that thou shouldst venture to wear a sound so lofty!" "i tell my fellows, your excellency, that mundo is my title, and not my name; but that i am greater than kings, even, who are content to take their titles from a part of that, of which i bear all." "and were thy father and thy mother called mundo, also? or, is this name taken in order to give thee an occasion to show thy smartness, when questioned by thy officers?" "as for the good people you deign to mention, señor don almirante, i shall leave them to answer for themselves, and that for the simple reason that i do not know how they were called, or whether they had any names at all. they tell me i was found, when a few hours old, under a worn-out basket at the ship-yard gate of old"-"never mind the precise spot, friend sancho--thou wert found with a basket for a cradle, and that maketh a volume in thy history, at once." "nay, excellency, i would not leave the spot a place of dispute hereafter--but it shall be as you please. they say no one here knoweth exactly where we are going, and it will be more suitable that the like ignorance should rest over the places whence we came. but having the world before me, they that christened me gave me as much of it as was to be got by a name." "thou hast been long a mariner, sancho mundo--if mundo thou wilt be." "so long, señor, that it sickeneth me, and taketh away the appetite to walk on solid ground. being so near the gate, it was no great matter to put me into the ship-yard, and i was launched one day in a caravel, and got to sea in her, no one knows how. from that time i have submitted to fate, and go out again, as soon as possible, after i come into port." "and by what lucky chance have i obtained thy services, good sancho, in this great expedition?" "the authorities of moguer took me under the queen's order, your excellency, thinking that this voyage would be more to my mind than another, as it was likely never to have an end." "art thou a compelled adventurer, on this service?" "not i, señor don almirante, although they who sent me here fancy as much. it is natural for a man to wish to see his estates, once in his life, and i am told that we are bound on a voyage to the other side of the world. god forbid that i should hold aloof, on such an occasion." "thou art a christian, sancho, and hast a desire to aid in carrying the cross among the heathen?" "señor, your excellency, don almirante, it matters little to sancho with what the barque is laden, so that she do not need much pumping, and that the garlic is good. if i am not a very devout christian, it is the fault of them that found me near the ship-yard gate, since the church and the font are both within call from that very spot. i know that pepe, here, is a christian, señor, for i saw him in the arms of the priest, and i doubt not that there are old men at moguer who can testify to as much in my behalf. at all hazards, noble admiral, i will take on myself to say that i am neither jew, nor mussulman." "sancho, thou hast that about thee, that bespeakest a skilful and bold mariner." "for both of these qualities, señor don colon, let others speak. when the gale cometh, your own eyes may judge of the first; and when the caravel shall reach the edge of the earth, whither some think it is bound, there will be a good occasion to see who can, and who cannot, look off without trembling." "it is enough: i count both thee and pepe as among my truest followers." as columbus said this, he walked away, resuming the dignified gravity that usually was seated in his countenance, and which so much aided his authority, by impressing the minds of others with respect. in a few minutes he and luis descended to their cabin. "i marvel, sancho," said pepe, as soon as he and his messmate were left alone on the poop, "that thou wilt venture to use thy tongue so freely, even in the presence of one that beareth about with him the queen's authority! dost thou not fear to offend the admiral?" "so much for having a wife and a child! canst thou not make any difference between them that have had ancestors and who have descendants, and one that hath no other tie in the world than his name? the señor don almirante is either an exceeding great man, and chosen by providence to open the way into the unknown seas of which he speaketh; or he is but a hungry genoese, that is leading us he knoweth not whither, that he may eat, and drink, and sleep, in honor, while we are toiling at his heels, like patient mules dragging the load that the horse despiseth. in the one case, he is too great and exalted to heed idle words; and in the other, what is there too bad for a castilian to tell him?" "ay, thou art fond of calling thyself a castilian, in spite of the ship-yard and the basket, and notwithstanding moguer is in seville." "harkee, pepe; is not the queen of castile our mistress? and are not subjects--true and lawful subjects, i mean, like thee and me--are not such subjects worthy of being the queen's countrymen? never disparage thyself, good pepe, for thou wilt ever find the world ready enough to do that favor for thee. as to this genoese, he shall be either friend or enemy to sancho; if the first, i expect much consolation from it; if the last, let him hunt for his cathay till doomsday, he shall be never the wiser." "well, sancho, if words can mar a voyage, or make a voyage, thou art a ready mariner; none know how to discourse better than thou." here the men both rose, having completed their work, and they left the poop, descending among the rest of the crew. columbus had not miscalculated his aim, his words and condescension having produced a most favorable effect on the mind of sancho mundo, for so the man was actually called; and in gaining one of as ready a wit and loose a tongue for a friend, he obtained an ally who was not to be despised. of such materials, and with the support of such instruments as this, is success too often composed; it being possible for the discovery of a world, even, to depend on the good word of one less qualified to influence opinions than sancho mundo. chapter xv. "while you here do snoring lie, open-ey'd conspiracy his time doth take: if of life you keep a care, shake off slumber, and beware; awake! awake!" ariel. the wind continuing fair, the three vessels made good progress in the direction of the canaries; sunday, in particular, proving a propitious day, the expedition making more than one hundred and twenty miles in the course of the twenty-four hours. the wind still continued favorable, and on the morning of monday, the 6th of august, columbus was cheerfully conversing with luis, and one or two other companions who were standing near him on the poop, when the pinta was seen suddenly to take in her forward sails, and to come up briskly, not to say awkwardly, to the wind. this manoeuvre denoted some accident, and the santa maria fortunately having the advantage of the wind, immediately edged away to speak her consort. "how now, señor martin alonzo," hailed the admiral, as the two caravels came near enough together to speak each other. "for what reason hast thou so suddenly paused in thy course?" "fortune would have it so, señor don christoval, seeing that the rudder of the good caravel hath broken loose, and we must fain secure it ere we may again trust ourselves to the breeze." a severe frown came over the grave countenance of the great navigator, and after bidding martin alonzo do his best to repair the damage, he paced the deck, greatly disturbed, for several minutes. observing how much the admiral took this accident to heart, the rest descended to the deck below, leaving columbus alone with the pretended groom of the king's chamber. "i trust, señor, this is no serious injury, or one in any way likely to retard our advance," said luis, after manifesting that respect which all near him felt for the admiral, by a pause. "i know honest martin alonzo to be a ready seaman, and should think his expedients might easily serve to get us as far as the canaries, where greater damages can meet with their remedies." "thou say'st true, luis, and we will hope for the best. i feel regret the sea is so high that we can offer no assistance to the pinta, but martin alonzo is, indeed, an expert mariner, and on his ingenuity we must rely. my concern, however, hath another and a deeper source than the unloosing of this rudder, serious as such an injury ever is to a vessel at sea. thou know'st that the pinta hath been furnished to the service of the queen, under the order claiming the forfeited duty from the delinquents of palos, and sorely against the will of the caravel's owners hath the vessel been taken. now these persons, gomez rascon and christoval quintero, are on board her, and, i question not, have designed this accident. their artifices were practised long, to our delay, before quitting the haven, and, it would seem, are to be continued to our prejudice here on the open ocean." "by the allegiance i owe the doña isabella! señor don christoval, but i would find a speedy cure for such a treason, if the office of punishment rested with me. let me jump into the skiff and repair to the pinta, where i will tell these masters rascon and quintero, that should their rudder ever dare to break loose again, or should any other similar and untoward accident chance to arrive, the first shall be hanged at the yard of his own caravel, and the last be cast into the sea to examine into the state of her bottom, the rudder included." "we may not practice such high authority without great occasion and perfect certainty of guilt. i hold it to be wiser to seek another caravel at the canaries, for, by this accident, i well see we shall not be rid of the artifices of the two owners, until we are rid of their vessel. it will be hazardous to launch the skiff in this sea, or i would proceed to the pinta myself; but as it is, let us have confidence in martin alonzo and his skill." columbus thus encouraged the people of the pinta to exert themselves, and in about an hour or two, the three vessels were again making the best of their way toward the canaries. notwithstanding the delay, nearly ninety miles were made good in the course of the day and night. but the following morning the rudder again broke loose, and, as the damage was more serious than in the former instance, it was still more difficult to repair. these repeated accidents gave the admiral great concern, for he took them to be so many indications of the disaffection of his followers. he fully determined, in consequence, to get rid of the pinta, if it were possible to find another suitable vessel among the islands. as the progress of the vessels was much retarded by the accident, although the wind continued favorable, the expedition only got some sixty miles, this day, nearer to its place of destination. on the following morning, the three vessels came within hail of each other; and a comparison of the nautical skill of the different navigators, or pilots, as it was then the custom to style them, took place, each offering his opinion as to the position of the vessels. it was not the least of the merits of columbus, that he succeeded in his great experiment with the imperfect aid of the instruments then in use. the mariner's compass, it is true, had been in common service quite a century, if not longer, though its variations--a knowledge of which is scarcely less important in long voyages than a knowledge of the instrument itself--were then unknown to seamen, who seldom ventured far enough from the land to note these mysteries of nature, and who, as a class, still relied almost as much on the ordinary position of the heavenly bodies to ascertain their routes, as on the nicer results of calculation. columbus, however, was a striking exception to this little-instructed class, having made himself thoroughly acquainted with all the learning of the period that could be applied in his profession, or which might aid him in effecting the great purpose for which alone he now seemed to live. as might be expected, the comparison resulted altogether in the admiral's favor, the pilots in general being soon convinced that he alone knew the true position of the vessels, a fact that was soon unanswerably determined by the appearance of the summits of the canaries, which hove up out of the ocean, in a south-easterly direction, resembling well-defined dark clouds clustering in the horizon. as objects like these are seen at a great distance at sea, more especially in a transparent atmosphere, and the wind became light and variable, the vessels, notwithstanding, were unable to reach grand canary until thursday, the 8th of august, or nearly a week after they had left palos. there they all ran in, and anchored in the usual haven. columbus immediately set about making an inquiry for another caravel, but, proving unsuccessful, he sailed for gomera, where he believed it might be easier to obtain the craft he wanted. while the admiral was thus employed with the santa maria and the niña, martin alonzo remained in port, being unable to keep company in the crippled condition of the pinta. but no suitable vessel being found, columbus reluctantly returned to grand canary, and, after repairing the pinta, which vessel was badly caulked, among the other devices that had been adopted to get her freed from the service, he sailed again for gomera, from which island he was to take his final departure. during these several changes, a brooding discontent began to increase among most of the common mariners, while some even of a higher class, were not altogether free from the most melancholy apprehensions for the future. while passing from grand canary to gomera, with all his vessels, columbus was again at his post, with luis and his usual companions near him, when the admiral's attention was drawn to a conversation that took place between a group of the men, who had collected near the main-mast. it was night, and there being little wind, the voices of the excited disputants reached further than they themselves were aware. "i tell thee, pepe," said the most vociferous and most earnest of the speakers, "that the night is not darker than the future of this crew. look to the west, and what dost see there? who hath ever heard of land, after he hath quitted the azores; and who is so ignorant as not to know that providence hath placed water around all the continents, with a few islands as stopping-places for mariners, and spread the broad ocean beyond, with an intention to rebuke an over-eager curiosity to pry into matters that savor more of miracles than of common worldly things?" "this is well, pero," answered pepe; "but i know that monica thinks the admiral is sent of god, and that we may look forward to great discoveries, through his means; and most especially to the spreading of religion among the heathens." "ay, thy monica should have been in doña isabella's seat, so learned and positive is she in all matters, whether touching her own woman's duties, or thine own. she is _thy_ queen, pepe, as all in moguer will swear; and there are some who say she would gladly govern the port, as she governeth thee." "say naught against the mother of my child, pero," interrupted pepe, angrily. "i can bear thy idle words against myself, but he that speaketh ill of monica will have a dangerous enemy." "thou art bold of speech, pero, when away a hundred leagues from thine own better nine-tenths," put in a voice that columbus and luis both knew, on the instant, to belong to sancho mundo, "and art bold enough to jeer pepe touching monica, when we all well know who commandeth in a certain cabin, where thou art as meek as a hooked dolphin, whatever thou may'st be here. but, enough of thy folly about women; let us reason upon our knowledge as mariners, if thou wilt; instead of asking questions of one like pepe, who is too young to have had much experience, i offer myself as thy catechist." "what hast _thou_, then, to say about this unknown land that lieth beyond the great ocean, where man hath never been, or is at all likely to go, with followers such as these?" "i have this to say, silly and idle-tongued pero--that the time was when even the canaries were unknown; when mariners did not dare to pass the straits, and when the portuguese knew nothing of their mines and guinea, lands that i myself have visited, and where the noble don christoval hath also been, as i know on the testimony of mine own eyes." "and what hath guinea, or what have the mines of the portuguese to do with this western voyage? all know that there is a country called africa; and what is there surprising that mariners should reach a land that is known to exist; but who knoweth that the ocean hath other continents, any more than that the heavens have other earths?" "this is well, pero," observed an attentive by-stander; "and sancho will have to drain his wits to answer it." "it is well for those who wag their tongues, like women, without thought of what they say," coolly returned sancho, "but will have little weight with doña isabella, or don almirante. harkee, pero, thou art like one that hath trodden the path between palos and moguer so often, that thou fanciest there is no road to seville or granada. there must be a beginning to all things; and this voyage is, out of doubt, the beginning of voyages to cathay. we go west, instead of east, because it is the shorter way; and because, moreover, it is the _only_ way for a caravel. now, answer me, messmate; is it possible for a craft, let her size or rig be what it may, to pass over the hills and valleys of a continent--i mean under her canvas, and by fair sailing?" sancho waited for a reply, and received a common and complete admission of the impossibility of the thing. "then cast your eyes at the admiral's chart, in the morning, as he keepeth it spread before him on the poop, yonder, and you will see that there is land from one pole to the other, on each side of the atlantic, thereby rendering navigation impossible, in any other direction than this we are now taking. the notion of pero, therefore, runs in the teeth of nature." "this is so true, pero," exclaimed another, the rest assenting, "that thy mouth ought to be shut." but pero had a mouth that was not very easily closed; and it is probable that his answer would have been to the full as acute and irrefutable as that of sancho, had not a common exclamation of alarm and horror burst from all around him. the night was sufficiently clear to permit the gloomy outlines of the peak of teneriffe to be distinctly visible, even at some distance; and, just at that moment, flashes of flame shot upward from its pointed summit, illuminating, at instants, the huge pile, and then leaving it in shadowy darkness, an object of mystery and terror. many of the seamen dropped on their knees and began to tell their beads, while all, as it might be instinctively, crossed themselves. next arose a general murmur; and in a few minutes, the men who slept were awoke, and appeared among their fellows, awe-struck and astounded spectators of the phenomenon. it was soon settled that the attention of the admiral should be drawn to this strange event, and pero was selected for the spokesman. all this time, columbus and his companions remained on the poop, and, as might have been expected, this unlooked-for change in the appearance of the peak had not escaped their attention. too enlightened to be alarmed by it, they were watching the workings of the mountain, when pero, accompanied by nearly every sailor in the vessel, appeared on the quarter-deck. silence having been obtained, pero opened the subject of his mission with a zeal that was not a little stimulated by his fears. "señor almirante," he commenced, "we have come to pray your excellency to look at the summit of the island of teneriffe, where we all think we see a solemn warning against persevering in sailing into the unknown atlantic. it is truly time for men to remember their weakness, and how much they owe to the goodness of god, when even the mountains vomit flames and smoke!" "have any here ever navigated the mediterranean, or visited the island of which don ferdinand, the honored consort of our lady the queen, is master?" demanded columbus, calmly. "señor don almirante," hastily answered sancho, "i have done so, unworthy as i may seem to have enjoyed that advantage. and i have seen cyprus, and alexandria, and even stamboul, the residence of the great turk." "well, then, thou may'st have also seen ætna, another mountain which continueth to throw up those flames, in the midst of a nature and a scene on which providence would seem to have smiled with unusual benignity, instead of angrily frowning, as ye seem to imagine." columbus then proceeded to give his people an explanation of the causes of volcanoes, referring to the gentlemen around him to corroborate the fidelity of his statements. he told them that he looked upon this little eruption as merely a natural occurrence; or, if he saw any omen at all in the event, it was propitious rather than otherwise; providence seeming disposed to light them on their way. luis and the rest next descended among the crew, where they used their reasoning powers in quieting an alarm that, at first, had threatened to be serious. for the moment they were successful, or perhaps it would be better to say that they succeeded completely, so far as the phenomenon of the volcano was concerned, and this less by the arguments of the more intelligent of the officers, than by means of the testimony of sancho, and one or two others of the common men, who had seen similar scenes elsewhere. with difficulties like these had the great navigator to contend, even after he had passed years in solicitations to obtain the limited means which had been finally granted, in order to effect one of the sublimest achievements that had yet crowned the enterprise of man! the vessels reached gomera on the 2d of september, where they remained several days, in order to complete their repairs, and to finish taking in their supplies, ere they finally left the civilized abodes of man, and what might then be deemed the limits of the known earth. the arrival of such an expedition, in an age when the means of communication were so few that events were generally their own announcers, had produced a strong sensation among the inhabitants of the different islands visited by the adventurers. columbus was held in high honor among them, not only on account of the commission he had received from the two sovereigns, but on account of the magnitude and the romantic character of his undertaking. there existed a common belief among all the adjacent islands, including madeira, the azores, and the canaries, that land lay to the westward; their inhabitants living under a singular delusion in this particular, which the admiral had an occasion to detect, during his second visit to gomera. among the most distinguished persons who were then on the island, was doña inez peraza, the mother of the count of gomera. she was attended by a crowd of persons, not only belonging to her own, but who had come from other islands to do her honor. she entertained the admiral in a manner suited to his high rank, admitting to her society such of the adventurers as columbus saw fit to point out as worthy of the honor. of course the pretended pedro de muños, or pero gutierrez, as he was now indifferently termed, was of the number; as, indeed, were most of those who might be deemed any way suited to so high and polished a society. "i rejoice, don christopher," said doña inez peraza, on this occasion, "that their highnesses have at length yielded to your desire to solve this great problem, not only on account of our holy church, which, as you say, hath so deep an interest in your success, and the honor of the two sovereigns, and the welfare of spain, and all the other great considerations that we have so freely touched upon in our discourse already, but on account of the worthy inhabitants of the fortunate islands, who have not only many traditions touching land in the west, but most of whom believe that they have more than once seen it, in that quarter, in the course of their lives." "i have heard of this, noble lady, and would be grateful to have the account from the mouths of eye-witnesses, now we are here, together, conversing freely concerning that which is of so much interest to us all." "then, señor, i will entreat this worthy cavalier, who is every way capable of doing the subject justice, to be spokesman for us, and to let you know what we all believe in these islands, and what so many of us fancy we have seen. acquaint the admiral, señor dama, i pray thee, of the singular yearly view that we get of unknown land lying afar off, in the atlantic." "most readily, doña inez, and all the more so at your gracious bidding," returned the person addressed, who disposed himself to tell the story, with a readiness that the lovers of the wonderful are apt to betray when a fitting opportunity offers to indulge a favorite propensity. "the illustrious admiral hath probably heard of the island of st. brandan, that lieth some eighty or a hundred leagues to the westward of ferro, and which hath been so often seen, but which no navigator hath yet been able to reach, in our days at least?" "i have often heard of this fabled spot, señor," the admiral gravely replied; "but pardon me if i say that the land never yet existed, which a mariner hath seen and yet a mariner hath not reached." "nay, noble admiral," interrupted a dozen eager voices, among which that of the lady, herself, was very distinctly audible, "that it hath been seen most here know; and that it hath never been reached, is a fact to which more than one disappointed pilot can testify." "that which we have seen, we know; and that which we know, we can describe," returned columbus, steadily. "let any man tell me in what meridian, or on what parallel this st. brandan, or st. barandon, lieth, and a week shall make _me_ also certain of its existence." "i know little of meridians or parallels, don christopher," said the señor dama, "but i have some ideas of visible things. this island have i often seen, more or less plainly at different times; and that, too, under the serenest skies, and at occasions when it was not possible greatly to mistake either its form or its dimensions. once i remember to have seen the sun set behind one of its heights." "this is plain evidence, and such as a navigator should respect; and yet do i take what you imagine yourself to have seen, señor, to be some illusion of the atmosphere." "impossible!--impossible!" was said, or echoed, by a dozen voices. "hundreds yearly witness the appearance of st. brandan, and its equally sudden and mysterious disappearance." "therein, noble lady and generous cavalier, lieth the error into which ye have fallen. ye see the peak the year round; and he who will cruise a hundred miles, north or south, east or west, of it, will continue to see it, the year round, except on such days as the state of the atmosphere may forbid. the land which god hath created stationary, will be certain to remain stationary, until disturbed by some great convulsion that cometh equally of his providence and his laws." "all this may be true, señor; doubtless it _is_ true; but every rule hath its exceptions. you will not deny that god ruleth the world mysteriously, and that his ends are not always visible to human eyes. else, why hath the moor so long been permitted to rule in spain? why hath the infidel, at this moment, possession of the holy sepulchre? why have the sovereigns been so long deaf to your own well-grounded wishes and entreaties to be permitted to carry their banners, in company with the cross, to cathay, whither you are now bound? who knoweth that these appearances of st. brandan may not be given as signs to encourage one like yourself, bent on still greater ends than even reaching its shores?" columbus was an enthusiast; but his was an enthusiasm that was seated in his reverence for the acknowledged mysteries of religion, which sought no other support from things incomprehensible, than might reasonably be thought to belong to the exercise of infallible wisdom, and which manifested a proper reverence for a divine power. like most of that period, he believed in modern miracles; and his dependence on the direct worldly efficacy of votive offerings, penances, and prayers, was such as marked the age in general, and his calling in particular. still, his masculine understanding rejected the belief of vulgar prodigies; and while he implicitly thought himself set apart and selected for the great work before him, he was not disposed to credit that an airy exhibition of an island was placed in the west to tempt mariners to follow its shadowy outline to the more distant regions of cathay. "that i feel the assurance of the providence of god having selected me as the humble instrument of connecting europe with asia, by means of a direct voyage by sea, is certain," returned the navigator, gravely, though his eye lighted with its latent enthusiasm; "but i am far from indulging in the weakness of thinking that direct miraculous agencies are to be used to guide me on my way. it is more in conformity to the practice of divine wisdom, and certainly more grateful to my own self-love, that the means employed are such as a discreet pilot, and the most experienced philosophers, might feel proud in finding themselves selected to display. my thoughts have first been turned to the contemplation of this subject; then hath my reason been enlightened by a due course of study and reflection, and science hath aided in producing the conviction necessary to impel myself to proceed, and to enable me to induce others to join in this enterprise." "and do all your followers, noble admiral, act under the same guidance?" demanded the doña inez, glancing at luis, whose manly graces, and martial aspect, had found favor in the eyes of most of the ladies of the island. "is the señor gutierrez equally enlightened in this manner? and hath he, too, devoted his nights to study, in order that the cross may be carried to the heathen, and castile and cathay may be more closely united?" "the señor gutierrez is a willing adventurer, señora, but he must be the expounder of his own motives." "then we will call on the cavalier, himself, for an answer. these ladies feel a desire to know what may have impelled one who would be certain to succeed at the court of doña isabella, and in the moorish wars, to join in such an expedition." "the moorish wars are ended, señora," replied luis, smiling; "and doña isabella, and all the ladies of her court, most favor the youths who show a manly disposition to serve the interests, and to advance the honor of castile. i know very little of philosophy, and have still smaller pretensions to the learning of churchmen; but i think i see cathay before me, shining like a brilliant star in the heavens, and am willing to adventure body and soul in its search." many pretty exclamations of admiration broke from the circle of fair listeners; it being most easy for spirit to gain applause, when it is recommended by high personal advantages, and comes from the young and favored. that columbus, a weather-worn veteran of the ocean, should see fit to risk a life that was already drawing near its close, in a rash attempt to pry into the mysteries of the atlantic, seemed neither so commendable, nor so daring, but many discovered high qualities in the character of one who was just entering on his career, and that under auspices apparently so flattering, and who threw all his hopes on the uncertain chances of success in a scheme so unusual. luis was human, and he was in the full enjoyment of the admiration his enterprise had evidently awakened among so many sensitive young creatures, when doña inez most inopportunely interposed to interrupt his happiness, and to wound his self-esteem. "this is having more honorable views than my letters from seville attribute to one youth, who belongeth to the proudest of our castilian houses, and whose titles alone should invite him to add new lustre to a name that hath so long been the spanish boast," resumed the señora peraza. "the reports speak of his desire to rove, but in a manner unworthy of his rank; and that, too, in a way to serve neither the sovereigns, his country, nor himself." "and who may this misguided youth be, señora?" eagerly inquired luis, too much elated by the admiration he had just excited to anticipate the answer. "a cavalier thus spoken of, needeth to be warned of his reputation, that he may be stimulated to attempt better things." "his name is no secret, since the court speaketh openly of his singular and ill-judged career; and it is said that even his love hath been thwarted in consequence. i mean a cavalier of no less lineage and name than don luis de bobadilla, the count of llera." it is said that listeners seldom hear good of themselves, and luis was now fated to verify the truth of the axiom. he felt the blood rushing to his face, and it required a strong effort at self-command to prevent him from breaking out in exclamations, that would probably have contained invocations of half the patron saints he had ever heard of, had he not happily succeeded in controlling the sudden impulse. gulping the words he had been on the point of uttering, he looked round, with an air of defiance, as if seeking the countenance of some man who might dare even to smile at what had been said. luckily, at that moment, columbus had drawn all of the males present around himself, in warm discussion of the probable existence of the island of st. brandan; and luis nowhere met a smile, with which he could conveniently quarrel, that had a setting of beard to render it hostile. fortunately, the gentle impulses that are apt to influence a youthful female, induced one of doña inez's fair companions to speak, and that in a way greatly to relieve the feelings of our hero. "true, señora," rejoined the pretty young advocate, the first tones of whose voice had an effect to calm the tempest that was rising in the bosom of the young man; "true señora, it is said that don luis is a wanderer, and one of unsettled tastes and habits, but it is also said he hath a most excellent heart, is generous as the dews of heaven themselves, and carrieth the very best lance of castile, as he is also like to carry off the fairest maiden." "it is vain, señor de muños, for churchmen to preach, and parents to frown," said doña inez, smiling, "while the beautiful and young will prize courage, and deeds in arms, and an open hand, before the more homely virtues commended by our holy religion, and so zealously inculcated by its servants. the unhorsing of a knight or two in the tourneys, and the rallying a broken squadron under a charge of the infidel, counteth far more than years of sobriety, and weeks of penance and prayer." "how know we that the cavalier you mention, señora, may not have his weeks of penance and his hours of prayer?" answered luis, who had now found his voice. "should he be so fortunate as to enjoy a conscientious religious adviser, he can scarce escape both, prayer being so often ordered in the way of penance. he seemeth, indeed, to be a miserable dog, and i wonder not that his mistress holdeth him cheap. is the name of the lady, also, given in your letter?" "it is. she is the doña maria de las mercedes de valverde, nearly allied to the guzmans and the other great houses, and one of the fairest maidens of spain." "that is she!" exclaimed luis; "and one of the most virtuous, as well as fair, and wise as virtuous!" "how now, señor, is it possible that you can have sufficient knowledge of one so situated, as to speak thus positively of her qualities, as well as of her appearance?" "her beauty i have seen, and of her excellence one may speak by report. but doth your correspondent, señora, say aught of what hath become of the graceless lover?" "it is rumored that he hath again quitted spain, and, as is supposed, under the grave displeasure of the sovereigns, since it hath been remarked that the queen now never nameth him. none know the road he hath taken, but there is little doubt that he is again roaming the seas, as usual, in quest of low adventures among the ports of the east." the conversation now changed, and soon after the admiral and his attendants repaired to their different vessels. "of a verity, señor don christoval," said luis, as he walked alone with the great navigator toward the shore, "one little knoweth when he is acquiring fame, and when not. though but an indifferent mariner, and no pilot, i find my exploits on the ocean are well bruited abroad! if your excellency but gain half the reputation i already enjoy, by this present expedition, you will have reason to believe that your name will not be forgotten by posterity." "it is a tribute the great pay for their elevation, luis," returned the admiral, "that all their acts are commented on, and that they can do little that may be concealed from observation, or escape remarks." "it would be as well, señor almirante, to throw into the scales, at once, calumnies, and lies, and uncharitableness, for all these are to be added to the list. is it not wonderful, that a young man cannot visit a few foreign lands, in order to increase his knowledge and improve his parts, but all the gossips of castile should fill their letters to the gossips of the canaries, with passages touching his movements and demerits? by the martyrs of the east! if i were queen of castile, there should be a law against writing of others' movements, and i do not know, but a law against women's writing letters at all!" "in which case, señor de muños, thou wouldst never possess the satisfaction of receiving a missive from the fairest hand in castile." "i mean a woman's writing to a woman, don christopher. as to letters from noble maidens intended to cheer the hearts and animate the deeds of cavaliers who adore them, they are useful, out of doubt, and the saints be deaf to the miscreant who would forbid or intercept them! no, señor, i trust that travelling hath at least made me liberal, by raising me above the narrow prejudices of provinces and cities, and i am far from wishing to put an end to letters from mistresses to their knights, or from parents to their children, or even from wives to their husbands; but, as for the letters of a gossip to a gossip, by your leave, señor almirante, i detest them just as much as the father of sin detests this expedition of ours!" "an expedition, certainly, that he hath no great reason to love," answered columbus, smiling; "since it will be followed by the light of revelation and the triumph of the cross. but what is thy will, friend, that thou seemest in waiting for me, to disburden thyself of something? thy name is sancho mundo, if i remember thy countenance?" "señor don almirante, your memory hath not mistaken," returned the person addressed; "i am sancho mundo, as your excellency saith, sometimes called sancho of the ship-yard gate. i desire to say a few words concerning the fate of our voyage, whenever it shall suit you, noble señor, to hear me where there are no ears present that you distrust." "thou may'st speak freely now; this cavalier being my confidant and secretary." "it is not necessary that i should tell a great pilot, like your excellency, who is king of portugal, or what the mariners of lisbon have been about these many years, since you know all better than myself. therefore i will just add, that they are discovering all the unknown lands they can, for themselves, and preventing others, as much as in them lies, from doing the same thing." "don john of portugal is an enlightened prince, fellow, and thou wouldst do well to respect his character and rank. his highness is a liberal sovereign, and hath sent many noble expeditions forth from his harbor." "that he hath, señor, and this last is not the least in its designs and intentions," answered sancho, turning a look of irony toward the admiral, that showed the fellow had more in reserve than he cared to divulge without some wheedling. "no one doubts don john's willingness to send forth expeditions." "thou hast heard some intelligence, sancho, that it is proper i should know! speak freely, and rely on my repaying any service of this sort to the full extent of its deservings." "if your excellency will have patience to hear me, i will give the whole story, with all minuteness and particularity, and that in a way to leave no part untold, and all parts to be as easily understood as heart can wish, or a priest in the confessional could desire." "speak; no one will interrupt thee. as thou art frank, so will be thy reward." "well, then, señor don almirante, you must know that about eleven years since, i made a voyage from palos to sicily, in a caravel belonging to the pinzons, here; not to martin alonzo, who commandeth the pinta, under your excellency's order, but to a kinsman of his late father's, who caused better craft to be constructed than we are apt to get in these days of hurry, and rotten cordage, and careless caulking, to say nothing of the manner in which the canvas is"-"nay, good sancho," interrupted the impatient luis, who was yet smarting under the remarks of doña inez's correspondent--"thou forgettest night is near, and that the boat is waiting for the admiral." "how should i forget that, señor, when i can see the sun just dipping into the water, and i belong to the boat myself, having left it in order to tell the noble admiral what i have to say?" "permit the man to relate his story in his own manner, señor pedro, i pray thee," put in columbus. "naught is gained by putting a seamen out in his reckoning." "no, your excellency, or in kicking with a mule. and so, as i was saying, i went that voyage to sicily, and had for a messmate one josé gordo, a portuguese by birth, but a man who liked the wines of spain better than the puckering liquors of his own country, and so sailed much in spanish craft. i never well knew, notwithstanding, whether josé was, in heart, most of a portuguese, or a spaniard, though he was certainly but an indifferent christian." "it is to be hoped that his character hath improved," said columbus, calmly. "as i foresee that something is to follow on the testimony of this josé, you will let me say, that an indifferent christian is but an indifferent witness. tell me, at once, therefore, what he hath communicated, that i may judge for myself of the value of his words." "now, he that doubteth your excellency will not discover cathay is a heretic, seeing that you have discovered my secret without having heard it! josé has just arrived, in the felucca that is riding near the santa maria, and hearing that we were an expedition that had one sancho mundo engaged in it, he came speedily on board of us to see his old shipmate." "all that is so plain, that i wonder thou thinkest it worthy of relating, sancho; but, now we have him safe on board the good ship, we can come at once to the subject of his communication." "that may we, señor; and so, without any unnecessary delay, i will state, that the subject was touching don juan of portugal, don ferdinand of aragon, doña isabella of castile, your excellency, señor don almirante, the señor de muños here, and myself." "this is a strange company!" exclaimed luis, laughing, while he slipped a piece of eight into the hand of the sailor; "perhaps that may aid thee in shortening the story of the singular conjunction." "another, señor, would bring the tale to an end at once. to own the truth, josé is behind that wall, and as he told me he thought his news worth a dobla, he will be greatly displeased at finding i have received my half of it, while his half still remaineth unpaid." "this, then, will set his mind at rest," said columbus, placing an entire dobla in the hand of the cunning fellow, for the admiral perceived by his manner that sancho had really something of importance to communicate. "thou canst summon josé to thy aid, and deliver thyself, at once, of thy burden." sancho did as directed, and in a minute josé had appeared, had received the dobla, weighed it deliberately on his finger, pocketed it, and commenced his tale. unlike the artful sancho, he told his story at once, beginning at the right end, and ceasing to speak as soon as he had no more to communicate. the substance of the tale is soon related. josé had come from ferro, and had seen three armed caravels, wearing the flag of portugal, cruising among the islands, under circumstances that left little doubt their object was to intercept the castilian expedition. as the man referred to a passenger or two, who had landed within the hour, to corroborate his statement, columbus and luis immediately sought the lodgings of these persons, in order to hear their report of the matter. the result proved the sailor had stated nothing but what was true. "of all our difficulties and embarrassments, luis," resumed the admiral, as the two finally proceeded to the shore, "this is much the most serious! we may be detained altogether by these treacherous portuguese, or we may be followed in our voyage, and have our fair laurels seized upon by others, and all the benefits so justly due for our toil and risk usurped, or at least disputed, by men who had not the enterprise and knowledge to accept the boon, when fairly offered to them." "don john of portugal must have sent far better knights than the moors of granada to do the feat," answered luis, who had a spaniard's distaste for his peninsular neighbors; "he is a bold and learned prince, they say, but the commission and ensigns of the sovereign of castile are not to be disregarded, and that, too, in the midst of her own islands, here." "we have no force fit to contend with that which hath most probably been sent against us. the number and size of our vessels are known, and the portuguese, questionless, have resorted to the means necessary to effect their purposes, whatever those purposes may be. alas! luis, my lot hath been hard, though i humbly trust that the end will repay me for all! years did i sue the portuguese to enter fairly into this voyage, and to endeavor to do that, in all honor, which our gracious mistress, doña isabella, hath now so creditably commenced; he listened to my reasons and entreaties with cold ears--nay, repelled them, with ridicule and disdain; and yet, here am i scarce fairly embarked in the execution of schemes that they have so often derided, than they endeavor to defeat me by violence and treachery." "noble don christoval, we will die to a castilian, ere this shall come to pass!" "our only hope is in speedy departure. thanks to the industry and zeal of martin alonzo, the pinta is ready, and we may quit gomera with the morning's sun. i doubt if they will have the hardihood to follow us into the trackless and unknown atlantic, without any other guides than their own feeble knowledge; and we will depart with the return of the sun. all now dependeth on quitting the canaries unseen." as this was said they reached the boat, and were quickly pulled on board the santa maria. by this time the peaks of the islands were towering like gloomy shadows in the atmosphere, and, soon after, the caravels resembled dark, shapeless specks, on the unquiet element that washed their hulls. [illustration] chapter xvi. "they little thought how pure a light, with years, should gather round that day; how love should keep their memories bright- how wide a realm their sons should sway." bryant. the night that succeeded was one of very varied feelings among the adventurers. as soon as sancho secured the reward, he had no further scruples about communicating all he knew, to any who were disposed to listen; and long ere columbus returned on board the vessel, the intelligence had spread from mouth to mouth, until all in the little squadron were apprised of the intentions of the portuguese. many hoped that it was true, and that their pursuers might be successful; any fate being preferable, in their eyes, to that which the voyage promised; but, such is the effect of strife, much the larger portion of the crew were impatient to lift the anchors and to make sail, if it were only to get the mastery in the race. columbus, himself, experienced the deepest concern, for it really seemed as if a hard fortune was about to snatch the cup from his lips, just as it had been raised there, after all his cruel sufferings and delays. he consequently passed a night of deep anxiety, and was the first to rise in the morning. every one was on the alert with the dawn; and as the preparations had been completed the previous night, by the time the sun had risen, the three vessels were under way, the pinta leading, as usual. the wind was light, and the squadron could barely gather steerage way; but as every moment was deemed precious, the vessels' heads were kept to the westward. when a short time out, a caravel came flapping past them, after having been several hours in sight, and the admiral spoke her. she proved to be from ferro, the most southern and western island of the group, and had come nearly on the route the expedition intended to steer, until they quitted the known seas. "dost thou bring any tidings from ferro?" inquired columbus, as the strange ship drifted slowly past the santa maria; the progress of each vessel being little more than a mile in the hour. "is there aught of interest in that quarter?" "did i know whether, or not, i am speaking to don christopher columbus, the genoese that their highnesses have honored with so important a commission, i should feel more warranty to answer what i have both heard and seen, señor," was the reply. "i am don christopher himself, their highnesses' admiral and viceroy, for all seas and lands that we may discover, and, as thou hast said, a genoese in birth, though a castilian by duty, and in love to the queen." "then, noble admiral, i may tell you that the portuguese are active, three of their caravels being off ferro, at this moment, with the hope of intercepting your expedition." "how is this known, friend, and what reason have i for supposing that the portuguese will dare to send forth caravels, with orders to molest those who sail as the officers of isabella the catholic? they must know that the holy father hath lately conferred this title on the two sovereigns, in acknowledgment of their great services in expelling the moor from christendom." "señor, there hath been a rumor of that among the islands, but little will the portuguese care for aught of that nature, when he deemeth his gold in danger. as i quitted ferro, i spoke the caravels, and have good reason to think that rumor doth them no injustice." "did they seem warlike, and made they any pretensions to a right to interrupt our voyage?" "to us they said naught of this sort, except to inquire, tauntingly, if the illustrious don christoval colon, the great viceroy of the east, sailed on board us. as for preparation, señor, they had many lombardas, and a multitude of men in breast-plates and casques. i doubt if soldiers are as numerous at the azores, as when they sailed." "keep they close in with the island, or stretch they off to seaward?" "mostly the latter, señor, standing far toward the west in the morning, and beating up toward the land as the day closeth. take the word of an old pilot, don christopher, the mongrels are there for no good." this was barely audible, for, by this time, the caravels had drifted past each other, and were soon altogether beyond the reach of the voice. "do you believe that the castilian name standeth so low, don christopher," demanded luis, "that these dogs of portuguese dare do this wrong to the flag of the queen?" "i dread naught from force, beyond detention and frauds, certainly; but these, to me, at this moment, would be little less painful than death. most do i apprehend that these caravels, under the pretence of protecting the rights of don john, are directed to follow us to cathay, in which case we should have a disputed discovery, and divided honors. we must avoid the portuguese, if possible; to effect which purpose, i intend to pass to the westward, without nearing the island of ferro, any closer than may be rendered absolutely indispensable." notwithstanding a burning impatience now beset the admiral, and most with him, the elements seemed opposed to his passage from among the canaries, into the open ocean. the wind gradually failed, until it became so calm that the sails were hauled up, and the three vessels lay, now laying their sides with the brine, and now rising to the summit of the ground-swell, resembling huge animals that were lazily reposing, under the heats of summer, in drowsy indolence. many was the secret _pater_, or _ave_, that was mumbled by the mariners, and not a few vows of future prayers were made, in the hope of obtaining a breeze. occasionally it seemed as if providence listened to these petitions, for the air would fan the cheek, and the sails would fall, in the vain expectation of getting ahead; but disappointment as often followed, until all on board felt that they were fated to linger under the visitations of a calm. just at nightfall, however, a light air arose, and, for a few hours, the wash of the parted waters was audible under the bows of the vessels, though their way was barely sufficient to keep them under the command of their helms. about midnight, however, even this scarcely perceptible motion was lost, and the craft were again lazily wallowing in the ground-swells that the gales had sent in from the vast expanse of the western ocean. when the light reappeared, the admiral found himself between gomera and teneriffe, the lofty peak of the latter casting its pointed shadow, like that thrown by a planet, far upon the water, until its sharp apex was renewed, in faint mimicry, along the glassy surface of the ocean. columbus was now fearful that the portuguese might employ their boats, or impel some light felucca by her sweeps, in order to find out his position; and he wisely directed the sails to be furled, in order to conceal his vessels, as far as possible, from any prying eyes. the season had advanced to the 7th of september, and such was the situation of this renowned expedition, exactly five weeks after it had left spain; for this inauspicious calm occurred on a friday, or on that day of the week on which it had originally sailed. all practice shows that there is no refuge from a calm at sea, except in patience. columbus was much too experienced a navigator, not to feel this truth, and, after using the precaution mentioned, he, and the pilots under him, turned their attention to the arrangements required to render the future voyage safe and certain. the few mathematical instruments known to the age, were got up, corrected, and exhibited, with the double intention of ascertaining their state, and of making a display before the common men, that would heighten their respect for their leaders, by adding to their confidence in their skill. the admiral, himself, had already obtained a high reputation as a navigator, among his followers, in consequence of his reckonings having proved so much more accurate than those of the pilots, in approaching the canaries; and as he now exhibited the instruments then used as a quadrant, and examined his compasses, every movement he made was watched by the seamen, with either secret admiration, or jealous vigilance; some openly expressing their confidence in his ability to proceed wherever he wished to go, and others covertly betraying just that degree of critical knowledge which ordinarily accompanies prejudice, ignorance, and malice. luis had never been able to comprehend the mysteries of navigation, his noble head appearing to repudiate learning, as a species of accomplishment but little in accordance with its wants or its tastes. still, he was intelligent; and within the range of knowledge that it was usual for laymen of his rank to attain, few of his age did themselves more credit in the circles of the court. fortunately, he had the most perfect reliance on the means of the admiral; and being almost totally without personal apprehensions, columbus had not a more submissive or blind follower, than the young grandee, under his command. man, with all his boasted philosophy, intelligence, and reason, exists the dupe of his own imagination and blindness, as much as of the artifices and designs of others. even while he fancies himself the most vigilant and cautious, he is as often misled by appearances as governed by facts and judgment; and perhaps half of those who were spectators of this calculated care in columbus, believed that they felt, in their renewed confidence, the assurances of science and logical deductions, when in truth their senses were impressed, without, in the slightest degree, enlightening their understandings. thus passed the day of the 7th september, the night arriving and still finding the little squadron, or fleet, as it was termed in the lofty language of the day, floating helplessly between teneriffe and gomera. nor did the ensuing morning bring a change, for a burning sun beat, unrelieved by a breath of air, on the surface of a sea that was glittering like molten silver. when the admiral was certain, however, by having sent men aloft to examine the horizon, that the portuguese were not in sight, he felt infinitely relieved, little doubting that his pursuers still lay, as inactive as himself, to the westward of ferro. "by the seamen's hopes! señor don christopher," said luis, as he reached the poop, where columbus had kept an untiring watch for hours, he himself having just risen from a siesta, "the fiends seem to be leagued against us! here are we in the third day of our calm, with the peak of teneriffe as stationary as if it were a mile-stone, set to tell the porpoises and dolphins the rate at which they swim. if one believed in omens, he might fancy that the saints were unwilling to see us depart, even though it be on their own errand." "we _may not_ believe in omens, when they are no more than the fruits of natural laws," gravely returned the admiral. "there will shortly be an end of this calm, for a haze is gathering in the atmosphere that promises air from the east, and the motion of the ship will tell thee, that the winds have been busy far to the westward. master pilot," addressing the officer of that title, who had charge of the deck at the moment, "thou wilt do well to unfurl thy canvas, and prepare for a favoring breeze, as we shall soon be overtaken by wind from the north-east." this prediction was verified about an hour later, when all three of the vessels began, again, to part the waters with their sterns. but the breeze, if any thing, proved more tantalizing to the impatient mariners than the calm itself had been; for a strong head sea had got up, and the air proving light, the different craft struggled with difficulty toward the west. all this time, a most anxious look-out was kept for the portuguese caravels, the appearance of which, however, was less dreaded than it had been, as they were now supposed to be a considerable distance to leeward. columbus, and his skilful assistants, martin alonzo and vicente yañez, or the brothers pinzon, who commanded the pinta and the niña, practised all the means that their experience could suggest to get ahead. their progress, however, was not only slow but painful, as every fresh impulse given by the breeze, served to plunge the bows of the vessels into the sea with a violence that threatened injuries to the spars and rigging. so trifling, indeed, was their rate of sailing, that it required all the judgment of columbus to note the nearly imperceptible manner in which the tall, cone-like summit of the peak of teneriffe lowered, as it might be, inch by inch. the superstitious feelings of the common men being more active than usual, even, some among them began to whisper that the elements were admonishing them against proceeding, and that tardy as it might seem, the admiral would do well to attend to omens and signs that nature seldom gave without sufficient reason. these opinions, however, were cautiously uttered--the grave, earnest manner of columbus having created so much respect, as to suppress them in his presence; and the mariners of the other vessels still followed the movements of their admiral with that species of blind dependence which marks the submission of the inferior to the superior, under such circumstances. when columbus retired to his cabin for the night, luis observed that his countenance was unusually grave, as he ended his calculations of the days' work. "i trust all goes to your wishes, don christopher," the young man gaily observed. "we are now fairly on our journey, and, to my eyes, cathay is already in sight." "thou hast that within thee, don luis," returned the admiral, "which rendereth what thou wishest to see distinct, and maketh all colors gay. with me it is a duty to see things as they _are_, and, although cathay lieth plainly before the vision of my mind--thou, lord, who hast implanted, for thine own great ends, the desire to reach that distant land, only know'st how plainly!--although cathay is thus plain to my moral view, i am bound to heed the physical obstacles that may exist to our reaching it." "and are these obstacles getting to be more serious than we could hope, señor?" "my trust is still in god--look here, young lord," laying his finger on the chart; "at this point were we in the morning, and to this point have we advanced by means of all the toil of the day, down to this portion of the night. thou seest that a line of paper marketh the whole of our progress; and, here again, thou seest that we have to cross this vast desert of ocean, ere we may even hope to draw near the end of our journey. by my calculation, with all our exertions, and at this critical moment--critical not only as regardeth the portuguese, but critical as regardeth our own people--we have made but nine leagues, which are a small portion of the thousand that lie before us. at this rate we may dread a failure of our provisions and water." "i have all confidence in your resources, don christopher, and in your knowledge and experience." "and i have all confidence in the protection of god; trusting that he will not desert his servant in the moment that he most needeth his support." here columbus prepared himself to catch a few hours' sleep, though it was in his clothes, the interest he felt in the position of his vessels forbidding him to undress. this celebrated man lived in an age when a spurious philosophy, and a pretending but insufficient exercise of reason, placed few, even in appearance, above the frank admission of their constant reliance on a divine power. we say in appearance, as no man, whatever may be the extent of his delusions on this subject, really believes that he is altogether sufficient for his own protection. this absolute self-reliance is forbidden by a law of nature, each carrying in his own breast a monitor to teach him his real insignificance, demonstrating daily, hourly, at each minute even, that he is but a diminutive agent used by a superior power in carrying out its own great and mysterious ends, for the sublime and beneficent purposes for which the world and all it contains has been created. in compliance with the usage of the times, columbus knelt, and prayed fervently, ere he slept; nor did luis de bobadilla hesitate about imitating an example that few, in that day, thought beneath their intelligence or their manhood. if religion had the taint of superstition in the fifteenth century, and men confided too much in the efficacy of momentary and transient impulses, it is certain that it also possessed an exterior of graceful meekness and submission to god, in losing which, it may be well questioned if the world has been the gainer. the first appearance of light brought the admiral and luis to the deck. they both knelt again on the poop, and repeated their paters; and then, yielding to the feelings natural to their situation, they arose, eager to watch for what might be revealed by the lifting of the curtain of day. the approach of dawn, and the rising of the sun at sea, have been so often described, that the repetition here might be superfluous; but we shall state that luis watched the play of colors that adorned the eastern sky, with a lover's refinement of feeling, fancying that he traced a resemblance to the passage of emotions across the tell-tale countenance of mercedes, in the soft and transient hues that are known to precede a fine morning in september, more especially in a low latitude. as for the admiral, his more practical gaze was turned in the direction in which the island of ferro lay, awaiting the increase of the light in order to ascertain what changes had been wrought during the hours he had slept. several minutes passed in profound attention, when the navigator beckoned luis to his side. "seest thou that dark, gloomy pile, which is heaving up out of the darkness, here at the south and west of us?" he said--"it gaineth form and distinctness at each instant, though distant some eight or ten leagues; that is ferro, and the portuguese are there, without question, anxiously expecting our appearance. in this calm, neither can approach the other, and thus far we are safe. it is now necessary to ascertain if the pursuing caravels are between us and the land, or not; after which, should it prove otherwise, we shall be reasonably safe, if we approach no nearer to the island, and we can maintain, as yesterday, the advantage of the wind. seest thou any sail, luis, in that quarter of the ocean?" "none, señor; and the light is already of sufficient strength to expose the white canvas of a vessel, were any there." columbus made an ejaculation of thankfulness, and immediately ordered the look-out aloft to examine the entire horizon. the report was favorable; the dreaded portuguese caravels being nowhere visible. as the sun arose, however, a breeze sprung up at the southward and westward, bringing ferro, and consequently any vessels that might be cruising in that quarter, directly to windward of the fleet. sail was made without the loss of a moment; and the admiral stood to the northward and westward, trusting that his pursuers were looking out for him on the south side of the island, which was the ground where those who did not thoroughly understand his aim, would be most likely to expect him. by this time the westerly swell had, in a great measure, gone down; and though the progress of the vessels was far from rapid, it was steady, and seemed likely to last. the hours went slowly by, and as the day advanced, objects became less and less distinct on the sides of ferro. its entire surface next took the hazy appearance of a dim and ill-defined cloud; and then it began slowly to sink into the water. its summit was still visible, as the admiral, with the more privileged of his companions, assembled on the poop, to take a survey of the ocean and of the weather. the most indifferent observer might now have noted the marked difference in the state of feeling which existed among the adventurers on board the santa maria. on the poop, all was cheerfulness and hope, the present escape having induced even the distrustful, momentarily, to forget the uncertain future; the pilots, as usual, were occupied and sustained by a species of marine stoicism; while a melancholy had settled on the crew that was as apparent as if they were crowding around the dead. nearly every man in the ship was in some one of the groups that had assembled on deck; and every eye seemed riveted, as it might be by enchantment, on the fading and falling heights of ferro. while things were in this state, columbus approached luis, and aroused him from a sort of trance, by laying a finger lightly on his shoulder. "it cannot be that the señor de muños is affected by the feelings of the common men," observed the admiral, with a slight mixture of surprise and reproach; "this, too, at a moment that all of an intelligence sufficient to foresee the glorious consequences, are rejoicing that a heaven-sent breeze is carrying us to a safe distance from the pursuing and envious caravels! why dost thou thus regard the people beneath, with a steady eye and unwavering look? is it that thou repentest embarking, or dost thou merely muse on the charms of thy mistress?" "by san iago! don christopher, this time your sagacity is at fault. i neither repent, nor muse as you would imply; but i gaze at yonder poor fellows with pity for their apprehensions." "ignorance is a hard master, señor pedro, and one that is now exercising his power over the imaginations of the seamen, with the ruthlessness of a tyrant. they dread the worst merely because they have not the knowledge to foresee the best. fear is a stronger passion than hope, and is ever the near ally of ignorance. in vulgar eyes that which hath not yet been--nay, which hath not, in some measure, become familiar by use--is deemed impossible; men reasoning in a circle that is abridged by their information. those fellows are gazing at the island, as it disappears, like men taking a last look at the things of life. indeed, this concern exceedeth even what i could have anticipated." "it lieth deep, señor, and yet it riseth to the eyes; for i have seen tears on cheeks that i could never have supposed wetted in any manner but by the spray of the ocean!" "there are our two acquaintances, sancho and pepe, neither of whom seemeth particularly distressed, though the last hath a cast of melancholy in his face. as for the first, the knave showeth the indifference of a true mariner--one who is never so happy as when furthest from the dangers of rocks and shoals: to such a man, the disappearance of one island, and the appearance of another, are alike matters of indifference. he seeth but the visible horizon around him, and considereth the rest of the world, temporarily, as a blank. i look for loyal service in that sancho, in despite of his knavery, and count upon him as one of the truest of my followers." here the admiral was interrupted by a cry from the deck beneath him, and, looking round, his practised and quick eye was not slow in discovering that the horizon to the southward presented the usual watery blank of the open ocean. ferro had, in fact, altogether disappeared, some of the most sanguine of the seamen having fancied that they beheld it, even after it had finally sunk behind the barrier of waves. as the circumstance became more and more certain, the lamentations among the people grew less and less equivocal and louder, tears flowed without shame or concealment, hands were wrung in a sort of a senseless despair, and a scene of such clamor ensued, as threatened some serious danger to the expedition from this new quarter. under such circumstances, columbus had all the people collected beneath the break of the poop, and standing on the latter, where he could examine every countenance for himself, he addressed them on the subject of their grief. on this occasion the manner of the great navigator was earnest and sincere, leaving no doubt that he fully believed in the truth of his own arguments, and that he uttered nothing with the hope to delude or to mislead. "when don ferdinand and doña isabella, our respected and beloved sovereigns, honored me with the commission of admiral and viceroy, in those secret seas toward which we are now steering," he said, "i considered it as the most glorious and joyful event of my life, as i now consider this moment, that seemeth to some among you so painful, as second to it in hope and cause for felicitation. in the disappearance of ferro, i see also the disappearance of the portuguese; for, now that we are in the open ocean, without the limits of any known land, i trust that providence hath placed us beyond the reach and machinations of all our enemies. while we prove true to ourselves, and to the great objects that are before us, there is no longer cause for fear. if any person among you hath a mind to disburden himself, in this matter, let him speak freely; we being much too strong in argument to wish to silence doubts by authority." "then, señor don almirante," put in sancho, whose tongue was ever ready to wag, as occasion offered, "it is just that which maketh your excellency so joyful that maketh these honest people so sad. could they always keep the island of ferro in sight, or any other known land, they would follow you to cathay with as gentle a pull as the launch followeth the caravel in a light breeze and smooth water; but it is this leaving all behind, as it might be, earth as well as wives and children, that saddens their hearts, and uncorks their tears." "and thou, sancho, an old mariner that wast born at sea"-"nay, your excellency, illustrious señor don almirante," interrupted sancho, looking up with pretended simplicity, "not exactly at sea, though within the scent of its odor; since, having been found at the shipwright's gate, it is not probable they would have made a haven just to land so small a part of the freight." "well, born _near_ the sea, if thou wilt--but from thee i expect better things than unmanly lamentations because an island hath sunk below the horizon." "excellency, you may; it mattereth little to sancho, if half the islands in the sea were sunk a good deal lower. there are the cape de verdes, now, which i never wish to look upon again, and lampidosa, besides stromboli and others in that quarter, would be better out of the way, than where they are, as for any good they do us seamen. but, if your excellency will condescend to tell these honest people whither it is that we are bound, and what you expect to find in port, and, more especially, when we are to come back, it would comfort them in an unspeakable degree." "as i hold it to be the proper office of men in authority to let their motives be known, when no evil followeth the disclosure, this will i most cheerfully do, requiring the attention of all near me, and chiefly of those who are most uneasy concerning our present position and future movements. the end of our voyage is cathay, a country that is known to lie in the uttermost eastern extremity of asia, whither it hath been more than once reached by christian travellers; and its difference from all other voyages, or journeys, that may have been attempted in order to reach the same country, is in the circumstance that we go west, while former travellers have proceeded east. but this is effecting our purposes by means that belong only to stout-hearted mariners, since none but those who are familiar with the ocean, skilful pilots, and obedient and ready seamen, can traverse the waters, without better guides than the knowledge of the stars, currents, winds, and other phenomena of the atlantic, and such aids as may be gleaned from science. the reason on which i act, is a conviction that the earth is round, whence it followeth that the atlantic, which we know to possess an eastern boundary of land, must also have a western; and from certain calculations that leave it almost certain, that this continent, which i hold will prove to be india, cannot lie more than some twenty-five or thirty days' sailing, if as many, from our own europe. having thus told when and where i expect to find the country we seek, i will now touch a little on the advantages that we may all expect to derive from the discovery. according to the accounts of a certain marco polo, and his relatives, gentlemen of venice, and men of fair credit and good reputations, the kingdom of cathay is not only one of the most extensive known, but one that most aboundeth in gold and silver, together with the other metals of value, and precious stones. of the advantages of the discovery of such a land to yourselves, ye may judge by its advantages to me. their highnesses have dignified me with the rank of admiral and viceroy, in anticipation of our success, and, persevering to a successful termination of your efforts, the humblest man among ye may look with confidence to some signal mark of their favor. rewards will doubtless be rendered in proportion to your merits; he that deserveth much, receiving more than he who hath deserved less. still will there be sufficient for all. marco polo and his relatives dwelt seventeen years in the court of the great khan, and were every way qualified to give a true account of the riches and resources of those regions; and well were they--simple venetian gentlemen, without any other means than could be transported on the backs of beasts of burden--rewarded for their toils and courage. the jewels alone, with which they returned, served long to enrich their race, renovating a decayed but honorable family, while they did their enterprise and veracity credit in the eyes of men. "as the ocean, for a long distance this side of the continent of asia and the kingdom of cathay, is known to abound with islands, we may expect first to meet with them, where, it would be doing nature herself injustice, did we not anticipate fragrant freights of balmy spices, and other valuable commodities with which that favored quarter of the earth, it is certain, is enriched. indeed, it is scarce possible for the imagination to conceive of the magnitude of the results that await our success, while naught but ridicule and contempt could attend a hasty and inconsiderate return. going not as invaders, but as christians and friends, we have no reason to expect other than the most friendly reception; and, no doubt, the presents and gifts, alone, that will naturally be offered to strangers who have come so far, and by a road that hath hitherto been untravelled, will forty-fold repay you for all your toils and troubles. "i say nothing of the honor of being among those who have first carried the cross to the heathen world," continued the admiral, uncovering himself, and looking around him with solemn gravity; "though our fathers believed it to be no little distinction to have been one in the armies that contended for the possession of the sepulchre. but neither the church, nor its great master, forgetteth the servitor that advanceth its interests, and we may all look for blessings, both here and hereafter." as he concluded, columbus devoutly crossed himself, and withdrew from the sight of his people among those who were on the poop. the effect of this address was, for the moment, very salutary, and the men saw the clouds that hung over the land disappear, like the land itself, with less feeling than they had previously manifested. nevertheless, they remained distrustful and sad, some dreaming that night of the pictures that columbus had drawn of the glories of the east, and others fancying, in their sleep, that demons were luring them into unknown seas, where they were doomed to wander forever, as a punishment for their sins; conscience asserting its power in all situations, and most vividly in those of distrust and uncertainty. shortly before sunset, the admiral caused the three vessels to heave-to, and the two pinzons to repair on board his own ship. here he laid before these persons his orders and plans for their government, in the event of a separation. "thus you will understand me, señores," he concluded, after having explained at length his views: "your first and gravest duty will be to keep near the admiral, in all weather, and under every circumstance, so long as it may be possible; but, failing of the possibility, you will make your way due westward, on this parallel of latitude, until you have gone seven hundred leagues from the canaries; after which, you are to lie-to at night, as, by that time, it is probable you will be among the islands of asia; and it will be both prudent, and necessary to our objects, to be more on the alert for discoveries, from that moment. still, you will proceed westward, relying on seeing me at the court of the great khan, should providence deny us an earlier meeting." "this is well, señor almirante," returned martin alonzo, raising his eyes, which had long been riveted on the chart, "but it will be far better for all to keep together, and chiefly so to us, who are little used to the habits of princes, if we wait for your excellency's protection before we rush unheedingly into the presence of a sovereign as potent as the grand khan." "thou showest thy usual prudence, good martin alonzo, and i much commend thee for it. it were, indeed, better that thou shouldst wait my arrival, since that eastern potentate may conceive himself better treated by receiving the first visit from the viceroy of the sovereigns, who is the bearer of letters directly from his own royal master and mistress, than by receiving it from one of inferior rank. look thou well to the islands and their products, señor pinzon, shouldst thou first gain those seas, and await my appearance, before thou proceedest to aught else. how stand thy people affected on taking leave of the land?" "ill enough, señor; so much so, indeed, as to put me in fear of a mutiny. there are those in the pinta who need to stand in wholesome dread of the anger of their highnesses, to prevent their making a sudden and violent return to palos." "thou wouldst do well to look sharply to this spirit, that it may be kept under. deal kindly and gently with these disaffected spirits as long as may be, encouraging them by all fair and reasonable promises; but beware that the distemper get not the mastery of thy authority. and now, señores, as the night approacheth, take boat and return to your vessels, that we may profit by the breeze." when columbus was again alone with luis, he sat in his little cabin, with a hand supporting his head, musing like one lost in reflection. "thou hast long known this martin alonzo, don luis de bobadilla?" he at length asked, betraying the current of his thoughts, by the nature of the question. "long, señor, as youths count time; though it would seem but a day in the calculations of aged men." "much dependeth on him; i hope he may prove honest; as yet he hath shown himself liberal, enterprising, and manly." "he is human, don christopher, and therefore liable to err. yet as men go, i esteem martin alonzo far from being among the worst of his race. he hath not embarked in this enterprise under knightly vows, nor with any churchman's zeal; but give him the chance of a fair return for his risks, and you will find him as true as interest ever leaveth a man, when there is any occasion to try his selfishness." "then thou, only, will i trust with my secret. look at this paper, luis. here thou seest that i have been calculating our progress since morning, and i find that we have come full nineteen leagues, though it be not in a direct westerly line. should i let the people know how far we may have truly come, at the end of some great distance, there being no land visible, fear will get the mastery over them, and no man can foresee the consequences. i shall write down publicly, therefore, but fifteen leagues, keeping the true reckoning sacred for thine eye and mine. god will forgive me this deception, in consideration that it is practised in the interest of his own church. by making these small deductions daily, it will enable us to advance a thousand leagues, without awakening alarm sufficient for more than seven or eight hundred." "this is reducing courage to a scale i little dreamt of, señor," returned luis, laughing. "by san luis, my true patron! we should think ill of the knight who found it necessary to uphold his heart by a measurement of leagues." "all unknown evils are dreaded evils. distance hath its terrors for the ignorant, and it may justly have its terrors for the wise, young noble, when it is measured on a trackless ocean; and there ariseth another question touching those great staples of life, food and water." with this slight reproof of the levity of his young friend, the admiral prepared himself for his hammock by kneeling and repeating the prayers of the hour. chapter xvii. "whither, 'midst falling dew, while glow the heavens with the last steps of day, far, through their rosy depths, dost thou pursue thy solitary way?" bryant. the slumbers of columbus were of short duration. while his sleep lasted it was profound, like that of a man who has so much control over his will as to have reduced the animal functions to its domination, for he awoke regularly at short intervals, in order that his watchful eye might take a survey of the state of the weather, and of the condition of his vessels. on this occasion, the admiral was on deck again, a little after one, where he found all things seemingly in that quiet and inspiring calm that ordinarily marks, in fine weather, a middle watch at sea. the men on deck mostly slumbered; the drowsy pilot, and the steersman, with a look-out or two, alone remaining erect and awake. the wind had freshened, and the caravel was ploughing her way ahead, with an untiring industry, leaving ferro and its dangers, at each instant, more and more remote. the only noises that were audible, were the gentle sighing of the wind among the cordage, the wash of the water, and the occasional creaking of a yard, as the breeze forced it, with a firmer pressure, to distend its tackle and to strain its fittings. the night was dark, and it required a moment to accustom the eye to objects by a light so feeble: when this was done, however, the admiral discovered that the ship was not close by the wind, as he had ordered that she should be kept. walking to the helm, he perceived that it was so far borne up, as to cause her head to fall off toward the north-east, which was, in fact, in the direction to spain. "art thou a seaman, and disregardest thy course, in this heedless manner?" sternly demanded the admiral; "or art thou only a muleteer, who fancieth he is merely winding his way along a path of the mountains. thy heart is in spain, and thou thinkest that a vain wish to return may meet with some relief in this idle artifice!" "alas, señor almirante! your excellency hath judged rightly in believing that my heart is in spain, where it ought to be, moreover, as i have left behind me at moguer seven motherless children." "dost thou not know, fellow, that i, too, am a father, and that the dearest objects of a father's hopes are left behind me, also? in what, then, dost thou differ from me, my son being also without a mother's care?" "excellency, he hath an admiral for a father, while my boys have only a helmsman!" "and what will it matter to don diego"--columbus was fond of dwelling on the honors he had received from the sovereigns, even though it were a little irregularly--"what will it matter to don diego, my son, that his parent perished an admiral, if he perish at all; and in what will he profit more than your children, when he findeth himself altogether without a parent?" "señor, it will profit him to be cherished by the king and queen, to be honored as your child, and to be fostered and fed as the offspring of a viceroy, instead of being cast aside as the issue of a nameless mariner." "friend, thou hast some reason in this, and in-so-much i respect thy feelings," answered columbus, who, like our own washington, appears to have always submitted to a lofty and pure sense of justice; "but thou wouldst do well to remember the influence that thy manly and successful perseverance in this voyage may produce on the welfare of thy children, instead of thus dwelling on weak forebodings of ills that are little likely to come to pass. neither of us hath much to expect, should we fail of our discoveries, while both may hope every thing should we succeed. can i trust thee now, to keep the ship on her course, or must i send for another mariner to relieve the helm?" "it may be better, noble admiral, to do the last. i will bethink me of thy counsel, and strive with my longings for home; but it would be safer to seek another for this day, while we are so near to spain." "dost thou know one sancho mundo, a common seaman of this crew?" "señor, we all know him; he hath the name of the most skilful of our craft, of all in moguer." "is he of thy watch, or sleepeth he with his fellows of the relief below?" "señor, he is of our watch; and sleepeth not with his fellows below, for the reason that he sleepeth on deck. no care, or danger, can unsettle the confidence of sancho! to him the sight of land is so far an evil, that i doubt if he rejoice should we ever reach those distant countries that your excellency seemeth to expect we may." "go find this sancho, and bid him come hither; i will discharge thy office the while." columbus now took the helm with his own hands, and with a light play of the tiller brought the ship immediately up as near the wind as she would lie. the effect was felt in more quick and sudden plunges into the sea, a deeper heel to leeward, and a fresh creaking aloft, that denoted a renewed and increased strain on all the spars and their tackle. in the course of a few minutes, however, sancho appeared, rubbing his eyes, and yawning. "take thou this duty," said the admiral, as soon as the man was near him, "and discharge it faithfully. those who have been here already, have proved unfaithful, suffering the vessel to fall off, in the direction of spain; i expect better things of thee. i think, friend sancho, i may count on thee as a true and faithful follower, even in extremity?" "señor don almirante," said sancho, who took the helm, giving it a little play to feel his command of it, as a skilful coachman brings his team in subjection on first assuming the reins, "i am a servant of the crown's, and your inferior and subordinate; such duty as becometh me, i am ready to discharge." "thou hast no fear of this voyage--no childish forebodings of becoming an endless wanderer in an unknown sea, without hope of ever seeing wife or child again?" "señor, you seem to know our hearts as well as if your excellency had made them with your own hands, and then put them into our miserable bodies!" "thou hast, then, none of these unsuitable and unseamanlike apprehensions?" "not as much, excellency, as would raise an ave in a parish priest, or a sigh in an old woman. i may have my misgivings, for we all have weaknesses, but none of them incline to any dread of sailing about the ocean, since that is my happiness; nor to any concern about wife and children, not having the first, and wishing not to think i have the last." "if thou hast misgivings, name them. i could wish to make one firm as thou, wholly my friend." "i doubt not, señor, that we shall reach cathay, or whatever country your excellency may choose to seek; i make no question of your ability to beard the great khan, and, at need, to strip the very jewels from his turban--as turban he must have, being an infidel; nor do i feel any misgivings about the magnitude and richness of our discoveries and freights, since i believe, señor don almirante, you are skilful enough to take the caravels in at one end of the earth and out at the other; or, even to load them with carbuncles, should diamonds be wanting." "if thou hast this faith in thy leader, what other distrust can give thee concern?" "i distrust the value of the share, whether of honor or of jewels, that will fall to the lot of one sancho mundo, a poor, unknown, almost shirtless mariner, that hath more need of both than hath ever crossed the mind of our gracious lady, doña isabella, or of her royal consort." "sancho, thou art a proof that no man is without his failings, and i fear thou art mercenary. they say all men have their prices; thou seemest clearly to have thine." "your excellency hath not been sailing about the world for nothing, or you could not tell every man his inclinations so easily. i have ever suspected i was mercenary, and so have accepted all sorts of presents to keep the feeling down. nothing appeases a mercenary longing like gifts and rewards; and as for price, i strive hard to keep mine as high as possible, lest it should bring me into discredit for a mean and grovelling spirit. give me a high price, and plenty of gifts, and i can be as disinterested as a mendicant friar." "i understand thee, sancho; thou art to be bought, but not to be frightened. in thy opinion a single dobla is too little to be divided between thee and thy friend, the portuguese. i will make a league with thee on thine own terms; here is another piece of gold; see that thou remainest true to me throughout the voyage." "count on me, without scruple, señor don almirante, and with scruples, too, should they interfere. your excellency hath not a more disinterested friend in the fleet. i only hope that when the share-list shall be written out, the name of sancho mundo may have an honorable place, as will become his fidelity. and now, your excellency, go sleep in peace; the santa maria shall lie as near to the route to cathay, as this south-westerly breeze will suffer." columbus complied, though he rose once or twice more, during the night, to ascertain the state of the weather, and that the men did their duties. so long as sancho remained at the helm, he continued faithful to his compact; but, as he went below with his watch, at the usual hour, successors were put in his place, who betrayed the original treachery of the other helmsman. when luis left his hammock, columbus was already at work, ascertaining the distance that had been run in the course of the night. catching the inquiring glance of the young man, the admiral observed, gravely, and not altogether without melancholy in his manner-"we have had a good run, though it hath been more northerly than i could have desired. i find that the vessels are thirty leagues further from ferro than when the sun set, and thou seest, here, that i have written four-and-twenty in the reckoning, that is intended for the eyes of the people. but there hath been great weakness at work this night among the steersmen, if not treachery: they have kept the ship away in a manner to cause her to run a part of the time in a direction nearly parallel to the coast of europe, so that they have been endeavoring to deceive me, on the deck, while i have thought it necessary to attempt deceiving them in the cabin. it is painful, don luis, to find such deceptions resorted to, or such deceptions necessary, when one is engaged in an enterprise that surpasseth all others ever yet attempted by man, and that, too, with a view to the glory of god, the advantage of the human race, and the especial interests of spain." "the holy churchmen, themselves, don christopher, are obliged to submit to this evil," answered the careless luis; "and it does not become us laymen to repine at what they endure. i am told that half the miracles they perform are, in truth, miracles of but a very indifferent quality; the doubts and want of faith of us hardened sinners rendering such little inventions necessary for the good of our souls." "that there are false-minded and treacherous churchmen, as well as false-minded and treacherous laymen, luis, i little doubt," answered the admiral; "but this cometh of the fall of man, and of his evil nature. there are also righteous and true miracles, that come of the power of god, and which are intended to uphold the faith, and to encourage those who love and honor his holy name. i do not esteem any thing that hath yet befallen us to belong very distinctly to this class; nor do i venture to hope that we are to be favored in this manner by an especial intervention in our behalf; but it exceedeth all the machinations of the devils to persuade me that we shall be deserted while bent on so glorious a design, or that we are not, indirectly and secretly, led, in our voyage, by a spirit and knowledge that both come of divine grace and infinite wisdom." "this may be so, don christopher, so far as you are concerned; though, for myself, i claim no higher a guide than an angel. an angel's purity, and, i hope i may add, an angel's love, lead me, in my blind path across the ocean!" "so it seemeth to thee, luis; but thou canst not know that a higher power doth not use the doña mercedes as an instrument in this matter. although no miracle rendereth it apparent to the vulgar, a spirit is placed in my breast, in conducting this enterprise, that i should deem it blasphemy to resist. god be praised, my boy, we are at last quit of the portuguese, and are fairly on our road! at present all our obstacles must arise from the elements, or from our own fears. it gladdeneth my heart to find that the two pinzons remain true, and that they keep their caravels close to the santa maria, like men bent on maintaining their faith, and seeing an end of the adventure." as luis was now ready, he and the admiral left the cabin together. the sun had risen, and the broad expanse of the ocean was glittering with his rays. the wind had freshened, and was gradually getting further to the south, so that the vessels headed up nearly to their course; and, there being but little sea, the progress of the fleet was, in proportion, considerable. every thing appeared propitious; and the first burst of grief, on losing sight of known land, having subsided, the crews were more tranquil, though dread of the future was smothered, like the latent fires of a volcano, rather than extinguished. the aspect of the sea was favorable, offering nothing to view that was unusual to mariners; and, as there is always something grateful in a lively breeze, when unaccompanied with danger, the men were probably encouraged by a state of things to which they were accustomed, and which brought with it cheerfulness and hope. in the course of the day and night, the vessels ran a hundred and eighty miles still further into the trackless waste of the ocean, without awakening half the apprehensions in the bosoms of the mariners that they had experienced on losing sight of land. columbus, however, acting on the cautious principle he had adopted, when he laid before his people the result of the twenty-four hours' work, reduced the distance to about one hundred and fifty. tuesday, the 10th of september, brought a still more favorable change of wind. this day, for the first time since quitting the canaries, the heads of the vessels were laid fairly to the west; and, with the old world directly behind them, and the unknown ocean in their front, the adventurers proceeded onward with a breeze at south-east. the rate of sailing was about five miles in the hour; compensating for the want of speed, by the steadiness of their progress, and by the directness of their course. the observations that are usually made at sea, when the sun is in the zenith, were over, and columbus had just announced to his anxious companions that the vessels were gradually setting south, owing to the drift of some invisible current, when a cry from the mast-head announced the proximity of a whale. as the appearance of one of these monsters of the deep breaks the monotony of a sea life, every one was instantly on the look-out, some leaping into the rigging and others upon the rails, in order to catch a glimpse of his gambols. "dost thou see him, sancho?" demanded the admiral of mundo, the latter being near him at the moment. "to me the water hath no appearance of any such animals being at hand." "your excellency's eye, señor don almirante, is far truer than that of the babbler's aloft. sure as this is the atlantic, and yonder is the foam of the crests of the waves, there is no whale." "the flukes!--the flukes!" shouted a dozen voices at once, pointing to a spot where a dark object arose above the froth of the sea, showing a pointed summit, with short arms extended on each side. "he playeth with his head beneath the water, and the tail uppermost!" "alas!--alas!" exclaimed the practised sancho, with the melancholy of a true seaman, "what these inexperienced and hasty brawlers call the fluke of a whale, is naught but the mast of some unhappy ship, that hath left her bones, with her freight and her people, in the depths of the ocean!" "thou art right, sancho," returned the admiral. "i now see that thou meanest: it is truly a spar, and doubtless betokeneth a shipwreck." this fact passed swiftly from mouth to mouth, and the sadness that ever accompanies the evidences of such a disaster, settled on the faces of all the beholders. the pilots alone showed indifference, and they consulted on the expediency of endeavoring to secure the spar, as a resource in time of need; but they abandoned the attempt on acccount of the agitation of the water, and of the fairness of the wind, the latter being an advantage a true mariner seldom likes to lose. "there is a warning to us!" exclaimed one of the disaffected, as the santa maria sailed past the waving summit of the spar; "god hath sent this sign to warn us not to venture where he never intended navigators to go!" "say, rather," put in sancho, who, having taken the fee, had ever since proved a willing advocate, "it is an omen of encouragement sent from heaven. dost thou not see that the part of the mast that is visible resembleth a cross, which holy sign is intended to lead us on, filled with hopes of success?" "this is true, sancho," interrupted columbus. "a cross hath been reared for our edification, as it might be, in the midst of the ocean, and we are to regard it as a proof that providence is with us, in our attempt to carry its blessings to the aid and consolation of the heathen of asia." as the resemblance to the holy symbol was far from fanciful, this happy hit of sancho's was not without its effect. the reader will understand the likeness all the better, when he is told that the upper end of a mast has much the appearance of a cross, by means of the trussel-trees; and, as often happens, this particular spar was floating nearly perpendicular, owing to some heavy object being fast to its heel, leaving the summit raised some fifteen or twenty feet above the surface of the sea. in a quarter of an hour this last relic of europe and of civilization disappeared in the wake of the vessels, gradually diminishing in size and settling toward the water, until its faint outlines vanished in threads, still wearing the well-known shape of the revered symbol of christianity. after this little incident, the progress of the vessels was uninterrupted by any event worthy of notice for two days and nights. all this time the wind was favorable, and the adventurers proceeded due west, by compass, which was, in fact, however, going a little north of the real point--a truth that the knowledge of the period had not yet mastered. between the morning of the 10th september, and the evening of the 13th, the fleet had passed over near ninety leagues of ocean, holding its way in a line but a little deviating from a direct one athwart the great waste of water, and having consequently reached a point as far, if not further west than the position of the azores, then the most westerly land known to european navigators. on the 13th, the currents proved to be adverse, and, having a south-easterly set, they had a tendency to cause the ships to sheer southwardly, bringing them, each hour, nearer to the northern margin of the trades. the admiral and luis were at their customary post, on the evening of the 13th--the day last mentioned--as sancho left the helm, his tour of duty having just ended. instead of going forward, as usual, among the people, the fellow hesitated, surveyed the poop with a longing eye, and, finding it occupied only by the admiral and his constant companion, he ascended the ladder, as if desirous of making some communication. "wouldst thou aught with me, sancho?" demanded the admiral, waiting for the man to make certain that no one else was on the narrow deck. "speak freely: thou hast my confidence." "señor don almirante, your excellency well knoweth that i am no fresh-water fish, to be frightened at the sight of a shark or a whale, or one that is terrified because a ship headeth west, instead of east; and yet i do come to say that this voyage is not altogether without certain signs and marvels, that it may be well for a mariner to respect, as unusual, if not ominous." "as thou sayest, sancho, thou art no driveller to be terrified by the flight of a bird, or at the presage of a drifting spar, and thou awakenest my curiosity to know more. the señor de muños is my confidential secretary, and nothing need be hid from him. speak freely, then, and without further delay. if gold is thy aim, be certain thou shalt have it." "no, señor, my news is not worth a maravedi, or it is far beyond the price of gold; such as it is, your excellency can take it, and think no more of my reward. you know, señor, that we old mariners will have our thoughts as we stand at the helm, sometimes fancying the smiles and good looks of some hussy ashore, sometimes remembering the flavor of rich fruits and well-savored mutton; and then, again, for a wonder, bethinking us of our sins." "fellow, all this i well know; but it is not matter for an admiral's ear." "i know not that, señor; i have known admirals who have relished mutton after a long cruise; ay, and who have bethought them, too, of smiling faces and bright eyes, and who, if they did not, at times, bethink them of their sins, have done what was much worse, help to add to the great account that was heaping up against them. now, there was"-"let me toss this vagabond into the sea, at once, don christopher," interrupted the impatient luis, making a forward movement as if to execute the threat, an act which the hand of columbus arrested; "we shall never hear a tale the right end first, as long as he remaineth in the ship." "i thank you, my young lord of llera," answered sancho, with an ironical smile; "if you are as ready at drowning seamen, as you are at unhorsing christian knights in the tourney, and infidels in the fray, i would rather that another should be master of my baths." "thou know'st me, knave? thou hast seen me on some earlier voyage." "a cat may look at a king, señor conde; and why not a mariner on his passenger? but spare your threats, and your secret is in safe hands. if we reach cathay, no one will be ashamed of having made the voyage; and if we miss it, it is little likely that any will go back to relate the precise manner in which your excellency was drowned, or starved to death, or in what other manner you became a saint in abraham's bosom." "enough of this!" said columbus, sternly; "relate what thou hast to say, and see that thou art discreet touching this young noble." "señor, your word is law. well, don christopher, it is one of the tricks of us mariners, at night, to be watching an old and constant friend, the north star; and while thus occupied an hour since, i noted that this faithful guide and the compass by which i was steering, told different tales." "art certain of this?" demanded the admiral, with a quickness and emphasis that betrayed the interest he felt in the communication. "as certain, señor, as fifty years' looking at the star, and forty years' watching of the compass can make a man. but there is no occasion, your excellency, to depend on my ignorance, since the star is still where god placed it; and there is your private compass at your elbow--one may be compared with the other." columbus had already bethought him of making this comparison; and by the time sancho ceased speaking, he and luis were examining the instrument with eager curiosity. the first, and the most natural, impression, was a belief that the needle of the instrument below was defective, or, at least, influenced by some foreign cause; but an attentive observation soon convinced the navigator that the remark of sancho was true. he was both astonished and concerned to find that the habitual care, and professional eye of the fellow had been active, and quick to note a change as unusual as this. it was, indeed, so common with mariners to compare their compasses with the north star--a luminary that was supposed never to vary its position in the heavens, as that position related to man--that no experienced seaman, who happened to be at the helm at nightfall, could well overlook the phenomenon. after repeated observations with his own compasses, of which he kept two--one on the poop, and another in the cabin; and having recourse also to the two instruments in the binnacle, columbus was compelled to admit to himself that all four varied, alike, from their usual direction, nearly six degrees. instead of pointing due north, or, at least, in a direct line toward a point on the horizon immediately beneath the star, they pointed some five or six degrees to the westward of it. this was both a novel and an astounding departure from the laws of nature, as they were then understood, and threatened to render the desired results of the voyage so much the more difficult of attainment, as it at once deprived the adventurers of a sure reliance on the mariner's principal guide, and would render it difficult to sail, with any feeling of certainty as to the course, in cloudy weather, or dark nights. the first thought of the admiral, on this occasion, however, was to prevent the effect which such a discovery would be likely to produce on men already disposed to anticipate the worst. "thou wilt say nothing of this, sancho?" he observed to the man. "here is another dobla to add to thy store." "excellency, pardon a humble seaman's disobedience, if my hand refuse to open to your gift. this matter toucheth of supernatural means; and, as the devil may have an agency in the miracle, in order to prevent our converting them heathen, of whom you so often speak, i prefer to keep my soul as pure as may be, in the matter, since no one knoweth what weapons we may be driven to use, should we come to real blows with the father of sin." "thou wilt, at least, prove discreet?" "trust me for that, señor don almirante; not a word shall pass my lips about this matter, until i have your excellency's permission to speak." columbus dismissed the man, and then he turned toward luis, who had been a silent but attentive listener to what had passed. "you seem disturbed at this departure from the usual laws of the compass, don christopher," observed the young man, gaily. "to me it would seem better to rely altogether on providence, which would scarcely lead us out here, into the wide atlantic, on its own errand, and desert us when we most need its aid." "god implants in the bosom of his servants a desire to advance his ends, but human agents are compelled to employ natural means, and, in order to use such means advantageously, it is necessary to understand them. i look upon this phenomenon as a proof that our voyage is to result in discoveries of unknown magnitude, among which, perhaps, are to be numbered some clue to the mysteries of the needle. the mineral riches of spain differ, in certain particulars, from the mineral riches of france; for, though some things are common to all lands, others are peculiar to particular countries. we may find regions where the loadstone abounds, or may, even now, be in the neighborhood of some island that hath an influence on our compasses that we cannot explain." "is it known that islands have ever produced this effect on the needle?" "it is not--nor do i deem such a circumstance very probable, though all things are possible. we will wait patiently for further proofs that this phenomenon is real and permanent, ere we reason further on a matter that is so difficult to be understood." the subject was now dropped, though the unusual incident gave the great navigator an uneasy and thoughtful night. he slept little, and often was his eye fastened on the compass that was suspended in his cabin as a "tell-tale," for so seamen term the instrument by which the officer overlooks the course that is steered by the helmsman, even when the latter least suspects his supervision. columbus arose sufficiently early to get a view of the star before its brightness was dimmed by the return of light, and made another deliberate comparison of the position of this familiar heavenly body with the direction of the needles. the examination proved a slight increase of the variation, and tended to corroborate the observations of the previous night. the result of the reckoning showed that the vessels had run nearly a hundred miles in the course of the last twenty-four hours, and columbus now believed himself to be about six times that distance west of ferro, though even the pilots fancied themselves by no means as far. as sancho kept his secret, and no other eye among the helmsmen was as vigilant, the important circumstance, as yet, escaped general attention. it was only at night, indeed, that the variation could be observed by means of the polar star, and it was yet so slight that no one but a very experienced and quick-eyed mariner would be apt to note it. the whole of the day and night of the 14th consequently passed without the crew's taking the alarm, and this so much the more as the wind had fallen, and the vessels were only some sixty miles further west than when they commenced. still, columbus noted the difference, slight as was the change, ascertaining, with the precision of an experienced and able navigator, that the needle was gradually varying more and more to the westward, though it was by steps that were nearly imperceptible. chapter xviii. "on thy unaltering blaze the half-wrecked mariner, his compass lost, fixes his steady gaze, and steers, undoubting, to the friendly coast; and they who stray in perilous wastes, by night, are glad when thou dost shine to guide their footsteps right." hymn to the north star. the following day was saturday, the 15th, when the little fleet was ten days from gomera; or it was the sixth morning since the adventurers had lost sight of the land. the last week had been one of melancholy forebodings, though habit was beginning to assert its influence, and the men manifested openly less uneasiness than they had done in the three or four previous days. their apprehensions were getting to be dormant for want of any exciting and apparent stimulus, though they existed as latent impulses, in readiness to be roused at the occurrence of any untoward event. the wind continued fair, though light--the whole twenty-four hours' work showing considerably less than a hundred miles, as the true progress west. all this time columbus kept his attention fastened on the needles, and he perceived that as the vessels slowly made their westing, the magnets pointed more and more, though by scarcely palpable changes, in the same direction. the admiral and luis, by this time, had fallen into such habits of close communication, that they usually rose and slept at the same time. though far too ignorant of the hazards he ran to feel uneasiness, and constitutionally, as well as morally, superior to idle alarms, the young man had got to feel a sort of sportsman's excitement in the result; and, by this time, had not mercedes existed, he would have been as reluctant to return without seeing cathay, as columbus himself. they conversed together of their progress and their hopes, without ceasing, and luis took so much interest in his situation as to begin to learn how to discriminate in matters that might be supposed to affect its duration and ends. on the night of the saturday just mentioned, columbus and his reputed secretary were alone on the poop, conversing, as usual, on the signs of the times, and of the events of the day. "the niña had something to say to you, last evening, don christopher," observed the young man; "i was occupied in the cabin, with my journal, and had no opportunity of knowing what passed." "her people had seen a bird or two, that are thought never to go far from the land. it is possible that islands are at no great distance, for man hath nowhere passed over any very great extent of sea without meeting with them. we cannot, however, waste the time necessary for a search, since the glory and profit of ascertaining the situation of a group of islands would be but a poor compensation for the loss of a continent." "do you still remark those unaccountable changes in the needles, señor?" "in this respect there is no change, except that which goeth to corroborate the phenomenon. my chief apprehension is of the effect on the people, when the circumstance shall be known." "are there no means to persuade them that the needle pointeth thus west, as a sign providence willeth they should pursue that course, by persevering in the voyage?" "this might do, luis," answered the admiral, smiling, "had not fear so sharpened their wits, that their first question would be an inquiry why providence should deprive us of the means of knowing whither we are travelling, when it so much wisheth us to go in any particular direction." a cry from the watch on deck arrested the discourse, while a sudden brightness broke on the night, illuminating the vessels and the ocean, as if a thousand lamps were shedding their brilliancy upon the surrounding portion of the sphere. a ball of fire was glancing athwart the heavens, and seemed to fall into the sea, at the distance of a few leagues, or at the limits of the visible horizon. its disappearance was followed by a gloom as profound as the extraordinary and fleeting light had been brilliant. this was only the passage of a meteor; but it was such a meteor as men do not see more than once in their lives--if it is seen as often; and the superstitious mariners did not fail to note the incident among the extraordinary omens that accompanied the voyage; some auguring good, and others evil, from the event. "by st. iago!" exclaimed luis, as soon as the light had vanished, "señor don christopher, this voyage of ours doth not seem fated to pass away unheeded by the elements and other notable powers! whether these portents speak in our favor, or not, they speak us any thing but men engaged in an every-day occupation." "thus it is with the human mind!" returned columbus. "let but its owner pass beyond the limits of his ordinary habits and duties, and he sees marvels in the most simple changes of the weather--in a flash of lightning--a blast of air--or the passage of a meteor; little heeding that these miracles exist in his own consciousness, and have no connection with the every-day laws of nature. these sights are by no means uncommon, especially in low latitudes; and they augur neither for nor against our enterprise." "except, señor almirante, as they may beset the spirits and haunt the imaginations of the men. sancho telleth me, that a brooding discontent is growing among them; and that, while they seem so tranquil, their disrelish of the voyage is hourly getting to be more and more decided." notwithstanding this opinion of the admiral, and some pains that he afterward took to explain the phenomenon to the people on deck, the passage of the meteor had, indeed, not only produced a deep impression on them, but its history went from watch to watch, and was the subject of earnest discourse throughout the night. but the incident produced no open manifestation of discontent; a few deeming it a propitious omen, though most secretly considered it an admonition from heaven against any impious attempts to pry into those mysteries of nature that, according to their notions, god, in his providence, had not seen fit to reveal to man. all this time the vessels were making a steady progress toward the west. the wind had often varied, both in force and direction, but never in a manner to compel the ships to shorten sail, or to deviate from what the admiral believed to be the proper course. they supposed themselves to be steering due west, but, owing to the variation, were in fact now holding a west-and-by-south course, and were gradually getting nearer to the trades; a movement in which they had also been materially aided by the force of the currents. in the course of the 15th and 16th of the month, the fleet had got about two hundred miles further from europe, columbus taking the usual precaution to lessen the distance in the public reckoning. the latter day was a sunday; and the religious offices, which were then seldom neglected in a christian ship, produced a deep and sublime effect on the feelings of the adventurers. hitherto the weather had partaken of the usual character of the season, and a few clouds, with a slight drizzling rain, had relieved the heat; but these soon passed away, and were succeeded by a soft south-east wind, that seemed to come charged with the fragrance of the land. the men united in the evening chants, under these propitious circumstances; the vessels drawing near each other, as if it might be to form one temple in honor of god, amid the vast solitudes of an ocean that had seldom, if ever, been whitened by a sail. cheerfulness and hope succeeded to this act of devotion, and both were speedily heightened by a cry from the look-out aloft, who pointed ahead and to leeward, as if he beheld some object of peculiar interest in that quarter. the helms were varied a little; and in a few minutes the vessels entered into a field of sea-weed, that covered the ocean for miles. this sign of the vicinity of land was received by the mariners with a shout; and the very beings who had so shortly before been balancing on the verge of despair, now became elate with joy. these weeds were indeed of a character to awaken hope in the bosom of the most experienced mariner. although some had lost their freshness, a great proportion of them were still green, and had the appearance of having been quite recently separated from their parent rocks, or the earth that had nourished them. no doubt was now entertained, even by the pilots, of the vicinity of land. tunny-fish were also seen in numbers, and the people of the niña were sufficiently fortunate to strike one. the seamen embraced each other, with tears in their eyes, and many a hand was squeezed in friendly congratulation, that the previous day would have been withheld in surly misanthropy. "and do you partake of all this hope, don christopher?" demanded luis; "are we really to expect the indies as a consequence of these marine plants, or is the expectation idle?" "the people deceive themselves in supposing our voyage near an end. cathay must yet be very distant from us. we have come but three hundred and sixty leagues since losing sight of ferro, which, according to my computations, cannot be much more than a third of our journey. aristotle mentioned that certain vessels of cadiz were forced westward by heavy gales, until they reached a sea covered with weeds, a spot where the tunny-fish abounded. this is the fish, thou must know, luis, that the ancients fancied could see better with the right eye than with the left, because it hath been noted that, in passing the bosphorus, they ever take the right shore in proceeding toward the euxine, and the left in returning"-"by st. francis! there can be no wonder if creatures so one-sided in their vision, should have strayed thus far from home," interrupted the light-hearted luis, laughing. "doth aristotle, or the other ancients, tell us how they regarded beauty; or whether their notions of justice were like those of the magistrate who hath been fed by both parties?" "aristotle speaketh only of the presence of the fish in the weedy ocean, as we see them before us. the mariners of cadiz fancied themselves in the neighborhood of sunken islands, and, the wind permitting, made the best of their way back to their own shores. thia place, in my judgment, we have now reached; but i expect to meet with no land, unless, indeed, we may happen to fall in with some island that lieth off here in the ocean, as a sort of beacon between the shore of europe and that of asia. doubtless land is not distant, whence these weeds have drifted, but i attach little importance to its sight, or discovery. cathay is my aim, don luis, and i am a searcher for continents, not islands." it is now known that while columbus was right in his expectations of not finding a continent so early, he was mistaken in supposing land to lie any where in that vicinity. whether these weeds are collected by the course of the currents, or whether they rise from the bottom, torn from their beds by the action of the water, is not yet absolutely ascertained, though the latter is the most common opinion, extensive shoals existing in this quarter of the ocean. under the latter supposition, the mariners of cadiz were nearer the truth than is first apparent, a sunken island having all the characteristics of a shoal, but those which may be supposed to be connected with the mode of formation. no land was seen. the vessels continued their progress at a rate but little varying from five miles the hour, shoving aside the weeds, which at times accumulated in masses, under their bows, but which could offer no serious obstacle to their progress. as for the admiral, so lofty were his views, so steady his opinions concerning the great geographical problem he was about to solve, and so determined his resolution to persevere to the end, that he rather hoped to miss than to fall in with the islands, that he fancied could be at no great distance. the day and night carried the vessels rather more than one hundred miles to the westward, placing the fleet not far from midway between the meridians that bounded the extreme western and eastern margins of the two continents, though still much nearer to africa than to america, following the parallel of latitude on which it was sailing. as the wind continued steady, and the sea was as smooth as a river, the three vessels kept close together, the pinta, the swiftest craft, reducing her canvas for that purpose. during the afternoon's watch of the day that succeeded that of the meeting with the weeds, which was monday, the 17th september, or the eighth day after losing sight of ferro, martin alonzo pinzon hailed the santa maria, and acquainted the pilot on deck of his intention to get the amplitude of the sun, as soon as the luminary should be low enough, with a view to ascertain how far his needles retained their virtue. this observation, one of no unusual occurrence among mariners, it was thought had better be made in all the caravels simultaneously, that any error of one might be corrected by the greater accuracy of the rest. columbus and luis were in a profound sleep in their cots, taking their siestas, when the former was awakened by such a shake of the shoulder as seamen are wont to give, and are content to receive. it never required more than a minute to arouse the great navigator from his deepest slumbers to the fullest possession of his faculties, and he was awake in an instant. "señor don almirante," said sancho, who was the intruder, "it is time to be stirring: all the pilots are on deck in readiness to measure the amplitude of the sun, as soon as the heavenly bodies are in their right places. the west is already beginning to look like a dying dolphin, and ere many minutes it will be gilded like the helmet of a moorish sultan." "an amplitude measured!" exclaimed columbus, quitting his cot on the instant. "this is news, indeed! now we may look for such a stir among the people, as hath not been witnessed since we left cadiz!" "so it hath appeared to me, your excellency, for the mariner hath some such faith in the needle as the churchman bestoweth on the goodness of the son of god. the people are in a happy humor at this moment, but the saints only know what is to come!" the admiral awoke luis, and in five minutes both were at their customary station on the poop. columbus had gained so high a reputation for skill in navigation, his judgment invariably proving right, even when opposed to those of all the pilots in the fleet, that the latter were not sorry to perceive he had no intention to take an instrument in hand, but seemed disposed to leave the issue to their own skill and practice. the sun slowly settled, the proper time was watched, and then these rude mariners set about their task, in the mode that was practised in their time. martin alonzo pinzon, the most ready and best taught of them all, was soonest through with his task. from his lofty stand, the admiral could overlook the deck of the pinta, which vessel was sailing but a few hundred yards from the santa maria, and it was not long before he observed her commander moving from one compass to another, in the manner of a man who was disturbed. another minute or two elapsed, when the skiff of the caravel was launched; a sign was made for the admiral's vessel to shorten sail, and martin alonzo was soon forcing his way through the weeds that still covered the surface of the ocean, toward the santa maria. as he gained the deck of the latter ship, on one of her sides, his kinsman, vicente yañez, the commander of the niña, did the same thing on the other. in the next instant both were at the side of the great navigator, on the poop, whither they had been followed by sancho ruiz and bartolemeo roldan, the two pilots of the admiral. "what meaneth this haste, good martin alonzo?" calmly asked columbus: "thou and thy brother, vicente yañez, and these honest pilots, hurry toward me as if ye had cheering tidings from cathay." "god only knoweth, señor almirante, if any of us are ever to be permitted to see that distant land, or any shore that is only to be reached by mariners through the aid of a needle," answered the elder pinzon, with a haste that almost rendered him breathless. "here have we all been at the comparison of the instruments, and we find them, without a single exception, varying from the true north, by, at least, a full point!" "that would be a marvel, truly! ye have made some oversight in your observations, or have been heedless in the estimates." "not so, noble admiral," put in vicente yañez, to sustain his brother. "even the magnets are becoming false to us; and as i mentioned the circumstance to the oldest steersman of my craft, he assures me that the north star did not tally with his instrument throughout the night!" "others say the same, here," added ruiz--"nay, some are ready to swear that the wonder hath been noted ever since we entered the sea of weeds!" "this may be so, señores," answered columbus, with an undisturbed mien, "and yet no evil follow. we all know that the heavenly bodies have their revolutions, some of which no doubt are irregular, while others are more in conformity with certain settled rules. thus it is with the sun himself, which passeth once around the earth in the short space of twenty-four hours, while no doubt he hath other, and more subtile movements, that are unknown to us, on account of the exceeding distance at which he is placed in the heavens. many astronomers have thought that they have been able to detect these variations, spots having been seen on the disc of the orb at times, which have disappeared, as if hid behind the body of the luminary. i think it will be found that the north star hath made some slight deviation in its position, and that it will continue thus to move for some short period, after which, no doubt, it will be found returning to its customary position, when it will be seen that its temporary eccentricity hath in no manner disturbed its usual harmony with the needles. note the star well throughout the night, and in the morning let the amplitude be again taken, when i think the truth of my conjecture will be proved by the regularity of the movement of the heavenly body. so far from being discouraged by this sign, we ought rather to rejoice that we have made a discovery, which, of itself, will entitle the expedition to the credit of having added materially to the stores of science!" the pilots were fain to be satisfied with this solution of their doubts, in the absence of any other means of accounting for them. they remained long on the poop discoursing of the strange occurrence; and as men, even in their blindest moods, usually reason themselves into either tranquillity or apprehension, they fortunately succeeded in doing the first on this occasion. with the men there was more difficulty, for when it became known to the crews of the three vessels that the needles had begun to deviate from their usual direction, a feeling akin to despair seized on them, almost without exception. here sancho was of material service. when the panic was at its height, and the people were on the point of presenting themselves to the admiral, with a demand that the heads of the caravels should be immediately turned toward the north-east, he interposed with his knowledge and influence to calm the tumult. the first means this trusty follower had recourse to, in order to bring his shipmates back to reason, was to swear, without reservation, that he had frequently known the needle and the north star to vary, having witnessed the fact with his own eyes on twenty previous occasions, and no harm to come of it. he invited the elder and more experienced seamen to make an accurate observation of the difference which already existed, which was quite a point of the compass, and then to see, in the morning, if this difference had not increased in the same direction. "this," he continued, "will be a certain sign, my friends, that the star is in motion, since we can all see that the compasses are just where they have been ever since we left palos de moguer. when one of two things is in motion, and it is certain which stands still, there can be no great difficulty in saying which is the uneasy one. now, look thou here, martin martinez," who was one of the most factious of the disaffected; "words are of little use when men can prove their meaning by experiments like this. thou seest two balls of spun-yarn on this windlass; well, it is wanted to be known which of them remains there, and which is taken away. i remove the smallest ball, thou perceivest, and the largest remains; from which it followeth, as only one can remain, and that one is the larger ball, why the smaller must be taken away. i hold no man fit to steer a caravel, by needle or by star, who will deny a thing that is proven as plainly and as simply as this!" martin martinez, though a singularly disaffected man, was no logician; and, sancho's oaths backing his demonstrations to the letter, his party soon became the most numerous. as there is nothing so encouraging to the dull-minded and discontented mutineer, as to perceive that he is of the strongest side, so is there nothing so discouraging as to find himself in the minority; and sancho so far prevailed as to bring most of his fellows round to a belief in the expediency of waiting to ascertain the state of things in the morning, before they committed themselves by any act of rashness. "thou hast done well, sancho," said columbus, an hour later, when the mariner came secretly to make his nightly report of the state of feeling among the people. "thou hast done well in all but these oaths, taken to prove that thou hast witnessed this phenomenon before. much as i have navigated the earth, and careful as have been my observations, and ample as have been my means, never before have i known the needle to vary from its direction toward the north star: and i think that which hath escaped my notice would not be apt to attract thine." "you do me injustice, señor don almirante, and have inflicted a wound touching my honesty, that a dobla only can cure"-"thou knowest, sancho, that no one felt more alarm when the deviation of the needle was first noted, than thyself. so great, in sooth, was thy apprehension, that thou even refused to receive gold, a weakness of which thou art usually exceedingly innocent." "when the deviation was first noted, your excellency, this was true enough; for, not to attempt to mislead one who hath more penetration than befalleth ordinary men, i did fancy that our hopes of ever seeing spain or st. clara de moguer again, were so trifling as to make it of no great consequence who was admiral, and who a simple helmsman." "and yet thou wouldst now brazen it out, and deny thy terror! didst thou not swear to thy fellows, that thou hadst often seen this deviation before; ay, even on as many as twenty occasions?" "well, excellency, this is a proof that a cavalier may make a very capital viceroy and admiral, and know all about cathay, without having the clearest notions of history! i told my shipmates, don christopher, that i had noted these changes before this night, and if tied to the stake to be burnt as a martyr, as i sometimes think will one day be the fate of all of us superfluously honest men, i would call on yourself, señor almirante, as the witness of the truth of what i had sworn to." "thou wouldst, then, summon a most unfortunate witness, sancho, since i neither practise false oaths myself, nor encourage their use in others." "don luis de bobadilla y pedro de muños, here, would then be my reliance," said the imperturbable sancho; "for proof a man hath a right to, when wrongfully accused, and proof i will have. your excellency will please to remember that it was on the night of saturday, the 15th, that i first notified your worship of this very change, and that we are now at the night of monday, the 17th. i swore to twenty times noting this phenomenon, as it is called, in those eight-and-forty hours, when it would have been nearer the truth had i said two hundred times. santa maria! i did nothing but note it for the first few hours!" "go to, sancho; thy conscience hath its latitude as well as its longitude; but thou hast thy uses. now, that thou understandest the reason of the variation, however, thou wilt encourage thy fellows, as well as keep up thy spirits." "i make no question that it is all as your excellency sayeth about the star's travelling," returned sancho; "and it hath crossed my mind that it is possible we are nearer cathay than we have thought; this movement being made by some evil-disposed spirits on purpose to make us lose the way." "go to thy hammock, knave, and bethink thee of thy sins; leaving the reasons of these mysteries to those who are better taught. there is thy dobla, and see that thou art discreet." in the morning every being in the three caravels waited impatiently for the results of the new observations. as the wind continued favorable, though far from fresh, and a current was found setting to the westward, the vessels had made, in the course of twenty-four hours, more than a hundred and fifty miles, which rendered the increase in the variation perceptible, thus corroborating a prophecy of columbus, that had been ventured on previous observation. so easily are the ignorant the dupes of the plausible, that this solution temporarily satisfied all doubts, and it was generally believed that the star had moved, while the needle remained true. how far columbus was misled by his own logic in this affair, is still a matter of doubt. that he resorted to deceptions which might be considered innocent, in order to keep up the courage of his companions, is seen in the fact of the false, or public reckoning; but there is no proof that this was one of the instances in which he had recourse to such means. no person of any science believed, even when the variation of the compass was unknown, that the needle pointed necessarily to the polar star; the coincidence in the direction of the magnetic needle and the position of the heavenly body, being thought accidental; and there is nothing extravagant in supposing that the admiral--who had the instrument in his possession, and was able to ascertain that none of its virtue was visibly lost, while he could only reason from supposed analogy concerning the evolutions of the star--should imagine that a friend he had ever found so faithful, had now deserted him, leaving him disposed to throw the whole mystery of the phenomenon on the more distant dwellers in space. two opinions have been ventured concerning the belief of the celebrated navigator, in the theory he advanced on this occasion; the one affirming, and the other denying his good faith in urging the doctrine he had laid down. those who assert the latter, however, would seem to reason a little loosely themselves, their argument mainly resting on the improbability of a man like columbus uttering so gross a scientific error, at a time when science itself knew no more of the existence of the phenomenon, than is known to-day of its cause. still it is possible that the admiral may not have had any settled notions on the subject, even while he was half inclined to hope his explanation was correct; for it is certain that, in the midst of the astronomical and geographical ignorance of his age, this extraordinary man had many accurate and sublime glimpses of truths that were still in embryo as respected their development and demonstration by the lights of precise and inductive reasoning. fortunately, if the light brought with it the means of ascertaining with certainty the variation of the needle, it also brought the means of perceiving that the sea was still covered with weeds, and other signs that were thought to be encouraging, as connected with the vicinity of land. the current being now in the same direction as the wind, the surface of the ocean was literally as smooth as that of an inland sheet of water, and the vessels were enabled to sail, without danger, within a few fathoms of each other. "this weed, señor almirante," called out the elder pinzon, "hath the appearance of that which groweth on the banks of streams, and i doubt that we are near to the mouth of some exceeding great river!" "this may be so," returned columbus; "than which there can be no more certain sign than may be found in the taste of the water. let a bucket be drawn, that we may know." while pepe was busied in executing this order, waiting until the vessel had passed through a large body of weeds for that purpose, the quick eye of the admiral detected a crab struggling on the surface of the fresh-looking plants, and he called to the helmsman in sufficient season, to enable him so far to vary his course, as to allow the animal to be taken. "here is a most precious prize, good martin alonzo," said columbus, holding the crab between a finger and thumb, that the other might see it. "these animals are never known to go further than some eighty leagues from the land; and see, señor, yonder is one of the white tropic birds, which, it is said, never sleep on the water! truly, god favoreth us; and what rendereth all these tokens more grateful, is the circumstance of their coming from the west--the hidden, unknown, mysterious west!" a common shout burst from the crews at the appearance of these signs, and again the beings who lately had been on the verge of despair, were buoyed up with hope, and ready to see propitious omens in even the most common occurrences of the ocean. all the vessels had hauled up buckets of water, and fifty mouths were immediately wet with the brine; and so general was the infatuation, that every man declared the sea far less salt than usual. so complete, indeed, was the delusion created by these cheerful expectations, and so thoroughly had all concern in connection with the moving star been removed by the sophism of sancho, that even columbus, habitually so wary, so reasoning, so calm, amid his loftiest views, yielded to his native enthusiasm, and fancied that he was about to discover some vast island, placed midway between asia and europe; an honor not to be despised, though it fell so far short of his higher expectations. "truly, friend martin alonzo," he said, "this water seemeth to have less of the savor of the sea, than is customary at a distance from the outlet of large rivers!" "my palate telleth the same tale, señor almirante. as a further sign, the niña hath struck another tunny, and her people are at this moment hoisting it in." shout succeeded shout, as each new encouraging proof appeared; and the admiral, yielding to the ardor of the crews, ordered sail to be pressed on all the vessels, that each might endeavor to outstrip the others, in the hope of being the first to discover the expected island. this strife soon separated the caravels, the pinta easily outsailing the other two, while the santa maria and the niña came on more slowly, in her rear. all was gaiety and mirth, the livelong day, on board those isolated vessels, that, unknown to those they held, were navigating the middle of the atlantic, with horizon extending beyond horizon, without change in the watery boundary, as circle would form without circle, on the same element, were a vast mass of solid matter suddenly dropped into the sea. [illustration] chapter xix. "the sails were filled, and fair the light winds blew, as glad to waft him from his native home; and fast the white rocks faded from his view, and soon were lost in circumambient foam: and then, it may be, of his wish to roam repented he, but in his bosom slept the silent thought, nor from his lips did come one word of wail, whilst others sate and wept, and to the reckless gales unmanly moaning kept." childe harold's pilgrimage. as night drew near, the pinta shortened sail, permitting her consorts to close. all eyes now turned anxiously to the west, where it was hoped that land might at any moment appear. the last tint, however, vanished from the horizon, and darkness enveloped the ocean without bringing any material change. the wind still blew a pleasant breeze from the south-east, and the surface of the ocean offered little more inequality than is usually met on the bosoms of large rivers. the compasses showed a slightly increasing deviation from their old coincidence with the polar star, and no one doubted, any longer, that the fault was in the heavenly body. all this time the vessels were getting to the southward, steering, in fact, west and by south, when they thought they were steering west--a circumstance that alone prevented columbus from first reaching the coast of georgia, or that of the carolinas, since, had he missed the bermudas, the current of the gulf stream meeting him on his weather bow, he would have infallibly been set well to the northward, as he neared the continent. the night passed as usual, and at noon of the 17th, or at the termination of the nautical day, the fleet had left another long track of ocean between it and the old world. the weeds were disappearing, and with them the tunny fish, which were, in truth, feeding on the products of shoals that mounted several thousands of feet nearer to the surface of the water, than was the case with the general bed of the atlantic. the vessels usually kept near each other at noon, in order to compare their observations; but the pinta, which, like a swift steed, was with difficulty restrained, shot ahead, until the middle of the afternoon, when, as usual, she lay-by for the admiral to close. as the santa maria came sweeping on, the elder pinzon stood, cap in hand, ready to speak her, waiting only for her to come within sound of his voice. "god increaseth the signs of land, and the motives of encouragement, señor don christopher," he called out, cheerfully, while the pinta filled her sails in order to keep way with the admiral. "we have seen large flights of birds ahead, and the clouds at the north look heavy and dense, as if hovering over some island, or continent, in that quarter." "thou art a welcome messenger, worthy martin alonzo; though i wish thee to remember, that the most i expect to meet with in this longitude is some cluster of pleasant islands, asia being yet several days' sail more distant. as the night approacheth, thou wilt see thy clouds take still more of the form of the land, and i doubt that groups may be found on each side of us; but our high destination is cathay, and men with such an object before them, may not turn aside for any lesser errand." "have i your leave, noble admiral, to push ahead in the pinta, that our eyes may first be greeted with the grateful sight of asia? i nothing doubt of seeing it ere morning." "go, of god's sake, good pilot, if thou thinkest this; though i warn thee that no continent can yet meet thine eyes. nevertheless, as any land in these distant and unknown seas must be a discovery, and bring credit on castile, as well as on ourselves, he who first perceiveth it will merit the reward. thou, or any one else, hath my full permission to discover islands, or continents, in thousands." the people laughed at this sally, for the light-hearted are easily excited to mirth; and then the pinta shot ahead. as the sun set, she was seen again lying-to for her companions--a dark speck on the rainbow colors of the glorious sky. the horizon at the north presented masses of clouds, in which it was not difficult to fancy the summits of ragged mountains, receding valleys, with headlands, and promontories, foreshortened by distance. the following day the wind baffled, for the first time since encountering the trades; and the clouds collected over-head, dispersing drizzling showers on the navigators. the vessels now lay near each other, and conversation flew from one to the other--boats passing and repassing, constantly. "i have come, señor almirante," said the elder pinzon, as he reached the deck of the santa maria, "at the united request of my people, to beg that we may steer to the north, in quest of land, islands and continent, that no doubt lie there, and thus crown this great enterprise with the glory that is due to our illustrious sovereigns, and your own forethought." "the wish is just, good martin alonzo, and fairly expressed, but it may not be granted. that we should make creditable discoveries, by thus steering, is highly probable, but in so doing we should fall far short of our aim. cathay and the great khan still lie west; and we are here, not to add another group, like the canaries, or the azores, to the knowledge of man, but to complete the circle of the earth, and to open the way for the setting up of the cross in the regions that have so long been the property of infidels." "hast thou nothing to say, señor de muños, in support of our petition? thou hast favor with his excellency, and may prevail on him to grant us this small behest!" "to tell thee the truth, good martin alonzo," answered luis, with more of the indifference of manner that might have been expected from the grandee to the pilot, than the respect that would become the secretary to the second person of the expedition--"to tell thee the truth good martin alonzo, my heart is so set on the conversion of the great khan, that i wish not to turn either to the right or left, until that glorious achievement be sufficiently secure. i have observed that satan effecteth little against those who keep in the direct path, while his success with those who turn aside is so material, as to people his dominions with errants." "is there no hope, noble admiral? and must we quit all these cheering signs, without endeavoring to trace them to some advantageous conclusion?" "i see no better course, worthy friend. this rain indicateth land; also this calm; and here is a visitor that denoteth more than either--yonder, in the direction of thy pinta, where it seemeth disposed to rest its wings." pinzon, and all near him, turned, and, to their common delight and astonishment, they saw a pelican, with extended wings that spread for ten feet, sailing a few fathoms above the sea, and apparently aiming at the vessel named. the adventurous bird, however, as if disdaining to visit one of inferior rank, passed the pinta, and, sweeping up grandly toward the admiral, alighted on a yard of the santa maria. "if this be not a certain sign of the vicinity of land," said columbus gravely, "it is what is far better, a sure omen that god is with us. he is sending these encouraging calls to confirm us in our intention to serve him, and to persevere to the end. never before, martin alonzo, have i seen a bird of this species a day's sail from the shore!" "such is my experience, too, noble admiral; and, with you, i look upon this visit as a most propitious omen. may it not be a hint to turn aside, and to look further in this quarter?" "i accept it not as such, but rather as a motive to proceed. at our return from the indies, we may examine this part of the ocean with greater security, though i shall think naught accomplished until india be fairly reached, and india is still hundreds of leagues distant. as the time is favorable, however, we will call together our pilots, and see how each man placeth his vessel on the chart." at this suggestion, all the navigators assembled on board the santa maria, and each man made his calculations, sticking a pin in the rude chart--rude as to accuracy, but beautiful as to execution--that the admiral, with the lights he then possessed, had made of the atlantic ocean. vicente yañez, and his companions of the niña, placed their pin most in advance, after measuring off four hundred and forty marine leagues from gomera. martin alonzo varied a little from this, setting his pin some twenty leagues farther east. when it was the turn of columbus, he stuck a pin twenty leagues still short of that of martin alonzo, his companions having, to all appearance, like less skilful calculators, thus much advanced ahead of their true distance. it was then determined what was to be stated to the crews, and the pilots returned to their respective vessels. it would seem that columbus really believed he was then passing between islands, and his historian, las casas, affirms that he was actually right in his conjecture; but if islands ever existed in that part of the ocean, they have long since disappeared; a phenomenon which, while it is not impossible, can scarcely be deemed probable. it is said that breakers have been seen, even within the present century, in this vicinity, and it is not unlikely that extensive banks do exist, though columbus found no bottom with two hundred fathoms of line. the great collection of weeds, is a fact authenticated by some of the oldest records of human investigations, and is most probably owing to some effect of the currents which has a tendency to bring about such an end; while the birds must be considered as stragglers lured from their usual haunts by the food that would be apt to be collected by the union of weeds and fish. aquatic birds can always rest on the water, and the animal that can wing its way through the air at the rate of thirty, or even fifty miles the hour, needs only sufficient strength, to cross the entire atlantic in four days and nights. notwithstanding all these cheering signs, the different crews soon began to feel again the weight of a renewed despondency. sancho, who was in constant but secret communication with the admiral, kept the latter properly advised of the state of the people, and reported that more murmurs than usual prevailed, the men having passed again, by the suddenness of the reaction, from the most elastic hope, nearly to the verge of despair. this fact was told columbus just at sunset on the evening of the 20th, or on that of the eleventh day after the fleet lost sight of land, and while the seaman was affecting to be busy on the poop, where he made most of his communications. "they complain, your excellency," continued sancho, "of the smoothness of the water; and they say that when the winds blow at all, in these seas, they come only from the eastward, having no power to blow from any other quarter. the calms, they think, prove that we are getting into a part of the ocean where there is no wind; and the east winds, they fancy, are sent by providence to drive those there who have displeased heaven by a curiosity that it was never intended that any who wear beards should possess." "do thou encourage them, sancho, by reminding the poor fellows that calms prevail, at times, in all seas; and, as for the east winds, is it not well known that they blow from off the african shores, in low latitudes, at all seasons of the year, following the sun in his daily track around the earth? i trust thou hast none of this silly apprehension?" "i endeavor to keep a stout heart, señor don almirante, having no one before me to disgrace, and leaving no one behind me to mourn over my loss. still, i should like to hear a little about the riches of those distant lands, as i find the thoughts of their gold and precious stones have a sort of religious charm over my weakness, when i begin to muse upon moguer and its good cheer." "go to, knave; thy appetite for money is insatiable; take yet another dobla, and as thou gazest on it thou mayst fancy what thou wilt of the coin of the great khan; resting certain that so great a monarch is not without gold, any more than he is probably without the disposition to part with it, when there is occasion." sancho received his fee, and left the poop to columbus and our hero. "these ups and downs among the knaves," said luis, impatiently, "were best quelled, señor, by an application of the flat of the sword, or, at need, of its edge." "this may not be, my young friend, without, at least, far more occasion than yet existeth for the severity. think not that i have passed so many years of my life in soliciting the means to effect so great a purpose, and have got thus far on my way, in unknown seas, with a disposition to be easily turned aside from my purpose. but god hath not created all alike; neither hath he afforded equal chances for knowledge to the peasant and the noble. i have vexed my spirit too often, with arguments on this very subject, with the great and learned, not to bear a little with the ignorance of the vulgar. fancy how much fear would have quickened the wits of the sages of salamanca, had our discussion been held in the middle of the atlantic, where man never had been, and whence no eyes but those of logic and science could discover a safe passage." "this is most true, señor almirante; and yet, methinks the knights that were of your antagonists should not have been wholly unmanned by fear. what danger have we here? this is the wide ocean, it is true, and we are no doubt distant some hundreds of leagues from the known islands, but, we are not the less safe. by san pedro! i have seen more lives lost in a single onset of the moors, than these caravels could hold in bodies, and blood enough spilt to float them!" "the dangers our people dread may be less turbulent than those of a moorish fray, don luis, but they are not the less terrible. where is the spring that is to furnish water to the parched lip, when our stores shall fail; and where the field to give us its bread and nourishment? it is a fearful thing to be brought down to the dregs of life, by the failure of food and water, on the surface of the wide ocean, dying by inches, often without the consolations of the church, and ever without christian sepulture. these are the fancies of the seaman, and he is only to be driven from them violently when duty demands extreme remedies for his disease." "to me it seemeth, don christopher, that it will be time to reason thus, when our casks are drained, and the last biscuit is broken. until then, i ask leave of your excellency to apply the necessary logic to the _outside_ of the heads of these varlets, instead of their insides, of which i much question the capacity to hold any good." columbus too well understood the hot nature of the young noble to make a serious reply; and they both stood some time leaning against the mizen-mast, watching the scene before them, and musing on the chances of their situation. it was night, and the figures of the watch, on the deck beneath, were visible only by a light that rendered it difficult to distinguish countenances. the men were grouped; and it was evident by the low but eager tones in which they conversed, that they discussed matters connected with the calm, and the risks they ran. the outlines of the pinta and niña were visible, beneath a firmament that was studded with brilliants, their lazy sails hanging in festoons, like the drapery of curtains, and their black hulls were as stationary as if they both lay moored in one of the rivers of spain. it was a bland and gentle night, but the immensity of the solitude, the deep calm of the slumbering ocean, and even the occasional creaking of a spar, by recalling to the mind the actual presence of vessels so situated, rendered the scene solemn, almost to sublimity. "dost thou detect aught fluttering in the rigging, luis?" the admiral cautiously inquired. "my ear deceiveth me, or i hear something on the wing. the sounds, moreover, are quick and slight, like those produced by birds of indifferent size." "don christopher, you are right. there are little creatures perched on the upper yards, and that of a size like the smaller songsters of the land." "hark!" interrupted the admiral. "that is a joyous note, and of such a melody as might be met in one of the orange groves of seville, itself! god be praised for this sign of the extent and unity of his kingdom, since land cannot well be distant, when creatures, gentle and frail as these, have so lately taken their flight from it!" the presence of these birds soon became known to all on deck, and their songs brought more comfort than the most able mathematical demonstration, even though founded on modern learning, could have produced on the sensitive feelings of the common men. "i told thee land was near," cried sancho, turning with exultation to martin martinez, his constant disputant; "here thou hast the proof of it, in a manner that none but the traitor will deny. thou hearest the songs of orchard birds--notes that would never come from the throats of the tired; and which sound as gaily as if the dear little feathered rogues were pecking at a fig or a grape in a field of spain." "sancho is right!" exclaimed the seamen. "the air savors of land, too; and the sea hath a look of the land; and god is with us--blessed be his holy name--and honor to our lord the king, and to our gracious mistress, doña isabella!" from this moment concern seemed to leave the vessel, again. it was thought, even by the admiral himself, that the presence of birds so small, and which were judged to be so feeble of wing, was an unerring evidence that land was nigh; and land, too, of generous productions, and a mild, gentle climate; for these warblers, like the softer sex of the human family, best love scenes that most favor their gentle propensities and delicate habits. investigation has since proved that, in this particular, however plausible the grounds of error, columbus was deceived. men often mistake the powers of the inferior animals of creation, and at other times they overrate the extent of their instinct. in point of fact, a bird of light weight would be less liable to perish on the ocean, and in that low latitude, than a bird of more size, neither being aquatic. the sea-weed itself would furnish resting-places without number for the smaller animals, and, in some instances, it would probably furnish food. that birds, purely of the land, should take long flights at sea, is certainly improbable; but, apart from the consequence of gales, which often force even that heavy-winged animal the owl, hundreds of miles from the land, instinct is not infallible; whales being frequently found embayed in shallow waters, and birds sailing beyond the just limits of their habits. whatever may have been the cause of the opportune appearance of these little inhabitants of the orchard on the spars of the santa maria, the effect was of the most auspicious kind on the spirits of the men. as long as they sang, no amateurs ever listened to the most brilliant passages from the orchestra with greater delight than those rude seamen listened to their warbling; and while they slept, it was with a security that had its existence in veneration and gratitude. the songs were renewed with the dawn, shortly after which the whole went off in a body, taking their flight toward the south-west. the next day brought a calm, and then an air so light, that the vessels could with difficulty make their way through the dense masses of weeds, that actually gave the ocean the appearance of vast inundated meadows. the current was now found to be from the west, and shortly after daylight a new source of alarm was reported by sancho. "the people have got a notion in their heads, señor almirante, which partaketh so much of the marvellous, that it findeth exceeding favor with such as love miracles more than they love god. martin martinez, who is a philosopher in the way of terror, maintaineth that this sea, into which we seem to be entering deeper and deeper, lieth over sunken islands, and that the weeds, which it would be idle to deny grow more abundant as we proceed, will shortly get to be so plentiful on the surface of the water, that the caravels will become unable to advance or to retreat." "doth martin find any to believe this silly notion?" "señor don almirante, he doth; and for the plain reason that it is easier to find those who are ready to believe an absurdity, than to find those who will only believe truth. but the man is backed by some unlucky chances, that must come of the powers of darkness, more particularly as they can have no great wish to see your excellency reach cathay, with the intention of making a christian of the great khan, and of planting the tree of the cross in his dominions. this calm sorely troubleth many, moreover, and the birds are beginning to be looked upon as creatures sent by satan himself, to lead us whither we can never return. some even believe we shall tread on shoals, and lie forever stranded wrecks in the midst of the wide ocean!" "go, bid the men prepare to sound; i will show them the folly of this idea, at least; and see that all are summoned to witness the experiment." columbus now repeated this order to the pilots, and the deep-sea was let go in the usual manner. fathom after fathom of the line glided over the rail, the lead taking its unerring way toward the bottom, until so little was left as to compel the downward course to be arrested. "ye see, my friends, that we are yet full two hundred fathoms from the shoals ye so much dread, and as much more as the sea is deeper than our measurement. lo! yonder, too, is a whale, spouting the water before him--a creature never seen except on the coasts of large islands or continents." this appeal of columbus, which was in conformity with the notions of the day, had its weight--his crew being naturally most under the influence of notions that were popular. it is now known, however, that whales frequent those parts of the ocean where their food is most abundant, and one of the best grounds for taking them, of late years, has been what is called the false brazil banks, which lie near the centre of the ocean. in a word, all those signs, that were connected with the movements of birds and fishes, and which appear to have had so much effect, not only on the common men of this great enterprise, but on columbus himself, were of far less real importance than was then believed; navigators being so little accustomed to venture far from the land themselves, that they were not duly acquainted with the mysteries of the open ocean. notwithstanding the moments of cheerfulness and hope that intervened, distrust and apprehension were fast getting to be again the prevailing feelings among the mariners. those who had been most disaffected from the first, seized every occasion to increase these apprehensions; and when the sun rose, saturday, september 22d, on a calm sea, there were not a few in the vessels who were disposed to unite in making another demand on the admiral to turn the heads of the caravels toward the east. "we have come some hundreds of leagues before a fair wind, into a sea that is entirely unknown to man, until we have reached a part of the ocean where the wind seems altogether to fail us, and where there is danger of our being bound up in immovable weeds, or stranded on sunken islands, without the means of procuring food or water!" arguments like these were suited to an age in which even the most learned were obliged to grope their way to accurate knowledge, through the mists of superstition and ignorance, and in which it was a prevailing weakness to put faith, on the one hand, in visible proofs of the miraculous power of god, and, on the other, in substantial evidences of the ascendency of evil spirits, as they were permitted to affect the temporal affairs of those they persecuted. it was, therefore, most fortunate for the success of the expedition, that a light breeze sprang up from southward and westward, in the early part of the day just mentioned, enabling the vessels to gather way, and to move beyond the vast fields of weeds, that equally obstructed the progress of the caravels, and awakened the fears of their people. as it was an object to get clear of the floating obstacles that surrounded the vessels, the first large opening that offered was entered, and then the fleet was brought close upon a wind, heading as near as possible to the desired course. columbus now believed himself to be steering west-north-west, when, in fact, he was sailing in a direction far nearer to his true course, than when his ships headed west by compass; the departure from the desired line of sailing, being owing to the variation in the needle. this circumstance alone, would seem to establish the fact, that columbus believed in his own theory of the moving star, since he would hardly have steered west-and-by-south-half-south, with a fair wind, for many days in succession, as he is known to have done, when it was his strongest wish to proceed directly west. he was now heading up, within half a point of the latter course, though he and all with him, fancied they were running off nearly two points to leeward of the so much desired direction. but these little variations were trifles as compared with the advantage that the admiral obtained over the fears of his followers by the shift of the wind, and the liberation from the weeds. by the first, the men saw a proof that the breezes did not always blow from the same quarter; and by the last, they ascertained that they had not actually reached a point where the ocean had become impassable. although the wind was now favorable to return to the canaries, no one any longer demanded that such a course should be adopted, so apt are we all to desire that which appears to be denied to us, and so ready to despise that which lies perfectly at our disposal. this, indeed, was a moment when the feelings of the people appeared to be as variable as the light and baffling winds themselves. the saturday passed away in the manner just mentioned, the vessels once more entering into large fields of weeds, just as the sun set. when the light returned, the airs headed them off to north-west and north-west-by-north, by compass, which was, in truth, steering north-west-by-west-half-west, and north-west-half-west. birds abounded again, among which was a turtle-dove, and many living crabs were seen crawling among the weeds. all these signs would have encouraged the common men, had they not already so often proved deceptive. "señor," said martin martinez, to the admiral, when columbus went among the crew to raise their drooping spirits, "we know not what to think! for days did the wind blow in the same direction, leading us on, as it might be, to our ruin; and then it hath deserted us in such a sea as mariners in the santa maria never before saw. a sea, looking like meadows on a river side, and which wanteth only kine and cow-herds, to be mistaken for fields a little overflowed by a rise of the water, is a fearful thing!" "thy meadows are the weeds of the ocean, and prove the richness of the nature that hath produced them; while thy breezes from the east, are what all who have ever made the guinea voyage, well know to exist in latitudes so low. i see naught in either to alarm a bold seaman; and as for the bottom, we all know it hath not yet been found by many a long and weary fathom of line. pepe, thou hast none of these weaknesses; but hast set thy heart on cathay and a sight of the great khan?" "señor almirante, as i swore to monica, so do i swear to your excellency; and that is to be true and obedient. if the cross is to be raised among the infidels, my hand shall not be backward in doing its share toward the holy act. still, señor, none of us like this long unnatural calm. here is an ocean that hath no waves, but a surface so smooth that we much distrust whether the waters obey the same laws, as they are known to do near spain; for never before have i beheld a sea that hath so much the air of the dead! may it not be, señor, that god hath placed a belt of this calm and stagnant water around the outer edges of the earth, in order to prevent the unheedy from looking into some of his sacred secrets?" "thy reasoning hath, at least, a savor of religion; and, though faulty, can scarce be condemned. god hath placed man on this earth, pepe, to be its master, and to serve him by extending the dominion of his church, as well as by turning to the best account all the numberless blessings that accompany the great gift. as to the limits, of which thou speakest, they exist only in idea, the earth being a sphere, or a ball, to which there are no other edges than those thou seest everywhere on its surface." "and as for what martin saith," put in sancho, who was never at fault for a fact, or for a reason, "concerning the winds, and the weeds, and the calms, i can only wonder where a seaman of his years hath been navigating so long, that these things should be novelties. to me, all this is as common as dish-water at moguer, and so much a matter of course, that i should not have remarked it, but for the whinings of martin and his fellows. when the santa catalina made the voyage to that far-off region, ireland, we landed on the sea-weed, a distance of half a league or so from the coast; and as for the wind, it blew regularly four weeks from one quarter, and four weeks from the other; after which the people of the country said it would blow four weeks each way, transversely; but we did not remain long enough in those seas to enable me to swear to the two last facts." "hast thou not heard of shoals so wide that a caravel could never find its way out of them, if it once entered?" demanded martinez, fiercely, for, much addicted to gross exaggerations himself, he little liked to be outdone; "and do not these weeds bespeak our near approach to such a danger, when the weeds themselves often are so closely packed as to come near to stop the ship?" "enough of this," said the admiral: "at times we have weeds, and then we are altogether free from them; these changes are owing to the currents; no doubt as soon as we have passed this meridian, we shall come to clear water again." "but the calm, señor almirante," exclaimed a dozen voices. "this unnatural smoothness of the ocean frighteneth us! never before did we see water so stagnant and immovable!" "call ye this stagnant and immovable?" exclaimed the admiral. "nature herself arises to reproach your senseless fears, and to contradict your mistaken reasoning, by her own signs and portents!" this was said as the santa maria's bows rose on a long low swell, every spar creaking at the motion, and the whole hull heaving and setting as the billow passed beneath it, washing the sides of the ship from the water line to its channels. at this moment there was not even a breath of air, and the seamen gazed about them with an astonishment that was increased and rendered extreme by dread. the ship had scarcely settled heavily into the long trough when a second wave lifted her again forward, and billow succeeded billow, each successive wave increasing in height, until the entire ocean was undulating, though only marked at distant intervals, and that slightly, by the foam of crests or combing seas. it took half an hour to bring this phenomenon up to its height, when all three vessels were wallowing in the seas, as mariners term it, their hulls falling off helplessly into the troughs, until the water fairly spouted from their low scuppers, as each rose by her buoyancy from some roll deeper than common. fancying that this occurrence promised to be either a source of new alarm, or a means of appeasing the old one, columbus took early measures to turn it to account, in the latter mode. causing all the crew to assemble at the break of the poop, he addressed them, briefly, in the following words: "ye see, men, that your late fears about the stagnant ocean are rebuked, in this sudden manner, as it might be, by the hand of god himself, proving, beyond dispute, that no danger is to be apprehended from that source. i might impose on your ignorance, and insist that this sudden rising of the sea is a miracle wrought to sustain me against your rebellious repinings and unthinking alarms; but the cause in which i am engaged needs no support of this nature, that doth not truly come from heaven. the calms, and the smoothness of the water, and even the weeds of which ye complain, come from the vicinity of some great body of land; i think not a continent, as that must lie still further west, but of islands, either so large or so numerous, as to make a far-extended lee; while these swells are probably the evidence of wind at a distance, which hath driven up the ocean into mountainous waves, such as we often see them, and which send out their dying efforts, even beyond the limits of the gale. i do not say that this intervention, to appease your fears, doth not come of god, in whose hands i am; for this last do i fully believe, and for it am i fully grateful; but it cometh through the agencies of nature, and can in no sense be deemed providential, except as it demonstrateth the continuance of the divine care, as well as its surpassing goodness. go, then, and be tranquil. remember, if spain be far behind ye, that cathay now lieth at no great distance before ye; that each hour shorteneth that distance, as well as the time necessary to reach our goal. he that remaineth true and faithful, shall not repent his confidence; while he who unnecessarily disturbeth either himself or others, with silly doubts, may look forward to an exercise of authority that shall maintain the rights of their highnesses to the duty of all their servants." we record this speech of the great navigator with so much the more pleasure, as it goes fully to establish the fact that he did not believe the sudden rising of the seas, on this occasion, was owing to a direct miracle, as some of the historians and biographers seem inclined to believe; but rather to a providential interference of divine power, through natural means, in order to protect him against the consequences of the blind apprehensions of his followers. it is not easy, indeed, to suppose that a seaman as experienced as columbus, could be ignorant of the natural cause of a circumstance so very common on the ocean, that those who dwell on its coast have frequent occasion to witness its occurrence. chapter xx. "'_ora pro nobis, mater!_'--what a spell was in those notes, with day's last glory dying on the flush'd waters--seemed they not to swell from the far dust, wherein my sires were lying with crucifix and sword?--oh! yet how clear comes their reproachful sweetness to my ear! '_ora_'--with all the purple waves replying, all my youth's visions rising in the strain- and i had thought it much to bear the rack and chain!" the forest sanctuary. it may now be well to recapitulate, and to let the reader distinctly know how far the adventurers had actually advanced into the unknown waters of the atlantic; what was their real, and what their supposed position. as has been seen, from the time of quitting gomera, the admiral kept two reckonings, one intended for his own government, which came as near the truth as the imperfect means of the science of navigation that were then in use would allow, and another that was freely exhibited to the crew, and was purposely miscalculated in order to prevent alarm, on account of the distance that had been passed. as columbus believed himself to be employed in the service of god, this act of deception would be thought a species of pious fraud, in that devout age; and it is by no means probable that it gave the conscience of the navigator any trouble, since churchmen, even, did not hesitate always about buttressing the walls of faith by means still less justifiable. the long calms and light head-winds had prevented the vessels from making much progress for the few last days; and, by estimating the distance that was subsequently run in a course but a little south of west, it appears, notwithstanding all the encouraging signs of birds, fishes, calms, and smooth water, that on the morning of monday, september 24th, or that of the fifteenth day after losing sight of ferro, the expedition was about half-way across the atlantic, counting from continent to continent, on the parallel of about 31 or 32 degrees of north latitude. the circumstance of the vessels being so far north of the canaries, when it is known that they had been running most of the time west, a little southerly, must be imputed to the course steered in the scant winds, and perhaps to the general set of the currents. with this brief explanation, we return to the daily progress of the ships. the influence of the trades was once more felt, though in a very slight degree, in the course of the twenty-four hours that succeeded the day of the "miraculous seas," and the vessels again headed west by compass. birds were seen as usual, among which was a pelican. the whole progress of the vessels was less than fifty miles, a distance that was lessened, as usual, in the public reckoning. the morning of the 25th was calm, but the wind returned, a steady, gentle breeze from the south-east, when the day was far advanced, the caravels passing most of the hours of light floating near each other in a lazy indolence, or barely stirring the water with their stems, at a rate little, if any, exceeding that of a mile an hour. the pinta kept near the santa maria, and the officers and crews of the two vessels conversed freely with each other concerning their hopes and situation. columbus listened to these dialogues for a long time, endeavoring to collect the predominant feeling from the more guarded expressions that were thus publicly delivered, and watching each turn of the expressions with jealous vigilance. at length it struck him that the occasion was favorable to producing a good effect on the spirits of his followers. "what hast thou thought of the chart i sent thee three days since, good martin alonzo?" called out the admiral. "dost thou see in it aught to satisfy thee that we are approaching the indies, and that our time of trial draweth rapidly to an end?" at the first sound of the admiral's voice, every syllable was hushed among the people; for, in spite of their discontent, and their disposition even to rise against him, in their extremity, columbus had succeeded in creating a profound respect for his judgment and his person among all his followers. "'tis a rare and well-designed chart, señor don christopher," answered the master of the pinta, "and doth a fair credit to him who hath copied and enlarged, as well as to him who first projected it. i doubt that it is the work of some learned scholar, that hath united the opinions of all the greater navigators in his map." "the original came from one paul toscanelli, a learned tuscan, who dwelleth at firenze in that country; a man of exceeding knowledge, and of an industry in investigation that putteth idleness to shame. accompanying the chart he sent a missive that hath much profound and learned matter on the subject of the indies, and touching those islands that thou seest laid down with so much particularity. in that letter he speaketh of divers places, as being so many wonderful exemplars of the power of man; more especially of the port of zaiton, which sendeth forth no less than a hundred ships yearly, loaded with the single product of the pepper-tree. he saith, moreover, that an ambassador came to the holy father, in the time of eugenius iv., of blessed memory, to express the desire of the great khan, which meaneth king of kings, in the dialect of those regions, to be on friendly terms with the christians of the west, as we were then termed; but of the east, as will shortly be our designation in that part of the world." "this is surprising, señor!" exclaimed pinzon: "how is it known, or is it known at all, of a certainty?" "beyond a question; since paul stateth, in his missive, that he saw much of this same ambassador, living greatly in his society, eugenius deceasing as lately as 1477. from the ambassador, no doubt a wise and grave personage, since no other would have been sent so far on a mission to the head of the church; from this discreet person, then, did toscanelli gain much pleasant information concerning the populousness and vast extent of those distant countries, the gorgeousness of the palaces, and the glorious beauty of the cities. he spoke of one town, in particular, that surpasseth all others of the known world; and of a single river that hath two hundred noble cities on its own banks, with marble bridges spanning the stream. the chart before thee, martin alonzo, showeth that the exact distance from lisbon to the city of quisay is just three thousand nine hundred miles of italy, or about a thousand leagues, steering always in a due-west direction."[2] [footnote 2: note.--it is worthy of remark that the city of philadelphia stands, as near as may be, in the position that the honest paul toscanelli supposed to have been occupied by "the famous city of quisay."] "and doth the learned tuscan say aught of the riches of those countries?" demanded master alonzo--a question that caused all within hearing to prick up their ears, afresh. "that doth he, and in these precise and impressive words--'this is a noble country,' observed the learned paul, in his missive, 'and ought to be explored by us, on account of its great riches, and the quantity of gold, silver, and precious stones, which might be obtained there.' he moreover described quisay as being five-and-thirty leagues in circuit, and addeth that its name in the castilian, is 'the city of heaven.'" "in which case," muttered sancho, though in a tone so low that no one but pepe heard him, "there is little need of our bearing thither the cross, which was intended for the benefit of man, and not of paradise." "i see here two large islands, señor almirante," continued pinzon, keeping his eyes on the chart, "one of which is called antilla, and the other is the cipango of which your excellency so often speaketh." "even so, good martin alonzo, and thou also seest that they are laid down with a precision that must prevent any experienced navigator from missing his way, when in pursuit of them. these islands lie just two hundred and twenty-five leagues asunder." "according to our reckoning, here, in the pinta, noble admiral, we cannot, then, be far from cipango at this very moment." "it would so seem by the reckonings, though i somewhat doubt their justness. it is a common error of pilots to run ahead of their reckonings, but in this instance, apprehension hath brought ye behind them. cipango lieth many days' sail from the continent of asia, and cannot, therefore, be far from this spot; still the currents have been adverse, and i doubt that it will be found that we are as near this island, good martin alonzo, as thou and thy companions imagine. let the chart be returned, and i will trace our actual position on it, that all may see what reason there is to despond, and what reason to rejoice." pinzon now took the chart, rolled it together carefully, attached a light weight, and securing the whole with the end of a log-line, he hove it on board the santa maria, as a seaman makes a cast with the lead. so near were the vessels at the moment, that this communication was made without any difficulty; after which, the pinta, letting fall an additional sail or two, flapped slowly ahead, her superiority, particularly in light winds, being at all times apparent. columbus now caused the chart to be spread over a table on the poop, and invited all who chose to draw near, in order that they might, with their own eyes, see the precise spot on the ocean where the admiral supposed the vessels to be. as each day's work was accurately laid down, and measured on the chart, by one as expert as the great navigator himself, there is little question that he succeeded in showing his people, as near as might be, and subject to the deduction in distance that was intentionally made, the longitude and latitude to which the expedition had then reached; and as this brought them quite near those islands which were believed to lie east of the continent of asia, this tangible proof of their progress had far more effect than any demonstration that depended on abstract reasoning, even when grounded on premises that were true; most men submitting sooner to the authority of the senses, than to the influence of the mere mind. the seamen did not stop to inquire how it was settled that cipango lay in the precise place where it had been projected on this famous chart, but, seeing it there, in black and white, they were disposed to believe it was really in the spot it appeared to be; and, as columbus' reputation for keeping a ship's reckoning far surpassed that of any other navigator in the fleet, the facts were held to be established. great was the joy, in consequence; and the minds of the people again passed from the verge of despair to an excess and illusion of hope, that was raised only to be disappointed. that columbus was sincere in all that related to this new delusion, with the exception of the calculated reduction of the true distance, is beyond a doubt. in common with the cosmographers of the age, he believed the circumference of the earth much less than actual measurement has since shown it to be; striking out of the calculation, at once, nearly the whole breadth of the pacific ocean. that this conclusion was very natural, will be seen by glancing at the geographical facts that the learned then possessed, as data for their theories. it was known that the continent of asia was bounded on the east by a vast ocean, and that a similar body of water bounded europe on the west, leaving the plausible inference, on the supposition that the earth was a sphere, that nothing but islands existed between these two great boundaries of land. less than half of the real circumference of the globe is to be found between the western and eastern verges of the old continent, as they were then known; but it was too bold an effort of the mind, to conceive that startling fact, in the condition of human knowledge at the close of the fifteenth century. the theories were consequently content with drawing the limits of the east and the west into a much narrower circle, finding no data for any freer speculation; and believing it a sufficient act of boldness to maintain the spherical formation of the earth at all. it is true, that the latter theory was as old as ptolemy, and quite probably much older; but even the antiquity of a system begins to be an argument against it, in the minds of the vulgar, when centuries elapse, and it receives no confirmation from actual experiment. columbus supposed his island of cipango, or japan, to lie about one hundred and forty degrees of longitude east of its actual position; and, as a degree of longitude in the latitude of japan, or 35° north, supposing the surface of the earth to be perfectly spherical, is about fifty-six statute miles, it follows that columbus had advanced this island, on his chart, more than seven thousand english miles toward the eastward, or a distance materially exceeding two thousand marine leagues. all this, however, was not only hidden in mystery as regards the common men of the expedition, but it far out-stripped the boldest conceptions of the great navigator himself. facts of this nature, notwithstanding, are far from detracting from the glory of the vast discoveries that were subsequently made, since they prove under what moral disadvantages the expedition was conceived, and under what a limited degree of knowledge it finally triumphed. while columbus was thus employed with the chart, it was a curious thing to witness the manner in which the seamen watched his smallest movement, studied the expression of his grave and composed countenance, and sought to read their fate in the contraction, or dilation, of his eyes. the gentlemen of the santa maria, and the pilots, stood at his elbow, and here and there some old mariner ventured to take his post at hand, where he could follow the slow progress of the pen, or note the explanation of a figure. among these was sancho, who was generally admitted to be one of the most expert seamen in the little fleet--in all things, at least, that did not require the knowledge of the schools. columbus even turned to these men, and spoke to them kindly, endeavoring to make them comprehend a part of their calling, which they saw practised daily, without ever succeeding in acquiring a practical acquaintance with it, pointing out particularly the distance come, and that which yet remained before them. others, again, the less experienced, but not the less interested among the crew, hung about the rigging, whence they could overlook the scene, and fancy they beheld demonstrations that came of theories which it as much exceeded their reasoning powers to understand, as it exceeded their physical vision to behold the desired indies themselves. as men become intellectual, they entertain abstractions, leaving the dominion of the senses to take refuge in that of thought. until this change arrives, however, we are all singularly influenced by a parade of positive things. words spoken seldom produce the effect of words written; and the praise or censure that would enter lightly and unheeded into the ear, might even change our estimates of character, when received into the mind through the medium of the eye. thus, the very seamen, who could not comprehend the reasoning of columbus, fancied they understood his chart, and willingly enough believed that islands and continents must exist in the precise places where they saw them so plainly delineated. after this exhibition, cheerfulness resumed its sway over the crew of the santa maria; and sancho, who was generally considered as of the party of the admiral, was eagerly appealed to by his fellows, for many of the little circumstances that were thought to explain the features of the chart. "dost think, sancho, that cipango is as large as the admiral hath got the island on the chart?" asked one who had passed from the verge of despair to the other extreme; "that it lieth fairly, any eye may see, since its look is as natural as that of ferro or madeira." "that hath he," answered sancho, positively, "as one may see by its shape. didst not notice the capes, and bays, and headlands, all laid down as plainly as on any other well-known coast? ah! these genoese are skilful navigators; and señor colon, our noble admiral, hath not come all this distance without having some notion in what roadstead he is to anchor." in such conclusive arguments, the dullest minds of the crew found exceeding consolation; while among all the common people of the ship, there was not one who did not feel more confidence in the happy termination of the voyage, since he had this seeming ocular proof of the existence of land in the part of the ocean they were in. when the discourse between the admiral and pinzon ceased, the latter made sail on the pinta, which vessel had slowly passed the santa maria, and was now a hundred yards, or more, ahead of her; neither going through the water at a rate exceeding a knot an hour. at the moment just mentioned, or while the men were conversing of their newly awakened hopes, a shout drew all eyes toward their consort, where pinzon was seen on the poop, waving his cap in exultation, and giving the usual proofs of extravagant delight. "land!--land! señor!" he shouted. "i claim my reward! land! land!" "in what direction, good martin alonzo?" asked columbus, so eagerly that his voice fairly trembled. "in which quarter dost thou perceive this welcome neighbor?" "here, to the south-west," pointing in that direction--"a range of dim but noble mountains, and such as promise to satisfy the pious longings of the holy father himself!" every eye turned toward the south-west, and there, indeed, they fancied they beheld the long-sought proofs of their success. a faint, hazy mass was visible in the horizon, broken in outline, more distinctly marked than clouds usually are, and yet so obscure as to require a practised eye to draw it out of the obscurity of the void. this is the manner in which land often appears to seamen, in peculiar conditions of the atmosphere; others, under such circumstances, being seldom able to distinguish it at all. columbus was so practised in all the phenomena of the ocean, that the face of every man in the santa maria was turned toward his, in breathless expectation of the result, as soon as the first glance had been given toward the point of the compass mentioned. it was impossible to mistake the expression of the admiral's countenance, which immediately became radiant with delight and pious exultation. uncovering himself, he cast a look upward in unbounded gratitude, and then fell on his knees, to return open thanks to god. this was the signal of triumph, and yet, in their desolate situation, exultation was not the prevalent feeling of the moment. like columbus, the men felt their absolute dependence on god; and a sense of humble and rebuked gratitude came over every spirit, as it might be simultaneously. kneeling, the entire crews of the three vessels simultaneously commenced the chant of "gloria in excelsis deo!" lifting the voice of praise, for the first time since the foundations of the earth were laid, in that deep solitude of the ocean. matins and vespers, it is true, were then habitually repeated in most christian ships; but this sublime chant was now uttered to waves that had been praising their maker, in their might and in their calm, for so many thousand years, for the first time in the voice of man. "_glory be to god on high!_" sang these rude mariners, with hearts softened by their escapes, dangers, and success, speaking as one man, though modulating their tones to the solemn harmony of a religious rite--"_and on earth peace, good will toward men. we praise thee, we bless thee, we worship thee, we glorify thee, we give thanks to thee for thy great glory! o lord god! heavenly king! god the father almighty!" &c., &c._ in this noble chant, which would seem to approach as near to the praises of angels as human powers can ever hope to rise, the voice of the admiral was distinct, and deep, but trembling with emotion. when this act of pious gratitude was performed, the men ascended the rigging to make more certain of their success. all agreed in pronouncing the faintly delineated mass to be land, and the first sudden transport of unexpected joy was succeeded by the more regulated feelings of confirmed security. the sun set a little north of the dim mountains, and night closed around the scene, shadowing the ocean with as much gloom as is ever to be found beneath a tropical and cloudless sky. as the first watch was set, columbus, who, whenever the winds would allow, had persevered in steering what he fancied to be a due-west course, to satisfy the longings of his people, ordered the vessels to haul up to south-west by compass, which was, in fact, heading south-west-by-south-southerly. the wind increased, and, as the admiral had supposed the land to be distant about twenty-five leagues, when last seen, all in the little fleet confidently relied on obtaining a full and complete view of it in the morning. columbus himself entertained this hope, though he varied his course reluctantly, feeling certain that the continent would be met by sailing west, or what he thought to be west, though he could have no similar confidence as to making any island. few slept soundly that night--visions of oriental riches, and of the wonders of the east, crowding on the minds of even the least imaginative, converting their slumbers into dreams rendered uneasy by longings for gold, and anticipations of the wonders of the unknown east. the men left their hammocks, from hour to hour, to stand in the rigging, watching for some new proofs of their proximity to the much-desired islands, and straining their eyes in vain, in the hope of looking deeper into the obscurity in quest of objects that fancy had already begun to invest with forms. in the course of the night, the vessels ran in a direct line toward the south-west, seventeen of the twenty-five leagues that columbus had supposed alone separated him from this new discovery; and just before the light dawned, every soul in the three vessels was stirring, in the eager hope of having the panorama of day open on such a sight, as they felt it to be but a slight grievance to have come so far, and to have risked so much, to behold. "yonder is a streak of light, glimmering in the east," cried luis, in a cheerful voice; "and now, señor almirante, we may unite in terming you the honored of the earth!" "all rests with god, my young friend," returned columbus; "whether land is near us or not, it boundeth the western ocean, and to that boundary we must proceed. thou art right, truly, friend gutierrez; the light is beginning to shed itself along the eastern margin of the sea, and even to rise in an arch into the vault above it." "would that the sun rose, for this one day, in the west, that we might catch the first glimpse of our new possessions in that radiant field of heaven, which his coming rays are so gloriously illuminating above the track we have just passed!" "that will not happen, master pedro, since sol hath journeyed daily round this planet of ours, from east to west, since time began, and will so continue to journey until time shall cease. this _is_ a fact on which our senses may be trusted, though they mislead us in so many other things." so reasoned columbus, a man whose mind had out-stripped the age, in his favorite study, and who was usually so calm and philosophical; simply because he reasoned in the fetters of habit and prejudice. the celebrated system of ptolemy, that strange compound of truth and error, was the favorite astronomical law of the day. copernicus, who was then but a mere youth, did not reduce the just conception of pythagoras--just in outline, though fanciful in its connection with both cause and effect--to the precision of science for many years after the discovery of america; and it is a strong proof of the dangers which attended the advancement of thought, that he was rewarded for this vast effort of human reason, by excommunication from the church, the maledictions of which actually rested on his soul, if not on his body, until within a few years of the present moment! this single circumstance will show the reader how much our navigator had to overcome in achieving the great office he had assumed. but all this time, the day is dawning, and the light is beginning to diffuse itself over the entire panorama of ocean and sky. as means were afforded, each look eagerly took in the whole range of the western horizon, and a chill of disappointment settled on every heart, as suspicion gradually became confirmation, that no land was visible. the vessels had passed, in the night, those bounds of the visible horizon, where masses of clouds had settled; and no one could any longer doubt that his senses had been deceived by some accidental peculiarity in the atmosphere. all eyes now turned again to the admiral, who, while he felt the disappointment in his inmost heart, maintained a dignified calm that it was not easy to disturb. "these signs are not infrequent at sea, señor," he said to those near him, speaking loud enough, nevertheless, to be heard by most of the crew, "though seldom as treacherous as they have now proved to be. all accustomed to the ocean have doubtless seen them often; and as physical facts, they must be taken as counting neither for nor against us. as omens, each person will consider them as he putteth his trust in god, whose grace and mercy to us all, is yet, by a million of times, unrequited, and still would be, were we to sing _glory in excelsis_, from morn till night, as long as breath lasted for the sacred office." "still, our hope was so very strong, don christopher," observed one of the gentlemen, "that we find the disappointment hard to be borne. you speak of omens, señor; are there any physical signs of our being near the land of cathay?" "omens come of god, if they come at all. they are a species of miracles preceding natural events, as real miracles surpass them. i think this expedition cometh of god; and i see no irreverence in supposing that this late appearance of land may have been heaped along the horizon for an encouraging sign to persevere, and as a proof that our labors will be rewarded in the end. i cannot say, nevertheless, that any but natural means were used, for these deceptions are familiar to us mariners." "i shall endeavor so to consider it, señor almirante," gravely returned the other, and the conversation dropped. the non-appearance of the land, which had been so confidently hoped for, produced a deep gloom in the vessels, notwithstanding; again changing the joy of their people into despondency. columbus continued to steer due west by compass, or west-by-south-southerly, in reality, until meridian, when, yielding to the burning wishes of those around him, he again altered his course to the south-west. this course was followed until the ships had gone far enough in that direction to leave no doubt that the people had been misled by clouds, the preceding evening. at night, when not the faintest hope remained, the vessels kept away due west again, running, in the course of the twenty-four hours, quite thirty-one leagues, which were recorded before the crew as twenty-four. for several succeeding days no material changes occurred. the wind continued favorable, though frequently so light as to urge the vessels very slowly ahead, reducing the day's progress sometimes to little more than fifty of our english miles. the sea was calm, and weeds were again met, though in much smaller quantities than before. september 29th, or the fourth day after pinzon had called out "land," another frigate-bird was seen; and as it was the prevalent notion among seamen that this bird never flew far from the shore, some faint hopes were momentarily revived by his passage. two pelicans also appeared, and the air was so soft and balmy that columbus declared nothing but nightingales were wanting, to render the nights as delicious as those of andalusia. in this manner did birds come and go, exciting hopes that were doomed to be disappointed; sometimes flying in numbers that would seem to forbid the idea that they could be straying on the waste of waters, without the certainty of their position. again, too, the attention of the admiral and of the people, was drawn to the variation of the needle, all uniting in the opinion that the phenomenon was only to be explained by the movements of the star. at length the first day of october arrived, and the pilots of the admiral's vessel seriously set to work to ascertain the distance they had come. they had been misled, as well as the rest, by the management of columbus, and they now approached the latter, as he stood at his usual post on the poop, in order to give the result of their calculations, with countenances that were faithful indexes of the concern they felt. "we are not less than five hundred and seventy-eight leagues west of ferro, señor almirante," commenced one of the two; "a fearful distance to venture into the bosom of an unknown ocean!" "thou say'st true, honest bartolemeo," returned columbus, calmly; "though the further we venture, the greater will be the honor. thy reckoning is even short of the truth, since this of mine, which is no secret from our people, giveth even five hundred and eighty-four leagues, fully six more than thine. but, after all, this scarce equalleth a voyage from lisbon to guinea, and we are not men to be outdone by the seamen of don john!" "ah! señor almirante, the portuguese have their islands by the way, and the old world at their elbows; while we, should this earth prove not to be really a sphere, are hourly sailing toward its verge, and are running into untried dangers!" "go to, bartolemeo! thou talkest like a river-man who hath been blown outside his bar by a strong breeze from the land, and who fancieth his risks greater than man ever yet endured, because the water that wetteth his tongue is salt. let the men see this reckoning, fearlessly; and strive to be of cheer, lest we remember thy misgivings beneath the groves of cathay." "the man is sorely beset with dread," coolly observed luis, as the pilots descended from the poop with a lingering step and a heavy heart. "even your six short leagues added to the weight on his spirit. five hundred and seventy-eight were frightful, but five hundred and eighty-four became burdensome to his soul!" "what would he then have thought had he known the truth, of which, young count, even thou art ignorant?" "i hope you do not distrust my nerves, don christopher, that this matter is kept a secret from me?" "i ought not, i do believe, señor de llera; and yet one gets to be distrustful even of himself, when weighty concerns hang by a thread. hast thou any real idea of the length of the road we have come?" "not i, by st. iago! señor. it is enough for me that we are far from the doña mercedes, and a league more or less counts but little. should your theory be true, and the earth prove to be round, i have the consolation of knowing that we shall get back to spain, in time, even by chasing the sun." "still thou hast some general notion of our true distance from ferro, knowing that each day it is lessened before the people." "to tell you the truth, don christopher, arithmetic and i have little feeling for each other. for the life of me, i never could tell the exact amount of my own revenues, in figures, though it might not be so difficult to come at their results, in another sense. if truth were said, however, i should think your five hundred and eighty leagues might fairly be set down at some six hundred and ten or twenty." "add yet another hundred and thou wilt not be far from the fact. we are, at this moment, seven hundred and seven leagues from ferro, and fast drawing near to the meridian of cipango. in another glorious week, or ten days at most, i shall begin seriously to expect to see the continent of asia!" "this is travelling faster than i had thought, señor," answered luis, carelessly; "but journey on; one of your followers will not complain, though we circle the earth itself." chapter xxi. "pronounce what sea, what shore is this? the gulf, the rock of salamis?" byron. the adventurers had now been twenty-three days out of sight of land, all of which time, with the exception of a few very immaterial changes in the wind, and a day or two of calms, they had been steadily advancing toward the west, with a southern variation that ranged between a fourth of a point and a point and a quarter, though the latter fact was unknown to them. their hopes had been so often raised to be disappointed, that a sort of settled gloom now began to prevail among the common men, which was only relieved by irregular and uncertain cries of "land," as the clouds produced their usual deceptions in the horizon. still their feelings were in that feverish state which admits of any sudden change; and as the sea continued smooth as a river, the air balmy, and the skies most genial, they were prevented from falling into despair. sancho reasoned, as usual, among his fellows, resisting ignorance and folly, with impudence and dogmatism; while luis unconsciously produced an effect on the spirits of his associates by his cheerfulness and confidence. columbus, himself, remained calm, dignified, and reserved, relying on the justice of his theories, and continuing resolute to attain his object. the wind remained fair, as before, and in the course of the night and day of the 2d of october, the vessels sailed more than a hundred miles still further into that unknown and mysterious sea. the weeds now drifted westerly, which was a material change, the currents previously setting, in the main, in an opposite direction. the 3d proved even a still more favorable day, the distance made reaching to forty-seven leagues. the admiral now began to think seriously that he had passed the islands laid down in his chart, and, with the high resolution of one sustained by grand conceptions, he decided to stand on west, with the intention of reaching the shores of the indies, at once. the 4th was a better day than either, the little fleet passing steadily ahead, without deviating from its course, until it had fairly made one hundred and eighty-nine miles, much the greatest day's work it had yet achieved. this distance, so formidable to men who began to count each hour and each league with uneasiness, was reckoned to all on board, but luis, as only one hundred and thirty-eight miles. friday, october 5th, commenced even more favorably, columbus finding his ship gliding though the water--there being no sea to cause her to reel and stagger--at the rate of about eight miles the hour, which was almost as fast as she had ever been known to go, and which would have caused this day's work to exceed the last, had not the wind failed in the night. as it was, however, fifty-seven more leagues were placed between ferro and the position of the vessel; a distance that was reduced to forty-five, with the crew. the following day brought no material change, providence appearing to urge them on at a speed that must soon solve the great problem which the admiral had been so long discussing with the learned. it was already dark, when the pinta came sheering down upon the quarter of the santa maria, until she had got so near that her commander hailed without the aid of a trumpet. "is señor don christopher at his post, as usual?" hurriedly demanded pinzon, speaking like one who felt he had matter of weight upon his mind: "i see persons on the poop; but know not if his excellency be among them." "what wouldst thou, good martin alonzo?" answered the admiral: "i am here, watching for the shores of cipango, or cathay, whichever god, in his goodness, may be pleased first to give us." "i see so many reasons, noble admiral, for changing our course more to the south, that i could not resist the desire to come down and say as much. most of the late discoveries have been made in the southern latitudes, and we might do well to get more southing." "have we gained aught by changing our course in this direction? thy heart seemeth bent on more southern climes, worthy friend; while to my feelings we are now in the very paradise of sweets, land only excepted. islands _may_ lie south, or even north of us; but a continent _must_ lie west. why abandon a certainty for an uncertainty? the greater for the less? cipango, or cathay, for some pleasant spot, fragrant with spices no doubt, but without a name, and which can never equal the glories of asia, either as a discovery or as a conquest?" "i would, señor, i might prevail on you to steer more to the south!" "go to, martin alonzo, and forget thy cravings. my heart is in the west, and thither reason teacheth me to follow it. first hear my orders, and then go seek the niña, that thy brother, the worthy vicente yañez, may obey them also. should aught separate us in the night, it shall be the duty of all to stand manfully toward the west, striving to find our company; for it would be a sad, as well as a useless thing, to be wandering alone in this unknown ocean." pinzon, though evidently much displeased, was fain to obey, and after a short but a sharp and loud altercation with the admiral, the commander of the pinta caused her to sheer toward the felucca to execute the order. "martin alonzo beginneth to waver," columbus observed to luis. "he is a bold and exceeding skilful mariner, but steadiness of object is not his greatest quality. he must be restrained from following the impulses of his weakness, by the higher hand of authority. cathay!--cathay is my aim!" after midnight the wind increased, and for two hours the caravels glanced through the smooth ocean at their greatest speed, which equalled nine english miles the hour. few now undressed, except to change their clothes; and columbus slumbered on the poop that night, using an old sail for his couch. luis was his companion, and both were up and on the deck with the first appearance of dawn. a common feeling seemed to exist among all, that land was near, and that a great discovery was about to be made. an annuity of ten thousand maravedis had been promised by the sovereigns to him who should first descry land, and every eye was on the gaze, whenever opportunity permitted, to gain the prize. as the light diffused itself downward toward the margin of the ocean, in the western horizon, all thought there was the appearance of land, and sail was eagerly crowded on the different vessels, in order to press forward as fast as possible, that their respective crews might enjoy the earliest and the best chances of obtaining the first view. in this respect, circumstances singularly balanced the advantages and disadvantages between the competitors. the niña was the fastest vessel in light airs and smooth water, but she was also the smallest. the pinta came next in general speed, holding a middle place in size, and beating her consorts with a fresh breeze; while the santa maria, the last in point of sailing, had the highest masts, and consequently swept the widest range of horizon. "there is a good feeling uppermost to-day, señor don christopher," said luis, as he stood at the admiral's side, watching the advance of the light; "and if eyes can do it, we may hope for the discovery of land. the late run hath awakened all our hopes, and land we must have, even if we raise it from the bottom of the ocean." "yonder is pepe, the dutiful husband of monica, perched on our highest yard, straining his eyes toward the west, in the hope of gaining the reward!" said columbus, smiling. "ten thousand maravedis, yearly, would, in sooth, be some atonement to carry back to the grieved mother and the deserted boy!" "martin alonzo is in earnest, also, señor. see how he presseth forward in the pinta; but vicente yañez hath the heels of him, and is determined to make his salutations first to the great khan, neglectful of the elder brother's rights." "señor!--señores!" shouted sancho from the spar on which he was seated as composedly as a modern lady would recline on her ottoman--"the felucca is speaking in signals." "this is true," cried columbus--"vicente yañez showeth the colors of the queen, and there goeth a lombarda to announce some great event!" as these were the signals directed in the event that either vessel should discover land before her consorts, little doubt was entertained that the leading caravel had, at last, really announced the final success of the expedition. still the recent and grave disappointment was remembered, and, though all devoutly poured out their gratitude in mental offerings, their lips were sealed until the result should show the truth. every rag of canvas was set, however, and the vessels seemed to hasten their speed toward the west, like birds tired with an unusual flight, which make new efforts with their wearied wings as the prospect of alighting suddenly breaks on their keen vision and active instincts. hour passed after hour, however, and brought no confirmation of the blessed tidings. the western horizon looked heavy and clouded throughout the morning, it is true, often deceiving even the most practised eyes; but as the day advanced, and the vessels had passed more than fifty miles further toward the west, it became impossible to ascribe the hopes of the morning to another optical illusion. the depression of spirits that succeeded this new disappointment was greater than any that had before existed, and the murmurs that arose were neither equivocal nor suppressed. it was urged that some malign influence was leading the adventurers on, finally to abandon them to despair and destruction, in a wilderness of waters. this is the moment when, it has been said, columbus was compelled to make conditions with his followers, stipulating to abandon the enterprise altogether, should it fail of success in a given number of days. but this weakness has been falsely ascribed to the great navigator, who never lost the fullest exercise of his authority, even in the darkest moments of doubt; maintaining his purpose, and asserting his power, with the same steadiness and calmness, in what some thought this distant verge of the earth, as he had done in the rivers of spain. prudence and policy at last dictated a change of course, however, which he was neither too obstinate nor too proud to submit to, and he accordingly adopted it of his own accord. "we are now quite a thousand leagues from ferro, by my private reckoning, friend luis," said columbus to his young companion, in one of their private conferences, which took place after nightfall, "and it is really time to expect the continent of asia. hitherto i have looked for naught but islands, and not with much expectation of seeing even them, though martin alonzo and the pilots have been so sanguine in their hopes. the large flocks of birds, however, that have appeared to-day, would seem to invite us to follow their flights--land, out of doubt, being their aim. i shall accordingly change our course more to the south, though not as far as pinzon desireth, cathay being still my goal." columbus gave the necessary orders, and the two other caravels were brought within hail of the santa maria, when their commanders were directed to steer west-south-west. the reason for this change was the fact that so many birds had been seen flying in that direction. the intention of the admiral was to pursue this course for two days. notwithstanding this alteration, no land was visible in the morning; but, as the wind was light, and the vessels had only made five leagues since the course was changed, the disappointment produced less despondency than usual. in spite of their uncertainty, all in the vessels now rioted in the balmy softness of the atmosphere, which was found so fragrant that it was delicious to breathe it. the weeds, too, became more plenty, and many of them were as fresh as if torn from their native rocks only a day or two previously. birds, that unequivocally belonged to the land, were also seen in considerable numbers, one of which was actually taken; while ducks abounded, and another pelican was met. thus passed the 8th of october, the adventurers filled with hope, though the vessels only increased their distance from europe some forty miles in the course of the twenty-four hours. the succeeding day brought no other material change than a shift of wind, which compelled the admiral to alter his course to west-by-north, for a few hours. this caused him some uneasiness, for it was his wish to proceed due west, or west-southerly; though it afforded considerable relief to many among his people, who had been terrified by the prevalence of the winds in one direction. had the variation still existed, this would have been, in fact, steering the very course the admiral desired to go; but by this time, the vessels were in a latitude and longitude where the needle resumed its powers and became faithful to its direction. in the course of the night, the trades also resumed their influence; and early on the morning of the 10th, the vessels again headed toward the west-south-west, by compass, which was, in truth, the real course, or as near to it as might be. such was the state of things when the sun rose on the morning of the 10th october, 1492. the wind had freshened, and all three of the vessels were running free the whole day, at a rate varying from five knots to nine. the signs of the proximity of land had been so very numerous of late, that, at every league of ocean they passed over, the adventurers had the strongest expectations of discovering it, and nearly every eye in all three of the ships was kept constantly bent on the western horizon, in the hope of its owner's being the first to make the joyful announcement of its appearance. the cry of "land" had been so frequent of late, however, that columbus caused it to be made known that he who again uttered it causelessly, should lose the reward promised by the sovereigns, even should he happen to be successful in the end. this information induced more caution, and not a tongue betrayed its master's eagerness on this all-engrossing subject, throughout the anxious and exciting days of the 8th, 9th, and 10th october. but, their progress in the course of the 10th exceeding that made in the course of both the other days, the evening sky was watched with a vigilance even surpassing that which had attended any previous sunset. this was the moment most favorable for examining the western horizon, the receding light illuminating the whole watery expanse in that direction, in a way to give up all its secrets to the eye. "is that a hummock of land?" asked pepe of sancho, in a low voice, as they lay together on a yard, watching the upper limb of the sun, as it settled, like a glimmering star, beneath the margin of the ocean; "or is it some of this misguiding vapor that hath so often misled us of late?" "'tis neither, pepe," returned the more cool and experienced sancho; "but a rise of the sea, which is ever thus tossing itself upward on the margin of the ocean. didst ever see a calm so profound, that the water left a straight circle on the horizon? no--no--there is no land to be seen in the west to-night; the ocean, in that quarter, looking as blank as if we stood on the western shore of ferro, and gazed outward into the broad fields of the atlantic. our noble admiral may have the truth of his side, pepe; but, as yet, he hath no other evidence of it than is to be found in his reasons." "and dost thou, too, take sides against him, sancho, and say that he is a madman who is willing to lead others to destruction, as well as himself, so that he die an admiral in fact, and a viceroy in fancy?" "i take sides against no man whose doblas take sides with me, pepe; for that would be quarrelling with the best friend that both the rich and poor can make, which is gold. don christopher is doubtless very learned, and one thing hath he settled to my satisfaction, even though neither he nor any of us ever see a single jewel of cathay, or pluck a hair from the beard of the great khan, and that is, that this world is round; had it been a plain, all this water would not be placed at the outer side, since it would clearly run off, unless dammed up by land. thou canst conceive that, pepe?" "that do i; it is reasonable and according to every man's experience. monica thinketh the genoese a saint!" "harkee, pepe; thy monica is no doubt an uncommonly sensible woman, else would she never have taken thee for a husband, when she might have chosen among a dozen of thy fellows. i once thought of the girl myself, and might have told her so, had she seen fit to call me a saint, too, which she did not, seeing that she used a very different epithet. but, admitting the señor colon to be a saint, he would be none the better admired for it, inasmuch as i never yet met with a saint, or even with a virgin, that could understand the bearings and distances of a run as short as that from cadiz to barcelona." "thou speakest irreverently, sancho, of virgins and saints, seeing that they know every thing"-"ay, every thing but that. our lady of rabida does not know south-east-and-by-southe-half-southe, from north-west-and-by-noathe-half-noathe. i have tried her, in this matter, and i tell thee she is as ignorant of it as thy monica is ignorant of the manner in which the duchess of medina sidonia saluteth the noble duke, her husband, when he returneth from hawking." "i dare say the duchess would not know, either, what to say, were she in monica's place, and were she called on to receive me, as monica will be, when we return from this great expedition. if i have never hawked, neither hath the duke ever sailed for two-and-thirty days, in a west course from ferro, and this, too, without once seeing land!" "thou say'st true, pepe; nor hast thou ever yet done this and returned to palos. but what meaneth all this movement on deck? our people seem to be much moved by some feeling, while i can swear it is not from having discovered cathay, or from having seen the great khan, shining like a carbuncle, on his throne of diamonds." "it is rather that they do not see him thus, that the men are moved. dost not hear angry and threatening words from the mouths of the troublesome ones?" "by san iago! were i don christopher, but i would deduct a dobla from the wages of each of the rascals, and give the gold to such peaceable men as you and me, pepe, who are willing to starve to death, ere we will go back without a sight of asia." "'tis something of this sort, of a truth, sancho. let us descend, that his excellency may see that he hath some friends among the crew." as sancho assented to this proposition, he and pepe stood on the deck in the next minute. here, indeed, the people were found in a more mutinous state than they had been since the fleet left spain. the long continuation of fair winds, and pleasant weather, had given them so much reason to expect a speedy termination of their voyage, that nearly the whole crew were now of opinion it was due to themselves to insist on the abandonment of an expedition that seemed destined to lead to nothing but destruction. the discussion was loud and angry, even one or two of the pilots inclining to think, with their inferiors, that further perseverance would certainly be useless, and might be fatal. when sancho and pepe joined the crowd, it had just been determined to go in a body to columbus, and to demand, in terms that could not be misconceived, the immediate return of the ships to spain. in order that this might be done with method, pedro alonzo niño, one of the pilots, and an aged seaman called juan martin, were selected as spokesmen. at this critical moment, too, the admiral and luis were seen descending from the poop, with an intent to retire to their cabin, when a rush was made aft, by all on deck, and twenty voices were heard simultaneously crying-"señor--don christopher--your excellency--señor almirante!" columbus stopped, and faced the people with a calmness and dignity that caused the heart of niño to leap toward his mouth, and which materially checked the ardor of most of his followers. "what would ye?" demanded the admiral, sternly. "speak! ye address a friend." "we come to ask our precious lives, señor," answered juan martin, who thought his insignificance might prove a shield--"nay, what is more, the means of putting bread into the mouths of our wives and children. all here are weary of this profitless voyage, and most think if it last any longer than shall be necessary to return, it will be the means of our perishing of want." "know ye the distance that lieth between us and ferro, that ye come to me with this blind and foolish request? speak, niño; i see that thou art also of their number, notwithstanding thy hesitation." "señor," returned the pilot, "we are all of a mind. to go further into this blank and unknown ocean, is tempting god to destroy us, for our wilfulness. it is vain to suppose that this broad belt of water hath been placed by providence around the habitable earth for any other purpose than to rebuke those who audaciously seek to be admitted to mysteries beyond their understanding. do not all the churchmen, señor--the pious prior of santa maria de rabida, your own particular friend, included--tell us constantly of the necessity of submitting to a knowledge we can never equal, and to believe without striving to lift a veil that covers incomprehensible things?" "i might retort on thee, honest niño, with thine own words," answered columbus, "and bid thee confide in those whose knowledge thou canst never equal, and to follow submissively where thou art totally unfitted to lead. go to; withdraw with thy fellows, and let me hear no more of this." "nay, señor," cried two or three in a breath, "we cannot perish without making our complaints heard. we have followed too far already, and, even now, may have gone beyond the means of a safe return. let us, then, turn the heads of the caravels toward spain, this night, lest we never live to see that blessed country again." "this toucheth on revolt! who among ye dare use language so bold, to your admiral?" "all of us, señor," answered twenty voices together. "men need be bold, when their lives would be forfeited by silence." "sancho, art thou, too, of the party of these mutineers? dost thou confess thy heart to be spain-sick, and thy unmanly fears to be stronger than thy hopes of imperishable glory and thy longings for the riches and pleasures of cathay?" "if i do, señor don almirante, set me to greasing masts, and take me from the helm, forever, as one unfit to watch the whirlings of the north star. sail with the caravels, into the hall of the great khan, and make fast to his throne, and you will find sancho at his post, whether it be at the helm or at the lead. he was born in a ship-yard, and hath a natural desire to know what a ship can do." "and thou, pepe? hast thou so forgotten thy duty as to come with this language to thy commander? to the admiral and viceroy of thy sovereign, the doña isabella?" "viceroy over what?" exclaimed a voice from the crowd, without permitting pepe to answer. "a viceroy over sea-weed, and one that hath tunny-fish, and whales, and pelicans, for subjects! we tell you, señor colon, that this is no treatment for castilians, who require more substantial discoveries than fields of weeds, and islands of clouds!" "home!--home!--spain!--spain!--palos!--palos!" cried nearly all together, sancho and pepe having quitted the throng and ranged themselves at the side of columbus. "we will no further west, which is tempting god; but demand to be carried back whence we came, if, indeed, it be not already too late for so happy a deliverance." "to whom speak ye in this shameless manner, graceless knaves?" exclaimed luis, unconsciously laying a hand where it had been his practice to carry a rapier. "get ye gone, or"-"be tranquil, friend pedro, and leave this matter with me," interrupted the admiral, whose composure had scarce been deranged by the violent conduct of his subordinates. "listen to what i have to say, ye rude and rebellious men, and let it be received as my final answer to any and all such demands as ye have just dared to make. this expedition hath been sent forth by the two sovereigns, your royal master and mistress, with the express design of crossing the entire breadth of the vast atlantic, until it might reach the shores of india. now, let what will happen, these high expectations shall not be disappointed; but westward we sail, until stopped by the land. for this determination, my life shall answer. look to it, that none of yours be endangered by resistance to the royal orders, or by disrespect and disobedience to their appointed substitute; for, another murmur, and i mark the man that uttereth it, for signal punishment. in this ye have my full determination, and beware of encountering the anger of those whose displeasure may prove more fatal than these fancied dangers of the ocean. "look at what ye have before you, in the way of fear, and then at what ye have before ye, in the way of hope. in the first case, ye have every thing to dread from the sovereigns' anger, should ye proceed to a violent resistance of their authority; or, what is as bad, something like a certainty of your being unable to reach spain, for want of food and water, should ye revolt against your lawful leaders and endeavor to return. for this, it is now too late. the voyage east must, as regards time, be double that we have just made, and the caravels are beginning to be lightened in their casks. land, and land in this region, hath become necessary to us. now look at the other side of the picture. before ye, lieth cathay, with all its riches, its novelties, and its glories! a region more wonderful than any that hath yet been inhabited by man, and occupied by a race as gentle as they are hospitable and just. to this must be added the approbation of the sovereigns, and the credit that will belong to the meanest mariner that hath manfully stood by his commander in achieving so great an end." "if we will obey three days longer, señor, will you then turn toward spain, should no land be seen?" cried a voice from the crowd. "never," returned columbus, firmly. "to india am i bound, and for india will i steer, though another month be needed to complete the journey. go, then, to your posts or your hammocks, and let me hear no more of this." there was so much natural dignity in the manner of columbus, and when he spoke in anger, his voice carried so much of rebuke with it, that it exceeded the daring of ordinary men to presume to answer when he commanded silence. the people sullenly dispersed, therefore, though the disaffection was by no means appeased. had there been only a single vessel in the expedition, it is quite probable that they would have proceeded to some act of violence; but, uncertain of the state of feeling in the pinta and the niña, and holding martin alonzo pinzon in as much habitual respect as they stood in awe of columbus, the boldest among them were, for the present, fain to give vent to their dissatisfaction in murmurs, though they secretly meditated decided measures, as soon as an opportunity for consultation and concert with the crews of the other vessels might offer. "this looketh serious, señor," said luis, as soon as he and the admiral were alone again in their little cabin, "and, by st. luke! it might cool the ardor of these knaves, did your excellency suffer me to cast two or three of the most insolent of the vagabonds into the sea." "which is a favor that some among them have actually contemplated conferring upon thee and me," answered columbus. "sancho keepeth me well informed of the feeling among the people, and it is now many days since he hath let me know this fact. we will proceed peaceably, if possible, señor gutierrez, or de muños, whichever name thou most affectest, as long as we can; but should there truly arise an occasion to resort to force, thou wilt find that christofero colombo knoweth how to wield a sword as well as he knoweth how to use his instruments of science." "how far do you really think us from land, señor almirante? i ask from curiosity, and not from dread; for though the ship floated on the very verge of the earth, ready to fall off into vacuum, you should hear no murmur from me." "i am well assured of this, young noble," returned columbus, affectionately squeezing the hand of luis, "else wouldst thou not be here. i make our distance from ferro exceed a thousand marine leagues; this is about the same as that at which i have supposed cathay to lie from europe, and it is, out of question, sufficiently far to meet with many of the islands that are known to abound in the seas of asia. the public reckoning maketh the distance a little more than eight hundred leagues; but, in consequence of the favorable currents of which we have lately had so much, i doubt if we are not fully eleven hundred from the canaries, at this moment, if not even further. we are doubtless a trifle nearer to the azores, which are situated further west, though in a higher latitude." "then you think, señor, that we may really expect land, ere many days?" "so certain do i feel of this, luis, that i should have little apprehension of complying with the terms of these audacious men, but for the humiliation. ptolemy divided the earth into twenty-four hours, of fifteen degrees each, and i place but some five or six of these hours in the atlantic. thirteen hundred leagues, i feel persuaded, will bring us to the shores of asia, and eleven of these thirteen hundred leagues do i believe we have come." "to-morrow may then prove an eventful day, señor almirante; and now to our cots, where i shall dream of a fairer land than christian eye ever yet looked upon, with the fairest maiden of spain--nay, by san pedro! of europe--beckoning me on!" columbus and luis now sought their rest. in the morning, it was evident by the surly looks of the people, that feelings like a suppressed volcano were burning in their bosoms, and that any untoward accident might produce an eruption. fortunately, however, signs, of a nature so novel, soon appeared, as to draw off the attention of the most disaffected from their melancholy broodings. the wind was fresh, as usual fair, and, what was really a novelty since quitting ferro, the sea had got up, and the vessels were riding over waves which removed that appearance of an unnatural calm that had hitherto alarmed the men with its long continuance. columbus had not been on deck five minutes, when a joyful cry from pepe drew all eyes toward the yard on which he was at work. the seaman was pointing eagerly at some object in the water, and rushing to the side of the vessel, all saw the welcome sign that had caught his gaze. as the ship lifted on a sea, and shot ahead, a rush of a bright fresh green was passed, and the men gave a loud shout, for all well knew that this plant certainly came from some shore, and that it could not have been long torn from the spot of its growth. "this is truly a blessed omen!" said columbus; "rushes cannot grow without the light of heaven, whatever may be the case with weeds." this little occurrence changed, or at least checked, the feelings of the disaffected. hope once more resumed its sway, and all who could, ascended the rigging to watch the western horizon. the rapid motion of the vessels, too, added to this buoyancy of feeling, the pinta and niña passing and repassing the admiral, as it might be in pure wantonness. a few hours later, fresh weeds were met, and about noon sancho announced confidently that he had seen a fish which is known to live in the vicinity of rocks. an hour later, the niña came sheering up toward the admiral, with her commander in the rigging, evidently desirous of communicating some tidings of moment. "what now, good vicente yañez?" called out columbus; "thou seemest the messenger of welcome news!" "i think myself such, don christopher," answered the other. "we have just passed a bush bearing roseberries, quite newly torn from the tree! this is a sign that cannot deceive us." "thou say'st true, my friend. to the west!--to the west! happy will he be whose eyes first behold the wonders of the indies!" it would not be easy to describe the degree of hope and exultation that now began to show itself among the people. good-natured jests flew about the decks, and the laugh was easily raised where so lately all had been despondency and gloom. the minutes flew swiftly by, and every man had ceased to think of spain, bending his thoughts again on the as yet unseen west. a little later, a cry of exultation was heard from the pinta, which was a short distance to windward and ahead of the admiral. as this vessel shortened sail and hove-to, lowering a boat, and then immediately kept away, the santa maria soon came foaming up under her quarter, and spoke her. "what now, martin alonzo?" asked columbus, suppressing his anxiety in an appearance of calmness and dignity. "thou and thy people seem in an ecstasy!" "well may we be so! about an hour since, we passed a piece of the cane-plant, of the sort of which sugar is made in the east, as travellers say, and such as we often see in our own ports. but this is a trifling symptom of land compared to the trunk of a tree that we have also passed. as if providence had not yet dealt with us with sufficient kindness, all these articles were met floating near each other; and we have thought them of sufficient value to lower a boat, that we might possess them." "lay thy sails to the mast, good martin alonzo, and send thy prizes hither, that i may judge of their value." pinzon complied, and the santa maria being hove-to, at the same time, the boat soon touched her side. martin alonzo made but one bound from the thwart to the gunwale of the ship, and was soon on the deck of the admiral. here he eagerly displayed the different articles that his men tossed after him, all of which had been taken out of the sea, not an hour before. "see, noble señores," said martin alonzo, almost breathless with haste to display his treasures--"this is a sort of board, though of unknown wood, and fashioned with exceeding care: here is also another piece of cane: this is a plant that surely cometh from the land; and most of all, this is a walking-stick, fashioned by the hand of man, and that, too, with exceeding care!" "all this is true," said columbus, examining the different articles, one by one; "god, in his might and power, be praised for these comfortable evidences of our near approach to a new world! none but a malignant infidel can now doubt of our final success." "these things have questionless come from some boat that hath been upset, which will account for their being so near each other in the water," said martin alonzo, willing to sustain his physical proofs by a plausible theory. "it would not be wonderful were drowned bodies near." "let us hope not, martin alonzo," answered the admiral; "let us fancy naught so melancholy. a thousand accidents may have thrown these articles together, into the sea; and once there, they would float in company for a twelvemonth, unless violently separated. but come they whence they may, to us, they are infallible proofs that not only land is near, but land which is the abiding-place of men." it is not easy to describe the enthusiasm that now prevailed in all the vessels. hitherto they had met with only birds, and fishes, and weeds, signs that are often precarious; but here was such proof of their being in the neighborhood of their fellow-creatures, as it was not easy to withstand. it was true, articles of this nature might drift, in time, even across the vast distance they had come; but it was not probable that they would drift so far in company. then, the berries were fresh, the board was of an unknown wood, and the walking-stick, in particular, if such indeed was its use, was carved in a manner that was never practised in europe. the different articles passed from hand to hand, until all in the ship had examined them; and every thing like doubt vanished before this unlooked-for confirmation of the admiral's predictions. pinzon returned to his vessel, sail was again made, and the fleet continued to steer to the west-south-west, until the hour of sunset. something like a chill of disappointment again came over the more faint-hearted of the people, however, as they once more, or for the thirty-fourth time since quitting gomera, saw the sun sink behind a watery horizon. more than a hundred vigilant eyes watched the glowing margin of the ocean, at this interesting moment, and though the heavens were cloudless, naught was visible but the gloriously tinted vault, and the outline of water, broken into the usual ragged forms of the unquiet element. the wind freshened as evening closed, and columbus having called his vessels together, as was usual with him at that hour, he issued new orders concerning the course. for the last two or three days they had been steering materially to the southward of west, and columbus, who felt persuaded that his most certain and his nearest direction from land to land, was to traverse the ocean, if possible, on a single parallel of latitude, was anxious to resume his favorite course, which was what he fancied to be due west. just as night drew around the mariners, accordingly, the ships edged away to the required course, and ran off at the rate of nine miles the hour, following the orb of day as if resolute to penetrate into the mysteries of his nightly retreat, until some great discovery should reward the effort. immediately after this change in the course, the people sang the vesper hymn, as usual, which, in that mild sea, they often deferred until the hour when the watch below sought their hammocks. that night, however, none felt disposed to sleep; and it was late when the chant of the seamen commenced, with the words of "_salve fac regina_." it was a solemn thing to hear the songs of religious praise mingling with the sighings of the breeze and the wash of the waters, in that ocean solitude; and the solemnity was increased by the expectations of the adventurers and the mysteries that lay behind the curtain they believed themselves about to raise. never before had this hymn sounded so sweetly in the ears of columbus, and luis found his eyes suffusing with tears, as he recalled the soft thrilling notes of mercedes' voice, in her holy breathings of praise at this hour. when the office ended, the admiral called the crew to the quarter-deck, and addressed them earnestly from his station on the poop. "i rejoice, my friends," he said, "that you have had the grace to chant the vesper hymn in so devout a spirit, at a moment when there is so much reason to be grateful to god for his goodness to us throughout this voyage. look back at the past and see if one of you, the oldest sailor of your number, can recall any passage at sea, i will not say of equal length, for that no one here hath ever before made, but any equal number of days at sea, in which the winds have been as fair, the weather as propitious, or the ocean as calm, as on this occasion. then what cheering signs have encouraged us to persevere! god is in the midst of the ocean, my friends, as well as in his sanctuaries of the land. step by step, as it were, hath he led us on, now filling the air with birds, now causing the sea to abound with unusual fishes, and then spreading before us fields of plants, such as are seldom met far from the rocks where they grew. the last and best of his signs hath he given us this day. my own calculations are in unison with these proofs, and i deem it probable that we reach the land this very night. in a few hours, or when we shall have run the distance commanded by the eye, as the light left us, i shall deem it prudent to shorten sail; and i call on all of you to be watchful, lest we unwittingly throw ourselves on the strange shores. ye know that the sovereigns have graciously promised ten thousand maravedis, yearly, and for life, to him who shall first discover land: to this rich reward i will add a doublet of velvet, such as it would befit a grandee to wear. sleep not, then; but, at the turn of the night, be all vigilance and watchfulness. i am now most serious with ye, and look for land this very blessed night." these encouraging words produced their full effect, the men scattering themselves in the ship, each taking the best position he could, to earn the coveted prizes. deep expectation is always a quiet feeling, the jealous senses seeming to require silence and intensity of concentration, in order to give them their full exercise. columbus remained on the poop, while luis, less interested, threw himself on a sail, and passed the time in musing on mercedes, and in picturing to himself the joyful moment when he might meet her again, a triumphant and successful adventurer. the death-like silence that prevailed in the ship, added to the absorbing interest of that important night. at the distance of a mile was the little niña, gliding on her course with a full sail; while half a league still further in advance, was to be seen the shadowy outline of the pinta, which preceded her consorts, as the swiftest sailer with a fresh breeze. sancho had been round to every sheet and brace, in person, and never before had the admiral's ship held as good way with her consorts as on that night, all three of the vessels appearing to have caught the eager spirit of those they contained, and to be anxious to outdo themselves. at moments the men started, while the wind murmured through the cordage, as if they heard unknown and strange voices from a mysterious world; and fifty times, when the waves combed upon the sides of the ship, did they turn their heads, expecting to see a crowd of unknown beings, fresh from the eastern world, pouring in upon their decks. as for columbus, he sighed often; for minutes at a time would he stand looking intently toward the west, like one who strove to penetrate the gloom of night, with organs exceeding human powers. at length he bent his body forward, gazed intently over the weather railing of the ship, and then, lifting his cap, he seemed to be offering up his spirit in thanksgiving or prayer. all this luis witnessed where he lay: at the next instant he heard himself called. "pero gutierrez--pedro de muños--luis--whatever thou art termed," said columbus, his fine masculine voice trembling with eagerness--"come hither, son; tell me if thine eyes accord with mine. look in this direction--here, more on the vessel's beam; seest thou aught uncommon?" "i saw a light, señor; one that resembled a candle, being neither larger nor more brilliant; and to me it appeared to move, as if carried in the hand, or tossed by waves." "thy eyes did not deceive thee; thou seest it doth not come of either of our consorts, both of which are here on the bow." "what do you, then, take this light to signify, don christopher?" "land! it is either on the land itself, rendered small by distance, or it cometh of some vessel that is a stranger to us, and which belongeth to the indies. there is rodrigo sanchez of segovia, the comptroller of the fleet, beneath us; descend, and bid him come hither." luis did as required, and presently the comptroller was also at the admiral's side. half an hour passed, and the light was not seen again; then it gleamed upward once or twice, like a torch, and finally disappeared. this circumstance was soon known to all in the ship, though few attached the same importance to it as columbus himself. "this is land," quietly observed the admiral, to those near his person: "ere many hours we may expect to behold it. now ye may pour out your souls in gratitude and confidence, for in such a sign there can be no deception. no phenomenon of the ocean resembleth that light; and my reckoning placeth us in a quarter of the world where land _must_ exist, else is the earth no sphere." notwithstanding this great confidence on the part of the admiral, most of those in the ship did not yet feel the same certainty in the result, although all felt the strongest hopes of falling in with land next day. columbus saying no more on the subject, the former silence was soon resumed, and, in a few minutes, every eye was again turned toward the west, in anxious watchfulness. in this manner the time passed away, the ships driving ahead with a speed much exceeding that of their ordinary rate of sailing, until the night had turned, when its darkness was suddenly illuminated by a blaze of light, and the report of a gun from the pinta came struggling up against the fresh breeze of the trades. "there speaketh martin alonzo!" exclaimed the admiral; "and we may be certain that he hath not given the signal idly. who sitteth on the top-gallant yard, there, on watch for wonders ahead?" "señor don almirante, it is i," answered sancho. "i have been here since we sang the vesper hymn." "seest thou aught unusual, westward? look vigilantly, for we touch on mighty things!" "naught, señor, unless it be that the pinta is lessening her canvas, and the niña is already closing with our fleet consort--nay, i now see the latter shortening sail also!" "for these great tidings, all honor and praise be to god! these are proofs that no false cry hath this time misled their judgments. we will join our consorts, good bartolemeo, ere we take in a single inch of canvas." every thing was now in motion on board the santa maria, which went dashing ahead for another half hour, when she came up with the two other caravels, both of which had hauled by the wind, under short canvas, and were forging slowly through the water, on different tacks, like coursers cooling themselves after having terminated a severe struggle by reaching the goal. "come hither, luis," said columbus, "and feast thine eyes with a sight that doth not often meet the gaze of the best of christians." the night was far from dark, a tropical sky glittering with a thousand stars, and even the ocean itself appearing to emit a sombre, melancholy light. by the aid of such assistants it was possible to see several miles, and more especially to note objects on the margin of the ocean. when the young man cast his eyes to leeward, as directed by columbus, he very plainly perceived a point where the blue of the sky ceased, and a dark mound rose from the water, stretching for a few leagues southward, and then terminated, as it had commenced, by a union between the watery margin of the ocean and the void of heaven. the intermediate space had the defined outline, the density, and the hue of land, as seen at midnight. "behold the indies!" said columbus; "the mighty problem is solved! this is doubtless an island, but a continent is near. laud be to god!" chapter xxii. "there is a power, whose care teaches thy way along that pathless coast- the desert and illimitable air- lone wandering, but not lost." bryant. the two or three hours that succeeded, were hours of an extraordinary and intense interest. the three vessels stood hovering off the dusky shore, barely keeping at a safe distance, stripped of most of their canvas, resembling craft that cruised leisurely at a given point, indifferent to haste or speed. as they occasionally and slowly passed each other, words of heart-felt congratulation were exchanged; but no noisy or intemperate exultation was heard on that all-important night. the sensations excited in the adventurers, by their success, were too deep and solemn for any such vulgar exhibition of joy; and perhaps there was not one among them all who did not, at that moment, inwardly confess his profound submission to, and absolute dependence on a divine providence. columbus was silent. emotions like his seldom find vent in words; but his heart was overflowing with gratitude and love. he believed himself to be in the further east, and to have reached that part of the world by sailing west; and it is natural to suppose that he expected the curtain of day would rise on some of those scenes of oriental magnificence which had been so eloquently described by the polos and other travellers in those remote and little-known regions. that this or other islands were inhabited, the little he had seen sufficiently proved; but, as yet, all the rest was conjecture of the wildest and most uncertain character. the fragrance of the land, however, was very perceptible in the vessels, thus affording an opportunity to two of the senses to unite in establishing their success. at length the long wished-for day approached, and the eastern sky began to assume the tints that precede the appearance of the sun. as the light diffused itself athwart the dark blue ocean, and reached the island, the outlines of the latter became more and more distinct; then objects became visible on its surface, trees, glades, rocks, and irregularities, starting out of the gloom, until the whole picture was drawn in the gray, solemn colors of morning. presently the direct rays of the sun touched it, gilding its prominent points, and throwing others into shadow. it then became apparent that the discovery was that of an island of no great extent, well wooded, and of a verdant and pleasant aspect. the land was low, but possessed an outline sufficiently graceful to cause it to seem a paradise in the eyes of men who had seriously doubted whether they were ever to look on solid ground again. the view of his mother earth is always pleasant to the mariner who has long gazed on nothing but water and sky; but thrice beautiful did it now seem to men who not only saw in it their despair cured, but their most brilliant hopes revived. from the position of the land near him, columbus did not doubt that he had passed another island, on which the light had been seen, and, from his known course, this conjecture has since been rendered almost certain. the sun had scarcely risen, when living beings were seen rushing out of the woods, to gaze in astonishment at the sudden appearance of machines, that were at first mistaken by the untutored islanders, for messengers from heaven. shortly after, columbus anchored his little fleet, and landed to take possession in the name of the two sovereigns. as much state was observed on this occasion as the limited means of the adventurers would allow. each vessel sent a boat, with her commander. the admiral, attired in scarlet, and carrying the royal standard, proceeded in advance, while martin alonzo, and vicente yañez pinzon, followed, holding banners bearing crosses, the symbol of the expedition, with letters representing the initials of the two sovereigns, or f. and y., for fernando and ysabel. the forms usual to such occasions were observed on reaching the shore. columbus took possession, rendered thanks to god for the success of the expedition, and then began to look about him in order to form some estimate of the value of his discovery.[3] [footnote 3: it is a singular fact that the position and name of the precise island that was first fallen in with, on this celebrated voyage, remain to this day, if not a matter of doubt, at least a matter of discussion. by most persons, some of the best authorities included, it is believed that the adventurers made cat island, as the place is now called, though the admiral gave it the appellation of san salvador; while others contend for what is now termed turk's island. the reason given for the latter opinion is the position of the island, and the course subsequently steered in order to reach cuba. muñoz is of opinion that it was watling's island, which lies due east of cat island, at the distance of a degree of longitude, or a few hours' run. as respects turk's island, the facts do not sustain the theory. the course steered, after quitting the island, was not west, but south-west; and we find columbus anxious to get south to reach the island of cuba, which was described to him by the natives, and which he believed to be cipango. no reason is given by muñoz for his opinion; but watling's island does not answer the description of the great navigator, while it is so placed as to have lain quite near his course, and was doubtless passed unseen in the darkness. it is thought the light so often observed by columbus was on this island.] no sooner were the ceremonies observed, than the people crowded round the admiral, and began to pour out their congratulations for his success, with their contrition for their own distrust and disaffection. the scene has often been described as a proof of the waywardness and inconstancy of human judgments; the being who had so lately been scowled on as a reckless and selfish adventurer, being now regarded as little less than a god. the admiral was no more elated by this adulation, than he had been intimidated by the previous dissatisfaction, maintaining his calmness of exterior and gravity of demeanor, with those who pressed around him, though a close observer might have detected the gleaming of triumph in his eye, and the glow of inward rapture on his cheek. "these honest people are as inconstant in their apprehensions, as they are extreme in their rejoicings," said columbus to luis, when liberated a little from the throng; "yesterday they would have cast me into the sea, and to-day they are much disposed to forget god, himself, in his unworthy creature. dost not see, that the men who gave us most concern, on account of their discontent, are now the loudest in their applause?" "this is but nature, señor; fear flying from panic to exultation. these knaves fancy they are praising you, when they are, in truth, rejoicing in their own escape from some unknown but dreaded evil. our friends sancho and pepe seem not to be thus overwhelmed, for while the last is gathering flowers from this shore of india, the first seems to be looking about him with commendable coolness, as if he might be calculating the latitude and longitude of the great khan's doblas." columbus smiled, and, accompanied by luis, he drew nearer to the two men mentioned, who were a little apart from the rest of the group. sancho was standing with his hands thrust into the bosom of his doublet, regarding the scene with the coolness of a philosopher, and toward him the admiral first directed his steps. "how is this, sancho of the ship-yard-gate?" said the great navigator; "thou lookest on this glorious scene as coolly as thou wouldst regard a street in moguer, or a field in andalusia?" "señor don almirante, the same hand made both. this is not the first island on which i have landed; nor are yonder naked savages the first men i have seen who were not dressed in scarlet doublets." "but hast thou no feeling for success--no gratitude to god for this vast discovery? reflect, my friend, we are on the confines of asia, and yet have we come here by holding a western course." "that the last is true, señor, i will swear myself, having held the tiller in mine own hands no small part of the way. do you think, señor don almirante, that we have come far enough in this direction to have got to the back side of the earth, or to stand, as it might be, under the very feet of spain?" "by no means. the realms of the great khan will scarcely occupy the position you mean." "then, señor, what will there be to prevent the doblas of that country from falling off into the air, leaving us our journey for our pains?" "the same power that will prevent our caravels from dropping out of the sea, and the water itself from following. these things depend on natural laws, my friend, and nature is a legislator that will be respected." "it is all moorish to me," returned sancho, rubbing his eye-brows. "here we are, of a verity, if not actually beneath the feet of spain, standing, as it might be, on the side of the house; and yet i find no more difficulty in keeping on an even keel, than i did in moguer--by santa clara! less, in some particulars, good solid xeres wine being far less plenty here than there." "thou art no moor, sancho, although thy father's name be a secret. and thou, pepe, what dost thou find in those flowers to draw thy attention so early from all these wonders?" "señor, i gather them for monica. a female hath a more delicate feeling than a man, and she will be glad to see with what sort of ornaments god hath adorned the indies." "dost thou fancy, pepe, that thy love can keep those flowers in bloom, until the good caravel shall recross the atlantic?" demanded luis, laughing. "who knoweth, señor gutierrez? a warm heart maketh a thriving nursery. you would do well, too, if you prefer any castilian lady to all others, to bethink you of her beauty, and gather some of these rare plants to deck her hair." columbus now turned away, the natives seeming disposed to approach the strangers, while luis remained near the young sailor, who still continued to collect the plants of the tropics. in a minute our hero was similarly employed; and long ere the admiral and the wondering islanders had commenced their first parley, he had arranged a gorgeous _bouquet_, which he already fancied in the glossy dark hair of mercedes. the events of a public nature that followed, are too familiar to every intelligent reader to need repetition here. after passing a short time at san salvador, columbus proceeded to other islands, led on by curiosity, and guided by real or fancied reports of the natives, until the 28th, when he reached that of cuba. here he imagined, for a time, that he had found the continent, and he continued coasting it, first in a north-westerly, and then in a south-easterly direction, for near a month. familiarity with the novel scenes that offered soon lessened their influence, and the inbred feelings of avarice and ambition began to resume their sway in the bosoms of several of those who had been foremost in manifesting their submission to the admiral, when the discovery of land so triumphantly proved the justice of his theories, and the weakness of their own misgivings. among others who thus came under the influence of their nature, was martin alonzo pinzon, who, finding himself almost entirely excluded from the society of the young count of llera, in whose eyes he perceived he filled but a very subordinate place, fell back on his own local importance, and began to envy columbus a glory that he now fancied he might have secured for himself. hot words had passed between the admiral and himself, on more than one occasion, before the land was made, and every day something new occurred to increase the coldness between them. it forms no part of this work to dwell on the events that followed, as the adventurers proceeded from island to island, port to port, and river to river. it was soon apparent that very important discoveries had been made; and the adventurers were led on day by day, pursuing their investigations, and following directions that were ill comprehended, but which, it was fancied, pointed to mines of gold. everywhere they met with a gorgeous and bountiful nature, scenery that fascinated the eye, and a climate that soothed the senses; but, as yet, man was found living in the simplest condition of the savage state. the delusion of being in the indies was general, and every intimation that fell from those untutored beings, whether by word or sign, was supposed to have some reference to the riches of the east. all believed that, if not absolutely within the kingdom of the great khan, they were at least on its confines. under such circumstances, when each day actually produced new scenes, promising still greater novelties, few bethought them of spain, unless it were in connection with the glory of returning to her, successful and triumphant. even luis dwelt less intently in his thoughts on mercedes, suffering her image, beautiful as it was, to be momentarily supplanted by the unusual spectacles that arose before his physical sight in such constant and unwearied succession. little substantial, beyond the fertile soil and genial climate, offered, it is true, in the way of realizing all the bright expectations of the adventurers in connection with pecuniary advantages; but each moment was fraught with hope, and no one knew what a day would bring forth. two agents were at length sent into the interior to make discoveries, and columbus profited by the occasion to careen his vessels. about the time this mission was expected to return, luis sallied forth with a party of armed men to meet it, sancho making one of his escort. the ambassadors were met on their way back at a short day's march from the vessels, accompanied by a few of the natives, who were following with intense curiosity, expecting at each moment to see their unknown visitors take their flight toward heaven. a short halt was made for the purpose of refreshing themselves, after the two parties had joined; and sancho, as reckless of danger on the land as on the ocean, stalked into a village that lay near the halting place. here he endeavored to make himself as agreeable to the inhabitants as one of his appearance very well could, by means of signs. sancho figured in this little hamlet under some such advantages as those that are enjoyed in the country by a great man from town; the spectators not being, as yet, sufficiently sophisticated to distinguish between the cut of a doublet and the manner of wearing it, as between a clown and a noble. he had not been many minutes playing the grandee among these simple beings, when they seemed desirous of offering to him some mark of particular distinction. presently, a man appeared, holding certain dark-looking and dried leaves, which he held out to the hero of the moment in a deferential manner, as a turk would offer his dried sweet-meats, or an american his cake. sancho was about to accept the present, though he would greatly have preferred a dobla, of which he had not seen any since the last received from the admiral, when a forward movement was made by most of the cubans, who humbly, and with emphasis, uttered the word "tobacco"--"tobacco." on this hint, the person who held forth the offering drew back, repeated the same word in an apologizing manner, and set about making what, it was now plain was termed a "tobacco," in the language of that country. this was soon effected, by rolling up the leaves in the form of a rude segar, when a "tobacco," duly manufactured, was offered to the seaman. sancho took the present, nodded his head condescendingly, repeated the words himself, in the best manner he could, and thrust the "tobacco" into his pocket. this movement evidently excited some surprise among the spectators, but, after a little consultation, one of them lighted an end of a roll, applied the other to his mouth, and began to puff forth volumes of a fragrant light smoke, not only to his own infinite satisfaction, but seemingly to that of all around him. sancho attempted an imitation, which resulted, as is common with the tyro in this accomplishment, in his reeling back to his party with the pallid countenance of an opium-chewer, and a nausea that he had not experienced since the day he first ventured beyond the bar of saltes, to issue on the troubled surface of the atlantic. this little scene might be termed the introduction of the well-known american weed into civilized society, the misapprehension of the spaniards, touching the appellation, transferring the name of the roll to the plant itself. thus did sancho, of the ship-yard-gate, become the first christian tobacco smoker, an accomplishment in which he was so soon afterward rivalled by some of the greatest men of his age, and which has extended down to our own times. on the return of his agents, columbus again sailed, pushing his way along the north shore of cuba. while struggling against the trades, with a view to get to the eastward, he found the wind too fresh, and determined to bear up for a favorite haven in the island of cuba, that he had named puerto del principe. with this view a signal was made to call the pinta down, that vessel being far to windward; and, as night was near, lights were carried in order to enable martin alonzo to close with his commander. the next morning, at the dawn of day, when columbus came on deck, he cast a glance around him, and beheld the niña, hove-to under his lee, but no signs of the other caravel. "have none seen the pinta?" demanded the admiral, hastily, of sancho, who stood at the helm. "señor, _i_ did, as long as eyes could see a vessel that was striving to get out of view. master martin alonzo hath disappeared in the eastern board, while we have been lying-to, here, in waiting for him to come down." columbus now perceived that he was deserted by the very man who had once shown so much zeal in his behalf, and who had given, in the act, new proof of the manner in which friendship vanishes before self-interest and cupidity. there had been among the adventurers many reports of the existence of gold mines, obtained from the descriptions of the natives; and the admiral made no doubt that his insubordinate follower had profited by the superior sailing of his caravel, to keep the wind, in the expectation to be the first to reach the eldorado of their wishes. as the weather still continued unfavorable, however, the santa maria and the niña returned to port, where they waited for a change. this separation occurred on the 21st of november, at which moment the expedition had not advanced beyond the north coast of cuba. from this time until the sixth of the following month, columbus continued his examination of this noble island, when he crossed what has since been termed the "windward passage," and first touched on the shores of hayti. all this time, there had been as much communication as circumstances would allow, with the aborigines, the spaniards making friends wherever they went, as a consequence of the humane and prudent measures of the admiral. it is true that violence had been done, in a few instances, by seizing half a dozen individuals in order to carry them to spain, as offerings to doña isabella; but this act was easily reconcilable to usage in that age, equally on account of the deference that was paid to the kingly authority, and on the ground that the seizures were for the good of the captives' souls. the adventurers were more delighted with the bold, and yet winning aspect of hayti, than they had been with even the adjacent island of cuba. the inhabitants were found to be handsomer and more civilized than any they had yet seen, while they retained the gentleness and docility that had proved so pleasing to the admiral. gold, also, was seen among them in considerable quantities; and the spaniards set on foot a trade of some extent, in which the usual incentive of civilized man was the great aim of one side, and hawk's-bells appear to have been the principal desideratum with the other. in this manner, and in making hazardous advances along the coast, the admiral was occupied until the 20th of the month, when he reached a point that was said to be in the vicinity of the residence of the great cacique of all that portion of the island. this prince, whose name, as spelt by the spaniards, was guacanagari, had many tributary caciques, and was understood, from the half-intelligible descriptions of his subjects, to be a monarch that was much beloved. on the 22d, while still lying in the bay of acúl, where the vessels had anchored two days previously, a large canoe was seen entering the haven. it was shortly after announced to the admiral that this boat contained an ambassador from the great cacique, who brought presents from his master, with a request that the vessels would move a league or two further east, and anchor off the town inhabited by the prince himself. the wind preventing an immediate compliance, a messenger was despatched with a suitable answer, and the ambassador returned. fatigued with idleness, anxious to see more of the interior, and impelled by a constitutional love of adventure, luis, who had struck up a hasty friendship with a young man called mattinao, who attended the ambassador, asked permission to accompany him, taking his passage in the canoe. columbus gave his consent to this proposal with a good deal of reluctance, the rank and importance of our hero inducing him to avoid the consequences of any treachery or accident. the importunity of luis finally prevailed, however, and he departed with many injunctions to be discreet, being frequently admonished of the censure that would await the admiral in the event of any thing serious occurring. as a precaution, too, sancho mundo was directed to accompany the young man, in this chivalrous adventure, in the capacity of an esquire. no weapon more formidable than a blunt arrow having yet been seen in the hands of the natives, the young count de llera declined taking his mail, going armed only with a trusty sword, the temper of which had been tried on many a moorish corslet and helm, in his foot encounters, and protected by a light buckler. an arquebuse had been put into his hand, but he refused it, as a weapon unsuited to knightly hands, and as betraying a distrust that was not merited by the previous conduct of the natives. sancho, however, was less scrupulous, and accepted the weapon. in order, moreover, to divert the attention of his followers from a concession that the admiral felt to be a departure from his own rigid laws, luis and his companions landed, and entered the canoe at a point concealed from the vessels, in order that their absence might not be known. it is owing to these circumstances, as well as to the general mystery that was thrown about the connection of the young grandee with the expedition, that the occurrences we are about to relate were never entered by the admiral in his journal, and have consequently escaped the prying eyes of the various historians who have subsequently collected so much from that pregnant document. chapter xxiii. "thou seemest to fancy's eye an animated blossom born in air; which breathes and bourgeons in the golden sky, and sheds its odors there." sutermeister. notwithstanding his native resolution, and an indifference to danger that amounted to recklessness, luis did not find himself alone with the haytians without, at least, a lively consciousness of the novelty of his situation. still, nothing occurred to excite uneasiness, and he continued his imperfect communications with his new friends, occasionally throwing in a remark to sancho, in spanish, who merely wanted encouragement to discourse by the hour. instead of following the boat of the santa maria, on board which the ambassador had embarked, the canoe pushed on several leagues further east, it being understood that luis was not to present himself in the town of guacanagari, until after the arrival of the ships, when he was to rejoin his comrades stealthily, or in a way not to attract attention. our hero would not have been a true lover, had he remained indifferent to the glories of the natural scenery that lay spread before his eyes, as he thus coasted the shores of española. the boldness of the landscape, as in the mediterranean, was relieved by the softness of a low latitude, which throws some such witchery around rocks and promontories, as a sunny smile lends to female beauty. more than once did he burst out into exclamations of delight, and as often did sancho respond in the same temper, if not exactly in the same language; the latter conceiving it to be a sort of duty to echo all that the young noble said, in the way of poetry. "i take it, señor conde," observed the seaman, when they had reached a spot several leagues beyond that where the launch of the ship had put to shore; "i take it for granted, señor conde, that your excellency knoweth whither these naked gentry are paddling, all this time. they seem in a hurry, and have a port in their minds, if it be not in view." "art thou uneasy, friend sancho, that thou puttest thy question thus earnestly?" "if i am, don luis, it is altogether on account of the family of bobadilla, which would lose its head, did any mishap befall your excellency. what is it to sancho, of the ship-yard-gate, whether he is married to some princess in cipango, and gets to be adopted by the great khan, or whether he is an indifferent mariner out of moguer? it is very much as if one should offer him the choice between wearing a doublet and eating garlic, and going naked on sweet fruits and a full stomach. i take it, señor, your excellency would not willingly exchange the castle of llera for the palace of this great cacique?" "thou art right, sancho; even rank must depend on the state of society in which we live. a castilian noble cannot envy a haytian sovereign." "more especially, since my lord, the señor don almirante, hath publicly proclaimed that our gracious lady, the doña isabella, is henceforth and forever to be queen over him," returned sancho, with a knowing glance of the eye. "little do these worthy people understand the honor that is in store for them, and least of all, his highness, king guacanagari!" "hush, sancho, and keep thy unpleasant intimations in thine own breast. our friends turn the head of the canoe toward yonder river's mouth, and seem bent on landing." by this time, indeed, the natives had coasted as far as they intended, and were turning in toward the entrance of a small stream, which, taking its rise among the noble mountains that were grouped inland, found its way through a smiling valley to the ocean. this stream was neither broad nor deep, but it contained far more than water sufficient for any craft used by the natives. its banks were fringed with bushes; and as they glided up it, luis saw fifty sites where he thought he could be content to pass his life, provided, always, that it might possess the advantage of mercedes' presence. it is scarcely necessary to add, too, that in all these scenes he fancied his mistress attired in the velvets and laces that were then so much used by high-born dames, and that he saw her natural grace, embellished by the courtly ease and polished accessories of one who lived daily, if not hourly, in the presence of her royal mistress. as the canoe shut in the coast, by entering between the two points that formed the river's mouth, sancho pointed out to the young noble a small fleet of canoes, that was coming down before the wind from the eastward, apparently bound, like so many more they had seen that day, to the bay of acúl, on a visit to the wonderful strangers. the natives in the canoe also beheld this little flotilla, which was driving before the wind under cotton sails, and by their smiles and signs showed that they gave it the same destination. about this time, too, or just as they entered the mouth of the stream, mattinao drew from under a light cotton robe, that he occasionally wore, a thin circlet of pure gold, which he placed upon his head, in the manner of a coronet. this, luis knew, was a token that he was a cacique, one of those who were tributary to guacanagari, and he arose to salute him at this evidence of his rank, an act that was imitated by all of the haytians also. from this assumption of state, luis rightly imagined that mattinao had now entered within the limits of a territory that acknowledged his will. from the moment that the young cacique threw aside his incognito, he ceased to paddle, but, assuming an air of authority and dignity, he attempted to converse with his guest in the best manner their imperfect means of communication would allow. he often pronounced the word, ozema, and luis inferred from the manner in which he used it, that it was the name of a favorite wife, it having been already ascertained by the spaniards, or at least it was thought to be ascertained, that the caciques indulged in polygamy, while they rigidly restricted their subjects to one wife. the canoe ascended the river several miles, until it reached one of those tropical valleys in which nature seems to expend her means of rendering this earth inviting. while the scenery had much of the freedom of a wilderness, the presence of man for centuries had deprived it of all its ruder and more savage features. like those who tenanted it, the spot possessed the perfection of native grace, unfettered and uninvaded by any of the more elaborate devices of human expedients. the dwellings were not without beauty, though simple as the wants of their owners; the flowers bloomed in midwinter, and the generous branches still groaned with the weight of their nutritious and palatable fruits. mattinao was received by his people with an eager curiosity, blended with profound respect. his mild subjects crowded around luis and sancho, with some such wonder as a civilized man would gaze at one of the prophets, were he to return to earth in the flesh. they had heard of the arrival of the ships, but they did not the less regard their inmates as visitors from heaven. this, probably, was not the opinion of the more elevated in rank, for, even in the savage state, the vulgar mind is far from being that of the favored few. whether it was owing to this greater facility of character, and to habits that more easily adapted themselves to the untutored notions of the indians, or to their sense of propriety, sancho soon became the favorite with the multitude; leaving the count of llera more especially to the care of mattinao, and the principal men of his tribe. owing to this circumstance, the two spaniards were soon separated, sancho being led away by the _oi polloi_ to a sort of square in the centre of the village, leaving don luis in the habitation of the cacique. no sooner did mattinao find himself in the company of our hero, and that of two of his confidential chiefs, than the name of ozema was repeated eagerly among the indians. a rapid conversation followed, a messenger was despatched, luis knew not whither, and then the chiefs took their departure, leaving the young castilian alone with the cacique. laying aside his golden band, and placing a cotton robe about his person, which had hitherto been nearly naked, mattinao made a sign for his companion to follow him, and left the building. throwing the buckler over his shoulder, and adjusting the belt of his sword in a way that the weapon should not incommode him in walking, luis obeyed with as much confidence as he would have followed a friend along the streets of seville. mattinao led the way through a wilderness of sweets, where tropical plants luxuriated beneath the branches of trees loaded with luscious fruits, holding his course by a foot-path which lay on the banks of a torrent that flowed from a ravine, and poured its waters into the river below. the distance he went might have been half a mile. here he reached a cluster of rustic dwellings that occupied a lovely terrace on a hill-side, where they overlooked the larger town below the river, and commanded a view of the distant ocean. luis saw at a glance that this sweet retreat was devoted to the uses of the gentler sex, and he doubted not that it formed a species of seraglio, set apart for the wives of the young cacique. he was led into one of the principal dwellings, where the simple but grateful refreshments used by the natives, were again offered to him. the intercourse of a month had not sufficed to render either party very familiar with the language of the other. a few of the commoner words of the indians had been caught by the spaniards, and perhaps luis was one of the most ready in their use; still, it is highly probable, he was oftener wrong than right, even when he felt the most confident of his success. but the language of friendship is not easily mistaken, and our hero had not entertained a feeling of distrust from the time he left the ships, down to the present moment. mattinao had despatched a messenger to an adjacent dwelling when he entered that in which luis was now entertained, and when sufficient time had been given for the last to refresh himself, the cacique arose, and by a courteous gesture, such as might have become a master of ceremonies in the court of isabella, he again invited the young grandee to follow. they took their way along the terrace, to a house larger than common, and which evidently contained several subdivisions, as they entered into a sort of anteroom. here they remained but a minute; the cacique, after a short parley with a female, removing a curtain ingeniously made of sea-weed, and leading the way to an inner apartment. it had but a single occupant, whose character luis fancied to be announced in the use of the single word "ozema," that the cacique uttered in a low, affectionate tone, as they entered. luis bowed to this indian beauty, as profoundly as he could have made his reverence to a high-born damsel of spain; then, recovering himself, he fastened one long, steady look of admiration on the face of the curious but half-frightened young creature who stood before him, and exclaimed, in such tones as only indicate rapture, admiration, and astonishment mingled-"mercedes!" the young cacique repeated this name in the best manner he could, evidently mistaking it for a spanish term to express admiration, or satisfaction; while the trembling young thing, who was the subject of all this wonder, shrunk back a step, blushed, laughed, and muttered in her soft, low, musical voice, "mercedes," as the innocent take up and renew any source of their harmless pleasures. she then stood, with her arms folded meekly on her bosom, resembling a statue of wonder. but it may be necessary to explain why, at a moment so peculiar, the thoughts and tongue of luis had so suddenly resorted to his mistress. in order to do this, we shall first attempt a short description of the person and appearance of ozema, as was, in fact, the name of the indian beauty. all the accounts agree in describing the aborigines of the west indies as being singularly well formed, and of a natural grace in their movements, that extorted a common admiration among the spaniards. their color was not unpleasant, and the inhabitants of hayti, in particular, were said to be very little darker than the people of spain. those who were but little exposed to the bright sun of that climate, and who dwelt habitually beneath the shades of groves, or in the retirement of their dwellings, like persons of similar habits in europe, might, by comparison, have even been termed fair. such was the fact with ozema, who, instead of being the wife of the young cacique, was his only sister. according to the laws of hayti, the authority of a cacique was transmitted through females, and a son of ozema was looked forward to, as the heir of his uncle. owing to this fact, and to the circumstance that the true royal line, if a term so dignified can be applied to a state of society so simple, was reduced to these two individuals, ozema had been more than usually fostered by the tribe, leaving her free from care, and as little exposed to hardships, as at all comported with the condition of her people. she had reached her eighteenth year, without having experienced any of those troubles and exposures which are more or less the inevitable companions of savage life; though it was remarked by the spaniards, that all the indians they had yet seen seemed more than usually free from evils of this character. they owed this exception to the generous quality of the soil, the genial warmth of the climate, and the salubrity of the air. in a word, ozema, in her person, possessed just those advantages that freedom from restraint, native graces, and wild luxuriance, might be supposed to lend the female form, under the advantages of a mild climate, a healthful and simple diet, and perfect exemption from exposure, care, or toil. it would not have been difficult to fancy eve such a creature, when she first appeared to adam, fresh from the hands of her divine creator, modest, artless, timid, and perfect. the haytians used a scanty dress, though it shocked none of their opinions to go forth in the garb of nature. still, few of rank were seen without some pretensions to attire, which was worn rather as an ornament, or a mark of distinction, than as necessary either to usage or comfort. ozema, herself, formed no exception to the general rule. a cincture of indian cloth, woven in gay colors, circled her slender waist, and fell nearly as low as her knees; a robe of spotless cotton, inartificially made, but white as the driven snow, and of a texture so fine that it might have shamed many of the manufactures of our own days, fell like a scarf across a shoulder, and was loosely united at the opposite side, dropping in folds nearly to the ground. sandals, of great ingenuity and beauty, protected the soles of feet that a queen might have envied; and a large plate of pure gold, rudely wrought, was suspended from her neck by a string of small, but gorgeous shells. bracelets of the latter were on her pretty wrists, and two light bands of gold encircled ankles that were as faultless as those of the venus of naples. in that region, the fineness of the hair was thought the test of birth, with better reason than many imagine the feet and hands to be, in civilized life. as power and rank had passed from female to female in her family, for several centuries, the hair of ozema was silken, soft, waving, exuberant, and black as jet. it covered her shoulders, like a glorious mantle, and fell as low as her simple cincture. so light and silken was this natural veil, that its ends waved in the gentle current of air that was rather breathing than blowing through the apartment. although this extraordinary creature was much the loveliest specimen of young-womanhood that luis had seen among the wild beauties of the islands, it was not so much her graceful and well-rounded form, or even the charms of face and expression, that surprised him, as a decided and accidental resemblance to the being he had left in spain, and who had so long been the idol of his heart. this resemblance alone had caused him to utter the name of his mistress, in the manner related. could the two have been placed together, it would have been easy to detect marked points of difference between them, without being reduced to compare the intellectual and thoughtful expression of our heroine's countenance, with the wondering, doubting, half-startled look of ozema: but still the general likeness was so strong, that no person who was familiar with the face of one could fail to note it on meeting with the other. side by side, it would have been discovered that the face of mercedes had the advantage in finesse and delicacy; that her features and brow were nobler; her eye more illuminated by the intelligence within; her smile more radiant with thought and the feelings of a cultivated woman; her blush more sensitive, betraying most of the consciousness of conventional habits; and that the expression generally was much more highly cultivated, than that which sprung from the artless impulses and limited ideas of the young haytian. nevertheless, in mere beauty, in youth, and tint, and outline, the disparity was scarcely perceptible, while the resemblance was striking; and, on the score of animation, native frankness, ingenuousness, and all that witchery which ardent and undisguised feeling lends to woman, many might have preferred the confiding _abandon_ of the beautiful young indian, to the more trained and dignified reserve of the castilian heiress. what in the latter was earnest, high-souled, native, but religious enthusiasm, in the other was merely the outpourings of unguided impulses, which, however feminine in their origin, were but little regulated in their indulgence. "mercedes!" exclaimed our hero, when this vision of indian loveliness unexpectedly broke on his sight. "mercedes!" repeated mattinao; "mercedes!" murmured ozema, recoiling a step, blushing, laughing, and then resuming her innocent confidence, as she several times uttered the same word, which she also mistook for an expression of admiration, in her own low, melodious voice. conversation being out of the question, there remained nothing for the parties but to express their feelings by signs and acts of amity. luis had not come on his little expedition unprovided with presents. anticipating an interview with the wife of the cacique, he had brought up from the village below, several articles that he supposed might suit her untutored fancy. but the moment he beheld the vision that actually stood before him, they all seemed unworthy of such a being. in one of his onsets against the moors, he had brought off a turban of rich but light cloth, and he had kept it as a trophy, occasionally wearing it, in his visits to the shore, out of pure caprice, and as a sort of ornament that might well impose on the simple-minded natives. these vagaries excited no remarks, as mariners are apt to indulge their whims in this manner, when far from the observations of those to whom they habitually defer. this turban was on his head at the moment he entered the apartment of ozema, and, overcome with the delight of finding so unexpected a resemblance, and, possibly, excited by so unlooked-for an exhibition of feminine loveliness, he gallantly unrolled it, threw out the folds of rich cloth, and cast it over the shoulders of the beautiful ozema as a mantle. the expressions of gratitude and delight that escaped this unsophisticated young creature, were warm, sincere, and undisguised. she cast the ample robe on the ground before her, repeated the word "mercedes," again and again, and manifested her pleasure with all the warmth of a generous and ingenuous nature. if we were to say that this display of ozema was altogether free from the child-like rapture that was, perhaps, inseparable from her ignorance, it would be attributing to her benighted condition the experience and regulated feelings of advanced civilization; but, notwithstanding the guileless simplicity with which she betrayed her emotions, her delight was not without much of the dignity and tone that usually mark the conduct of the superior classes all over the world. luis fancied it as graceful as it was _naive_ and charming. he endeavored to imagine the manner in which the lady of valverde might receive an offering of precious stones from the gracious hands of doña isabella, and he even thought it very possible that the artless grace of ozema was not far behind what he knew would be the meek self-respect, mingled with grateful pleasure, that mercedes could not fail to exhibit. while thoughts like these were passing through his mind, the indian girl laid aside her own less enticing robe, without a thought of shame, and then she folded her faultless form in the cloth of the turban. this was no sooner done, with a grace and freedom peculiar to her unfettered mind, than she drew the necklace of shells from her person, and, advancing a step or two toward our hero, extended the offering with a half-averted face, though the laughing and willing eyes more than supplied the place of language. luis accepted the gift with suitable eagerness, nor did he refrain from using the castilian gallantry of kissing the pretty hand from which he took the bauble. the cacique, who had been a pleased spectator of all that passed, now signed for the count to follow him, leading the way toward another dwelling. here don luis was introduced to other young females, and to two or three children, the former of whom, he soon discovered, were the wives of mattinao, and the latter his offspring. by dint of gestures, a few words, and such other means of explanation as were resorted to between the spaniards and the natives, he now succeeded in ascertaining the real affinity which existed between the cacique and ozema. our hero felt a sensation like pleasure when he discovered that the indian beauty was not married; and he was fain to refer the feeling, perhaps justly, to a sort of jealous sensitiveness that grew out of her resemblance to mercedes. the remainder of that, and the whole of the three following days, were passed by luis with his friend, the cacique, in this, the favorite and sacred residence of the latter. of course our hero was, if any thing, a subject of greater interest to all his hosts, than they could possibly be to him. they took a thousand innocent liberties with his person: examining his dress, and the ornaments he wore, not failing to compare the whiteness of his skin with the redder tint of that of mattinao. on these occasions ozema was the most reserved and shy, though her look followed every movement, and her pleased countenance denoted the interest she felt in all that concerned the stranger. hours at a time, did luis lie stretched on fragrant mats near this artless and lovely creature, studying the wayward expression of her features, in the fond hope of seeing stronger and stronger resemblances to mercedes, and sometimes losing himself in that which was peculiarly her own. in the course of the time passed in these dwellings, efforts were made by the count to obtain some useful information of the island; and whether it was owing to her superior rank, or to a native superiority of mind, or to a charm of manner, he soon fancied that the cacique's beautiful sister succeeded better in making him understand her meaning, than either of the wives of mattinao, or the cacique himself. to ozema, then, luis put most of his questions; and ere the day had passed, this quick-witted and attentive girl had made greater progress in opening an intelligible understanding between the adventurers and her countrymen, than had been accomplished by the communications of the two previous months. she caught the spanish words with a readiness that seemed instinctive, pronouncing them with an accent that only rendered them prettier and softer to the ear. luis de bobadilla was just as good a catholic as a rigid education, a wandering life, and the habits of the camp would be apt to make one of his rank, years, and temperament. still, that was an age in which most laymen had a deep reverence for religion; whether they actually submitted to its purifying influence or not. if there were any free-thinkers, at all, they existed principally among those who passed their lives in their closets, or were to be found among the churchmen, themselves; who often used the cowl as a hood to conceal their infidelity. his close association with columbus, too, had contributed to strengthen our hero's tendency to believe in the constant supervision of providence; and he now felt a strong inclination to fancy that this extraordinary facility of ozema's in acquiring languages, was one of its semi-miraculous provisions, made with a view to further the introduction of the religion of the cross among her people. often did he flatter himself, as he sat gazing into the sparkling, and yet mild eyes of the girl, listening to her earnest efforts to make him comprehend her meaning, that he was to be the instrument of bringing about this great good, through so young and charming an agent. the admiral had also enjoined on him the importance of ascertaining, if possible, the position of the mines, and he had actually succeeded in making ozema comprehend his questions on a subject that was all-engrossing with most of the spaniards. her answers were less intelligible, but luis thought they never could be sufficiently full; flattering himself, the whole time, that he was only laboring to comply with the wishes of columbus. the day after his arrival, our hero was treated to an exhibition of some of the indian games. these sports have been too often described to need repetition here; but, in all their movements and exercises, which were altogether pacific, the young princess was conspicuous for grace and skill. luis, too, was required to show his powers, and being exceedingly athletic and active, he easily bore away the palm from his friend mattinao. the young cacique manifested neither jealousy nor disappointment at this result, while his sister laughed and clapped her hands with delight, when he was outdone, even at his own sports, by the greater strength or greater efforts of his guest. more than once, the wives of mattinao seemed to utter gentle reproaches at this exuberance of feeling, but ozema answered with smiling taunts, and luis thought her, at such moments, more beautiful than even imagination could draw, and perhaps with justice; for her cheeks were flushed, her eyes became as brilliant as ornaments of jet, and the teeth that were visible between lips like cherries, resembled rows of ivory. we have said that the eyes of ozema were black, differing, in this particular, from the deep-blue, melancholy orbs of the enthusiastic mercedes; but still they were alike, so often uttering the same feelings, more especially touching matters in which luis was concerned. more than once, during the trial of strength, did the young man fancy that the expression of the rapture which fairly danced in the eyes of ozema, was the very counterpart of that of the deep-seated delight which had so often beamed on him, from the glances of mercedes, in the tourney; and, at such times, it struck him that the resemblance between the two was so strong as, after some allowance had been made for dress, and other sufficiently striking circumstances, to render them almost identical. the reader is not to suppose from this, that our hero was actually inconstant to big ancient love. far from it. mercedes was too deeply enshrined in his heart--and luis, with all his faults, was as warm-hearted and true-hearted a cavalier as breathed--to be so easily dispossessed. but he was young, distant from her he had so long adored, and was, withal, not altogether insensible to admiration so artlessly and winningly betrayed by the indian girl. had there been the least immodest glance, any proof that art or design lay at the bottom of ozema's conduct, he would at once have taken the alarm, and been completely disenthralled from his temporary delusion; but, on the contrary, all was so frank and natural with this artless girl; when she most betrayed the hold he had taken of her imagination, it was done with a simplicity so obvious, a _naïveté_ so irrepressible, and an ingenuousness so clearly the fruit of innocence, that it was impossible to suspect artifice. in a word, our hero merely showed that he was human, by yielding in a certain degree to a fascination that, under the circumstances, might well have made deeper inroads on the faith even of men who enjoyed much better reputations for stability of purpose. in situations of so much novelty, time flies swiftly, and luis himself was astonished when, on looking back, he remembered that he had now been several days with mattinao, most of which period had actually been passed in what might not inaptly be termed the seraglio of the cacique. sancho of the ship-yard-gate had not been in the least neglected all this time. he had been a hero, in his own circle, as well as the young noble, nor had he been at all forgetful of his duty on the subject of searching for gold. though he had neither acquired a single word of the haytian language, nor taught a syllable of spanish to even one of the laughing nymphs who surrounded him, he had decorated the persons of many of them with hawk's-bells, and had contrived to abstract from them, in return, every ornament that resembled the precious metal, which they possessed. this transfer, no doubt, was honestly effected, however, having been made on that favorite principle of the free trade theorists, which maintains that trade is merely an exchange of equivalents; overlooking all the adverse circumstances which may happen, just at the moment, to determine the standard of value. sancho had his notions of commerce as well as the modern philosophers, and, as he and luis occasionally met during their sojourn with mattinao, he revealed a few of his opinions on this interesting subject, in one of their interviews. "i perceive thou hast not forgotten thy passion for doblas, friend sancho," said luis, laughing, as the old seaman exhibited the store of dust and golden plates he had collected; "there is sufficient of the metal in thy sack to coin a score of them, each having the royal countenances of our lord the king, and our lady the queen!" "double that, señor conde; just double that; and all for the price of some seventeen hawk's-bells, that cost but a handful of maravedis. by the mass! this is a most just and holy trade, and such as it becomes us christians to carry on. here are these savages, they think no more of gold than your excellency thinks of a dead moor, and to be revenged on them, i hold a hawk's-bell just as cheap. let them think as poorly as they please of their ornaments and yellow dust, they will find me just as willing to part with the twenty hawk's-bells that remain. let them barter away, they will find me as ready as they possibly can be, to give nothing for nothing." "is this quite honest, sancho, to rob an indian of his gold, in exchange for a bauble that copper so easily purchaseth? remember thou art a castilian, and henceforth give _two_ hawk's-bells, where thou hast hitherto given but _one_." "i never forget my birth, señor, for happily the ship-yard of moguer is in old spain. is not the value of a thing to be settled by what it will bring in the market? ask any of our traders and they will tell you this, which is clear as the sun in the heavens. when the venetians lay before candia, grapes, and figs, and greek wine, could be had for the asking in that island, while western articles commanded any price. oh, nothing is plainer than the fact that every thing hath its price, and it is real trade to give one worthless commodity for another." "if it be honest to profit by the ignorance of another," answered luis, who had a nobleman's contempt for commerce, "then it is just to deceive the child and the idiot." "god forbid, and especially st. andrew, my patron, that i should do any thing so wicked. hawk's-bells are of more account than gold, in hayti, señor, and happening to know it, i am willing to part with the precious things for the dross. you see i am generous instead of being avaricious, for all parties are in hayti, where the value of, the articles must be settled. it is true, that after running great risks at sea, and undergoing great pains and chances, by carrying this gold to spain, i may be requited for my trouble, and get enough benefit to make an honest livelihood. i hope doña isabella will have so much feeling for these, her new subjects, as to prevent their ever going into the shipping business--a most laborious and dangerous calling, as we both well know." "and why art thou so particular in desiring this favor in behalf of these poor islanders, and that, too, sancho, at the expense of thine own bones?" "simply, señor," answered the knave, with a cunning leer, "lest it unsettle trade, which ought to be as free and unencumbered as possible. here, now, if we spaniards come to hayti, we sell-one hawk's-bell for a dobla in gold; whereas, were we to give these savages the trouble to come to spain, a dobla of their gold would buy a hundred hawk's-bells! no--no--it is right as it is; and may a double allowance of purgatory be the lot of him who wishes to throw any difficulties in the way of a good, honest, free, and civilizing trade, say i." sancho was thus occupied in explaining his notions of free trade--the great mystification of modern philanthropists--when there arose such a cry in the village of mattinao, as is only heard in moments of extreme jeopardy and sudden terror. the conversation took place in the grove, about midway between the town and the private dwellings of the cacique; and so implicit had become the confidence the two spaniards reposed in their friends, that neither had any other arms about his person, than those furnished by nature. luis had left both sword and buckler, half an hour earlier, at the feet of ozetna, who had been enacting a mimic hero, with his weapons, for their mutual diversion; while sancho had found the arquebuse much too heavy to be carried about for a plaything. the last was deposited in the room where he had taken up his comfortable quarters. "can this mean treachery, señor?" exclaimed sancho. "have these blackguards found out the true value of hawk's-bells, after all, and do they mean to demand the balance due them?" "my life on it, mattinao and all his people are true, sancho. this uproar hath a different meaning--hark! is not that the cry of 'caonabo!'" "the very same, señor! that is the name of the carib cacique, who is the terror of all these tribes." "thy arquebuse, sancho, if possible; then join me at the dwellings above. ozema and the wives of our good friend must be defended, at every hazard!" luis had no sooner given these orders, than he and sancho separated, the latter running toward the town, which, by this time, was a scene of wild tumult, while our hero, slowly and sullenly, retired toward the private dwellings of the cacique, occasionally looking back, as if he longed to plunge into the thickest of the fray. twenty times did he wish for his favorite charger and a stout lance, when, indeed, it would not have been an extraordinary feat for a knight of his prowess to put to flight a thousand enemies like those who now menaced him. often had he singly broken whole ranks of christian foot-soldiers, and it is well known that solitary individuals, when mounted, subsequently drove hundreds of the natives before them. the alarm reached the dwelling of mattinao before our hero. when he entered the house of ozema, he found its mistress surrounded by fifty females, some of whom had already ascended from the town below, each of whom was eagerly uttering the terrible name of "caonabo." ozema herself was the most collected of them all, though it was apparent that, from some cause, she was an object of particular solicitude from those around her. as luis entered the apartment, the wives of mattinao were pressing around the princess; and he soon gathered from their words and entreaties, that they urged her to fly, lest she should fall into the hands of the carib chief. he even fancied, and he fancied it justly, that the rest of the females supposed the seizure of the cacique's beautiful sister to be the real object of the sudden attack. this conjecture in no manner lessened luis' ardor in the defence. the moment ozema caught sight of him, she flew to his side, clasping her hands, and uttering the name of "caonabo," in a tone that would have melted a heart of stone. at the same time, her eyes spoke a language of hope, confidence, and petition that was not necessary to enlist our hero's resolution on her side. in a moment, the sword of the young cavalier was in his hand, and the buckler on his arm. he then assured the princess of his zeal, in the best manner he could, by placing the buckler before her throbbing breast, and waving the sword, as in defiance of her enemies: no sooner was this pledge given, than every other female disappeared, some flying to the rescue of their children, and all endeavoring to find places of concealment. by this singular and unexpected desertion, luis found himself, for the first time since they had met, alone with ozema. to remain in the house would be to suffer the enemy to approach unseen, and the shrieks and cries sufficiently announced that, each moment, the danger grew nearer. luis accordingly made a sign for the girl to follow him, first rolling the turban into a bundle and placing it on her arm, that it might serve her, at need, as a species of shield against the hostile arrows. while he was thus employed, ozema's head fell upon his breast, and the excited girl burst into tears. this display of weakness, however, lasted but a moment, when she aroused herself, smiled through her tears, pressed the arm of luis convulsively, and became the indian heroine again. they then left the building together. luis soon perceived that his retreat from the house had not been made a moment too soon. the family of mattinao had already disappeared, and a strong party of the invaders was in full view, rushing madly up the grove, silent, but evidently bent on seizing their prey. he felt ozema, who clung to his arm, tremble violently, and then he heard her murmuring-"caonabo--no--no--no!" the young indian princess had caught the spanish monosyllable of dissent, and luis understood this exclamation to express her strong disinclination to become a wife of the carib chief. his resolution to protect her or to die, was in no manner lessened by this involuntary betrayal of her feelings, which he could not but think might have some connection with himself; for, while our hero was both honorable and generous, he was human, and, consequently, well disposed to take a favorable view of his own powers of pleasing. it was only in connection with mercedes, that luis de bobadilla was humble. a soldier almost from childhood, the young count looked hastily around him for a position that would favor his means of defence, and which would render his arms the most available. luckily, one offered so near him, that it required but a minute to occupy it. the terrace lay against a precipice of rocks, and a hundred feet from the house, was a spot where the face of this precipice was angular, throwing forward a wall on each side to some distance, while the cliff above overhung the base sufficiently to remove all danger from falling stones. in the angle were several large fragments of rock that would afford shelter against arrows, and, there being a sufficient space of greensward before them, on which a knight might well display his prowess when in possession of this position, our hero felt himself strong, if not impregnable, since he could be assailed only in front. ozema was stationed behind one of the fragments of the fallen rocks, her person only half concealed, however, concern for luis, and curiosity as related to her enemies, equally inducing her to expose her head and beautiful bust. luis was scarcely in possession of this post, ere a dozen indians were drawn up in a line at the distance of fifty yards in his front. they were armed with bows, war-clubs, and spears. being without other defensive armor than his buckler, the young man would have thought his situation sufficiently critical, did he not know that the archery of the natives was any thing but formidable. their arrows would kill, certainly, when shot at short distances, and against the naked skin, but it might be questioned if they would penetrate the stout velvet in which luis was encased, and fifty yards was not near enough to excite undue alarm. the young man did not dare to retreat to the rocks, as a clear space was indispensable for the free use of his good sword, and to that weapon alone he looked for his eventual triumph. it was, perhaps, fortunate for our hero that caonabo himself was not with the party which beleaguered him. that redoubtable chieftain, who had been led to a distance in pursuit of the flying females, under a belief that she he sought was among them, would doubtless have brought the matter to an immediate issue by a desperate charge, when numbers might have prevailed against courage and skill. the actual assailants chose a different course, and began to poise their bows. one of the most skilful among them drew an arrow to the head, and let it fly. the missile glanced from the buckler of the knight, and struck the hill behind him, as lightly as if the parties had been at their idle sports. another followed, and luis turned it aside with his sword, disdaining to raise his shield against such a trifle. this cool manner of receiving their assaults caused the indians to raise a shout, whether in admiration or rage, luis could not tell. the next attack was more judicious, being made on a principle that napoleon is said to have adopted in directing discharges of his artillery. all those who had bows, some six or eight, drew their arrows together, and the weapons came rattling on the buckler of the assailed in a single flight. it was not easy to escape altogether from such a combined assault, and our hero received one or two bruises from glancing arrows, though no blood followed the blows. a second attempt of the same nature was about to be made, when the alarmed girl rushed from her place of concealment, and, like the pocahontas of our own history, threw herself before luis, with her arms meekly placed on her bosom. as soon as she appeared, there was a cry of "ozema"--"ozema," among the assailants, who were not caribs, as all will understand who are familiar with the island history, but milder haytians, governed by a carib chief. in vain luis endeavored to persuade the devoted girl to withdraw. she thought his life in danger, and no language, had he been able to exert his eloquence on the occasion, could have induced her to leave him exposed to such a danger. as the indians were endeavoring to obtain chances at the person of luis without killing the princess, he saw there remained no alternative but a retreat behind the fragment of rock. just as he obtained this temporary security, a fierce-looking warrior joined the assailants, who immediately commenced a vociferous explanation of the actual state of the attack. "caonabo?" demanded luis, of ozema, pointing toward the new-comer. the girl shook her head, after taking an anxious look at the stranger's face, at the same time clinging to our hero's arm, with seductive dependence. "no--no--no--" she said, eagerly. "no caonabo--no--no--no." luis understood the first part of this answer to mean that the stranger was not the carib chief; and the last to signify ozema's strong and settled aversion to becoming his wife. the consultation among the assailants was soon ended. six of them then poised their war-clubs and spears, and made a rush for the citadel of the besieged. when they were within twenty feet of his cover, our hero sprang lightly forward on the sward to meet his foes. two of the spears he received on his buckler, severing both shafts with a single blow of his keen and highly-tempered sword. as he recovered from the effort, with an upward cut he met the raised arm of the club-man most in advance. hand and club fell at his feet with the skilful touch. making a sweep with the weapon in his front, its point seamed the breasts of the two astonished spears-men, whose distance alone saved them from more serious injuries. this rapid and unlooked-for execution struck the assailants with awe and dread. never before had they witnessed the power of metal as used in war; and the sudden amputation of the arm struck them as something miraculous. even the ferocious carib fell back in dismay, and luis felt hopes of victory. this was the first occasion on which the spaniards had come to blows with the mild inhabitants of the islands they had discovered, though it is usual with the historians to refer to an incident of still latter occurrence, as the commencement of strife, the severe privacy which has ever been thrown over the connection of don luis with the expedition, having completely baffled their slight and superficial researches. of course, the efficiency of a weapon like that used by our hero, was as novel to the haytians as it was terrific. at this instant a shout among the assailants, and the appearance of a fresh body of the invaders, with a tall and commanding chief at their head, announced the arrival of caonabo in person. this warlike cacique was soon made acquainted with the state of affairs, and it was evident that the prowess of our hero struck him as much with admiration as with wonder. after a few minutes, he directed his followers to fall back to a greater distance, and, laying aside his club, he advanced fearlessly toward luis, making signs of amity. when the two adversaries met, it was with mutual respect and confidence. the carib made a short and vehement speech, in which the only word that was intelligible to our hero, was the name of the beautiful young indian. by this time ozema had also advanced, as if eager to speak, and her rude suitor turned to her, with an appeal that was passionate, if not eloquent. he laid his hand frequently on his heart, and his voice became soft and persuasive. ozema replied earnestly, and in the quick manner of one whose resolution was settled. at the close of her speech, the color mounted to the temples of the ardent girl, and, as if purposely to make her meaning understood by our hero, she ended by saying, in spanish-"caonabo--no--no--no!--luis--luis!" the aspect of the hurricane of the tropics is not darker, or more menacing, than the scowl with which the carib chief heard this unequivocal rejection of his suit, accompanied, as it was, by so plain a demonstration in favor of the stranger. waving his hand in defiance, he strode back to his people, and issued orders for a fresh assault. this time, a tempest of arrows preceded the rush, and luis was fain to seek his former cover behind the rocks. indeed, this was the only manner in which he could save the life of ozema; the devoted girl resolutely persevering in standing before his body, in the hope it would shield him from his enemies. there had been some words of reproach from caonabo to the carib chief who had retreated from the first attack, and the air was yet filled with arrows, as this man rushed forward, singly, to redeem his name. luis met him, firm as the rock behind him. the shock was violent, and the blow that fell on the buckler would have crushed an arm less inured to such rude encounters; but it glanced obliquely from the shield, and the club struck the earth with the weight of a beetle. our hero saw that all now depended on a deep impression. his sword flashed in the bright sun, and the head of the carib tumbled by the side of his club, actually leaving the body erect for an instant, so keen was the weapon, and so dexterous had been the blow. twenty savages were on the spring, but they stopped like men transfixed, at this unexpected sight. caonabo, however, undaunted even when most surprised, roared out his orders like a maddened bull, and the wavering crowd was again about to advance, when the loud report of an arquebuse was heard, followed by the whistling of its deadly missives. a second haytian fell dead in his tracks. it exceeded the powers of savage endurance to resist this assault, which, to their uninstructed minds, appeared to come from heaven. in two minutes, neither caonabo nor any of his followers were visible. as they rushed down the hill, sancho appeared from a cover, carrying the arquebuse, which he had taken the precaution to reload. the circumstances did not admit of delay. not a being of mattinao's tribe was to be seen in any direction; and luis made no doubt that they had all fled. determined to save ozema at every hazard, he now took his way to the river, in order to escape in one of the canoes. in passing through the town, it was seen that not a house had been plundered; and the circumstance was commented on by the spaniards, luis pointing it out to his companion. "caonabo--no--no--no--ozema!--ozema!" was the answer of the girl, who well knew the real object of the inroad. a dozen canoes lay at the landing, and five minutes sufficed for the fugitives to enter one and to commence their retreat. the current flowed toward the sea, and in a couple of hours they were on the ocean. as the wind blew constantly from the eastward, sancho soon rigged an apology for a sail, and an hour before the sun set, the party landed on a point that concealed them from the bay; luis being mindful of the admiral's injunction, to conceal his excursion, lest others might claim a similar favor. chapter xxiv. "three score and ten i can remember well, within the volume of which time i have seen hours dreadful, and things strange, but this sore sight hath trifled former knowings." macbeth. a sight that struck our hero with a terror and awe, almost as great as those experienced by the ignorant haytians at the report and effect of the arquebuse, awaited him, as he came in view of the anchorage. the santa maria, that vessel of the admiral, which he had left only four days before in her gallant array and pride, lay a stranded wreck on the sands, with fallen masts, broken sides, and all the other signs of nautical destruction. the niña was anchored in safety, it is true, at no great distance, but a sense of loneliness and desertion came over the young man, as he gazed at this small craft, which was little more than a felucca, raised to the rank of a ship for the purposes of the voyage. the beach was covered with stores, and it was evident that the spaniards and the people of guacanagari toiled in company, at the construction of a sort of fortress; an omen that some great change had come over the expedition. ozema was immediately left in the house of a native, and the two adventurers hurried forward to join their friends, and to ask an explanation of what they had seen. columbus received his young friend kindly, but in deep affliction. the manner in which the ship was lost has been often told, and luis learned that the niña being too small to carry all away, a colony was to be left in the fortress, while the remainder of the adventurers hastened back to spain. guacanagari had shown himself full of sympathy, and was kindness itself, while every one had been too much occupied with the shipwreck to miss our hero, or to hearken to rumors of an event as common as an inroad from a carib chief, to carry off an indian beauty. perhaps, the latter event was still too recent to have reached the shores. the week that succeeded the return of luis was one of active exertion. the santa maria was wrecked on the morning of christmas day, 1492, and on that of the 4th of january following, the niña was ready to depart on her return voyage. during this interval, luis had seen ozema but once, and then he had found her sorrowing, mute, and resembling a withered flower, that retained its beauty even while it drooped. on the evening of the third, however, while lingering near the new-finished fortress, he was summoned by sancho to another interview. to the surprise of our hero, he found the young cacique with his sister. although language was wanting, on this occasion, the parties easily understood each other. ozema was no longer sorrowful, and borne down with grief: the smile and the laugh came easily from her young and buoyant spirits, and luis thought he had never seen her so winning and lovely. she had arranged her scanty toilet with indian coquetry, and the bright, warm color of her cheeks added new lustre to her brilliant eyes. her light, agile form, a model of artless grace, seemed so ethereal as scarce to touch the earth. the secret of this sudden change was not long hid from luis. the brother and sister, after discussing all their dangers and escapes, and passing in review the character and known determination of caonabo, had come to the conclusion that there was no refuge for ozema but in flight. what most determined the brother to consent that his sister should accompany the strangers to their distant home, it would be useless to inquire; but the motive of ozema herself, can be no secret to the reader. it was known that the admiral was desirous of carrying to spain a party of natives; and three females, one of whom was of ozema's rank, had already consented to go. this chieftain's wife was not only known to ozema, but she was a kinswoman. every thing seemed propitious to the undertaking; and as a voyage to spain was still a mystery to the natives, who regarded it as something like an extended passage from one of their islands to another, no formidable difficulties presented themselves to the imagination of either the cacique or his sister. this proposition took our hero by surprise. he was both flattered and pleased at the self-devotion of ozema, even while it troubled him. perhaps there were moments when he a little distrusted himself. still mercedes reigned in his heart, and he shook off the feeling as a suspicion that a true knight could not entertain without offering an insult to his own honor. on second thoughts, there were fewer objections to the scheme than he at first fancied; and, after an hour's discussion, he left the place to go and consult the admiral. columbus was still at the fortress, and he heard our hero gravely and with interest. once or twice luis' eyes dropped under the searching glance of his superior; but, on the whole, he acquitted himself of the task he had undertaken, with credit. "the sister of a cacique, thou say'st, don luis," returned the admiral, thoughtfully. "the virgin sister of a cacique!" "even so, don christopher; and of a grace, birth, and beauty, that will give our lady, the queen, a most exalted idea of the merits of our discovery." "thou wilt remember, señor conde, that naught but purity may be offered to purity. doña isabella is a model for all queens, and mothers, and wives; and i trust nothing to offend her angelic mind can ever come from her favored servants. there has been no deception practised on this wild girl, to lead her into sin and misery?" "don christopher, you can scarce think this of me. doña mercedes herself is not more innocent than the girl i mean, nor could her brother feel more solicitude in her fortunes, than i feel. when the king and queen have satisfied their curiosity, and dismissed her, i propose to place her under the care of the lady of valverde." "the rarer the specimens that we take, the better, luis. this will gratify the sovereigns, and cause them to think favorably of our discoveries, as thou say'st. it might be done without inconvenience. the niña is small, of a verity, but we gain much in leaving this large party behind us. i have given up the principal cabin to the other females, since thou and i can fare rudely for a few weeks. let the girl come, and see thou to her comfort and convenience." this settled the matter. early next morning ozema embarked, carrying with her the simple wealth of an indian princess, among which the turban was carefully preserved. her relative had an attendant, who sufficed for both. luis paid great attention to the accommodations, in which both comfort and privacy were duly respected. the parting with mattinao was touchingly tender, for the domestic affections appear to have been much cultivated among these simple-minded and gentle people; but the separation, it was supposed, would be short, and ozema had, again and again, assured her brother that her repugnance to caonabo, powerful cacique as he might be, was unconquerable. each hour increased it, strengthening her resolution never to become his wife. the alternative was to secrete herself in the island, or to make this voyage to spain; and there was glory as well as security in the latter. with this consolation, the brother and sister parted. columbus had intended to push his discoveries much further, before he returned to europe; but the loss of the santa maria, and the desertion of the pinta, reduced him to the necessity of bringing the expedition to a close, lest, by some untoward accident, all that had actually been achieved should be forever lost to the world. accordingly, in the course of the 4th of january, 1493, he made sail to the eastward, holding his course along the shores of hayti. his great object now was to get back to spain before his remaining little bark should fail him, when his own name would perish with the knowledge of his discoveries. fortunately, however, on the 6th, the pinta was seen coming down before the wind, martin alonzo pinzon having effected one of the purposes for which he had parted company, that of securing a quantity of gold, but failed in discovering any mines, which is believed to have been his principal motive. it is not important to the narrative to relate the details of the meeting that followed. columbus received the offending pinzon with prudent reserve, and, hearing his explanations, he directed him to prepare the pinta for the return passage. after wooding and watering accordingly, in a bay favorable to such objects, the two vessels proceeded to the eastward in company; still following the north shore of hayti, española, or little spain, as the island had been named by columbus.[4] [footnote 4: the fortunes of this beautiful island furnish a remarkable proof of the manner in which abusse are made, by the providence of god, to produce their own punishments. this island, which is about two-thirds the size of the state of new york, was the seat of spanish authority, in the new world, for many years. the mild aborigines, who were numerous and happy when discovered, were literally exterminated by the cruelties of their new masters; and it was found necessary to import negroes from africa, to toil in the cane-fields. toward the middle of the sixteenth century, it is said that two hundred of the aborigines were not to be found in the island, although ovando had decoyed no less than forty thousand from the bahamas, to supply the places of the dead, as early as 1518! at a later day, española passed into the hands of the french, and all know the terrible events by which it has gone into the exclusive possession of the descendants of the children of africa. all that has been said of the influence of the white population of this country, as connected with our own indians, sinks into insignificance, as compared with these astounding facts.] it was the 16th of the month, ere the adventurers finally took their leave of this beautiful spot. they had scarcely got clear of the land, steering a north-easterly course, when the favorable winds deserted them, and they were again met by the trades. the weather was moderate, however, and by keeping the two vessels on the best tack, by the 10th of february, the admiral, making sundry deviations from a straight course, however, had stretched across the track of ocean in which these constant breezes prevailed, and reached a parallel of latitude as high as palos, his port. in making this long slant, the niña, contrary to former experience, was much detained by the dull sailing of the pinta, which vessel, having sprung her after-mast, was unable to bear a press of sail. the light breeze also favored the first, which had ever been deemed a fast craft in smooth water and gentle gales. most of the phenomena of the outward passage were observed on the homeward; but the tunny-fish no longer excited hopes, nor did the sea-weed awaken fears. these familiar objects were successfully, but slowly passed, and the variable winds were happily struck again in the first fortnight. here the traverses necessarily became more and more complicated, until the pilots, unused to so long and difficult a navigation, in which they received no aids from either land or water, got confused in their reckonings, disputing hotly among themselves concerning their true position. "thou hast heard to-day, luis," said the admiral, smiling, in one of his renewed conferences with our hero, "the contentions of vicente yañez, with his brother, martin alonzo, and the other pilots, touching our distance from spain. these constant shifts of wind have perplexed the honest mariners, and they fancy themselves in any part of the atlantic, but that in which they really are!" "much depends on you, señor; not only our safety, but the knowledge of our great discoveries." "thou say'st true, don luis. vicente yañez, sancho ruiz, pedro alonzo niño, and bartolemeo roldan, to say nothing of the profound calculators in the pinta, place the vessels in the neighborhood of madeira, which is nearer to spain, by a hundred and fifty leagues, than the truth would show. these honest people have followed their wishes, rather than their knowledge of the ocean and the heavens." "and you, don christopher, where do you place the caravels, since there is no motive to conceal the truth?" "we are south of flores, young count, fully twelve degrees west of the canaries, and in the latitude of nafé, in africa. but i would that they should be bewildered, until the right of possession to our discoveries be made a matter of certainty. not one of these men now doubts his ability to do all i have done, and yet neither is able to grope his way back again, after crossing this track of water to asia!" luis understood the admiral, and the size of the vessels rendering the communication of secrets hazardous, the conversation changed. up to this time, though the winds were often variable, the weather had been good. a few squalls had occurred, as commonly happens at sea, but they had proved to be neither long nor severe. all this was extremely grateful to columbus, who, now he had effected the great purpose for which he might have been said to live, felt some such concern lest the important secret should be lost to the rest of mankind, as one who carries a precious object through scenes of danger experiences for the safety of his charge. a change, however, was at hand, and at the very moment when the great navigator began to hope the best, he was fated to experience the severest of all his trials. as the vessels advanced north, the weather became cooler, as a matter of course, and the winds stronger. during the night of the 11th of february, the caravels made a great run on their course, gaining more than a hundred miles between sunset and sunrise. the next morning many birds were in sight, from which fact columbus believed himself quite near the azores, while the pilots fancied they were in the immediate vicinity of madeira. the following day the wind was less favorable, though strong, and a heavy sea had got up. the properties of the little niña now showed themselves to advantage, for, ere the turn of the day, she had to contend with such a struggle of the elements, as few in her had ever before witnessed. fortunately, all that consummate seamanship could devise to render her safe and comfortable had been done, and she was in as perfect a state of preparation for a tempest, as circumstances would allow. the only essential defect was her unusual lightness, since, most of her stores as well as her water being nearly exhausted, her draught of water was materially less than it should have been. the caravel was so small, that this circumstance, which is of little consequence to the safety of large vessels, got to be one of consideration in a craft whose means of endurance did not place her above the perils of squalls. the reader will understand the distinction better when he is told that ships of size can only lose their spars by sudden gusts of wind, seldom being thrown on their beam ends, as it is termed, unless by the power of the waves; whereas, smaller craft incur the risk of being capsized, when the spread of their canvas is disproportioned to their stability. although the seamen of the niña perceived this defect in their caravel, which, in a great measure, proceeded from the consumption of the fresh water, they hoped so soon to gain a haven, that no means had been taken to remedy the evil. such was the state of things, as the sun set on the night of the 12th of february, 1493. as usual, columbus was on the poop, vessels of all sizes then carrying these clumsy excrescences, though this of the niña was so small as scarcely to deserve the name. luis was at his side, and both watched the aspect of the heavens and the ocean in grave silence. never before had our hero seen the elements in so great commotion, and the admiral had just remarked that even he had not viewed many nights as threatening. there is a solemnity about a sunset at sea, when the clouds appear threatening, and the omens of a storm are brooding, that is never to be met with on the land. the loneliness of a ship, struggling through a waste of dreary-looking water, contributes to the influence of the feelings that are awakened, as there appears to be but one object on which the wild efforts of the storm can expend themselves. all else seem to be in unison to aid the general strife; ocean, heavens, and the air, being alike accessories in the murky picture. when the wintry frowns of february are thrown around all, the gloomy hues of the scene are deepened to their darkest tints. "this is a brooding nightfall, don luis," columbus remarked, just as the last rays that the sun cast upward on the stormy-looking clouds disappeared from their ragged outlines--"i have rarely seen another as menacing." "one has a double confidence in the care of god, while sailing under your guidance, señor; first in his goodness, and next in the knowledge of his agent's skilfulness." "the power of the almighty is sufficient to endue the feeblest mortal with all fitting skill, when it is his divine will to spare; or to rob the most experienced of their knowledge, when his anger can only be appeased by the worldly destruction of his creatures." "you look upon the night as portentous, don christopher!" "i _have_ seen omens as ill, though very seldom. had not the caravel this burdensome freight, i might view our situation less anxiously." "you surprise me, sir admiral! the pilots have regretted that our bark is so light." "true, as to material substance; but it beareth a cargo of knowledge, luis, that it would be grievous to see wasted on these vacant waters. dost thou not perceive how fast and gloomily the curtain of night gathereth about us, and the manner in which the niña is rapidly getting to be our whole world? even the pinta is barely distinguishable, like a shapeless shadow on the foaming billows, serving rather as a beacon to warn us of our own desolation, than as a consort to cheer us with her presence and companionship." "i have never known you thus moody, excellent señor, on account of the aspect of the weather!" "'tis not usual with me, young lord; but my heart is loaded with its glorious secret. behold!--dost thou remark that further sign of the warring of the elements?" the admiral, as he spoke, was standing with his face toward spain, while his companion's gaze was fastened on the portentous-looking horizon of the west, around which still lingered sufficient light to render its frowns as chilling as they were visible. he had not seen the change that drew the remark from columbus, but, turning quickly, he asked an explanation. notwithstanding the season, the horizon at the north-east had been suddenly illuminated by a flash of lightning, and even while the admiral was relating the fact, and pointing out the quarter of the heavens in which the phenomenon had appeared, two more flashes followed each other in quick succession. "señor vicente"--called out columbus, leaning forward in a way to overlook a group of dusky figures that was collected on the half-deck beneath him--"is señor vicente yañez of your number?" "i am here, don christopher, and note the omen. it is the sign of even more wind." "we shall be visited with a tempest, worthy vicente; and it will come from that quarter of the heavens, or its opposite. have we made all sure in the caravel?" "i know not what else is to be done, señor almirante. our canvas is at the lowest, every thing is well lashed, and we carry as little aloft as can be spared. sancho ruiz, look you to the tarpaulings, lest we ship more water than will be safe." "look well to our light, too, that our consort may not part from us in the darkness. this is no time for sleep, vicente--place your most trusty men at the tiller." "señor, they are selected with care. sancho mundo, and young pepe of moguer, do that duty, at present; others as skilled await to relieve them, when their watch ends." "'tis well, good pinzon--neither you nor i can close an eye to-night." the precautions of columbus were not uncalled-for. about an hour after the unnatural flashes of lightning had been seen, the wind rose from the south-west, favorably as to direction, but fearfully as to force. notwithstanding his strong desire to reach port, the admiral found it prudent to order the solitary sail that was set, to be taken in; and most of the night the two caravels drove before the gale, under bare poles, heading to the north-east. we say both, for martin alonzo, practised as he was in stormy seas, and disposed as he was to act only for himself, now the great problem was solved, kept the pinta so near the niña, that few minutes passed without her being seen careering on the summit of a foaming sea, or settling bodily into the troughs, as she drove headlong before the tempest; keeping side by side with her consort, however, as man clings to man in moments of dependency and peril. thus passed the night of the 13th, the day bringing with it a more vivid picture of the whole scene, though it was thought that the wind somewhat abated in its force as the sun arose. perhaps this change existed only in the imaginations of the mariners, the light usually lessening the appearance of danger, by enabling men to face it. each caravel, however, set a little canvas, and both went foaming ahead, hurrying toward spain with their unlooked-for tidings. as the day advanced, the fury of the gale sensibly lessened; but as night drew on again, it returned with renewed force, more adverse, and compelling the adventurers to take in every rag of sail they had ventured to spread. nor was this the worst. the caravels, by this time, had driven up into a tract of ocean where a heavy cross-sea was raging, the effects of some other gale that had recently blown from a different quarter. both vessels struggled manfully to lay up to their course, under these adverse circumstances; but they began to labor in a way to excite uneasiness in those who comprehended the fullest powers of the machines, and who knew whence the real sources of danger were derived. as night approached, columbus perceived that the pinta could not maintain her ground, the strain on her after-mast proving too severe to be borne, even without an inch of canvas spread. reluctantly did he order the niña to edge away toward her consort, separation, at such a moment, being the evil next to positive destruction. in this manner the night of the 14th drew around our lone and sea-girt adventurers. what had been merely menace and omens the previous night, were now a dread reality. columbus, himself, declared he had never known a bark to buffet a more furious tempest, nor did he affect to conceal from luis the extent of his apprehensions. with the pilots, and before the crew, he was serene, and even cheerful; but when alone with our hero, he became frank and humble. still was the celebrated navigator always calm and firm. no unmanly complaint escaped him, though his very soul was saddened at the danger his great discoveries ran of being forever lost. such was the state of feeling that prevailed with the admiral, as he sat in his narrow cabin, in the first hours of that appalling night, watching for any change, relieving or disastrous, that might occur. the howling of the winds, which fairly scooped up, from the surface of the raging atlantic, the brine in sheets, was barely audible amid the roar and rush of the waters. at times, indeed, when the caravel sunk helplessly between two huge waves, the fragment of sail she still carried would flap, and the air seemed hushed and still; and then, again, as the buoyant machine struggled upward, like a drowning man who gains the surface by frantic efforts, it would seem as if the columns of air were about to bear her off before them, as lightly as the driving spray. even luis, albeit little apt to take alarm, felt that their situation was critical, and his constitutional buoyancy of spirits had settled down in a thoughtful gravity, that was unusual with him. had a column of a thousand hostile moors stood before our hero, he would have thought rather of the means of overturning it than of escape; but this warring of the elements admitted of no such relief. it appeared actually like contending with the almighty. in such scenes, indeed, the bravest find no means of falling back on their resolution and intrepidity; for the efforts of man seem insignificant and bootless as opposed to the will and power of god. "'tis a wild night, señor," our hero observed calmly, preserving an exterior of more unconcern than he really felt. "to me this surpasseth all i have yet witnessed of the fury of a tempest." columbus sighed heavily; then he removed his hands from his face, and glanced about him, as if in search of the implements he wanted. "count of llera," he answered, with dignity, "there remaineth a solemn duty to perform. there is parchment in the draw on your side of this table, and here are the instruments for writing. let us acquit ourselves of this important trust while time is yet mercifully given us, god alone knowing how long we have to live." luis did not blanch at these portentous words, but he looked earnest and grave. opening the draw, he took out the parchment and laid it upon the table. the admiral now seized a pen, beckoning to his companion to take another, and both commenced writing as well as the incessant motion of the light caravel would allow. the task was arduous, but it was clearly executed. as columbus wrote a sentence, he repeated it to luis, who copied it word for word, on his own piece of parchment. the substance of this record was the fact of the discoveries made, the latitude and longitude of española, with the relative positions of the other islands, and a brief account of what he had seen. the letter was directed to ferdinand and isabella. as soon as each had completed his account, the admiral carefully enveloped his missive in a covering of waxed cloth, luis imitating him in all things. each then took a large cake of wax, and scooping a hole in it, the packet was carefully secured in the interior, when it was covered with the substance that had been removed. columbus now sent for the cooper of the vessel, who was directed to inclose each cake in a separate barrel. these vessels abound in ships; and, ere many minutes, the two letters were securely inclosed in the empty casks. each taking a barrel, the admiral and our hero now appeared again on the half-deck. so terrific was the night that no one slept, and most of the people of the niña, men as well as officers, were crowded together on the gratings near the main-mast, where alone, with the exception of the still more privileged places, they considered themselves safe from being swept overboard. indeed, even here they were constantly covered with the wash of the sea, the poop itself not being protected from rude visits of this nature. as soon as the admiral was seen again, his followers crowded round him, solicitous to hear his opinion, and anxious to learn his present object. to have told the truth would have been to introduce despair where hope had already nearly ceased; and, merely intimating that he performed a religious vow, columbus, with his own hands, cast his barrel into the hissing ocean. that of luis was placed upon the poop, in the expectation that it would float, should the caravel sink. three centuries and a half have rolled by since columbus took this wise precaution, and no tidings have ever been obtained of that cask. its buoyancy was such that it might continue to float for ages. covered with barnacles, it may still be drifting about the waste of waters, pregnant with its mighty revelations. it is possible, it may have been repeatedly rolled upon some sandy beach, and as frequently swept off again; and it may have been passed unheeded on a thousand occasions, by different vessels, confounded with its vulgar fellows that are so often seen drifting about the ocean. had it been found, it would have been opened; and had it been opened by any civilized man, it is next to impossible that an occurrence of so much interest should have been totally lost. this duty discharged, the admiral had leisure to look about him. the darkness was now so great, that, but for the little light that was disengaged from the troubled water, it would have been difficult to distinguish objects at the length of the caravel. no one, who has merely been at sea in a tall ship, can form any just idea of the situation of the niña. this vessel, little more than a large felucca, had actually sailed from spain with the latine rig, that is so common to the light coasters of southern europe; a rig that had only been altered in the canaries. as she floated in a bay, or a river, her height above the water could not have exceeded four or five feet, and now that she was struggling with a tempest, in a cross sea, and precisely in that part of the atlantic where the rake of the winds is the widest, and the tumult of the waters the greatest, it seemed as if she were merely some aquatic animal, that occasionally rose to the surface to breathe. there were moments when the caravel appeared to be irretrievably sinking into the abyss of the ocean; huge black mounds of water rising around her in all directions, the confusion in the waves having destroyed all the ordinary symmetry of the rolling billows. although so much figurative language has been used, in speaking of mountainous waves, it would not be exceeding the literal truth to add, that the niña's yards were often below the summits of the adjacent seas, which were tossed upward in so precipitous a manner, as to create a constant apprehension of their falling in cataracts on her gratings; for mid-ship-deck, strictly speaking, she had none. this, indeed, formed the great source of danger; since one falling wave might have filled the little vessel, and carried her, with all in her, hopelessly to the bottom. as it was, the crests of seas were constantly tumbling inboard, or shooting athwart the hull of the caravel, in sheets of glittering foam, though happily, never with sufficient power to overwhelm the buoyant fabric. at such perilous instants, the safety of the craft depended on the frail tarpaulings. had these light coverings given way, two or three successive waves would infallibly have so far filled the hold, as to render the hull water-logged; when the loss of the vessel would have followed as an inevitable consequence. the admiral had ordered vicente yañez to carry the foresail close reefed, in the hope of dragging the caravel through this chaos of waters, to a part of the ocean where the waves ran more regularly. the general direction of the seas, too, so far as they could be said to have a general direction at all, had been respected, and the niña had struggled onward--it might be better to say, waded onward--some five or six leagues, since the disappearance of the day, and found no change. it was getting to be near midnight, and still the surface of the ocean presented the same wild aspect of chaotic confusion. vicente yañez approached the admiral, and declared that the bark could no longer bear the rag of sail she carried. "the jerk, as we rise on the sea, goes near to pull the stern out of the craft," he said; "and the backward flap, as we settle into the troughs, is almost as menacing. the niña will bear the canvas no longer, with safety." "who has seen aught of martin alonzo within the hour?" demanded columbus, looking anxiously in the direction in which the pinta ought to be visible. "thou hast lowered the lantern, vicente yañez." "it would stand the hurricane no longer. from time to time it hath been shown, and each signal hath been answered by my brother." "let it be shown once more. this is a moment when the presence of a friend gladdens the soul, even though he be helpless as ourselves." the lantern was hoisted, and, after a steady gaze, a faint and distant light was seen glimmering in the rack of the tempest. the experiment was repeated, at short intervals, and as often was the signal answered, at increasing distances, until the light of their consort was finally lost altogether. "the pinta's mast is too feeble to bear even its gear, in such a gale," observed vicente yañez; "and my brother hath found it impossible to keep as near the wind as we have done. he goes off more to leeward." "let the foresail be secured," answered columbus, "as thou say'st. our feeble craft can no longer bear these violent surges." vicente yañez now mustered a few of his ablest men, and went forward himself to see this order executed. at the same moment the helm was righted, and the caravel slowly fell off, until she got dead before the gale. the task of gathering in the canvas was comparatively easy, the yard being but a few feet above the deck, and little besides the clews being exposed. still it required men of the firmest nerve and the readiest hands to venture aloft at such an instant. sancho took one side of the mast and pepe the other, both manifesting such qualities as mark the perfect seaman only. the caravel was now drifting at the mercy of the winds and waves, the term scudding being scarcely applicable to the motion of a vessel so low, and which was so perfectly sheltered from the action of the wind by the height of the billows. had the latter possessed their ordinary regularity, the low vessel must have been pooped; but, in a measure, her exemption from this calamity was owing to an irregularity that was only the source of a new danger. still, the niña drove ahead, and that swiftly, though not with the velocity necessary to outstrip the chasing water, had the waves followed with their customary order and regularity. the cross seas defeated this; wave meeting wave, actually sending those crests, which otherwise would have rolled over in combing foam, upward in terrific _jets d'eau_. this was the crisis of the danger. there was an hour when the caravel careered amid the chaotic darkness with a sort of headlong fury, not unfrequently dashing forward with her broadside to the sea, as if the impatient stern was bent on overtaking the stem, and exposing all to the extreme jeopardy of receiving a flood of water on the beam. this imminent risk was only averted by the activity of the man at the helm, where sancho toiled with all his skill and energy, until the sweat rolled from his brow, as if exposed again to the sun of the tropics. at length the alarm became so great and general, that a common demand was made to the admiral to promise the customary religious oblations. for this purpose, all but the men at the helm assembled aft, and preparations were made to cast lots for the penance. "ye are in the hands of god, my friends," said columbus, "and it is meet that ye all confess your dependence on his goodness, placing your security on his blessings and favor alone. in this cap which ye see in the hands of the señor de muños, are the same number of peas that we are of persons. one of these peas bears the mark of the holy cross, and he who shall draw forth this blessed emblem, stands pledged to make a pilgrimage to santa maria de guadalupe, bearing a waxen taper of five pounds weight. as the chiefest sinner among you, no less than as your admiral, the first trial shall be mine." here columbus put his hand into the cap, and on drawing forth a pea, and holding it to the lantern, it was found to bear on its surface the mark he had mentioned. "this is well, señor," said one of the pilots; "but replace the pea, and let the chance be renewed for a still heavier penance, and that at a shrine which is most in request with all good christians; i mean that of our lady of loretto. one pilgrimage to that shrine is worth two to any other." in moments of emergency, the religious sentiment is apt to be strong; and this proposition was seconded with warmth. the admiral cheerfully consented; and when all had drawn, the marked pea was found in the hands of a common seaman, of the name of pedro de villa; one who bore no very good name for either piety or knowledge. "'tis a weary and costly journey," grumbled the chosen penitent, "and cannot cheaply be made." "heed it not, friend pedro," answered columbus; "the bodily pains shall limit thy sufferings, for the cost of the journey shall be mine. this night groweth more and more terrific, good bartolemeo roldan." "that doth it, señor admiral, and i am little content with such a pilgrim as pedro here, although it may seem as if heaven itself directed the choice. a mass in santa clara de moguer, with a watcher all night in that chapel, will be of more account than your distant journeys made by such an one as he." this opinion wanted not for supporters among the seamen of moguer, and a third trial was made to determine the person. again the pea was withdrawn from the cap by the admiral. still the danger did not diminish, the caravel actually threatening to roll over amid the turbulence of the waves. "we are too light, vicente yañez," said columbus, "and, desperate as the undertaking seemeth, we must make an effort to fill our empty casks with sea-water. let hose be carefully introduced beneath the tarpaulings, and send careful hands below to make sure that the water does not get into the hold instead of the casks." this order was obeyed, and several hours passed in efforts to execute this duty. the great difficulty was in protecting the men who raised the water from the sea, for, while the whole element was raging in such confusion around them, it was no easy matter to secure a single drop in a useful manner. patience and perseverance, however, prevailed in the end, and, ere the light returned, so many empty casks had been filled, as evidently to aid the steadiness of the vessel. toward morning it rained in torrents, and the wind shifted from south to west, losing but little of its force, however. at this juncture the foresail was again got on the bark, and she was dragged by it, through a tremendous sea, a few miles to the eastward. when the day dawned, the scene was changed for the better. the pinta was nowhere to be seen, and most in the niña believed she had gone to the bottom. but the clouds had opened a little, and a sort of mystical brightness rested on the ocean, which was white with foam, and still hissing with fury. the waves, however, were gradually getting to be more regular, and the seamen no longer found it necessary to lash themselves to the vessel, in order to prevent being washed overboard. additional sail was got on the caravel, and, as her motion ahead increased, she became steadier, and more certain in all her movements. [illustration] chapter xxv. "for now, from sight of land diverted clear, they drove uncertain o'er the pathless deep; nor gave the adverse gale due course to steer, nor durst they the design'd direction keep: the gathering tempest quickly raged so high, the wave-encompass'd boat but faintly reach'd my eye." vision of patience. such was the state of things on the morning of the 15th, and shortly after the sun arose, the joyful cry of land was heard from aloft. it is worthy of being mentioned that this land was made directly ahead, so accurate were all the admiral's calculations, and so certain did he feel of his position on the chart. a dozen opinions, however, prevailed among the pilots and people concerning this welcome sight; some fancying it the continent of europe, while others believed it to be madeira. columbus, himself, publicly announced it to be one of the azores. each hour was lessening the distance between this welcome spot of earth and the adventurers, when the gale chopped directly round, bringing the island dead to windward. throughout a long and weary day the little bark kept turning up against the storm, in order to reach this much-desired haven, but the heaviness of the swell and the foul wind made their progress both slow and painful. the sun set in wintry gloom, again, and the land still lay in the wrong quarter, and apparently at a distance that was unattainable. hour after hour passed, and still, in the darkness, the niña was struggling to get nearer to the spot where the land had been seen. columbus never left his post throughout all these anxious scenes, for to him it seemed as if the fortunes of his discoveries were now suspended, as it might be, by a hair. our hero was less watchful, but even he began to feel more anxiety in the result, as the moment approached when the fate of the expedition was to be decided. as the sun arose, every eye turned inquiringly around the watery view, and, to the common disappointment, no land was visible. some fancied all had been illusion, but the admiral believed they had passed the island in the darkness, and he hove about, with a view to stand further south. this change in the course had not been made more than an hour or two, when land was again dimly seen astern, and in a quarter where it could not have been previously perceived. for this island the caravel tacked, and until dark she was beating up for it, against a strong gale and a heavy sea. night again drew around her, and the land once more vanished in the gloom. at the usual hour of the previous night, the people of the niña had assembled to chant the _salve fac_, _regina_, or the evening hymn to the virgin, for it is one of the touching incidents of this extraordinary voyage, that these rude sailors first carried with them into the unknown wastes of the atlantic the songs of their religion, and the christian's prayers. while thus employed, a light had been made to leeward, which was supposed to be on the island first seen, thus encouraging the admiral in his belief that he was in the centre of a group, and that by keeping well to windward, he would certainly find himself in a situation to reach a port in the morning. that morning, however, had produced no other change than the one noted, and he was now preparing to pass another night, or that of the 17th, in uncertainty, when the cry of land ahead suddenly cheered the spirits of all in the vessel. the niña stood boldly in, and before midnight she was near enough to the shore to let go an anchor; so heavy were both wind and sea, however, that the cable parted, thus rejecting them, as it were, from the regions to which they properly belonged. sail was made, and the effort to get to windward renewed, and by daylight the caravel was enabled to run in and get an anchorage on the north side of the island. here the wearied and almost exhausted mariners learned that columbus was right, as usual, and that they had reached the island of st. mary, one of the azores. it does not belong to this tale to record all the incidents that occurred while the niña lay at this port. they embraced an attempt to seize the caravel, on the part of the portuguese, who, as they had been the last to harass the admiral on his departure from the old world, were the first to beset him on his return. all their machinations failed, however, and after having the best portion of his crew in their power, and actually having once sailed from the island without the men, the admiral finally arranged the matter, and took his departure for spain, with all his people on board, on the 24th of the month. providence seemed to favor the passage of the adventurers, for the first few days; the wind being favorable and the sea smooth. between the morning of the 24th and the evening of the 26th, the caravel had made nearly a hundred leagues directly on her course to palos, when she was met by a foul wind and another heavy sea. the gale now became violent again, though sufficiently favorable to allow them to steer east, a little northerly, occasionally hauling more ahead. the weather was rough, but as the admiral knew he was drawing in with the continent of europe, he did not complain, cheering his people with the hopes of a speedy arrival. in this manner the time passed until the turn of the day, saturday, march 2d, when columbus believed himself to be within a hundred miles of the coast of portugal, the long continuance of the scant southerly winds having set him thus far north. the night commenced favorably, the caravel struggling ahead through a tremendous sea that was sweeping down from the south, having the wind abeam, blowing so fresh as to cause the sails to be reduced within manageable size. the niña was an excellent craft, as had been thoroughly proved, and she was now steadier than when first assailed by the tempests, her pilots having filled still more of the casks than they had been able to do during the late storm. "thou hast lived at the helm, sancho mundo, since the late gales commenced," said the admiral, cheerfully, as, about the last hour of the first watch, he passed near the post of the old mariner. "it is no small honor to hold that station in the cruel gales we have been fated to endure." "i so consider it, señor don almirante; and i hope their illustrious and most excellent highnesses, the two sovereigns, will look upon it with the same eyes, so far as the weight of the duty is concerned." "and why not as respects the honor, friend sancho?" put in luis, who had become a sworn friend of the seaman, since the rescue of the rocks. "honor, señor master pedro, is cold food, and sits ill on a poor man's stomach. one dobla is worth two dukedoms to such a man as i am, since the dobla would help to gain me respect, whereas the dukedoms would only draw down ridicule upon my head. no, no--master pedro, your worship, give me a pocket full of gold, and leave honors to such as have a fancy for them. if a man must be raised in the world, begin at the beginning, or lay a solid foundation; after which he may be made a knight of st. james, if the sovereigns have need of his name to make out their list." "thou art too garrulous for a helmsman, sancho, though so excellent otherwise," observed the admiral, gravely. "look to thy course; doblas will not be wanting, when the voyage is ended." "many thanks, señor almirante; and, as a proof that my eyes are not shut, even though the tongue wags, i will just desire your excellency, and the pilots, to study that rag of a cloud that is gathering up here, at the south-west, and ask yourselves if it means evil or good." "by the mass! the man is right, don christopher!" exclaimed bartolemeo roldan, who was standing near; "that is a most sinister-looking cloud, and is not unlike those that give birth to the white squalls of africa." "see to it--see to it--good bartolemeo," returned columbus, hastily. "we have, indeed, counted too much on our good fortune, and have culpably overlooked the aspect of the heavens. let vicente yañez and all our people be called; we may have need of them." columbus now ascended to the poop, where he got a wider and a better view of the ocean and the skies. the signs were, indeed, as portentous as they had been sudden in their appearance. the atmosphere was filled with a white mist, that resembled a light smoke, and the admiral had barely time to look about him, when a roar that resembled the trampling of a thousand horses passing a bridge at full speed, came rushing down with the wind. the ocean was heard hissing, as is usual at such moments, and the tempest burst upon the little bark, as if envious demons were determined she should never reach spain with the glorious tidings she bore. a report like that of a heavy discharge of musketry, was the first signal that the squall had struck the niña. it came from the rent canvas, every sail having given way at the same instant. the caravel heeled until the water reached her masts, and there was a breathless instant, when the oldest seaman feared that she would be forced over entirely upon her side. had not the sails split, this calamity might truly have occurred. sancho, too, had borne the tiller up in season, and when the niña recovered from the shock, she almost flew out of the water as she drove before the blast. this was the commencement of a new gale, which even surpassed in violence that from which they had so recently escaped. for the first hour, awe and disappointment almost paralyzed the crew, as nothing was or could be done to relieve them from the peril they were in. the vessel was already scudding--the last resource of seamen--and even the rags of the canvas were torn, piece by piece, from the spars, sparing the men the efforts that would have been necessary to secure them. in this crisis, again the penitent people resorted to their religious rites; and again it fell to the lot of the admiral to make a visit to some favorite shrine. in addition, the whole crew made a vow to fast on bread and water, the first saturday after they should arrive. "it is remarkable, don christopher," said luis, when the two were again alone on the poop; "it is remarkable that these lots should fall so often on you. thrice have you been selected by providence to be an instrument of thankfulness and penitence. this cometh of your exceeding faith!" "say, rather, luis, that it cometh of my exceeding sins. my pride, alone, should draw down upon me stronger rebukes than these. i fear me, i had forgotten that i was merely an agent chosen by god, to work his own great ends, and was falling into the snares of satan, by fancying that i, of my own wisdom and philosophy, had done this great exploit, which cometh so truly of god." "do you believe us in danger, señor?" "greater hazard besets us now, don luis, than hath befallen us since we left palos. we are driving toward the continent, which cannot be thirty leagues distant; and, as thou seest, the ocean is becoming more troubled every hour. happily, the night is far advanced, and with the light we may find the means of safety." the day did reappear as usual; for whatever disturbances occur on its surface, the earth continues its daily revolutions in the sublimity of its vastness, affording, at each change, to the mites on its surface, the indubitable proofs that an omnipotent power reigns over all its movements. the light, however, brought no change in the aspects of the ocean and sky. the wind blew furiously, and the niña struggled along amid the chaos of waters, driving nearer and nearer to the continent that lay before her. about the middle of the afternoon, signs of land became quite apparent, and no one doubted the vicinity of the vessel to the shores of europe. nevertheless, naught was visible but the raging ocean, the murky sky, and the sort of supernatural light with which the atmosphere is so often charged in a tempest. the spot where the sun set, though known by means of the compass, could not be traced by the eye; and again night closed on the wild, wintry scene, as if the little caravel was abandoned by hope as well as by day. to add to the apprehensions of the people, a high cross sea was running; and, as ever happens with vessels so small, in such circumstances, tons' weight of water were constantly falling inboard, threatening destruction to the gratings and their frail coverings of tarred cloth. "this is the most terrible night of all, son luis," said columbus, about an hour after the darkness had drawn around them. "if we escape this night, well may we deem ourselves favored of god!" "and yet you speak calmly, señor; as calmly as if your heart was filled with hope." "the seaman that cannot command his nerves and voice, even in the utmost peril, hath mistaken his calling. but i _feel_ calm, luis, as well as _seem_ calm. god hath us in his keeping, and will do that which most advanceth his own holy will. my boys--my two poor boys trouble me sorely; but even the fatherless are not forgotten!" "if we perish, señor, the portuguese will remain masters of our secret: to them only is it now known, ourselves excepted, since, for martin alonzo, i should think, there is little hope." "this is another source of grief; yet have i taken such steps as will probably put their highnesses on the maintenance of their rights. the rest must be trusted to heaven." at that moment was heard the startling cry of "land." this word, which so lately would have been the cause of sudden bursts of joy, was now the source of new uneasiness. although the night was dark, there were moments when the gloom opened, as it might be, for a mile or two around the vessel, and when objects as prominent as a coast could be seen with sufficient distinctness. both columbus and our hero hastened to the forward part of the caravel, at this cry, though even this common movement was perilous, in order to obtain the best possible view of the shore. it was, indeed, so near, that all on board heard, or fancied they heard, the roar of the surf against the rocks. that it was portugal, none doubted, and to stand on in the present uncertainty of their precise position, or without a haven to enter, would be inevitable destruction. there remained only the alternative to ware with the caravel's head off shore, and endeavor to keep an offing until morning. columbus had no sooner mentioned this necessity, than vicente yañez set about its execution in the best manner circumstances would allow. hitherto the wind had been kept a little on the starboard quarter, the caravel steering east, a point or two north, and it was now the aim to lay her head so far round as to permit her to steer north, a point or two west. by the manner in which the coast appeared to trend, it was thought that this variation in the direction might keep them, for a few hours, at a sufficient distance from the shore. but this manoeuvre could not be effected without the aid of canvas, and an order was issued to set the foresail. the first flap of the canvas, as it was loosened to the gale, was tremendous, the jerk threatening to tear the fore-mast from its step, and then all was still as death forward, the hull sinking so low behind a barrier of water, as actually to becalm the sail. sancho and his associate seized the favorable moment to secure the clews, and, as the little bark struggled upward again, the canvas filled with some such shock as is felt at the sudden checking of a cable. from this moment the niña drew slowly off to sea again, though her path lay through such a scene of turbulent water, as threatened, at each instant, to overwhelm her. "luis!" said a soft voice, at our hero's elbow, as the latter stood clinging to the side of the door of the cabin appropriated to the females--"luis--hayti better--mattinao better--much bad, luis!" it was ozema, who had risen from her pallet to look out upon the appalling view of the ocean. during the mild weather of the first part of the passage, the intercourse between luis and the natives on board had been constant and cheerful. though slightly incommoded by her situation, ozema had always received his visits with guileless delight, and her progress in spanish had been such as to astonish even her teacher. nor were the means of communication confined altogether to the advance of ozema, since luis, in his endeavors to instruct her, had acquired nearly as many words of her native tongue, as he had taught her of his own. in this manner they conversed, resorting to both dialects for terms, as necessity dictated. we shall give a free translation of what was said, endeavoring, at the same time, to render the dialogue characteristic and graphic. "poor ozema!" returned our hero, drawing her gently to a position where he could support her against the effects of the violent motion of the caravel--"thou must regret hayti, indeed, and the peaceful security of thy groves!" "caonabo there, luis." "true, innocent girl; but even caonabo is not as terrible as this anger of the elements." "no--no--no--caonabo much bad. break ozema's heart. no caonabo--no hayti." "thy dread of the carib chief, dear ozema, hath upset thy reason, in part. thou hast a god, as well as we christians, and, like us, must put thy trust in him; he alone can now protect thee." "what protect?" "care for thee, ozema. see that thou dost not come to harm. look to thy safety and welfare." "luis protect ozema. so promise mattinao--so promise ozema--so promise heart." "dear girl, so will i, to the extent of my means. but what can i do against this tempest?" "what luis do against caonabo?--kill him--cut indians--make him run away!" "this was easy to a christian knight, who carried a good sword and buckler, but it is impossible against a tempest. we have only one hope, and that is to trust in the spaniard's god." "spaniards great--have great god." "there is but one god, ozema, and he ruleth all, whether in hayti or in spain. thou rememberest what i have told thee of his love, and of the manner of his death, that we might all be saved, and thou didst then promise to worship him, and to be baptized when we should reach my country." "god!--ozema do, what ozema say. love luis' god already." "thou hast seen the holy cross, ozema, and hast promised me to kiss it, and bless it." "where cross? see no cross--up in heaven?--or where? show ozema cross, now--luis' cross--cross luis love." the young man wore the parting gift of mercedes near his heart, and raising a hand he withdrew the small jewel, pressed it to his own lips with pious fervor, and then offered it to the indian girl. "see"--he said--"this is a cross; we spaniards revere and bless it. it is our pledge of happiness." "that luis' god?" enquired ozema, in a little surprise. "not so, my poor benighted girl"-"what benighted?" interrupted the quick-witted haytian, eagerly, for no term that the young man could or did apply to her, fell unheeded on her vigilant and attentive ear. "benighted means those who have never heard of the cross, or of its endless mercies." "ozema no benighted now," exclaimed the other, pressing the bauble to her bosom. "got cross--keep cross--no benighted again, never. cross, mercedes"--for, by one of those mistakes that are not unfrequent in the commencement of all communications between those who speak different tongues, the young indian had caught the notion, from many of luis' involuntary exclamations, that "mercedes" meant all that was excellent. "i would, indeed, that she of whom thou speakest had thee in her gentle care, that she might lead thy pure soul to a just knowledge of thy creator! that cross cometh of mercedes, if it be not mercedes herself, and thou dost well in loving it, and in blessing it. place the chain around thy neck, ozema, for the precious emblem may help in preserving thee, should the gale throw us on the coast, ere morning. _that cross is a sign of undying love._" the girl understood enough of this, especially as the direction was seconded by a little gentle aid, on the part of our hero, to comply, and the chain was soon thrown around her neck, with the holy emblem resting on her bosom. the change in the temperature, as well as a sense of propriety, had induced the admiral to cause ample robes of cotton to be furnished all the females, and ozema's beautiful form was now closely enveloped in one, and beneath its folds she had hidden the jewel, which she fondly hugged to her heart, as a gift of luis. not so did the young man himself view the matter. he had merely meant to lend, in a moment of extreme peril, that which the superstitious feeling of the age seriously induced him to fancy might prove a substantial safeguard. as ozema was by no means expert in managing the encumbrance of a dress to which she was unaccustomed, even while native taste had taught her to throw it around her person gracefully, the young man had half unconsciously assisted in placing the cross in its new position, when a violent roll of the vessel compelled him to sustain the girl by encircling her waist with an arm. partly yielding to the motion of the caravel, which was constantly jerking even the mariners from their feet, and probably as much seduced by the tenderness of her own heart, ozema did not rebuke this liberty--the first our hero had ever offered, but stood, in confiding innocence, upheld by the arm that, of all others, it was most grateful to her feelings to believe destined to perform that office for life. in another moment, her head rested on his bosom, and her face was turned upward, with the eyes fastened on the countenance of the young noble. "thou art less alarmed at this terrific storm, ozema, than i could have hoped. apprehension for thee has made me more miserable than i could have thought possible, and yet thou seemest not to be disturbed." "ozema no unhappy--no want hayti--no want mattinao--no want any thing--ozema happy now. got cross." "sweet, guileless innocent, may'st thou never know any other feelings!--confide in thy cross." "cross, mercedes--luis, mercedes. luis and ozema keep cross forever." it was, perhaps, fortunate for this high-prized happiness of the girl, that the niña now took a plunge that unavoidably compelled our hero to release his hold of her person, or to drag her with him headlong toward the place where columbus stood, sheltering his weather-beaten form from a portion of the violence of the tempest. when he recovered his feet, he perceived that the door of the cabin was closed, and that ozema was no longer to be seen. "dost thou find our female friends terrified by this appalling scene, son luis?" columbus quietly demanded, for, though his own thoughts had been much occupied by the situation of the caravel, he had noted all that had just passed so near him. "they are stout of heart, but even an amazon might quail at this tempest." "they heed it not, señor, for i think they understand it not. the civilized man is so much their superior, that both men and women appear to have every confidence in our means of safety. i have just given ozema a cross, and bade her place her greatest reliance on that." "thou hast done well; it is now the surest protector of us all. keep the head of the caravel as near to the wind as may be, sancho, when it lulls, every inch off shore being so much gained in the way of security." the usual reply was made, and then the conversation ceased; the raging of the elements, and the fearful manner in which the niña was compelled to struggle literally to keep on the surface of the ocean, affording ample matter for the reflections of all who witnessed the scene. in this manner passed the night. when the day broke, it opened on a scene of wintry violence. the sun was not visible that day, the dark vapor driving so low before the tempest, as to lessen the apparent altitude of the vault of heaven one-half, but the ocean was an undulating sheet of foam. high land soon became visible nearly abeam of the caravel, and all the elder mariners immediately pronounced it to be the rock of lisbon. as soon as this important fact was ascertained, the admiral wore with the head of the caravel in-shore, and laid his course for the mouth of the tagus. the distance was not great, some twenty miles perhaps; but the necessity of facing the tempest, and of making sail, on a wind, in such a storm, rendered the situation of the caravel more critical than it had been in all her previous trials. at that moment, the policy of the portuguese was forgotten, or held to be entirely a secondary consideration, a port or shipwreck appearing to be the alternative. every inch of their weatherly position became of importance to the navigators, and vicente yañez placed himself near the helm to watch its play with the vigilance of experience and authority. no sail but the lowest could be carried, and these were reefed as closely as their construction would allow. in this manner the tempest-tossed little bark struggled forward, now sinking so low in the troughs that land, ocean, and all but the frowning billows, with the clouds above their heads, were lost to view; and now rising, as it might be, from the calm of a sombre cavern, into the roaring, hissing, and turbulence of a tempest. these latter moments were the most critical. when the light hull reached the summit of a wave, falling over to windward by the yielding of the element beneath her, it seemed as if the next billow must inevitably overwhelm her; and yet, so vigilant was the eye of vicente yañez, and so ready the hand of sancho, that she ever escaped the calamity. to keep the wash of the sea entirely out, was, however, impossible; and it often swept athwart the deck, forward, like the sheets of a cataract, that part of the vessel being completely abandoned by the crew. "all now depends on our canvas," said the admiral, with a sigh; "if that stand, we are safer than when scudding, and i think god is with us. to me it seemeth as if the wind was a little less violent than in the night." "perhaps it is, señor. i believe we gain on the place you pointed out to me." "it is yon rocky point. _that_ weathered, and we are safe. that not weathered, and we see our common grave." "the caravel behaveth nobly, and i will still hope." an hour later, and the land was so near that human beings were seen moving on it. there are moments when life and death may be said to be equally presented to the seaman's sight. on one side is destruction; on the other security. as the vessel drew slowly in toward the shore, not only was the thunder of the surf upon the rocks audible, but the frightful manner in which the water was tossed upward in spray, gave additional horrors to the view. on such occasions, it is no uncommon thing to see _jets d'eau_ hundreds of feet in height, and the driving spray is often carried to a great distance inland, before the wind. lisbon has the whole rake of the atlantic before it, unbroken by island or headland; and the entire coast of portugal is one of the most exposed of europe. the south-west gales, in particular, drive across twelve hundred leagues of ocean, and the billows they send in upon its shores, are truly appalling. nor was the storm we are endeavoring to describe, one of common occurrence. the season had been tempestuous, seldom leaving the atlantic any peace; and the surges produced by one gale had not time to subside, ere another drove up the water in a new direction, giving rise to that irregularity of motion which most distresses a vessel, and which is particularly hazardous to small ones. "she looks up better, don christopher!" exclaimed luis, as they got within musket-shot of the desired point; "another ten minutes of as favorable a slant, and we do it!" "thou art right, son," answered the admiral, calmly. "were any calamity to throw us ashore on yonder rocks, two planks of the niña would not hold together five minutes. ease her--good vicente yañez--ease her, quite a point, and let her go through the water. all depends on the canvas, and we can spare that point. she moves, luis! regard the land, and thou wilt now see our motion." "true, señor, but the caravel is drawing frightfully near the point!" "fear not; a bold course is often the safest. it is a deep shore, and we need but little water." no one now spoke. the caravel was dashing in toward the point with appalling speed, and every minute brought her perceptibly nearer to the cauldron of water that was foaming around it. without absolutely entering within this vortex, the niña flew along its edge, and, in five minutes more, she had a direct course up the tagus open before her. the mainsail was now taken in, and the mariners stood fearlessly on, certain of a haven and security. thus, virtually, ended the greatest marine exploit the world has ever witnessed. it is true that a run round to palos was subsequently made, but it was insignificant in distance, and not fruitful in incidents. columbus had effected his vast purpose, and his success was no longer a secret. his reception in portugal is known, as well as all the leading occurrences that took place at lisbon. he anchored in the tagus on the 4th of march, and left it again on the 13th. on the morning of the 14th, the niña was off cape st. vincent, when she hauled in to the eastward, with a light air from the north. at sunrise on the 15th she was again off the bar of saltes, after an absence of only two hundred and twenty-four days. chapter xxvi. "one evening-tide, as with her crones she sate, making sweet solace of some scandal new, a boisterous noise came thund'ring at the gate, and soon a sturdie boy approached in view; with gold far glitter and were his vestments blue, and pye-shaped hat, and of the silver sheen an huge broad buckle glaunst in either shoe, and round his necke an indian kerchiefe clean, and in his hand a switch;--a jolly wight i ween." mickle. notwithstanding the noble conceptions that lay at the bottom of the voyage we have just related, the perseverance and self-devotion that were necessary to its accomplishment, and the magnificence of the consequences that were dependent on its success, it attracted very little attention, amid the stirring incidents and active selfishness of the age, until the result was known. only a month before the arrangement was made with columbus, the memorable edict of the two sovereigns, for the expulsion of the jews, had been signed; and this uprooting of so large a portion of the spanish nation was, of itself, an event likely to draw off the eyes of the people from an enterprise deemed as doubtful, and which was sustained by means so insignificant, as that of the great navigator. the close of the month of july had been set as the latest period for the departure of these persecuted religionists; and thus, at the very time, almost on the very day, when columbus sailed from palos, was the attention of the nation directed toward what might be termed a great national calamity. the departure was like the setting forth from egypt, the highways being thronged with the moving masses, many of which were wandering they knew not whither. the king and queen had left granada in may, and after remaining two months in castile, they passed into aragon, about the commencement of august, in which kingdom they happened to be when the expedition sailed. here they remained throughout the rest of the season, settling affairs of importance, and, quite probably, disposed to avoid the spectacle of the misery their jewish edict had inflicted, castile having contained much the greater portion of that class of their subjects. in october, a visit was paid to the turbulent catalans; the court passing the entire winter in barcelona. nor did momentous events cease to occupy them while in this part of their territories. on the 7th of december an attempt was made on the life of ferdinand; the assassin inflicting a severe, though not a fatal wound, by a blow on the neck. during the critical weeks in which the life of the king was deemed to be in danger, isabella watched at his bed-side, with the untiring affection of a devoted wife; and her thoughts dwelt more on her affections than on any worldly aggrandisement. then followed the investigation into the motives of the criminal; conspiracies ever being distrusted in such cases, although history would probably show that much the greater part of these wicked attempts on the lives of sovereigns, are more the results of individual fanaticism, than of any combined plans to destroy. isabella, whose gentle spirit grieved over the misery her religious submission had induced her to inflict on the jews, was spared the additional sorrow of mourning for a husband, taken away by means so violent. ferdinand gradually recovered. all these occurrences, together with the general cares of the state, had served to divide the thoughts of even the queen from the voyage; while the politic ferdinand, in his mind, had long since set down the gold expended in the outfit as so much money lost. the balmy spring of the south opened as usual, and the fertile province of catalonia had already become delightful with the fresh verdure of the close of march. the king had, for some weeks, resumed his usual occupations, and isabella, relieved from her conjugal fears, had again fallen into the quiet current of her duties and her usual acts of beneficence. indisposed to the gorgeousness of her station by the recent events, and ever pining for the indulgence of the domestic affections, this estimable woman, notwithstanding the strong natural disposition she had always felt for that sort of life, had lived more among her children and confidants, of late, than had been even her wont. her earliest friend, the marchioness of moya, as a matter of course, was ever near her person, and mercedes passed most of her time either in the immediate presence of her royal mistress, or in that of her children. there had been a small reception one evening, near the close of the month; and isabella, glad to escape from such scenes, had withdrawn to her private apartments, to indulge in conversation in the circle she so much loved. it was near the hour of midnight, the king being at work, as usual, in an adjoining closet. there were present, besides the members of the royal family and doña beatriz with her lovely niece, the archbishop of granada, luis de st. angel, and alonzo de quintanilla, the two last of whom had been summoned by the prelate, to discuss some question of clerical finance before their illustrious mistress. all business, however, was over, and isabella was rendering the circle agreeable, with the condescension of a princess and the gentle grace of a woman. "are there fresh tidings from the unfortunate and deluded hebrews, lord archbishop?" demanded isabella, whose kind feelings ever led her to regret the severity which religious dependence on her confessors had induced her to sanction. "our prayers should surely attend them, notwithstanding our policy and duty have demanded their expulsion." "señora," answered fernando de talavera, "they are doubtless serving mammon among the moors and turks, as they served him in spain. let not your highness' gracious mind be disturbed on account of these descendants of the enemies and crucifiers of christ, who, if they suffer at all, do but suffer justly, for the unutterable sin of their forefathers. let us rather inquire, my gracious mistress, of the señores st. angel and quintanilla here, what hath become of their favorite colon, the genoese; and when they look for his return, dragging the great khan, a captive, by the beard!" "we know naught of him, holy prelate," put in de st. angel, briskly, "since his departure from the canaries." "the canaries!" interrupted the queen, in a little surprise. "hath aught been received, that cometh from that quarter?" "by report only, señora. letters have not reached any in spain, that i can learn, but there is a rumor from portugal, that the admiral touched at gomera and the grand canary, where it would seem he had his difficulties, and whence he shortly after departed, holding a western course; since which time no tidings have been received from either of the caravels." "by which fact, lord archbishop," added quintanilla, "we can perceive that trifles are not likely to turn the adventurers back." "i'll warrant ye, señores, that a genoese adventurer who holdeth their highnesses' commission as an admiral, will be in no unseemly haste to get rid of the dignity!" rejoined the prelate, laughing, without much deference to his mistress' concessions in columbus' favor. "one does not see rank, authority, and emolument, carelessly thrown aside, when they may be retained by keeping aloof from the power whence they spring." "thou art unjust to the genoese, holy sir, and judgest him harshly," observed the queen. "truly, i did not know of these tidings from the canaries, and i rejoice to hear that colon hath got thus far in safety. hath not the past been esteemed a most boisterous winter among mariners, señor de st. angel?" "so much so, your highness, that i have heard the seamen here, in barcelona, swear that, within the memory of man, there hath not been another like it. should ill-luck wait upon colon, i trust this circumstance may be remembered as his excuse; though i doubt if he be very near any of our tempests and storms." "not he!" exclaimed the bishop, triumphantly. "it will be seen that he hath been safely harbored in some river of africa; and we shall have some question yet to settle about him with don john of portugal." "here is the king to give us his opinion," interposed isabella. "it is long since i have heard him mention the name of colon. have you entirely forgotten our genoese admiral, don fernando?" "before i am questioned on subjects so remote," returned the king, smiling, "let me inquire into matters nearer home. how long is it that your highness holdeth court, and giveth receptions, past the hour of midnight?" "call you this a court, señor? here are but our own dear children, beatriz and her niece, with the good archbishop, and those two faithful servants of your own." "true; but you overlook the ante-chambers, and those who await your pleasure without." "none can await without at this unusual hour; surely you jest, my lord." "then your own page, diego de ballesteros, hath reported falsely. unwilling to disturb your privacy, at this unseasonable hour, he hath come to me, saying that one of strange conduct and guise is in the palace, insisting on an interview with the queen, let it be late or early. the accounts of this man's deportment are so singular, that i have ordered him to be admitted, and have come myself to witness the interview. the page telleth me that he swears all hours are alike, and that night and day are equally made for our uses." "dearest don fernando, there may be treason in this!" "fear not, isabella; assassins are not so bold, and the trusty rapiers of these gentlemen will prove sufficient for our protection--hist! there are footsteps, and we must appear calm, even though we apprehend a tumult." the door opened, and sancho mundo stood in the royal presence. the air and appearance of so singular a being excited both astonishment and amusement, and every eye was fastened on him in wonder; and this so much the more, because he had decked his person with sundry ornaments from the imaginary indies, among which were one or two bands of gold. mercedes alone detected his profession by his air and attire, and she rose involuntarily, clasping her hands with energy, and suffering a slight exclamation to escape her. the queen perceived this little pantomime, and it at once gave a right direction to her own thoughts. "i am isabella, the queen," she said, prising, without any further suspicion of danger; "and thou art a messenger from colon, the genoese?" sancho, who had found great difficulty in gaining admittance, now that his end was obtained, took matters with his native coolness. his first act was to fall on his knees, as he had been particularly enjoined by columbus to do. he had caught the habit of using the weed of hayti and cuba, from the natives, and was, in fact, the first seaman who ever chewed tobacco. the practice had already got to be confirmed with him, and before he answered, or as soon as he had taken this, for him, novel position, he saw fit to fill a corner of his mouth with the attractive plant. then, giving his wardrobe a shake, for all the decent clothes he owned were on his person, he disposed himself to make a suitable reply. "señora--doña--your highness," he answered, "any one might have seen that at a glance. i am sancho mundo, of the ship-yard-gate; one of your highness' excellency's most faithful subjects and mariners, being a native and resident of moguer." "thou comest from colon, i say?" "señora, i do; many thanks to your royal grace for the information. don christopher hath sent me across the country from lisbon, seeing that the wily portuguese would be less likely to distrust a simple mariner, like myself, than one of your every-day-booted couriers. 'tis a weary road, and there is not a mule between the stables of lisbon and the palace of barcelona, fit for a christian to bestride." "then, hast thou letters? one like thee can scarcely bear aught else." "therein, your grace's highness, doña reyña, is mistaken; though i am far from bearing half the number of doblas i had at starting. mass! the innkeepers took me for a grandee, by the manner in which they charged!" "give the man gold, good alonzo--he is one that liketh his reward ere he will speak." sancho coolly counted the pieces that were put into his hand, and, finding them greatly to exceed his hopes, he had no longer any motive for prevarication. "speak, fellow!" cried the king. "thou triflest where thou owest thy duty and obedience." the sharp, quick voice of ferdinand had much more effect on the ear of sancho, than the gentler tones of isabella, notwithstanding his rude nature had been impressed with the matronly beauty and grace of the latter. "if your highness would condescend to let me know what you wish to hear, i will speak in all gladness." "where is colon?" demanded the queen. "at lisbon, lately, señora, though i think now at palos de moguer, or in that neighborhood." "whither hath he been?" "to cipango, and the territories of the great khan; forty days' sail from gomera, and a country of marvellous beauty and excellence!" "thou canst not--darest not trifle with me! can we put credit in thy words?" "if your highness only knew sancho mundo, you would not feel this doubt. i tell you, señora, and all these noble cavaliers and dames, that don christopher colon hath discovered the other side of the earth, which we now know to be round, by having circled it; and that he hath found out that the north star journeyeth about in the heavens, like a gossip spreading her news; and that he hath taken possession of islands as large as spain, in which gold groweth, and where the holy church may employ itself in making christians to the end of time." "the letter--sancho--give me the letter. colon would scarce send thee as a verbal expositor." the fellow now undid sundry coverings of cloth and paper, until he reached the missive of columbus, when, without rising from his knees, he held it out toward the queen, giving her the trouble to move forward several paces to receive it. so unexpected and astounding were the tidings, and so novel the whole scene, that no one interfered, leaving isabella to be the sole actor, as she was, virtually, the sole speaker. sancho having thus successfully acquitted himself of a task that had been expressly confided to him on account of his character and appearance, which, it was thought, would prove his security from arrest and plunder, settled down quietly on his heels, for he had been directed not to rise until ordered; and drawing forth the gold he had received, he began coolly to count it anew. so absorbing was the attention all gave to the queen, that no one heeded the mariner or his movements. isabella opened the letter, which her looks devoured, as they followed line after line. as was usual with columbus, the missive was long, and it required many minutes to read it. all this time not an individual moved, every eye being fastened on the speaking countenance of the queen. there, were seen the heightening flush of pleasure and surprise, the glow of delight and wonder, and the look of holy rapture. when the letter was ended, isabella turned her eyes upward to heaven, clasped her hands with energy, and exclaimed-"not unto us, o lord, but to thee, be all the honor of this wonderful discovery, all the benefits of this great proof of thy goodness and power!" thus saying, she sunk into a seat and dissolved in tears. ferdinand uttered a slight ejaculation at the words of his royal consort; and then he gently took the letter from her unresisting hand, and read it with great deliberation and care. it was not often that the wary king of aragon was as much affected, in appearance at least, as on this occasion. the expression of his face, at first, was that of wonder; eagerness, not to say avidity, followed; and when he had finished reading, his grave countenance was unequivocally illuminated by exultation and joy. "good luis de st. angel!" he cried, "and thou, honest alonzo de quintanilla, these must be grateful tidings to you both. even thou, holy prelate, wilt rejoice that the church is like to have acquisitions so glorious--albeit no favorer of the genoese of old. far more than all our expectations are realized, for colon hath truly discovered the indies; increasing our dominions, and otherwise advancing our authority in a most unheard-of manner." it was unusual to see don ferdinand so excited, and he seemed conscious himself that he was making an extraordinary exhibition, for he immediately advanced to the queen, and, taking her hand, he led her toward his own cabinet. in passing out of the saloon, he indicated to the three nobles that they might follow to the council. the king made this sudden movement more from habitual wariness than any settled object, his mind being disturbed in a way to which he was unaccustomed, while caution formed a part of his religion, as well as of his policy. it is not surprising, therefore, that when he and the party he invited to follow him had left the room, there remained only the princesses, the marchioness of moya, and mercedes. no sooner had the king and queen disappeared, than the royal children retired to their own apartments, leaving our heroine, her guardian, and sancho, the sole occupants of the saloon. the latter still remained on his knees, scarce heeding what had passed, so intently was he occupied with his own situation, and his own particular sources of satisfaction. "thou canst rise, friend," observed doña beatriz; "their highnesses are no longer present." at this intelligence, sancho quitted his humble posture, brushed his knees with some care, and looked about him with the composure that he was wont to exhibit in studying the heavens at sea. "thou wert of colon's company, friend, by the manner in which thou hast spoken, and the circumstance that the admiral hath employed thee as his courier?" "you may well believe that, señora, your excellency, for most of my time was passed at the helm, which was within three fathoms of the very spot that don christopher and the señor de muños loved so well that they never quitted it, except to sleep, and not always then." "hadst thou a señor de muños of thy party?" resumed the marchioness, making a sign to her ward to control her feelings. "that had we, señora, and a señor gutierrez, and a certain don somebody else, and they all three did not occupy more room than one common man. prithee, honorable and agreeable señora, is there one doña beatriz de cabrera, the marchioness of moya, a lady of the illustrious house of bobadilla, anywhere about the court of our gracious queen?" "i am she, and thou hast a message for me, from this very señor de muños, of whom thou hast spoken." "i no longer wonder that there are great lords with their beautiful ladies, and poor sailors with wives that no one envies! scarce can i open my mouth, but it is known what i wish to say, which is knowledge to make one party great and the other party little! mass!--don christopher, himself, will need all his wit, if he journeyeth as far as barcelona!" "tell us of this pedro de muños; for thy message is to me." "then, señora, i will tell you of your own brave nephew, the conde de llera, who goeth by two other names in the caravel, one of which is supposed to be a sham, while the other is still the greatest deception of the two." "is it, then, known who my nephew really is? are many persons acquainted with his secret?" "certainly, señora; it is known, firstly, to himself; secondly, to don christopher; thirdly, to me; fourthly, to master alonzo pinzon, if he be still in the flesh, as most probably he is not. then it is known to your ladyship; and this beautiful señorita must have some suspicions of the matter." "enough--i see the secret is not public; though, how one of thy class came to be of it, i cannot explain. tell me of my nephew:--did he, too, write? if so, let me, at once, peruse his letter." "señora, my departure took don luis by surprise, and he had no time to write. the admiral had given the princes and princesses, that we brought from española, in charge to the conde, and he had too much to do to be scribbling letters, else would he have written sheets to an aunt as respectable as yourself." "princes and princesses!--what mean you, friend, by such high-sounding terms?" "only that we have brought several of these great personages to spain, to pay their respects to their highnesses. we deal with none of the common fry, señora, but with the loftiest princes, and the most beautiful princesses of the east." "and dost thou really mean that persons of this high rank have returned with the admiral?" "out of all question, lady, and one of a beauty so rare, that the fairest dames of castile need look to it, if they wish not to be outdone. she, in particular, is don luis' friend and favorite." "of whom speakest thou?" demanded doña beatriz, in the lofty manner in which she was wont to insist on being answered directly. "what is the name of this princess, and whence doth she come?" "her name, your excellency, is doña ozema de hayti, of a part of which country her brother, don mattinao, is cacique or king, señora ozema being the heiress, or next of kin. don luis and your humble servant paid that court a visit"-"thy tale is most improbable, fellow--art thou one whom don luis would be likely to select as a companion on such an occasion?" "look at it as you will, señora, it is as true as that this is the court of don ferdinand and doña isabella. you must know, illustrious marchioness, that the young count is a little given to roving about among us sailors, and on one occasion, a certain sancho mundo, of moguer, happened to be of the same voyage; and thus we became known to each other. i kept the noble's secret, and he got to be sancho's friend. when don luis went to pay a visit to don mattinao, the cacique, which word meaneth 'your highness,' in the eastern tongue, sancho must go with him, and sancho went. when king caonabo came down from the mountains to carry off the princess doña ozema for a wife, and the princess was unwilling to go, why there remained nothing to be done, but for the conde de llera and his friend sancho of the ship-yard-gate, to fight the whole army in her defence, which we did, gaining as great a victory as don fernando, our sovereign master, ever gained over the moors." "carrying off the princess yourselves, as would seem! friend sancho, of the ship-yard-gate, if that be thy appellation, this tale of thine is ingenious, but it lacketh probability. were i to deal justly by thee, honest sancho, it would be to order thee the stripes thou merietst so well, as a reward for this trifling." "the man speaketh as he hath been taught," observed mercedes, in a low, unsteady voice; "i fear, señora, there is too much truth in his tale!" "you need fear nothing, beautiful señorita," put in sancho, altogether unmoved at the menace implied by the words of the marchioness, "since the battle hath been fought, the victory hath been gained, and both the heroes escaped uninjured. this illustrious señora, to whom i can forgive any thing, as the aunt of the best friend i have on earth--any thing _spoken_, i mean--will remember that the haytians know nothing of arquebuses, by means of which we defeated caonabo, and also, that many is the column of moors that don luis hath broken singly, and by means of his own good lance." "ay, fellow," answered doña beatriz, "but that hath been in the saddle, behind plaits of steel, and with a weapon that hath overturned even alonzo de ojeda!" "hast thou truly brought away with thee the princess thou hast named?" asked mercedes, earnestly. "i swear to it, señora and señorita, illustrious ladies both, by the holy mass, and all the saints in the calendar! a princess, moreover, surpassing in beauty the daughters of our own blessed queen, if the fair ladies who passed out of this room, even now, are they, as i suspect." "out upon thee, knave!" cried the indignant beatriz--"i will no more of this, and marvel that my nephew should have employed one of so loose a tongue, on any of his errands. go to, and learn discretion ere the morning, or the favor of even thy admiral will not save thy bones. mercedes, we will seek our rest--the hour is late." sancho was immediately left alone, and in a minute a page appeared to show him to the place where he was to pass the night. the old mariner had grumbled a little to himself, concerning the spirit of don luis' aunt, counted anew his gold, and was about to take possession of his pallet, when the same page reappeared to summon him to another interview. sancho, who knew little distinction between night and day, made no objections, especially when he was told that his presence was required by the lovely señorita, whose gentle, tremulous voice had so much interested him, in the late interview. mercedes received her rude guest in a small saloon of her own, after having parted from her guardian for the night. as he entered, her face was flushed, her eye bright, and her whole demeanor, to one more expert in detecting female emotions, would have betrayed intense anxiety. "thou hast had a long and weary journey, sancho," said our heroine, when alone with the seaman, "and, i pray thee, accept this gold, as a small proof of the interest with which i have heard the great tidings of which thou hast been the bearer." "señorita!" exclaimed sancho, affecting indifference to the doblas that fell into his hand--"i hope you do not think me mercenary! the honor of being the messenger, and of being admitted to converse with such illustrious ladies, more than pays me for any thing i could do." "still, thou may'st need money for thy wants, and wilt not refuse that which a lady offereth." "on that ground, i would accept it, doña señorita, even were it twice as much." so saying, sancho placed the money, with a suitable resignation, by the side of that which he had previously received by order of the queen. mercedes now found herself in the situation that they who task their powers too much, are often fated to endure; in other words, now she had at command the means of satisfying her own doubts, she hesitated about using them. "sancho," mercedes at length commenced, "thou hast been with the señor colon, throughout this great and extraordinary voyage, and must know much that it will be curious for us, who have lived quietly in spain, to hear. is all thou hast said about the princes and princesses true?" "as true, señorita, as such things need be for a history. mass!--any one who hath been in a battle, or seen any other great adventure, and then cometh to hear it read of, afterward, will soon learn to understand the difference between the thing itself, and the history that may be given of it. now, i was"-"never mind thy other adventures, good sancho; tell me only of this. are there really a prince mattinao, and a princess ozema his sister, and have both accompanied the admiral to spain?" "i said not that, beautiful señorita, for don mattinao remained behind to rule his people. it is only his handsome sister, who hath followed don christopher and don luis to palos." "followed!--do the admiral and the conde de llera possess such influence over royal ladies, as to induce them to abandon their native country and to _follow_ them to a foreign land?" "ay, señorita, that might seem out of rule in castile, or portugal, or even in france. but hayti is not yet a christian country, and a princess there may not be more than a noble lady in castile, and, in the way of wardrobe, perhaps, not even as much. still, a princess is a princess, and a handsome princess is a handsome princess. doña ozema, here, is a wonderful creature, and beginneth already to prattle your pure castilian, and she had been brought up at toledo, or burgos. but don luis is a most encouraging master, and no doubt made great head-way, during the time he was living in her palace, as it might be alone with her, before that incarnate devil don caonabo came down with his followers to seize the lady." "is this lady a christian princess, sancho?" "heaven bless your own pure soul, doña señorita, she can boast of but little in that way; still, she hath made something of a beginning, as i see she now weareth a cross--one small in size, it is true, but precious in material, as, indeed it ought to be, seeing that it is a present from one as noble and rich as the count of llera." "a cross, say'st thou, sancho!" interrupted mercedes, almost gasping for breath, yet so far subduing her feelings as to prevent the old seaman from detecting them; "hath don luis succeeded in inducing her to accept of a cross?" "that hath he, señorita--one of precious stones, that he once wore at his own neck." "knowest thou the stones?--was it of turquoise, embellished with the finest gold?" "for the gold i can answer, lady, though my learning hath never reached as high as the precious stones. the heavens of hayti, however, are not bluer than the stones of that cross. doña ozema calls it 'mercedes,' by which i understand that she looketh for the mercies of the crucifixion to help her benighted soul." "is this cross, then, held so common, that it hath gotten to be the subject of discourse even for men of thy class?" "hearkee, señorita; a man like me is more valued, on board a caravel, in a tossing sea, than he is likely to be here, in barcelona, on solid ground. we went to cipango to set up crosses, and to make christians; so that all hath been in character. as for the lady ozema, she taketh more notice of me than of another, as i was in the battle that rescued her from caonabo, and so she showed me the cross the day we anchored in the tagus, or just before the admiral ordered me to bring his letter to her highness. then it was that she kissed the cross, and held it to her heart, and said it was 'mercedes.'" "this is most strange, sancho! hath this princess attendants befitting her rank and dignity?" "you forget, señorita, that the niña is but a small craft, as her name signifieth, and there would be no room for a large train of lords and ladies. don christopher and don luis are honorable enough to attend on any princess; and for the rest, the doña ozema must wait until our gracious queen can command her a retinue befitting her birth. besides, my lady, these haytian dames are simpler than our spanish nobles, half of them thinking clothes of no great use in that mild climate." mercedes looked offended and incredulous; but her curiosity and interest were too active, to permit her to send the man away without further question. "and don luis de bobadilla was ever with the admiral?" she said; "ever ready to support him, and foremost in all hazards?" "señorita, you describe the count as faithfully as if you had been present from first to last. had you but seen him dealing out his blows upon caonabo's followers, and the manner in which he kept them all at bay, with the doña ozema near him, behind the rocks, it would have drawn tears of admiration from your own lovely eyes." "the doña ozema near him--behind rocks--and assailants held at bay!" "si, señora; you repeat it all like a book. it was much as you say, though the lady ozema did not content herself with being behind the rocks, for, when the arrows came thickest, she rushed before the count, compelling the enemy to withhold, lest they should slay the very prize they were battling for; thereby saving the life of her knight." "saving his life!--the life of luis--of don luis de bobadilla--an indian princess?" "it is just as you say, and a most noble girl she is, asking pardon for speaking so light of one of her high rank. time and again, since that day, hath the young count told me, that the arrows came in such clouds, that his honor might have been tarnished by a retreat, or his life been lost, but for the timely resolution of the doña ozema. she is a rare creature, señorita, and you will love her as a sister, when you come to see and know her." "sancho," said our heroine, blushing like the dawn, "thou saidst that the conde de llera bade thee speak of him to his aunt; did he mention no one else?" "no one, señorita." "art certain, sancho? bethink thee well--did he mention no other name to thee?" "not that i can swear. it is true, that either he or old diego, the helmsman, spoke of one clara that keepeth an _hosteria_, here in barcelona, as a place famous for its wine; but i think it more likely to have been diego than the count, as one thinketh much of these matters, and the other would not be apt to know aught of clara." "thou canst retire, sancho," said mercedes, in a faint voice. "we will say more to thee in the morning." sancho was not sorry to be dismissed, and he gladly returned to his pallet, little dreaming of the mischief he had done by the mixture of truth and exaggeration that he had been recounting. chapter xxvii. "mac-homer, too, in prose or song, by the state-papers of buffon, to deep researches led; a gallo-celtic scheme may botch, to prove the ourang race were scotch, who from the highlands fled." lord john townshend. the intelligence of the return of columbus, and of the important discoveries he had made, spread through europe like wild-fire. it soon got to be, in the general estimation, the great event of the age. for several years afterward, or until the discovery of the pacific by balboa, it was believed that the indies had been reached by the western passage; and, of course, the problem of the earth's spherical shape was held to be solved by actual experiment. the transactions of the voyage, the wonders seen, the fertility of the soil of the east, the softness of its climate, its treasures in gold, spices, and pearls, and the curious things that the admiral had brought as proofs of his success, were all the themes of the hour. men never wearied in discussing the subjects. for many centuries had the spaniards been endeavoring to expel the moors from the peninsula; but as that much-desired event had been the result of time and a protracted struggle, even its complete success seemed tame and insignificant compared with the sudden brilliancy that shone around the western discoveries. in a word, the pious rejoiced in the hope of spreading the gospel; the avaricious feasted their imaginations on untold hoards of gold; the politic calculated the increase of the power of spain; the scientific exulted in the triumph of mind over prejudice and ignorance, while they hoped for still greater accessions of knowledge; and the enemies of spain wondered, and deferred, even while they envied. the first few days that succeeded the arrival of columbus' courier, were days of delight and curiosity. answers were sent soliciting his early presence, high honors were proffered to him, and his name filled all mouths, as his glory was in the heart of every true spaniard. orders were issued to make the necessary outfits for a new voyage, and little was talked of but the discovery and its consequences. in this manner passed a month, when the admiral arrived at barcelona, attended by most of the indians he had brought with him from the islands. his honors were of the noblest kind, the sovereigns receiving him on a throne placed in a public hall, rising at his approach, and insisting on his being seated himself, a distinction of the highest nature, and usually granted only to princes of royal blood. here the admiral related the history of his voyage, exhibited the curiosities he had brought with him, and dwelt on his hopes of future benefits. when the tale was told, all present knelt, and _te deum_ was chanted by the usual choir of the court; even ferdinand's stern nature dissolving into tears of grateful joy, at this unlooked-for and magnificent behest of heaven. for a long time, columbus was the mark of every eye; nor did his honors and consideration cease untill he left spain, in command of the second expedition to the east, as the voyage was then termed. a few days previously to the arrival of the admiral at court, don luis de bobadilla suddenly appeared in barcelona. on ordinary occasions, the movements of one of the rank and peculiarities of the young grandee would have afforded a topic for the courtiers, that would not soon have been exhausted, but the all-engrossing theme of the great voyage afforded him a screen. his presence, however, could not escape notice; and it was whispered, with the usual smiles and shrugs, that he had entered the port in a caravel, coming from the levant; and it was one of the received pleasantries of the hour to say, in an undertone, that the young conde de llera had also made the _eastern_ voyage. all this gave our hero little concern, and he was soon pursuing his ordinary life, when near the persons of the sovereigns. the day that columbus was received in state, he was present in the hall, attired in the richest vestments, and no noble of spain did more credit to his lineage, or his condition, than don luis, by his mien and carriage. it was remarked that isabella smiled on him, during the pageant; but the head of more than one wary observer was shaken, as its owner remarked how grave the queen's favorite appeared, for an occasion so joyous; a fact that was attributed to the unworthy pursuits of her truant nephew. no one, that day, gazed at luis with more delight than sancho, who lingered at barcelona to share in the honors of his chief, and who, in virtue of his services, was permitted to take his place among the courtiers themselves. not a little admiration was excited by the manner in which he used the novel weed, called tobacco; and some fifteen or twenty of his neighbors were nauseated by their efforts to emulate his indulgence and satisfaction. one of his exploits was of a character so unusual, and so well illustrates the feeling of the hour, that it may be well to record it in detail. the reception was over, and sancho was quitting the hall with the rest of the crowd, when he was accosted by a man apparently of forty, well attired, and of agreeable manner, who desired the honor of his presence at a slight entertainment, of which several had been prepared for the admiral and his friends. sancho, nothing loth, the delights of distinction being yet so novel, cheerfully complied, and he was quickly led to a room of the palace, where he found a party of some twenty young nobles assembled to do him honor; for happy was he that day in barcelona who could get even one of the meanest of columbus' followers to accept of his homage. no sooner did the two enter the room, than the young castilian lords crowded around them, covering sancho with protestations of admiration, and addressing eager questions, a dozen at a time, to his companion, whom they styled "señor pedro," "señor matir," and occasionally "señor pedro matir." it is scarcely necessary to add, that this person was the historian who has become known to us of these latter days as "peter martyr," an italian, to whose care and instruction isabella had entrusted most of the young nobles of the court. the present interview had been got up to indulge the natural curiosity of the youthful lords, and sancho had been chosen for the occasion, on the principle that when the best is denied us, we must be content to accept information of an inferior quality. "congratulate me, señores," cried peter martyr, as soon as he could find an opportunity to speak, "since my success surpasseth our own hopes. as for the liguirian, himself, and all of high condition about him, they are in the hands of the most illustrious of spain, for this day; but here is a most worthy pilot, no doubt the second in authority on board one of the caravels, who consenteth to do us honor, and to partake of our homely cheer. i drew him from a crowd of applicants, and have not yet had an opportunity to inquire his name, which he is about to give us of his own accord." sancho never wanted for self-possession, and had far too much mother-wit to be either clownish or offensively vulgar, though the reader is not now to be told that he was neither qualified to be an academician, nor had the most profound notions of natural philosophy. he assumed an air of suitable dignity, therefore, and, somewhat practised in his new vocation by the thousand interrogatories he had answered in the last month, he disposed himself to do credit to the information of a man who had visited the indies. "i am called sancho mundo, señores, at your service--sometimes sancho of the ship-yard-gate, though i would prefer now to be called sancho of the indies, unless, indeed, it should suit his excellency don christopher to take that appellation--his claim being somewhat better than mine." here several protested that his claims were of the highest order; and then followed sundry introductions to sancho of the ship-yard-gate, of several young men of the first families in castile; for, though the spaniards have not the same mania for this species of politeness as the americans, the occasion was one in which native feeling got the ascendency of conventional reserve. after this ceremony, and the mendozas, guzmans, cerdas, and toledos, present, felt honored in knowing this humble seaman, the whole party repaired to the banqueting-room, where a table was spread that did credit to the cooks of barcelona. during the repast, although the curiosity of the young men made some inroads on their breeding in this particular, no question could induce sancho to break in upon the duty of the moment, for which he entertained a sort of religious veneration. once, when pushed a little more closely than common, he laid down his knife and fork, and made the following solemn reply: "señores," he said, "i look upon food as a gift from god to man, and hold it to be irreverent to converse much, when the bounties of the table invite us to do homage to this great dispenser. don christopher is of this way of thinking, i know, and all his followers imitate their beloved and venerated chief. as soon as i am ready to converse, señores don hidalgos, you shall be told of it, and then god help the ignorant and silly!" after this admonition, there remained nothing to be said until sancho's appetite was satisfied, when he drew a little back from the table, and announced his readiness to proceed. "i profess to very little learning, señor pedro martir," he said; "but what i have seen i have seen, and that which is known, is as well known by a mariner, as by a doctor of salamanca. ask your questions, then, o' heaven's sake, and expect such answers as a poor but honest man can give." the learned peter martyr was fain to make the best of his subject, for at that moment, any information that came from what might be termed first hands, was greedily received; he proceeded, therefore, to his inquiries, as simply and as directly as he had been invited to do. "well, señor," commenced the man of learning, "we are willing to obtain knowledge on any terms. prithee, tell us, at once, which of all the wonderful things that you witnessed on this voyage, hath made the deepest impression on your mind, and striketh you as the most remarkable!" "i know nothing to compare with the whiffling of the north star," said sancho, promptly. "that star hath always been esteemed among us seamen, as being immovable as the cathedral of seville; but, in this voyage, it hath been seen to change its place, with the inconstancy of the winds." "that is, indeed, miraculous!" exclaimed peter martyr, who scarcely knew how to take the intelligence; "perhaps there is some mistake, master sancho, and you are not accustomed to sidereal investigations." "ask don christopher; when the phernomerthon, as the admiral called it, was first observed, we talked the matter over together, and came to the conclusion, that nothing in this world was as permanent as it seemed to be. depend on it, señor don pedro, the north star flits about like a weathercock." "i shall inquire into this of the illustrious admiral; but, next to this star, master sancho, what deem you most worthy of observation? i speak now of ordinary things, leaving science to future discussion." this was too grave a question to be lightly answered, and while sancho was cogitating the matter, the door opened, and luis de bobadilla entered the room, in a blaze of manly grace and rich attire. a dozen voices uttered his name, and peter martyr rose to receive him, with a manner in which kindness of feeling was blended with reproof. "i asked this honor, señor conde," he said, "though you have now been beyond my counsel and control some time, for it appeared to me that one fond of voyages as yourself, might find a useful lesson, as well as enjoy a high satisfaction, in listening to the wonders of an expedition as glorious as this of colon's. this worthy seaman, a pilot, no doubt, much confided in by the admiral, hath consented to share in our poor hospitalities on this memorable day, and is about to give us many interesting facts and incidents of the great adventure. master sancho mundo, this is don luis de bobadilla, conde de llera, a grandee of high lineage, and one that is not unknown to the seas, having often traversed them in his own person." "it is quite unnecessary to tell me that, señor pedro," answered sancho, returning luis' gay and graceful salutation, with profound, but awkward respect, "since i see it at a glance. his excellency hath been in the east, as well as don christopher and myself, though we went different ways, and neither party went as far as cathay. i am honored in your acquaintance, don luis, and shall just say that the noble admiral will bring navigation more in fashion than it hath been of late years. if you travel in the neighborhood of moguer, i beg you will not pass the door of sancho mundo without stopping to inquire if he be within." "that i most cheerfully promise, worthy master," said luis, laughing, and taking a seat, "even though it lead me to the ship-yard-gate. and now, señor pedro, let me not interrupt the discourse, which i discovered was most interesting as i entered." "i have been thinking of this matter, señores," resumed sancho, gravely, "and the fact that appears most curious to me, next to the whiffling of the north star, is the circumstance that there are no doblas in cipango. gold is not wanting, and it seemeth passing singular that a people should possess gold, and not bethink them of the convenience of striking doblas, or some similar coin." peter martyr and his young pupils laughed at this sally, and then the subject was pushed in another form. "passing by this question, which belongeth rather to the policy of states than to natural phenomena," continued peter martyr, "what most struck you as remarkable, in the way of human nature?" "in that particular, señor, i think the island of the women may be set down as the most extraordinary of all the phernomerthons we fell in with. i have known women shut themselves up in convents; and men, too; but never did i hear, before this voyage, of either shutting themselves up in islands!" "and is this true?" inquired a dozen voices--"did you really meet with such an island, señor!" "i believe we saw it at a distance, señores; and i hold it to be lucky that we went no nearer, for i find the gossips of moguer troublesome enough, without meeting a whole island of them. then there is the bread that grows like a root--what think _you_ of that, señor don luis? is it not a most curious dish to taste of?" "nay, master sancho, that is a question of your own putting, and it must be one of your own answering. what know i of the wonders of cipango, since candia lieth in an opposite course? answer these matters for thyself, friend." "true, illustrious conde, and i humbly crave your pardon. it is, indeed, the duty of him that seeth to relate, as it is the duty of him that seeth not to believe. i hope all here will perform their several duties." "do these indians eat flesh as remarkable as their bread?" inquired a cerda. "that do they, noble sir, seeing that they eat each other. neither i nor don christopher was invited to any of their feasts of this sort; for, i suppose, they were well convinced we would not go; but we had much information touching them, and by the nearest calculation i could make, the consumption of men in the island of bohio must be about equal to that of beeves in spain." the speaker was interrupted by twenty exclamations of disgust, and peter martyr shook his head like one who distrusted the truth of the account. still, as he had not expected any very profound philosophy or deep learning in one of sancho's character, he pursued the conversation. "know you any thing of the rare birds the admiral exhibited to their highnesses to-day?" he asked. "señor, i am well acquainted with several, more particularly with the parrots. they are sensible birds, and, i doubt not, might answer some of the questions that are put to me by many here, in barcelona, to their perfect satisfaction." "thou art a wag, i see, señor sancho, and lovest thy joke," answered the man of learning, with a smile. "give way to thy fancy, and if thou canst not improve us with thy science, at least amuse us with thy conceits." "san pedro knows that i would do any thing to oblige you, señores; but i was born with such a love of truth in my heart, that i know not how to embellish. what i see i believe, and having been in the indies, i cannot shut my eyes to their wonders. there was the sea of weeds, which was no every-day miracle, since i make no doubt that the devils piled all these plants on the water to prevent us from carrying the cross to the poor heathens who dwell on the other side of them. we got through that sea more by our prayers, than by means of the winds." the young men looked at peter martyr, to ascertain how he received this theory, and peter martyr, if tinctured with the superstition of the age, was not disposed to swallow all that it pleased sancho to assert, even though the latter had made a voyage to the indies. "since you manifest so much curiosity, señores, on the subject of colon, now admiral of the ocean sea, by their highnesses' honorable appointment, i will, in a measure, relieve your minds on the subject, by recounting what i know," said luis, speaking calmly, but with dignity. "ye know that i was much with don christopher before he sailed, and that i had some little connection with bringing him back to santa fé, even when he had left the place, as was supposed for the last time. this intimacy hath been renewed since the arrival of the great genoese at barcelona, and hours have we passed together in private, discoursing on the events of the last few months. what i have thus learned i am ready to impart, if ye will do me the grace to listen." the whole company giving an eager assent, luis now commenced a general narrative of the voyage, detailing all the leading circumstances of interest, and giving the reasons that were most in favor at the time, concerning the different phenomena that had perplexed the adventurers. he spoke more than an hour; proceeding consecutively from island to island, and dilating on their productions, imaginary and real. much that he related, proceeded from the misconceptions of the admiral, and misinterpretations of the signs and language of the indians, as a matter of course; but it was all told clearly, in elegant, if not in eloquent language, and with a singular air of truth. in short, our hero palmed upon his audience the results of his own observation, as the narrative of the admiral, and more than once was he interrupted by bursts of admiration at the vividness and graphic beauties of his descriptions. even sancho listened with delight, and when the young man concluded, he rose from his chair, and exclaimed heartily-"señores, you may take all this as so much gospel! had the noble señor witnessed, himself, that which he hath so well described, it could not have been truer, and i look on myself to be particularly fortunate to have heard this history of the voyage, which henceforth shall be my history, word for word; for as my patron saint shall remember me, naught else will i tell to the gossips of moguer, when i get back to that blessed town of my childhood." sancho's influence was much impaired by the effects of luis' narrative, which peter martyr pronounced to be one that would have done credit to a scholar who had accompanied the expedition. a few appeals were made to the old seaman, to see if he would corroborate the statements he had just heard, but his protestations became so much the louder in behalf of the accuracy of the account. it was wonderful how much reputation the conde de llera obtained by this little deception. to be able to repeat, with accuracy and effect, language that was supposed to have fallen from the lips of columbus, was a sort of illustration; and peter martyr, who justly enjoyed a high reputation for intelligence, was heard sounding the praises of our hero in all places, his young pupils echoing his words with the ardor and imitation of youth! such, indeed, was the vast reputation obtained by the genoese, that one gained a species of reflected renown by being thought to live in his confidence, and a thousand follies of the count of llera, real or imaginary, were forgotten in the fact that the admiral had deemed him worthy of being the repository of facts and feelings such as he had related. as luis, moreover, was seen to be much in the company of don christopher, the world was very willing to give the young man credit for qualities, that, by some unexplained circumstance, had hitherto escaped its notice. in this manner did luis de bobadilla reap some advantages, of a public character, from his resolution and enterprise, although vastly less than would have attended an open admission of all that occurred. how far, and in what manner, these qualities availed him in his suit with mercedes, will appear in our subsequent pages. [illustration] chapter xxviii. "each look, each motion, waked a new-born grace, that o'er her form its transient glory cast: some lovelier wonder soon usurp'd the place, chased by a charm still lovelier than the last." mason. the day of the reception of columbus at barcelona, had been one of tumultuous feelings and of sincere delight, with the ingenuous and pure-minded queen of castile. she had been the moving spirit of the enterprise, as it was connected with authority and means, and never was a sovereign more amply rewarded, by a consciousness of the magnitude of the results that followed her well-meant and zealous efforts. when the excitement and bustle of the day were over, isabella retired to her closet, and there, as was usual with her on all great occasions, she poured out her thankfulness on her knees, entreating the divine providence to sustain her under the new responsibilities she felt, and to direct her steps aright, equally as a sovereign and as a christian woman. she had left the attitude of prayer but a few minutes, and was seated with her head leaning on her hand, in deep meditation, when a slight knock at the door called her attention. there was but one person in spain who would be likely to take even this liberty, guarded and modest as was the tap; rising, she turned the key and admitted the king. isabella was still beautiful. her form, always of admirable perfection, still retained its grace. her eyes had lost but little of their lustre, and her smile, ever sweet and beneficent, failed not to reflect the pure and womanly impulses of her heart. in a word, her youthful beauty had been but little impaired by the usual transition to the matronly attractions of a wife and a mother; but this night, all her youthful charms seemed to be suddenly renewed. her cheek was flushed with holy enthusiasm; her figure dilated with the sublimity of the thoughts in which she had been indulging; and her eyes beamed with the ennobling hopes of religious enthusiasm. ferdinand was struck with this little change, and he stood admiring her, for a minute, in silence, after he had closed the door. "is not this a most wonderful reward, for efforts so small, my husband and love?" exclaimed the queen, who fancied the king's thoughts similar to her own; "a new empire thus cheaply purchased, with riches that the imagination cannot tell, and millions of souls to be redeemed from eternal woe, by means of a grace that must be as unexpected to themselves, as the knowledge of their existence hath been to us!" "ever thinking, isabella, of the welfare of souls! but thou art right; for what are the pomps and glories of the world to the hopes of salvation, and the delights of heaven! i confess colon hath much exceeded all my hopes, and raised such a future for spain, that the mind scarce knoweth where to place the limits to its pictures." "think of the millions of poor indians that may live to bless our sway, and to feel the influence and consolations of holy church!" "i trust that our kinsman and neighbor, dom joao, will not give us trouble in this matter. your portuguese have so keen an appetite for discoveries, that they little relish the success of other powers; and, it is said, many dangerous and wicked proposals were made to the king, even while our caravels lay in the tagus." "colon assureth me, fernando, that he doubteth if these indians have now any religious creed, so that our ministers will have no prejudices to encounter, in presenting to their simple minds the sublime truths of the gospel!" "no doubt the admiral hath fully weighed these matters. it is his opinion, that the island he hath called española wanteth but little of being of the full dimensions of castile, leon, aragon, granada, and, indeed, of all our possessions within the peninsula!" "didst thou attend to what he said, touching the gentleness and mildness of the inhabitants? and wert thou not struck with the simple, confiding aspects of those he hath brought with him? such a people may readily be brought, first, as is due, to worship the one true and living god, and next, to regard their sovereigns as kind and benignant parents." "authority can ever make itself respected; and don christopher hath assured me, in a private conference, that a thousand tried lances would overrun all that eastern region. we must make early application to the holy father to settle such limits between us and don john, as may prevent disputes, hereafter, touching our several interests. i have already spoken to the cardinal on this subject, and he flattereth me with the hope of having the ear of alexander." "i trust that the means of disseminating the faith of the cross will not be overlooked in the negotiation; for it paineth me to find churchmen treating of worldly things, to the utter neglect of those of their great master." don ferdinand regarded his wife intently for an instant, without making any reply. he perceived, as often happened in questions of policy, that their feelings were not exactly attuned, and he had recourse to an allusion that seldom failed to draw the thoughts of isabella from their loftier aspirations to considerations more worldly, when rightly applied. "thy children, doña isabella, will reap a goodly heritage by the success of this, our latest and greatest stroke of policy! thy dominions and mine will henceforth descend in common to the same heir; then this marriage in portugal may open the way to new accessions of territory; granada is already secured to thine, by our united arms; and here hath providence opened the way to an empire in the east, that promiseth to outdo all that hath yet been performed in europe." "are not my children thine, fernando? can good happen to one, without its equally befalling the other? i trust they will learn to understand why so many new subjects and such wide territories are added to their possessions, and will ever remain true to their highest and first duty, that of spreading the gospel, that the sway of the one catholic church may the more speedily be accomplished." "still it may be necessary to secure advantages that are offered in a worldly shape, by worldly means." "thou say'st true, my lord; and it is the proper care of loving parents to look well to the interest of their offspring in this, as in all other particulars." isabella now lent a more willing ear to the politic suggestions of her consort, and they passed an hour in discussing some of the important measures that it was thought their joint interests required should be immediately attended to. after this, ferdinand saluted his wife affectionately, and withdrew to his own cabinet, to labor, as usual, until his frame demanded rest. isabella sat musing for a few minutes after the king had retired, and then she took a light and proceeded through certain private passages, with which she was familiar, to the apartment of her daughters. here she spent an hour, indulging in the affections and discharging the duties of a careful mother, when, embracing each in turn, she gave her blessings, and left the place in the same simple manner as she had entered. instead, however, of returning to her own part of the palace, she pursued her way in an opposite direction, until, reaching a private door, she gently tapped. a voice within bade her enter, and complying, the queen of castile found herself alone with her old and tried friend, the marchioness of moya. a quiet gesture forbade all the usual testimonials of respect, and knowing her mistress' wishes in this particular, the hostess received her illustrious guest, much as she would have received an intimate of her own rank in life. "we have had so busy and joyful a day, daughter-marchioness," the queen commenced, quietly setting down the little silver lamp she carried, "that i had near forgotten a duty which ought not to be overlooked. thy nephew, the count de llera, hath returned to court, bearing himself as modestly and as prudently, as if he had no share in the glory of this great success of colon's!" "señora, luis is here, but whether prudent or modest, i leave for others, who may be less partial, to say." "to me such seemeth to be his deportment, and a young mind might be pardoned some exultation at such a result. but i have come to speak of don luis and thy ward. now that thy nephew hath given me this high proof of his perseverance and courage, there can remain no longer any reason for forbidding their union. thou know'st that i hold the pledged word of doña mercedes, not to marry without my consent, and this night will i make her happy as i feel myself, by leaving her mistress of her own wishes; nay, by letting her know that i desire to see her countess of llera, and that right speedily." "your highness is all goodness to me and mine," returned the marchioness, coldly. "mercedes ought to feel deeply grateful that her royal mistress hath a thought for her welfare, when her mind hath so many greater concerns to occupy it." "it is that, my friend, that hath brought me hither at this late hour. my soul is truly burdened with gratitude, and ere i sleep, were it possible, i would fain make all as blessed as i feel myself. where is thy ward?" "she left me for the night, but as your highness entered. i will summon her to hear your pleasure." "we will go to her, beatriz; tidings such as i bring, should not linger on weary feet." "it is her duty, and it would be her pleasure to pay all respect, señora." "i know that well, marchioness, but it is my pleasure to bear this news myself," interrupted the queen, leading the way to the door. "show thou the way, which is better known to thee than to another. we go with little state and ceremony, as thou seest, like colon going forth to explore his unknown seas, and we go bearers of tidings as grateful to thy ward, as those the genoese bore to the benighted natives of cipango. these corridors are our trackless seas, and all these intricate passages, the hidden ways we are to explore." "heaven grant your highness make not some discovery as astounding as that which the genoese hath just divulged. for myself, i scarce know whether to believe all things, or to grant faith to none." "i wonder not at thy surprise; it is a feeling that hath overcome all others, through the late extraordinary events," answered the queen, evidently misconceiving the meaning of her friend's words. "but we have still another pleasure in store: that of witnessing the joy of a pure female heart which hath had its trials, and which hath borne them as became a christian maiden." doña beatriz sighed heavily, but she made no answer. by this time they were crossing the little saloon in which mercedes was permitted to receive her female acquaintances, and were near the door of her chamber. here they met a maid, who hastened onward to inform her mistress of the visit she was about to receive. isabella was accustomed to use a mother's liberties with those she loved, and, opening the door, without ceremony, she stood before our heroine, ere the latter could advance to meet her. "daughter," commenced the queen, seating herself, and smiling benignantly on the startled girl, "i have come to discharge a solemn duty. kneel thou here, at my feet, and listen to thy sovereign as thou wouldst listen to a mother." mercedes gladly obeyed, for, at that moment, any thing was preferable to being required to speak. when she had knelt, the queen passed an arm affectionately round her neck, and drew her closer to her person, until, by a little gentle violence, the face of mercedes was hid in the folds of isabella's robe. "i have all reason to extol thy faith and duty, child," said the queen, as soon as this little arrangement to favor the feelings of mercedes, had been considerately made; "thou hast not forgotten thy promise, in aught; and my object, now, is to leave thee mistress of thine own inclinations, and to remove all impediments to their exercise. thou hast no longer any pledge with thy sovereign; for one who hath manifested so much discretion and delicacy, may be surely trusted with her own happiness." mercedes continued silent, though isabella fancied that she felt a slight shudder passing convulsively through her delicate frame. "no answer, daughter? is it more preferable to leave another arbitress of thy fate, than to exercise that office for thyself? well, then, as thy sovereign and parent, i will substitute command for consent, and tell thee it is my wish and desire that thou becomest, as speedily as shall comport with propriety and thy high station, the wedded wife of don luis de bobadilla, conde de llera." "no--no--no--señora--never--never"--murmured mercedes, her voice equally stifled by her emotions, and by the manner in which she had buried her face in the dress of the queen. isabella looked at the marchioness of moya in wonder. her countenance did not express either displeasure or resentment, for she too well knew the character of our heroine to suspect caprice, or any weak prevarication in a matter that so deeply touched the feelings; and the concern she felt was merely overshadowed at the suddenness of the intelligence, by a feeling of ungovernable surprise. "canst thou explain this, beatriz?" the queen at length inquired. "have i done harm, where i most intended good? i am truly unfortunate, for i appear to have deeply wounded the heart of this child, at the very moment i fancied i was conferring supreme happiness!" "no--no--no--señora," again murmured mercedes, clinging convulsively to the queen's knees. "your highness hath wounded no one--_would_ wound no one--_can_ wound no one--you are all gracious goodness and thoughtfulness." "beatriz, i look to thee for the explanation! hath aught justifiable occurred to warrant this change of feeling?" "i fear, dearest señora, that the feelings continue too much as formerly, and that the change is not in this young and unpractised heart, but in the fickle inclinations of man." a flash of womanly indignation darted from the usually serene eyes of the queen, and her form assumed all of its native majesty. "can this be true?" she exclaimed. "would a subject of castile _dare_ thus to trifle with his sovereign--thus to trifle with one sweet and pure as this girl--thus to trifle with his faith with god! if the reckless conde thinketh to do these acts of wrongfulness with impunity, let him look to it! shall i punish him that merely depriveth his neighbor of some paltry piece of silver, and let him escape who woundeth the soul? i wonder at thy calmness, daughter-marchioness; thou, who art so wont to let an honest indignation speak out in the just language of a fearless and honest spirit!" "alas! señora, my beloved mistress, my feelings have had vent already, and nature will no more. this boy, moreover, is my brother's son, and when i would fain arouse a resentment against him, such as befitteth his offence, the image of that dear brother, whose very picture he is, hath arisen to my mind in a way to weaken all its energy." "this is most unusual! a creature so fair--so young--so noble--so rich--every way so excellent, to be so soon forgotten! canst thou account for it by any wandering inclination, lady of moya?" isabella spoke musingly, and, as one of her high rank is apt to overlook minor considerations, when the feelings are strongly excited, she did not remember that mercedes was a listener. the convulsive shudder that again shook the frame of our heroine, however, did not fail to remind her of this fact, and the queen could not have pressed the princess juana more fondly to her heart, than she now drew the yielding form of our heroine. "what would you, señora?" returned the marchioness, bitterly. "luis, thoughtless and unprincipled boy as he is, hath induced a youthful indian princess to abandon home and friends, under the pretence of swelling the triumph of the admiral, but really, in obedience to a wandering fancy, and in submission to those evil caprices, that make men what, in sooth, they are, and which so often render unhappy women their dupes and their victims." "an indian princess, say'st thou? the admiral made one of that rank known to us, but she was already a wife, and far from being one to rival doña mercedes of valverde." "ah! dearest señora, she of whom you speak will not compare with her i mean--ozema--for so is the indian lady called--ozema is a different being, and is not without high claims to personal beauty. could mere personal appearances justify the conduct of the boy, he would not be altogether without excuse." "how know'st thou this, beatriz?" "because, your highness, luis hath brought her to the palace, and she is, at this moment, in these very apartments. mercedes hath received her like a sister, even while the stranger hath unconsciously crashed her heart." "_here_, say'st thou, marchioness? then can there be no vicious union between the thoughtless young man and the stranger. thy nephew would not thus presume to offend virtue and innocence." "of that we complain not, señora. 'tis the boyish inconstancy and thoughtless cruelty of the count, that hath awakened my feelings against him. never have i endeavored to influence my ward to favor his suit, for i would not that they should have it in their power to say i sought a union so honorable and advantageous to our house; but now do i most earnestly desire her to steel her noble heart to his unworthiness." "ah! señora--my guardian," murmured mercedes, "luis is not so _very_ culpable. ozema's beauty, and my own want of the means to keep him true, are alone to blame." "ozema's beauty!" slowly repeated the queen. "is this young indian, then, so very perfect, beatriz, that thy ward need fear or envy her? i did not think that such a being lived!" "your highness knoweth how it is with men. they love novelties, and are most captivated with the freshest faces. san iago!--andres de cabrera hath caused me to know this, though it were a crime to suppose any could teach this hard lesson to isabella of trastamara." "restrain thy strong and impetuous feelings, daughter-marchioness," returned the queen, glancing her eye at the bowed form of mercedes, whose head was now buried in her lap; "truth seldom asserts its fullest power when the heart is overflowing with feeling. don andres hath been a loyal subject, and doth justice to thy merit; and, as to my lord the king, he is the father of my children, as well as thy sovereign. but, touching this ozema--can i see her, beatriz?" "you have only to command, señora, to see whom you please. but ozema is, no doubt, at hand, and can be brought into your presence as soon as it may please your highness to order it done." "nay, beatriz, if she be a princess, and a stranger in the kingdom, there is a consideration due to her rank and to her position. let doña mercedes go and prepare her to receive us; i will visit her in her own apartment. the hour is late, but she will overlook the want of ceremony in the desire to do her service." mercedes did not wait a second bidding, but, rising from her knees, she hastened to do as the queen had suggested. isabella and the marchioness were silent some little time, when left to themselves; then the former, as became her rank, opened the discourse. "it is remarkable, beatriz, that colon should not have spoken to me of this princess!" she said. "one of her condition ought not to have entered spain with so little ceremony." "the admiral hath deemed her the chosen subject of luis' care, and hath left her to be presented to your highness by my recreant nephew. ah, señora! is it not wonderful, that one like mercedes could be so soon supplanted by a half-naked, unbaptized, benighted being, on whom the church hath never yet smiled, and whose very soul may be said to be in jeopardy of instantaneous condemnation?" "that soul must be cared for, beatriz, and that right quickly. is the princess really of sufficient beauty to supplant a creature as lovely as the doña mercedes?" "it is not that, señora--it is not that. but men are fickle--and they so love novelties! then is the modest restraint of cultivated manners less winning to them, than the freedom of those who deem even clothes superfluous. i mean not to question the modesty of ozema; for, according to her habits, she seemeth irreproachable in this respect; but the ill-regulated fancy of a thoughtless boy may find a momentary attraction in her unfettered conduct and half-attired person, that is wanting to the air and manners of a high-born spanish damsel, who hath been taught rigidly to respect herself and her sex." "this may be true, as toucheth the vulgar, beatriz, but such unworthy motives can never influence the conde de llera. if thy nephew hath really proved the recreant thou supposest, this indian princess must be of more excellence than we have thought." "of that, señora, you can soon judge for yourself; here is the maiden of mercedes to inform us that the indian is ready to receive the honor that your highness intendeth." our heroine had prepared ozema to meet the queen. by this time, the young haytian had caught so many spanish words, that verbal communication with her was far from difficult, though she still spoke in the disconnected and abrupt manner of one to whom the language was new. she understood perfectly that she was to meet that beloved sovereign, of whom luis and mercedes had so often spoken with reverence; and accustomed, herself, to look up to caciques greater than her brother, there was no difficulty in making her understand that the person she was now about to receive was the first of her sex in spain. the only misconception which existed, arose from the circumstance that ozema believed isabella to be the queen of all the christian world, instead of being the queen of a particular country; for, in her imagination, both luis and mercedes were persons of royal station. although isabella was prepared to see a being of surprising perfection of form, she started with surprise, as her eye first fell on ozema. it was not so much the beauty of the young indian that astonished her, as the native grace of her movements, the bright and happy expression of her countenance, and the perfect self-possession of her mien and deportment. ozema had got accustomed to a degree of dress that she would have found oppressive at hayti; the sensitiveness of mercedes, on the subject of female propriety, having induced her to lavish on her new friend many rich articles of attire, that singularly, though wildly, contributed to aid her charms. still the gift of luis was thrown over one shoulder, as the highest-prized part of her wardrobe, and the cross of mercedes rested on her bosom, the most precious of all her ornaments. "this is wonderful, beatriz!" exclaimed the queen, as she stood at one side of the room, while ozema bowed her body in graceful reverence on the other; "can this rare being really have a soul that knoweth naught of its god and redeemer! but let her spirit be benighted as it may, there is no vice in that simple mind, or deceit in that pure heart." "señora, all this is true. spite of our causes of dissatisfaction, my ward and i both love her already, and could take her to our hearts forever; one as a friend, and the other as a parent." "princess," said the queen, advancing with quiet dignity to the spot where ozema stood, with downcast eyes and bended body, waiting her pleasure, "thou art welcome to our dominions. the admiral hath done well in not classing one of thy evident claims and station among those whom he hath exhibited to vulgar eyes. in this he hath shown his customary judgment, no less than his deep respect for the sacred office of sovereigns." "almirante!" exclaimed ozema, her looks brightening with intelligence, for she had long known how to pronounce the well-earned title of columbus; "almirante, mercedes--isabella, mercedes--luis, mercedes, señora reyña." "beatriz, what meaneth this? why doth the princess couple the name of thy ward with that of colon, with mine, and even with that of the young count of llera?" "señora, by some strange delusion, she hath got to think that mercedes is the spanish term for every thing that is excellent or perfect, and thus doth she couple it with all that she most desireth to praise. your highness must observe that she even united luis and mercedes, a union that we once fondly hoped might happen, but which now would seem to be impossible; and which she herself must be the last really to wish." "strange delusion!" repeated the queen; "the idea hath had its birth in some particular cause, for things like this come not of accidents; who but thy nephew, beatriz, would know aught of thy ward, or who but he would have taught the princess to deem her very name a sign of excellence?" "señora!" exclaimed mercedes, the color mounting to her pale cheek, and joy momentarily flashing in her eyes, "can this be so?" "why not, daughter? we may have been too hasty in this matter, and mistaken what are truly signs of devotion to thee, for proofs of fickleness and inconstancy." "ah! señora! but this can never be, else would not ozema so love him." "how know'st thou, child, that the princess hath any other feeling for the count than that which properly belongeth to one who is grateful for his care, and for the inexpressible service of being made acquainted with the virtues of the cross? here is some rash error, beatriz." "i fear not, your highness. touching the nature of ozema's feelings, there can be no misconception, since the innocent and unpractised creature hath not art sufficient to conceal them. that her heart is all luis', we discovered in the first few hours of our intercourse; and it is too pure, unsought, to be won. the feeling of the indian is not merely admiration, but it is such a passionate devotion, as partaketh of the warmth of that sun, which, we are told, glows with a heat so genial in her native clime." "_could_ one see so much of don luis, señora," added mercedes, "under circumstances to try his martial virtues, and so long daily be in communion with his excellent heart, and not come to view him as far above all others?" "martial virtues--excellent heart!"--slowly repeated the queen, "and yet so regardless of the wrong he doeth! he is neither knight nor cavalier worthy of the sex, if what thou thinkest be true, child." "nay, señora," earnestly resumed the girl, whose diffidence was yielding to the wish to vindicate our hero, "the princess hath told us of the manner in which he rescued her from her greatest enemy and persecutor, caonabo, a headstrong and tyrannical sovereign of her island, and of his generous self-devotion in her behalf." "daughter, do thou withdraw, and, first calling on holy maria to intercede for thee, seek the calm of religious peace and submission, on thy pillow. beatriz, i will question the princess alone." the marchioness and mercedes immediately withdrew, leaving isabella with ozema, in possession of the room. the interview that followed lasted more than an hour, that time being necessary to enable the queen to form an opinion of the stranger's explanations, with the imperfect means of communication she possessed. that ozema's whole heart was luis', isabella could not doubt. unaccustomed to conceal her preferences, the indian girl was too unpractised to succeed in such a design, had she even felt the desire to attempt it; but, in addition to her native ingenuousness, ozema believed that duty required her to have no concealments from the sovereign of luis, and she laid bare her whole soul in the simplest and least disguised manner. "princess," said the queen, after the conversation had lasted some time, and isabella believed herself to be in possession of the means of comprehending her companion, "i now understand your tale. caonabo is the chief, or, if thou wilt, the king of a country adjoining thine own; he sought thee for a wife, but being already married to more than one princess, thou didst very properly reject his unholy proposals. he then attempted to seize thee by violence. the conde de llera was on a visit to thy brother at the time"-"luis--luis"--the girl impatiently interrupted, in her sweet, soft voice--"luis no conde--luis." "true, princess, but the conde de llera and luis de bobadilla are one and the same person. luis, then, if thou wilt, was present in thy palace, and he beat back the presumptuous cacique, who, not satisfied with fulfilling the law of god by the possession of one wife, impiously sought, in thy person, a second, or a third, and brought thee off in triumph. thy brother, next, requested thee to take shelter, for a time, in spain, and don luis, becoming thy guardian and protector, hath brought thee hither to the care of his aunt?" ozema bowed her head in acknowledgment of the truth of this statement, most of which she had no difficulty in understanding, the subject having, of late, occupied so much of her thoughts. "and, now, princess," continued isabella, "i must speak to thee with maternal frankness, for i deem all of thy birth my children while they dwell in my realms, and have a right to look to me for advice and protection. hast thou any such love for don luis as would induce thee to forget thine own country, and to adopt his in its stead?" "ozema don't know what 'adopt his,' means," observed the puzzled girl. "i wish to inquire if thou wouldst consent to become the wife of don luis de bobadilla?" "wife" and "husband" were words of which the indian girl had early learned the signification, and she smiled guilelessly, even while she blushed, and nodded her assent. "i am, then, to understand that thou expectest to marry the count, for no modest young female like, thee, would so cheerfully avow her preference, without having that hope ripened in her heart, to something like a certainty." "si, señora--ozema, luis' wife." "thou meanest, princess, that ozema expecteth shortly to wed the count--shortly to become his wife!" "no--no--no--ozema _now_ luis' wife. luis marry ozema, already." "can this be so?" exclaimed the queen, looking steadily into the face of the beautiful indian to ascertain if the whole were not an artful deception. but the open and innocent face betrayed no guilt, and isabella felt compelled to believe what she had heard. in order, however, to make certain of the fact, she questioned and cross-questioned ozema, for near half an hour longer, and always with the same result. when the queen arose to withdraw, she kissed the princess, for so she deemed this wild creature of an unknown and novel state of society, and whispered a devout prayer for the enlightenment of her mind, and for her future peace. on reaching her own apartment, she found the marchioness of moya in attendance, that tried friend being unable to sleep until she had learned the impressions of her royal mistress. "'tis even worse than we had imagined, beatriz," said isabella, as the other closed the door behind her. "thine heartless, inconstant nephew hath already wedded the indian, and she is, at this moment, his lawful wife." "señora, there must be some mistake in this! the rash boy would hardly dare to practise this imposition on me, and that in the very presence of mercedes." "he would sooner place his wife in thy care, daughter-marchioness, than make the same disposition of one who had fewer claims on him. but there can be no mistake. i have questioned the princess closely, and no doubt remaineth in my mind, that the nuptials have been solemnized by religious rites. it is not easy to understand all she would wish to say, but that much she often and distinctly hath affirmed." "your highness--can a christian contract marriage with one that is yet unbaptized?" "certainly not, in the eye of the church, which is the eye of god. but i rather think ozema hath received this holy rite, for she often pointed to the cross she weareth, when speaking of the union with thy nephew. indeed, from her allusions, i understood her to say that she became a christian, ere she became a wife." "and that blessed cross, señora, was a gift of mercedes to the reckless, fickle-minded boy; a parting gift in which the holy symbol was intended to remind him of constancy and faith!" "the world maketh so many inroads into the hearts of men, beatriz, that they know not woman's reliance and woman's fidelity. but to thy knees, and bethink thee of asking for grace to sustain thy ward, in this cruel, but unavoidable extremity." isabella now turned to her friend, who advanced and raised the hand of her royal mistress to her lips. the queen, however, was not content with this salutation, warm as it was; passing an arm around the neck of doña beatriz, she drew her to her person, and imprinted a kiss on her forehead. "adieu, beatriz--true friend as thou art!" she said. "if constancy hath deserted all others, it hath still an abode in thy faithful heart." with these words the queen and the marchioness separated, each to find her pillow, if not her repose. chapter xxix. "now, gondarino, what can you put on now that may deceive us? have ye more strange illusions, yet more mists, through which the weak eye may be led to error? what can ye say that may do satisfaction both for her wronged honor and your ill?" beaumont and fletcher. the day which succeeded the interview related in the preceding chapter, was that which cardinal mendoza had selected for the celebrated banquet given to columbus. on this occasion, most of the high nobility of the court were assembled in honor of the admiral, who was received with a distinction which fell little short of that usually devoted to crowned heads. the genoese bore himself modestly, though nobly, in all these ceremonies; and, for the hour, all appeared to delight in doing justice to his great exploits, and to sympathize in a success so much surpassing the general expectation. every eye seemed riveted on his person, every ear listened eagerly to the syllables as they fell from his lips, every voice was loud and willing in his praise. as a matter of course, on such an occasion, columbus was expected to give some account of his voyage and adventures. this was not an easy task, since it was virtually asserting how much his own perseverance and spirit, his sagacity and skill, were superior to the knowledge and enterprise of the age. still, the admiral acquitted himself with dexterity and credit, touching principally on those heads which most redounded to the glory of spain, and the lustre of the two crowns. among the guests was luis de bobadilla. the young man had been invited on account of his high rank, and in consideration of the confidence and familiarity with which he was evidently treated by the admiral. the friendship of columbus was more than sufficient to erase the slightly unfavorable impressions that had been produced by luis' early levities, and men quietly submitted to the influence of the great man's example, without stopping to question the motive or the end. the consciousness of having done that which few of his station and hopes would ever dream of attempting, gave to the proud mien and handsome countenance of luis, a seriousness and elevation that had not always been seated there, and helped to sustain him in the good opinion that he had otherwise so cheaply purchased. the manner in which he had related to peter martyr and his companions the events of the expedition, was also remembered, and, without understanding exactly why, the world was beginning to associate him, in some mysterious manner, with the great western voyage. owing to these accidental circumstances, our hero was actually reaping some few of the advantages of his spirit, though in a way he had never anticipated; a result by no means extraordinary, men as often receiving applause, or reprobation, for acts that were never meditated, as for those for which reason and justice would hold them rigidly responsible. "here is a health to my lord, their highnesses' admiral of the ocean sea," cried luis de st. angel, raising his cup so that all at the board might witness the act. "spain oweth him her gratitude for the boldest and most beneficial enterprise of the age, and no good subject of the two sovereigns will hesitate to do him honor for his services." the bumper was drunk, and the meek acknowledgments of columbus listened to in respectful silence. "lord cardinal," resumed the free-speaking accountant of the church's revenues, "i look upon the church's cure as doubled by these discoveries, and esteem the number of souls that will be rescued from perdition by the means that will now be employed to save them, as forming no small part of the lustre of the exploit, and a thing not likely to be forgotten at rome." "thou say'st well, good de st. angel," returned the cardinal, "and the holy father will not overlook god's agent, or his assistants. knowledge came from the east, and we have long looked forward to the time when, purified by revelation and the high commission that we hold direct from the source of all power, it would be rolled backward to its place of beginning; but we now see that its course is still to be westward, reaching asia by a path that, until this great discovery, was hid from human eyes." although so much apparent sympathy ruled at the festival, the human heart was at work, and envy, the basest, and perhaps the most common of our passions, was fast swelling in more than one breath. the remark of the cardinal produced an exhibition of the influence of this unworthy feeling that might otherwise have been smothered. among the guests was a noble of the name of juan de orbitello, and he could listen no longer, in silence, to the praises of those whose breath he had been accustomed to consider fame. "is it so certain, holy sir," he said, addressing his host, "that god would not have directed other means to be employed, to effect this end, had these of don christopher failed? or, are we to look upon this voyage as the only known way in which all these heathen could be rescued from perdition?" "no one may presume, señor, to limit the agencies of heaven," returned the cardinal, gravely; "nor is it the office of man to question the means employed, or to doubt the power to create others, as wisdom may dictate. least of all, should laymen call in question aught that the church sanctioneth." "this i admit, lord cardinal," answered the señor de orbitello, a little embarrassed, and somewhat vexed at the implied rebuke of the churchman's remarks, "and it was the least of my intentions to do so. but you, señor don christopher, did you deem yourself an agent of heaven in this expedition?" "i have always considered myself a most unworthy instrument, set apart for this great end, señor," returned the admiral, with a grave solemnity that was well suited to impose on the spectators. "from the first, i have felt this impulse, as being of divine origin, and i humbly trust heaven is not displeased with the creature it hath employed." "do you then imagine, señor almirante, that spain could not produce another, fitted equally with yourself, to execute this great enterprise, had any accident prevented either your sailing or your success?" the boldness, as well as the singularity of this question, produced a general pause in the conversation, and every head was bent a little forward in expectation of the reply. columbus sat silent for more than a minute; then, reaching forward, he took an egg, and holding it up to view, he spoke mildly, but with great gravity and earnestness of manner. "señores," he said, "is there one here of sufficient expertness to cause this egg to stand on its end? if such a man be present, i challenge him to give us an exhibition of his skill." the request produced a good deal of surprise; but a dozen immediately attempted the exploit, amid much laughter and many words. more than once, some young noble thought he had succeeded, but the instant his fingers quitted the egg, it rolled upon the table, as if in mockery of his awkwardness. "by saint luke, señor almirante, but this notable achievement surpasseth our skill," cried juan de orbitello. "here is the conde de llera, who hath slain so many moors, and who hath even unhorsed alonzo de ojeda, in a tourney, can make nothing of his egg, in the way you mention." "and yet it will no longer be difficult to him, or even to you, señor, when the art shall be exposed." saying thus, columbus tapped the smaller end of his egg lightly on the table, when, the shell being forced in, it possessed a base on which it stood firmly and without tremor. a murmur of applause followed this rebuke, and the lord of orbitello was fain to shrink back into an insignificance, from which it would have been better for him never to have emerged. at this precise instant a royal page spoke to the admiral, and then passed on to the seat of don luis de bobadilla. "i am summoned hastily to the presence of the queen, lord cardinal," observed the admiral, "and look to your grace for an apology for my withdrawing. the business is of weight, by the manner of the message, and you will pardon my now quitting the board, though it seem early." the usual reply was made; and, bowed to the door by his host and all present, columbus quitted the room. almost at the same instant, he was followed by the conde de llera. "whither goest thou, in this hurry, don luis?" demanded the admiral, as the other joined him. "art thou in so great haste to quit a banquet such as spain hath not often seen, except in the palaces of her kings?" "by san iago! nor there, neither, señor," answered the young man, gaily, "if king ferdinand's board be taken as the sample. but i quit this goodly company in obedience to an order of doña isabella, who hath suddenly summoned me to her royal presence." "then, señor conde, we go together, and are like to meet on the same errand. i, too, am hastening to the apartments of the queen." "it gladdens my heart to hear this, señor, as i know of but one subject on which a common summons should be sent to us. this affair toucheth on my suit, and, doubtless, you will be required to speak of my bearing in the voyage." "my mind and my time have been so much occupied, of late, with public cares, luis, that i have not had an occasion to question you of this. how fareth the lady of valverde, and when will she deign to reward thy constancy and love?" "señor, i would i could answer the last of these questions with greater certainty, and the first with a lighter heart. since my return i have seen doña mercedes but thrice; and though she was all gentleness and truth, my suit for the consummation of my happiness hath been coldly and evasively answered by my aunt. her highness is to be consulted, it would seem; and the tumult produced by the success of the voyage hath so much occupied her, that there hath been no leisure to wait on trifles such as those that lead to the felicity of a wanderer like myself." "then is it like, luis, that we are indeed summoned on this very affair; else, why should thou and i be brought together in a manner so unusual and so sudden." our hero was not displeased to fancy this, and he entered the apartments of the queen with a step as elastic, and a mien as bright, as if he had come to wed his love. the admiral of the ocean sea, as columbus was now publicly called, had not long to wait in ante-chambers, and, ere many minutes, he and his companion were ushered into the presence. isabella received her guests in private, there being no one in attendance but the marchioness of moya, mercedes, and ozema. the first glances of their eyes told columbus and luis that all was not right. every countenance denoted that its owner was endeavoring to maintain a calmness that was assumed. the queen herself was serene and dignified, it is true, but her brow was thoughtful, her eye melancholy, and her cheek slightly flushed. as for doña beatriz, sorrow and indignation struggled in her expressive face, and luis saw, with concern, that her look was averted from him in a way she always adopted when he had seriously incurred her displeasure. mercedes' lips were pale as death, though a bright spot, like vermilion, was stationary on each cheek; her eyes were downcast, and all her mien was humbled and timid. ozema alone seemed perfectly natural; still, her glances were quick and anxious, though a gleam of joy danced in her eyes, and even a slight exclamation of delight escaped her, as she beheld luis, whom she had seen but once since her arrival in barcelona, already near a month. isabella advanced a step or two, to meet the admiral, and when the last would have kneeled, she hurriedly prevented the act by giving him her hand to kiss. "not so--not so--lord admiral," exclaimed the queen; "this is homage unsuited to thy high rank and eminent services. if we are thy sovereigns, so are we also thy friends. i fear my lord cardinal will scarce pardon the orders i sent him, seeing that it hath deprived him of thy society somewhat sooner than he may have expected." "his eminence, and all his goodly company, have that to muse on, señora, that may yet occupy them some time," returned columbus, smiling in his grave manner; "doubtless, they will less miss me than at an ordinary time. were it otherwise, both i, and this young count, would not scruple to quit even a richer banquet, to obey the summons of your highness." "i doubt it not, señor, but i have desired to see thee, this night, on a matter of private, rather than of public concernment. doña beatriz, here, hath made known to me the presence at court, as well as the history of this fair being, who giveth one an idea so much more exalted of thy vast discoveries that i marvel she should ever have been concealed. know'st thou her rank, don christopher, and the circumstances that have brought her to spain?" "señora, i do; in part through my own observation, and in part from the statements of don luis de bobadilla. i consider the rank of the lady ozema to be less than royal, and more than noble, if our opinions will allow us to imagine a condition between the two; though it must always be remembered that hayti is not castile; the one being benighted under the cloud of heathenism, and the other existing in the sunshine of the church and civilization." "nevertheless, don christopher, station is station, and the rights of birth are not impaired by the condition of a country. although it hath pleased him already, and will still further please the head of the church, to give us rights, in our characters of christian princes, over these caciques of india, there is nothing unusual or novel in the fact. the relation between the suzerain and the lieges is ancient and well established; and instances are not wanting, in which powerful monarchs have held certain of their states by this tenure, while others have come direct from god. in this view, i feel disposed to consider the indian lady as more than noble, and have directed her to be treated accordingly. there remaineth only to relate the circumstances that have brought her to spain." "these can better come from don luis than from me, señora; he being most familiar with the events." "nay, señor, i would hear them from thine own lips. i am already possessed of the substance of the conde de llera's story." columbus looked both surprised and pained, but he did not hesitate about complying with the queen's request. "hayti hath its greater and its lesser princes, or caciques, your highness," he added; "the last paying a species of homage, and owing a certain allegiance to the first, as hath been said"-"thou seest, daughter-marchioness, this is but a natural order of government, prevailing equally in the east and in the west!" "of the first of these was guacanagari, of whom i have already related so much to your highness," continued columbus; "and of the last, mattinao, the brother of this lady. don luis visited the cacique mattinao, and was present at an inroad of caonabo, a celebrated carib chief, who would fain have made a wife of her who now stands in this illustrious presence. the conde conducted himself like a gallant castilian cavalier, routed the foe, saved the lady, and brought her in triumph to the ships. here it was determined she should visit spain, both as a means of throwing more lustre on the two crowns, and of removing her, for a season, from the attempts of the carib, who is too powerful and warlike to be withstood by a race as gentle as that of mattinao's." "this is well, señor, and what i have already heard; but how happeneth it, that ozema did not appear with the rest of thy train, in the public reception of the town?" "it was the wish of don luis it should be otherwise, and i consented that he and his charge should sail privately from palos, with the expectation of meeting me in barcelona. we both thought the lady ozema too superior to her companions, to be exhibited to rude eyes as a spectacle." "there was delicacy, if there were not prudence in the arrangement," the queen observed, a little drily. "then, the lady ozema hath been some weeks solely in the care of the conde de llera." "i so esteem it, your highness, except as she hath been placed under the guardianship of the marchioness of moya." "was this altogether discreet, don christopher, or as one prudent as thou shouldst have consented to?" "señora!" exclaimed luis, unable to restrain his feelings longer. "forbear, young sir," commanded the queen. "i shall have occasion to question thee presently, when thou may'st have a need for all thy readiness, to give the fitting answers. doth not thy discretion rebuke thy indiscretion in this matter, lord admiral?" "señora, the question, like its motive, is altogether new to me; i have the utmost reliance on the honor of the count, and then did i know that his heart hath long been given to the fairest and worthiest damsel of spain; besides, my mind hath been so much occupied with the grave subjects of your highness' interests, that it hath had but little opportunity to dwell on minor things." "i believe thee, señor, and thy pardon is secure. still, for one so experienced, it was a sore indiscretion to trust to the constancy of a fickle heart, when placed in the body of a light-minded and truant boy. and, now, conde de llera, i have that to say to thee, which thou may'st find it difficult to answer. thou assentest to all that hath hitherto been said?" "certainly, señora. don christopher can have no motive to misstate, even were he capable of the meanness. i trust our house hath not been remarkable in spain, for recreant and false cavaliers." "in that i fully agree. if thy house hath had the misfortune to produce one untrue and recreant heart, it hath the glory"--glancing at her friend--"of producing others that might equal the constancy of the most heroic minds of antiquity. the lustre of the name of bobadilla doth not altogether depend on the fidelity and truth of its head--nay, hear me, sir, and speak only when thou art ready to answer my questions. thy thoughts, of late, have been bent on matrimony?" "señora, i confess it. is it an offence to dream of the honorable termination of a suit that hath been long urged, and which i had dared to hope was finally about to receive your own royal approbation?" "it is, then, as i feared, beatriz!" exclaimed the queen; "and this benighted but lovely being hath been deceived by the mockery of a marriage; for no subject of castile would dare thus to speak of wedlock, in my presence, with the consciousness that his vows had actually and lawfully been given to another. both the church and the prince would not be thus braved, by even the greatest profligate of spain!" "señora, your highness speaketh most cruelly, even while you speak in riddles!" cried luis. "may i presume to ask if i am meant in these severe remarks?" "of whom else should we be speaking, or to whom else allude? thou must have the inward consciousness, unprincipled boy, of all thy unworthiness; and yet thou darest thus to brave thy sovereign--nay, to brave that suffering and angelic girl, with a mien as bold as if sustained by the purest innocence!" "señora, i am no angel, myself, however willing to admit doña mercedes to be one; neither am i a saint of perfect purity, perhaps--in a word, i am luis de bobadilla--but as far from deserving these reproaches, as from deserving the crown of martyrdom. let me humbly demand my offence?" "simply that thou hast either cruelly deceived, by a feigned marriage, this uninstructed and confiding indian princess, or hast insolently braved thy sovereign with the professions of a desire to wed another, with thy faith actually plighted at the altar, to another. of which of these crimes thou art guilty, thou know'st best, thyself." "and thou, my aunt--thou, mercedes--dost thou, too, believe me capable of this?" "i fear it is but too true," returned the marchioness, coldly; "the proof is such that none but an infidel could deny belief." "mercedes?" "no, luis," answered the generous girl, with a warmth and feeling that broke down the barriers of all conventional restraint--"i do not think thee base as this--i do not think thee base at all; merely unable to restrain thy wandering inclinations. i know thy heart too well, and thine honor too well, to suppose aught more than a weakness that thou wouldst fain subdue, but canst not." "god and the holy virgin be blessed for this!" cried the count, who had scarcely breathed while his mistress was speaking. "any thing but thy entertaining so low an opinion of me, may be borne!" "there must be an end of this, beatriz; and i see no surer means, than by proceeding at once to the facts," said the queen. "come hither, ozema, and let thy testimony set this matter at rest, forever." the young indian, who comprehended spanish much better than she expressed herself in the language, although far from having even a correct understanding of all that was said, immediately complied, her whole soul being engrossed with what was passing, while her intelligence was baffled in its attempts thoroughly to comprehend it. mercedes alone had noted the workings of her countenance, as isabella reproved, or luis made his protestations, and they were such as completely denoted the interest she felt in our hero. "ozema," resumed the queen, speaking slowly, and with deliberate distinctness, in order that the other might get the meaning of her words as she proceeded. "speak--art thou wedded to luis de bobadilla, or not?" "ozema, luis' wife," answered the girl, laughing and blushing. "luis, ozema's husband." "this is plain as words can make it, don christopher, and is no more than she hath already often affirmed, on my anxious and repeated inquiries. how and when did luis wed thee, ozema?" "luis wed ozema with religion--with spaniard's religion. ozema wed luis with love and duty--with hayti manner." "this is extraordinary, señora," observed the admiral, "and i would gladly look into it. have i your highness' permission to inquire into the affair, myself?" "do as thou wilt, señor," returned the queen, coldly. "my own mind is satisfied, and it behoveth my justice to act speedily." "conde de llera, dost thou admit, or dost thou deny, that thou art the husband of the lady ozema?" demanded columbus, gravely. "lord admiral, i deny it altogether. neither have i wedded her, nor hath the thought of so doing, with any but mercedes, ever crossed my mind." this was said firmly, and with the open frankness that formed a principal charm in the young man's manner. "hast thou, then, wronged her, and given her a right to think that thou didst mean wedlock?" "i have not. mine own sister would not have been more respected than hath ozema been respected by me, as is shown by the fact that i have hastened to place her in the care of my dear aunt, and in the company of doña mercedes." "this seemeth reasonable, señora; for man hath ever that much respect for virtue in your sex, that he hesitateth to offend it even in his levities." "in opposition to all these protestations, and to so much fine virtue, señor colon, we have the simple declaration of one untutored in deception--a mind too simple to deceive, and of a rank and hopes that would render such a fraud as unnecessary as it would be unworthy. beatriz, thou dost agree with me, and it cannot find an apology for this recreant knight, even though he were once the pride of thy house?" "señora, i know not. whatever may have been the failings and weaknesses of the boy--and heaven it knows that they have been many--deception and untruth have never made a part. i have even ascribed the manner in which he hath placed the princess in my immediate care, to the impulses of a heart that did not wish to conceal the errors of the head, and to the expectation that her presence in my family might sooner bring me to a knowledge of the truth. i could wish that the lady ozema might be questioned more closely, in order that we make certain of not being under the delusion of some strange error." "this is right," observed isabella, whose sense of justice ever inclined her to make the closest examination into the merits of every case that required her decision. "the fortune of a grandee depends on the result, and it is meet he enjoy all fair means of vindicating himself from so heinous an offence. sir count, thou canst, therefore, question her, in our presence, touching all proper grounds of inquiry." "señora, it would ill become a knight to put himself in array against a lady, and she, too, of the character and habits of this stranger," answered luis, proudly; coloring as he spoke, with the consciousness that ozema was utterly unable to conceal her predilection in his favor. "if such an office is, indeed, necessary, its functions would better become another." "as the stern duty of punishing must fall on me," the queen calmly observed, "i will then assume this unpleasant office. señor almirante, we may not shrink from any obligation that brings us nearer to the greatest attribute of god, his justice. princess, thou hast said that don luis hath wedded thee, and that thou considerest thyself his wife. when and where didst thou meet him before a priest?" so many attempts had been made to convert ozema to christianity, that she was more familiar with the terms connected with religion than with any other part of the language, though her mind was a confused picture of imaginary obligations, and of mystical qualities. like all who are not addicted to abstractions, her piety was more connected with forms than with principles, and she was better disposed to admit the virtue of the ceremonies of the church than the importance of its faith. the question of the queen was understood, and, therefore, it was answered without guile, or a desire to deceive. "luis wed ozema with christian's cross," she said, pressing to her heart the holy emblem that the young man had given to her in a moment of great peril, and in a manner the reader already knows. "luis think he about to die--ozema think she about to die--both wish to die man and wife, and luis wed with the cross, like good spanish christian. ozema wed luis in her heart, like hayti lady, in her own country." "here is some mistake--some sad mistake, growing out of the difference of language and customs," observed the admiral. "don luis hath not been guilty of this deception. i witnessed the offering of that cross, which was made at sea, during a tempest, and in a way to impress me favorably with the count's zeal in behalf of a benighted soul. there was no wedlock there; nor could any, but one who hath confounded our usages, through ignorance, imagine more than the bestowal of a simple emblem, that it was hoped might be useful, in extremity, to one that had not enjoyed the advantages of baptism and the church's offices." "don luis, dost thou confirm this statement, and also assert that thy gift was made solely with this object?" asked the queen. "señora, it is most true. death was staring us in the face; and i felt that this poor wanderer, who had trusted herself to our care, with the simple confidence of a child, needed some consolation; none seemed so meet, at the moment, as that memorial of our blessed redeemer, and of our own redemption. to me it seemed the preservative next to baptism." "hast thou never stood before a priest with her, nor in any manner abused her guileless simplicity?" "señora, it is not my nature to deceive, and every weakness of which i have been guilty in connexion with ozema shall be revealed. her beauty and her winning manners speak for themselves, as doth her resemblance to doña mercedes. the last greatly inclined me to her, and, had not my heart been altogether another's, it would have been my pride to make the princess my wife. but we met too late for that; and even the resemblance led to comparisons, in which one, educated in infidelity and ignorance, must necessarily suffer. that i have had moments of tenderness for ozema, i will own; but that they ever supplanted, or came near supplanting, my love for mercedes, i do deny. if i have any fault to answer for, to the lady ozema, it is because i have not always been able to suppress the feelings that her likeness to the doña mercedes, and her own ingenuous simplicity--chiefly the former--have induced. never otherwise, in speech or act, have i offended against her." "this soundeth upright and true, beatriz. thou know'st the count better than i, and can easier say how far we ought to confide in these explanations." "my life on their truth, my beloved mistress! luis is no hypocrite, and i rejoice!--oh! how exultingly do i rejoice!--at finding him able to give this fair vindication of his conduct. ozema, who hath heard of our form of wedlock, and hath seen our devotion to the cross, hath mistaken her position, as she hath my nephew's feelings, and supposed herself a wife, when a christian girl would not have been so cruelly deceived." "this really hath a seeming probability, señores," continued the queen, with her sex's sensitiveness to her sex's delicacy of sentiment, not to say to her sex's rights--"this toucheth of a lady's--nay, of a princess' feelings, and must not be treated of openly. it is proper that any further explanations should be made only among females, and i trust to your honor, as cavaliers and nobles, that what hath this night been said, will never be spoken of amid the revels of men. the lady ozema shall be my care; and, count of llera, thou shalt know my final decision to-morrow, concerning doña mercedes and thyself." as this was said with a royal, as well as with a womanly dignity, no one presumed to demur, but, making the customary reverences, columbus and our hero left the presence. it was late before the queen quitted ozema, but what passed in this interview will better appear in the scenes that are still to be given. chapter xxx. "when sinking low the sufferer wan beholds no arm outstretch'd to save, fair, as the bosom of the swan that rises graceful o'er the wave, i've seen your breast with pity heave, and _therefore_ love you, sweet genevieve!" coleridge. when isabella found herself alone with ozema and mercedes (for she chose that the last should be present), she entered on the subject of the marriage with the tenderness of a sensitive and delicate mind, but with a sincerity that rendered further error impossible. the result showed how naturally and cruelly the young indian beauty had deceived herself. ardent, confiding, and accustomed to be considered the object of general admiration among her own people, ozema had fancied that her own inclinations had been fully answered by the young man. from the first moment they met, with the instinctive quickness of a woman, she perceived that she was admired, and, as she gave way to the excess of her own feelings, it was almost a necessary consequence of the communications she held with luis, that she should think they were reciprocated. the very want of language in words, by compelling a substitution of one in looks and acts, contributed to the mistake; and it will be remembered that, if luis' constancy did not actually waver, it had been sorely tried. the false signification she attached to the word "mercedes," largely aided in the delusion, and it was completed by the manly tenderness and care with which our hero treated her on all occasions. even the rigid decorum that luis invariably observed, and the severe personal respect which he maintained toward his charge, had their effect on her feelings; for, wild and unsophisticated as had been her training, the deep and unerring instinct of the feeble, told her the nature of the power she was wielding over the strong. then came the efforts to give her some ideas of religion, and the deep and lamentable mistakes which imperfectly explained, and worse understood subtleties, left on her plastic mind. ozema believed that the spaniards worshipped the cross. she saw it put foremost in all public ceremonies, knelt to, and apparently appealed to, on every occasion that called for an engagement more solemn than usual. whenever a knight made a vow, he kissed the cross of his sword-hilt. the mariners regarded it with reverence, and even the admiral had caused one to be erected as a sign of his right to the territory that had been ceded to him by guacanagari. in a word, to her uninstructed imagination, it seemed as if the cross were used as a pledge for the fidelity of all engagements. often had she beheld and admired the beautiful emblem worn by our hero; and, as the habits of her own people required the exchange of pledges of value as a proof of wedlock, she fancied, when she received this much-valued jewel, that she received the sign that our hero took her for a wife, at a moment when death was about to part them forever. further than this, her simplicity and affections did not induce her to reason or to believe. it was an hour before isabella elicited all these facts and feelings from ozema, though the latter clearly wished to conceal nothing; in truth, had nothing to conceal. the painful part of the duty remained to be discharged. it was to undeceive the confiding girl, and to teach her the hard lesson of bitterness that followed. this was done, however, and the queen, believing it best to remove all delusion on the subject, finally succeeded in causing her to understand that, before the count had ever seen herself, his affections were given to mercedes, who was, in truth, his betrothed wife. nothing could have been gentler, or more femininely tender, than the manner in which the queen made her communication; but the blow struck home, and isabella, herself, trembled at the consequences of her own act. never before had she witnessed the outbreaking of feeling in a mind so entirely unsophisticated, and the images of what she then saw, haunted her troubled slumbers for many succeeding nights. as for columbus and our hero, they were left mainly in the dark, as to what had occurred, for the following week. it is true, luis received a kind and encouraging note from his aunt, the succeeding day, and a page of mercedes' silently placed in his hand the cross that he had so long worn; but, beyond this, he was left to his own conjectures. the moment for explanation, however, arrived, and the young man received a summons to the apartment of the marchioness. luis did not, as he expected, meet his aunt on reaching the saloon, which he found empty. questioning the page who had been his usher, he was desired to wait for the appearance of some one to receive him. patience was not a conspicuous virtue in our hero's character, and he excited himself by pacing the room, for near half an hour, ere he discovered a single sign that his visit was remembered. just as he was about to summon an attendant, however, again to announce his presence, a door was slowly opened, and mercedes stood before him. the first glance that the young man cast upon his betrothed, told him that she was suffering under deep mental anxiety. the hand which he eagerly raised to his lips trembled, and the color came and went on her cheeks, in a way to show that she was nearly overcome. still she rejected the glass of water that he offered, putting it aside with a faint smile, and motioning her lover to take a chair, while she calmly placed herself on a _tabouret_--one of the humble seats she was accustomed to occupy in the presence of the queen. "i have asked for this interview, don luis," mercedes commenced, as soon as she had given herself time to command her feelings, "in order that there may no longer be any reasons for mistaking our feelings and wishes. you have been suspected of having married the lady ozema; and there was a moment when you stood on the verge of destruction, through the displeasure of doña isabella." "but, blessed mercedes, _you_ never imputed to me this act of deception and unfaithfulness?" "i told you truth, señor--for that i knew you too well. i felt certain that, whenever luis de bobadilla had made up his mind to the commission of such a step, he would also have the manliness and courage to avow it. _i_ never, for an instant, believed that you had wedded the princess." "why, then, those cold and averted looks?--eyes that sought the floor, rather than the meeting of glances that love delights in; and a manner which, if it hath not absolutely displayed aversion, hath at least manifested a reserve and distance that i had never expected to witness from thee to me?" mercedes' color changed, and she made no answer for a minute, during which little interval she had doubts of her ability to carry out her own purpose. rallying her courage, however, the discourse was continued in the same manner as before. "hear me, don luis," she resumed, "for my history will not be long. when you left spain, at my suggestion, to enter on this great voyage, you loved _me_--of that grateful recollection no earthly power can deprive me! yes, you then loved _me_, and me _only_. we parted, with our troth plighted to each other; and not a day went by, during your absence, that i did not pass hours on my knees, beseeching heaven in behalf of the admiral and his followers." "beloved mercedes! it is not surprising that success crowned our efforts; such an intercessor could not fail to be heard!" "i entreat you, sir, to hear me. until the eventful day which brought the tidings of your return, no spanish wife could have felt more concern for him on whom she had placed all her hopes, than i felt for you. to me, the future was bright and filled with hope, if the present was loaded with fear and doubt. the messenger who reached the court, first opened my eyes to the sad realities of the world, and taught me the hard lesson the young are ever slow to learn--that of disappointment. it was then i first heard of ozema--of your admiration of her beauty--your readiness to sacrifice your life in her behalf!" "holy luke! did that vagabond, sancho, dare to wound thy ear, mercedes, with an insinuation that touched the strength or the constancy of my love for thee?" "he related naught but the truth, luis, and blame him not. i was prepared for some calamity by his report, and i bless god that it came on me by such slow degrees, and with the means of preparation to bear it. when i beheld ozema, i no longer wondered at thy change of feeling--scarce blamed it. her beauty, i do think, thou might'st have withstood; but her unfeigned devotion to thyself, her innocence, her winning simplicity, and her modest joyousness and nature, are sufficient to win a lover from any spanish maiden"-"mercedes!" "nay, luis, i have told thee that i blame thee not. it is better that the blow come now, than later, when i should not be able to bear it. there is something which tells me that, as a wife, i should sink beneath the weight of blighted affections; but, now, there are open to me the convent and the espousals of the son of god. do not interrupt me, luis," she added, smiling sweetly, but with an effort that denoted how difficult it was to seem easy. "i have to struggle severely to speak at all, and to an argument i am altogether unequal. thou hast not been able to control thy affections; and to the strange novelties that have surrounded ozema, as well as to her winning ingenuousness, i owe my loss, and she oweth her gain. it is the will of heaven, and i strive to think it is to my everlasting advantage. had i really wedded thee, the tenderness that is even now swelling in my heart--i wish not to conceal it--might have grown to such a strength as to supplant the love i owe to god; it is, therefore, doubtless, better as it is. if happiness on earth is not to be my lot, i shall secure happiness hereafter. nay, all happiness here will not be lost; i can still pray for thee, as well as for myself--and thou and ozema, of all earthly beings, will ever be uppermost in my thoughts." "this is so wonderful, mercedes--so cruel--so unreasonable--and so unjust, that i cannot credit my ears!" "i have said that i blame thee not. the beauty and frankness of ozema are more than sufficient to justify thee, for men yield to the senses, rather than to the heart, in bestowing their love. then"--mercedes blushed crimson as she continued--"a haytian maid may innocently use a power, that it would ill become a christian damsel to employ. and, now, we will come to facts that press for a decision. ozema hath been ill--is still ill--dangerously so, as her highness and my guardian believe--even as the physicians say--but it is in thy power, luis, to raise her, as it might be, from the grave. see her--say but the word that will confer happiness--tell her, if thou hast not yet wedded her after the manner of spain, that thou wilt--nay, let one of the holy priests, who are in constant attendance on her, to prepare the way for baptism, perform the ceremony this very morning, and we shall presently see the princess, again, the smiling, radiant, joyous creature she was, when thou first placed her in our care." "and this thou say'st to me, mercedes, calmly and deliberately, as if thy words express thy very wishes and feelings!" "calmly i may _seem_ to say it, luis," answered our heroine, in a smothered tone, "and deliberately i _do_ say it. marry me, loving another better, thou canst not; and why not, then, follow whither thy heart leadeth. the dowry of the princess shall not be small, for the convent recluse hath little need of gold, and none of lands." luis gazed earnestly at the enthusiastic girl, who in his eyes never appeared more lovely; then, rising, he paced the room for three or four minutes, like one who wished to keep down mental agony by physical action. when he had obtained a proper command of himself, he returned to his seat, and taking the unresisting hand of mercedes, he replied to her extraordinary proposal. "watching over the sick couch of thy friend, and too much brooding on this subject, love, hath impaired thy judgment. ozema hath no hold on my heart, in the way thou fanciest--never had, beyond a passing and truant inclination"-"ah! luis, those 'passing and truant inclinations.' none such"--pressing both her hands on her own heart--"have ever found a place here!" "thy education and mine, mercedes--thy habits and mine--nay, thy nature and the ruder elements of mine, are not, _cannot_ be the same. were they so, i should not worship thee as i now do. but didst thou not exist, the certainty that i should wed ozema would not give me happiness--but thou existing, and beloved as thou art, it would entail on me a misery that even my buoyant nature could not endure. in no case can i ever be the husband of the indian." although a gleam of happiness illumined the face of mercedes for a moment, her high principles and pure intentions soon suppressed the momentary and unbidden triumph, and, even with a reproving manner, she made her answer. "is this just to ozema? hath not her simplicity been deluded by those 'passing and truant inclinations,' and doth not honor require that thy acts now redeem the pledges that have been given by, at least, thy manner?" "mercedes--beloved girl, hearken to me. thou must know that, with all my levities and backslidings, i am no coxcomb. never hath my manner said aught that the heart did not confirm, and never hath the heart been drawn toward any but thee. in this, is the great distinction that i make between thee and all others of thy sex. ozema's is not the only form, her's are not the only charms that may have caught a truant glance from my eyes, or extorted some unmeaning and bootless admiration, but thou, love, art enshrined here, and seemest already a part of myself. didst thou know how often thy image hath proved a monitor stronger than conscience; on how many occasions the remembrance of thy virtues and thy affections hath prevailed, when even duty, and religion, and early lessons would have been forgotten, thou wouldst understand the difference between the love i bear _thee_, and what thou hast so tauntingly repeated as truant and passing inclinations." "luis, i ought not to listen to these alluring words, which come from a goodness of heart that would spare me present pain, only to make my misery in the end the deeper. if thou hast never felt otherwise, why was the cross that i gave thee at parting, bestowed on another?" "mercedes, thou know'st not the fearful circumstances under which i parted with that cross. death was staring us in the face, and i gave it as a symbol that might aid a heathen soul in its extremity. that the gift, or rather that the thing i lent, was mistaken for a pledge of matrimony, is an unhappy misconception, that your own knowledge of christian usages will tell you i could not foresee; otherwise i might now claim thee for my wife, in consequence of having first bestowed it on me." "ah! luis; when i gave thee that cross, i did wish to be understood as plighting my faith to thee forever!" "and when thou didst send it back to me, now within the week, how was it thy wish to be understood?" "i sent it to thee, luis, in a moment of reviving hope, and by the order of the queen. her highness is now firmly thy friend, and would fain see us united, but for the melancholy condition of ozema, to whom all has been explained--all, as i fear, except the real state of thy feelings toward us both." "cruel girl! am i, then, never to be believed--never again to be happy? i swear to thee, dearest mercedes, that thou alone hast my whole heart--that with thee, i could be contented in a hovel, and that without thee i should be miserable on a throne. thou wilt believe this, when thou see'st me a wretch, wandering the earth, reckless alike of hopes and objects, perhaps of character, because thou alone canst make me, and keep me the man i ought to be. bethink thee, mercedes, of the influence thou canst have--must have--_wilt_ have on one of my temperament and passions. i have long looked upon thee as my guardian angel, one that can mould me to thy will, and rule me when all others fail. with thee--the impatience produced by thy doubts excepted--am i not ever tractable and gentle? hath doña beatriz ever exercised a tithe of thy power over me, and hast thou ever failed to tame even my wildest and rashest humors?" "luis--luis--no one that knew it, ever doubted of thy heart!" mercedes paused, and the working of her countenance proved that the earnest sincerity of her lover had already shaken her doubts of his constancy. still, her mind reverted to the scenes of the voyage, and her imagination portrayed the couch of the stricken ozema. after a minute's delay, she proceeded, in a low, humbled tone--"i will not deny that it is soothing to my heart to hear this language, to which, i fear, i listen too readily," she said. "still, i find it difficult to believe that thou canst ever forget one who hath even braved the chances of death, in order to shelter thy body from the arrows of thy foes." "believe not this, beloved girl; thou wouldst have done that thyself, in ozema's place, and so i shall ever consider it." "i should have the wish, luis," mercedes continued, her eyes suffused with tears, "but i might not have the power!" "thou wouldst--thou wouldst--i know thee too well to doubt it." "i could envy ozema the occasion, were it not sinful! i fear thou wilt think of this, when thy mind shall have tired with attractions that have lost their novelty." "thou wouldst not only have done it, but thou wouldst have done it far better. ozema, moreover, was exposed in her own quarrel, whilst thou wouldst have exposed thyself in mine." mercedes again paused, and appeared to muse deeply. her eyes had brightened under the soothing asseverations of her lover, and, spite of the generous self-devotion with which she had determined to sacrifice all her own hopes to what she had imagined would make her lover happy, the seductive influence of requited affection was fast resuming its power. "come with me, then, luis, and behold ozema," she at length continued. "when thou see'st her, in her present state, thou wilt better understand thine own intentions. i ought not to have suffered thee thus to revive thy ancient feelings in a private interview, ozema not being present; it is like forming a judgment on the hearing of only one side. and, luis"--her heightened color, the effect of feeling, not of shame, rendered the girl surpassingly beautiful--"and, luis, if thou shouldst find reason to change thy language after visiting the princess, however hard i may find it to be borne, thou wilt be certain of my forgiveness for all that hath passed, and of my prayers"-sobs interrupted mercedes, and she stopped an instant to wipe away her tears, rejecting luis' attempt to fold her in his arms, in order to console her, with a sensitive jealousy of the result; a feeling, however, in which delicacy had more weight than resentment. when she had dried her eyes, and otherwise removed the traces of her agitation, she led the way to the apartment of ozema, where the presence of the young man was expected. luis started on entering the room; a little on perceiving that the queen and the admiral were present, and more at observing the inroads that disappointment had made on the appearance of ozema. the color of the latter was gone, leaving a deadly paleness in its place; her eyes possessed a brightness that seemed supernatural, and yet her weakness was so evident as to render it necessary to support her, in a half-recumbent posture, on pillows. an exclamation of unfeigned delight escaped her when she beheld our hero, and then she covered her face with both her hands, in childish confusion, as if ashamed at betraying the pleasure she felt. luis behaved with manly propriety, for, though his conscience did not altogether escape a few twinges, at the recollection of the hours he had wasted in ozema's society, and at the manner in which he had momentarily submitted to the influence of her beauty and seductive simplicity, on the whole he stood self-acquitted of any thing that might fairly be urged as a fault, and most of all, of any thought of being unfaithful to his first love, or of any design to deceive. he took the hand of the young indian respectfully, and he kissed it with an openness and warmth that denoted brotherly tenderness and regard, rather than passion, or the emotion of a lover. mercedes did not dare to watch his movements, but she observed the approving glance that the queen threw at her guardian, when he had approached the couch on which ozema lay. this glance she interpreted into a sign that the count had acquitted himself in a manner favorable to her own interests. "thou findest the lady ozema weak and changed," observed the queen, who alone would presume to break a silence that was already awkward. "we have been endeavoring to enlighten her simple mind on the subject of religion, and she hath, at length, consented to receive the holy sacrament of baptism. the lord archbishop is even now preparing for the ceremony in my oratory, and we have the blessed prospect of rescuing this one precious soul from perdition." "your highness hath ever the good of all your people at heart," said luis, bowing low to conceal the tears that the condition of ozema had drawn from his eyes. "i fear this climate of ours ill agrees with the poor haytians, generally, for i hear that the sick among them, at seville and palos, offer but little hope of recovery." "is this so, don christopher?" "señora, i believe it is only too true. care hath been had, however, to their souls, as well as to their bodies, and ozema is the last of her people, now in spain, to receive the holy rite of christian baptism." "señora," said the marchioness, coming from the couch, with surprise and concern in her countenance, "i fear our hopes are to be defeated after all! the lady ozema hath just whispered me, that luis and mercedes must first be married in her presence, ere she will consent to be admitted within the pale of the church herself." "this doth not denote the right spirit, beatriz--and, yet, what can be done with a mind so little illuminated with the light from above. 'tis merely a passing caprice, and will be forgotten when the archbishop shall be ready." "i think not, señora. never have i seen her so decided and clear. in common, we find her gentle and tractable, but this hath she thrice said, in a way to cause the belief of her perfect seriousness." isabella now advanced to the couch, and spoke long and soothingly to the invalid. in the meantime, the admiral conversed with the marchioness, and luis again approached our heroine. the evidences of emotion were plain in both, and mercedes scarce breathed, not knowing what to expect. but a few low words soon brought an assurance that could not fail to bring happiness, spite of her generous efforts to feel for ozema--that the heart of our hero was all her own. from this moment mercedes dismissed every doubt, and she regarded luis as had so long been her wont. as is usual in the presence of royalty, the conversation was carried on in a low tone; and a quarter of an hour elapsed before a page announced that the oratory, or little chapel, was ready, opening a door that communicated directly with it, as he entered. "this wilful girl persisteth, daughter-marchioness," said the queen, advancing from the side of the couch, "and i know not what to answer. it is cruel to deny her the offered means of grace, and yet it is a sudden and unseemly request to make of thy nephew and thy ward!" "as for the first, dearest señora, never distrust his forgiveness; though i much doubt the possibility of prevailing on mercedes. her very nature is made up of religion and female decorum." "it is, indeed, scarce right to think of it. a christian maiden should have time to prepare her spirit for the holy sacrament of marriage, by prayer." "and yet, señora, many wed without it! the time hath been when don ferdinand of aragon and doña isabella might not have hesitated for such a purpose." "that time never was, beatriz. thou hast a habit of making me look back to our days of trial and youth, whenever thou wouldst urge on me some favorite but ill-considered wish of thine own. dost really think thy ward would overlook the want of preparation and time?" "i know not what she might feel disposed to overlook, señora; but i do know that if there be one woman in spain who is at all times ready in _spirit_, for the most sacred rites of the church, it is your highness; and, if there be another, it is my ward." "go to--go to--good beatriz; flattery sitteth ill on thee. none are always ready, and all have an unceasing need for watchfulness. bid doña mercedes follow to my closet; i will converse with her on this subject. at least, there shall be no unfeminine and unseemly surprise." so saying, the queen withdrew. she had hardly reached her closet, before our heroine entered, with a doubtful and timid step. as soon as her eyes met those of her sovereign, mercedes burst into tears, and falling on her knees, she again buried her face in the robe of doña isabella. this outbreak of feeling was soon subdued, however, and then the girl stood erect, waiting her sovereign's pleasure. "daughter," commenced the queen, "i trust there is no longer any misapprehension between thee and the conde de llera. thou know'st the views of thy guardian and myself, and may'st, in a matter like this, with safety defer to our cooler heads and greater experience. don luis loveth thee, and hath never loved the princess, though it would not be out of character did an impetuous young man, who hath been much exposed to temptation, betray some transient and passing feeling toward one of so much nature and beauty." "luis hath admitted all, señora; inconstant he hath never been, though he may have had his weaknesses." "'tis a hard lesson to learn, child, even in this stage of thy life," said the queen, gravely; "but it would have been harder were it deferred until the nearer tenderness of a wife had superseded the impulses of the girl. thou hast heard the opinions of the learned; there is little hope that the princess ozema can long survive." "ah! señora, 'tis a cruel fate! to die among strangers, in the flower of her beauty, and with a heart crushed by the weight of unrequited love!" "and yet, mercedes, if heaven open on her awaking eyes, when the last earthly scene is over, the transition will be most blessed; and they who mourn her loss, would do wiser to rejoice. one so youthful and so innocent; whose pure mind hath been laid bare to us, as it might be, and which we have found wanting in nothing beside the fruits of a pious instruction, can have little to apprehend on the score of personal errors. all that is required for such a being, is to place her within the covenant of god's grace, by obtaining the rite of baptism, and there is not a bishop of the church that could depart with brighter hopes for the future." "that holy office is my lord archbishop about to administer, as i hear, señora." "_that_ somewhat dependeth on thee, daughter. listen, and be not hasty in thy decision, which may touch on the security of a human soul." the queen now related to mercedes the romantic request of ozema, placing it before her listener in terms so winning and gentle, that it produced less surprise and alarm than she herself had anticipated. "doña beatriz hath a proposal that may, at first, appear plausible, but which reflection will not sanction. her design was to cause the count actually to wed ozema"--mercedes started, and turned pale--"in order that the last hours of the young stranger might be soothed by the consciousness of being the wife of the man she idolized; but i have found serious objections to the scheme. what is thy opinion, daughter?" "señora, could i believe--as lately i did, but now do not--that luis had such a preference for the princess as might lead him, in the end, to the happiness of that mutual affection without which wedlock must be a curse instead of a blessing, i would be the last to object; nay, i think i could even beg the boon of your highness on my knees, for she who so truly loveth can only seek the felicity of its object. but i am assured the count hath not the affection for the lady ozema that is necessary to this end; and would it not be profane, señora, to receive the church's sacraments under vows that the heart not only does not answer to, but against which it is actually struggling?" "excellent girl! these are precisely my own views, and in this manner have i answered the marchioness. the rites of the church may not be trifled with, and we are bound to submit to sorrows that may be inflicted, after all, for our eternal good; though it be harder to bear those of others than to bear our own. it remaineth only to decide on this whim of ozema's, and to say if thou wilt now be married, in order that she may be baptized." notwithstanding the devotedness of feeling with which our heroine loved luis, it required a strong struggle with her habits and her sense of propriety to take this great step so suddenly, and with so little preparation. the wishes of the queen, however, prevailed; for isabella felt a deep responsibility on her own soul, in letting the stranger depart without being brought within the pale of the church. when mercedes consented, she despatched a messenger to the marchioness, and then she and her companion both knelt, and passed near an hour together, in the spiritual exercises that were usual to the occasion. in this mood, did these pure-minded females, without a thought to the vanities of the toilet, but with every attention to the mental preparations of which the case admitted, present themselves at the door of the royal chapel, through which ozema had just been carried, still stretched on her couch. the marchioness had caused a white veil to be thrown over the head of mercedes, and a few proper but slight alterations had been made in her attire, out of habitual deference to the altar and its ministers. about a dozen persons, deemed worthy of confidence, were present, already; and just as the bride and bridegroom were about to take their places, don ferdinand hastily entered, carrying in his hand some papers which he had been obliged to cease examining, in order to comply with the wishes of his royal consort. the king was a dignified prince; and when it suited him, no sovereign enacted his part more gracefully or in better taste. motioning the archbishop to pause, he directed luis to kneel. throwing over the shoulder of the young man the collar of one of his own orders, he said-"now, arise, noble sir, and ever do thy duty to thy heavenly master, as thou hast of late discharged it toward us." isabella rewarded her husband for this act of grace by an approving smile, and the ceremony immediately proceeded. in the usual time, our hero and heroine were pronounced man and wife, and the solemn rites were ended. mercedes felt, in the warm pressure with which luis held her to his heart, that she now understood him; and, for a blissful instant, ozema was forgotten, in the fulness of her own happiness. columbus had given away the bride--an office that the king had assigned to him, though he stood at the bridegroom's side himself, with a view to do him honor, and even so far condescended as to touch the canopy that was held above the heads of the new-married couple. but isabella kept aloof, placing herself near the couch of ozema, whose features she watched throughout the ceremony. she had felt no occasion for public manifestations of interest in the bride, their feelings having so lately been poured out together in dear and private communion. the congratulations were soon over, and then don ferdinand, and all but those who were in the secret of ozema's history, withdrew. the queen had not desired her husband, and the other attendants, to remain and witness the baptism of ozema, out of a delicate feeling for the condition of a female stranger, whom her habits and opinions had invested with a portion of the sacred rights of royalty. she had noted the intensity of feeling with which the half-enlightened girl watched the movements of the archbishop and the parties, and the tears had forced themselves from her own eyes, at witnessing the struggle between love and friendship, that was portrayed in every lineament of her pale, but still lovely countenance. "where cross?" ozema eagerly demanded, as mercedes stooped to fold the wasted form of the young indian in her arms, and to kiss her cheek. "give cross--luis no marry with cross--give ozema cross." mercedes, herself, took the cross from the bosom of her husband, where it had lain near his heart, since it had been returned to him, and put it in the hands of the princess. "no marry with cross, then," murmured the girl, the tears suffusing her eyes, so as nearly to prevent her gazing at the much-prized bauble. "now, quick, señora, and make ozema christian." the scene was getting to be too solemn and touching for many words, and the archbishop, at a sign from the queen, commenced the ceremony. it was of short duration; and isabella's kind nature was soon quieted with the assurance that the stranger, whom she deemed the subject of her especial care, was put within the covenant for salvation that had been made with the visible church. "is ozema christian now?" demanded the girl, with a suddenness and simplicity, that caused all present to look at each other with pain and surprise. "thou hast, now, the assurance that god's grace will be offered to thy prayers, daughter," answered the prelate. "seek it with thy heart, and thy end, which is at hand, will be more blessed." "christian no marry heathen?--christian marry christian?" "this hast thou been often told, my poor ozema," returned the queen; "the rite could not be duly solemnized between christian and heathen." "christian marry first lady he love best?" "certainly. to do otherwise would be a violation of his vow, and a mockery of god." "so ozema think--but he can marry second wife--inferior wife--lady he love next. luis marry mercedes, first wife, because he love best--then he marry ozema, second wife--lower wife--because he love next best--ozema christian, now, and no harm. come, archbishop; make ozema luis' second wife." isabella groaned aloud, and walked to a distant part of the chapel, while mercedes burst into tears, and sinking on her knees, she buried her face in the cloth of the couch, and prayed fervently for the enlightening of the soul of the princess. the churchman did not receive this proof of ignorance in his penitent, and of her unfitness for the rite he had just administered, with the same pity and indulgence. "the holy baptism thou hast just received, benighted woman," he said, sternly, "is healthful, or not, as it is improved. thou hast just made such a demand, as already loadeth thy soul with a fresh load of sin, and the time for repentance is short. no christian can have two wives at the same time, and god knoweth no higher or lower, no first or last, between those whom his church hath united. thou canst not be a second wife, the first still living." "no would be to caonabo--to luis, yes. fifty, hundred wife to dear luis! no possible?" "self-deluded and miserable girl, i tell thee no. no--no--no--never--never--never. there is such a taint of sin in the very question, as profaneth this holy chapel, and the symbols of religion by which it is filled. ay, kiss and embrace thy cross, and bow down thy very soul in despair, for"-"lord archbishop," interrupted the marchioness of moya, with a sharpness of manner that denoted how much her ancient spirit was aroused, "there is enough of this. the ear thou wouldst wound, at such a moment, is already deaf, and the pure spirit hath gone to the tribunal of another, and, as i trust, a milder judge. ozema is dead!" it was, indeed, true. startled by the manner of the prelate--bewildered with the confusion of ideas that had grown up between the dogmas that had been crowded on her mind, of late, and those in which she had been early taught; and physically paralyzed by the certainty that her last hope of a union with luis was gone, the spirit of the indian girl had deserted its beautiful tenement, leaving on the countenance of the corpse a lovely impression of the emotions that had prevailed during the last moments of its earthly residence. thus fled the first of those souls that the great discovery was to rescue from the perdition of the heathen. casuists may refine, the learned dilate, and the pious ponder, on its probable fate in the unknown existence that awaited it: but the meek and submissive will hope all from the beneficence of a merciful god. as for isabella, she received a shock from the blow that temporarily checked her triumph at the success of her zeal and efforts. little, however, did she foresee, that the event was but a type of the manner in which the religion of the cross was to be abused and misunderstood; a sort of practical prognostic of the defeat of most of her own pious and gentle hopes and wishes. [illustration] chapter xxxi. "a perfect woman, nobly planned to warn, to comfort, and command; and yet a spirit still, and bright, with something of an angel light." wordsworth. the lustre that was thrown around the voyage of columbus, brought the seas into favor. it was no longer deemed an inferior occupation, or unsuited to nobles to engage in enterprises on its bosom; and that very propensity of our hero, which had so often been mentioned to his prejudice in former years, was now frequently named to his credit. though his real connection with columbus is published, for the first time, in these pages, the circumstance having escaped the superficial investigations of the historians, it was an advantage to him to be known as having manifested what might be termed a maritime disposition, in an age when most of his rank and expectations were satisfied with the adventures of the land. a sort of fashion was got up on behalf of the ocean; and the cavalier who had gazed upon its vast and unbroken expanse, beyond the view of his mother earth, regarded him who had not, much as he who had won his spurs looked down upon him who had suffered the proper period of life to pass without making the effort. many of the nobles whose estates touched the mediterranean or the atlantic, fitted out small coasters--the yachts of the fifteenth century--and were met following the sinuosities of the glorious coasts of that part of the world, endeavoring to derive a satisfaction from a pursuit that it seemed meritorious to emulate. that all succeeded who attempted thus to transfer the habits of courts and castles to the narrow limits of xebecs and feluccas, it would be hazarding too much to assert; but there is little doubt that the spirit of the period was sustained by the experiments, and that men were ashamed to condemn that, which it was equally the policy and the affectation of the day to extol. the rivalry between spain and portugal, too, contributed to the feeling of the times; and there was soon greater danger of the youth who had never quitted his native shores, being pointed out for his want of spirit, than that the adventurer should be marked for his eccentric and vagrant instability. in the meanwhile, the seasons advanced, and events followed, in their usual course, from cause to effect. about the close of the month of september, the ocean, just without that narrow and romantic pass that separates europe from africa, while it connects the transcendent mediterranean with the broader wastes of the atlantic, was glittering with the rays of the rising sun, which, at the same time, was gilding the objects that rose above the surface of the blue waters. the latter were not numerous, though a dozen different sails were moving slowly on their several courses, impelled by the soft breezes of the season. of these, our business is with one alone, which it may be well to describe in a few general terms. the rig of the vessel in question was latine, perhaps the most picturesque of all that the ingenuity of man has invented as the accessory of a view, whether given to the eye by means of the canvas, or in its real dimensions and substance. its position, too, was precisely that which a painter would have chosen as the most favorable to his pencil, the little felucca running before the wind, with one of its high pointed sails extended on each side, resembling the pinions of some enormous bird that was contracting its wings as it settled toward its nest. unusual symmetry was apparent in the spars and rigging; while the hull, which was distinguished by lines of the fairest proportions, had a neatness and finish that denoted the yacht of a noble. the name of this vessel was the "ozema," and she carried the count of llera with his youthful bride. luis, who had acquired much of the mariner's skill, in his many voyages, directed the movements in person, though sancho mundo strutted around her decks with an air of authority, being the titular, if not the real patron of the craft. "ay--ay--good bartolemeo, lash that anchor well," said the last, as he inspected the forecastle, in his hourly rounds; "for fair as may be the breezes, and mild as is the season, no one can know what humor the atlantic may be in, when it fairly waketh up. in the great voyage to cathay, nothing could have been more propitious than our outward passage, and nothing savor more of devils incarnate, than the homeward. doña mercedes maketh an excellent sailor, as ye all may see; and no one can tell which way, or how far, the humor of the conde may carry him, when he hath once taken his departure. i tell ye, fellows, that glory and gold may alight upon ye all, any minute, in the service of such a noble; and i hope none of ye have forgotten to come provided with hawk's-bells, which are as remarkable for assembling doblas, as the bells of the seville cathedral are for assembling christians." "master mundo," called out our hero, from the quarter-deck, "let there be a man sent to the extremity of the fore-yard, and bid him look along the sea to the north and east of us." this command interrupted one of sancho's self-glorifying discourses, and compelled him to see the order executed. when the seaman who was sent aloft, had "shinned" his way to the airy and seemingly perilous position he had been told to occupy, an inquiry went up from the deck, to demand what he beheld. "señor conde," answered the fellow, "the ocean is studded with sails, in the quarter your excellency hath named, looking like the mouth of the tagus, at the first of a westerly wind." "canst thou tell them, and let me know their numbers?" called out luis. "by the mass, señor," returned the man, after taking time to make his count, "i see no less than sixteen--nay, now i see another, a smaller just opening from behind a carrack of size--seventeen, i make them in all." "then are we in season, love!" exclaimed luis, turning toward mercedes with delight--"once more shall i grasp the hand of the admiral, ere he quitteth us again for cathay. thou seemest glad as myself, that our effort hath not failed." "that which gladdeneth thee, luis, is sure to gladden me," returned the bride; "where there is but one interest, there ought to be but one wish." "beloved--beloved mercedes--thou wilt make me every thing thou canst desire. this heavenly disposition of thine, and this ready consenting to voyage with me, will be sure to mould me in such a way that i shall be less myself than thee." "as yet, luis," returned the young wife, smiling, "the change promiseth to be the other way, since thou art much likelier to make me a rover, than i to make thee a fixture of the castle of llera." "thou comest not out upon the sea, mercedes, contrary to thine own wishes?" demanded luis, with the earnest quickness of one who was fearful he might unconsciously have done an act of indiscretion. "no, dearest luis; so far from it, that i have come with satisfaction, apart from the pleasure i have had in obliging thee. fortunately, i feel no indisposition from the motion of the felucca, and the novelty is of the most agreeable and exciting kind." to say that luis rejoiced to hear this on more accounts than one, is but to add that he still found a pleasure in the scenes of the ocean. in half an hour the vessel of the admiral was visible from the ozema's deck, and ere the sun had reached the meridian, the little felucca was gliding into the centre of the fleet, holding her course toward the carrack of columbus. the usual hailing passed, when, apprised of the presence of mercedes, the admiral gallantly repaired on board the ozema, to pay his respects in person. the scenes through which they had passed together, had created in columbus a species of paternal regard for luis, in which mercedes shared, through the influence of her noble conduct during the events that occurred at barcelona. he met the happy pair, therefore, with dignified affection, and his reception partook of the feelings that the count and countess so fully reciprocated. nothing could be more striking to one who had an opportunity of witnessing both, than the contrast between the means with which the genoese sailed on this, and on his former voyage. then he had set forth neglected, almost forgotten, in three vessels, ill-found, and worse manned, while now, the ocean was whitened with his canvas, and he was surrounded by no inconsiderable portion of the chivalry of spain. as soon as it was known that the countess of llera was in the felucca that had stopped the fleet, boats put off from most of the vessels, and mercedes held a sort of court on the broad atlantic; her own female attendants, among whom were two or three of the rank of ladies, assisting her in doing proper honor to the cavaliers who thronged the deck. the balmy influence of the pure air of the ocean, contributed to the happiness of the moment; and, for an hour, the ozema presented a scene of gaiety and splendor, such as had never before been witnessed by any person present. "beautiful countess," cried one, who had been a rejected suitor of our heroine, "you see to what acts of desperation your cruelty hath driven me, who am going forth on an adventure to the furthest east. it is well for don luis that i did not make this venture before he won your favor; as no damsel in spain is expected, henceforth, to withstand the suit of one of the admiral's followers." "it may be as you say, señor," returned mercedes, her heart swelling with the consciousness that he whom she had chosen had made this same boasted adventure, while others shrunk from its hazard, and when its result was still a mystery in the unknown future--"it may be as you say; but one of moderate wishes, like myself, must be content with these unambitious voyages along the coast, in which, happily, a wife may be her husband's companion." "lady," cried the gallant and reckless alonzo de ojeda, in his turn, "don luis caused me to roll upon the earth, in the tourney, by a fair and manly effort, that hath left no rancor behind it; but i shall outdo him now, since he is content to keep the shores of spain in view, leaving to us the glory of seeking the indies, and of reducing the infidels to the sway of the two sovereigns!" "it is a sufficient honor to my husband, señor, that he can boast of the success you name, and he must rest satisfied with the reputation acquired in that one deed." "countess, a year hence you would love him better, did he come forth with us, and show his spirit among the people of the grand khan!" "thou see'st, don alonzo, that the illustrious admiral doth not altogether despise him as it is. they seek a private interview in my cabin together; an attention don christopher would not be apt to pay a recreant, or a laggard." "'tis surprising!" resumed the rejected suitor; "the favor of the conde with our noble admiral hath surprised us all, at barcelona. can it be, de ojeda, that they have met in some of their earlier nautical wanderings?" "by the mass! señor," cried alonzo, laughing, "if don luis ever met the admiral, as he met me in the lists, i should think one interview would answer for the rest of their days!" in this manner did the discourse proceed, some speaking in levity, some in more sober mood, and all in amity. while this was passing on deck, columbus had, indeed, retired to a cabin with our hero. "don luis," said the admiral, when they were seated near each other, and alone, "thou know'st the regard i bear thee, and i feel certain that thou returnest it with an equal degree of esteem. i now go forth from spain, on a far more perilous adventure than that in which thou wert my companion. then i sailed concealed in contempt, and veiled from human eyes by ignorance and pity; now, have i left the old world, followed by malignancy and envy. these facts am i too old not to have seen, and foreseen. in my absence, many will be busy with my name. even they who now shout at my heels will become my calumniators, revenging themselves for past adulation by present detraction. the sovereigns will be beset with lies, and any disappointment in the degree of success will be distorted into crimes. i leave friends behind me, too--friends, such as juan perez, de st. angel, quintanilla, and thyself. on ye, then, do i greatly rely, not for favors, but for the interest of truth and justice." "señor, you may count upon my small influence under all circumstances. i have seen you in the day of trial, and it exceedeth ordinary misrepresentations to weaken my faith in you." "this did i believe, luis, even before it was so warmly and sincerely said," returned the admiral, squeezing the young man's hand with fervor. "i doubt if fonseca, who hath now so much power in the affairs of india, is truly my friend. then, there is one of thy blood and name, who hath already regarded me with unfavorable eyes, and whom i distrust exceedingly, should an occasion offer in which he might do me injury." "i know him well, don christopher, and account him as doing no credit to the house of bobadilla." "he hath credit, nevertheless, with the king, which is of more importance, just now!" "ah! señor, to that wily and double-faced monarch, you must look for nothing generous. so long as doña isabella's ear can be kept open to the truth, there is nothing to fear, but don ferdinand groweth each day more worldly and temporizing. mass!--that one who, in youth, was so bold and manly a knight, should in his age betray so many of the meannesses that would disgrace a moor! my noble aunt, however, is a host in herself, and will ever remain true to you, as she commenced." "god overruleth all, and it were sinful to distrust either his wisdom or justice. and now, luis, one word touching thyself. providence hath made thee the guardian of the happiness of such a being as is seldom found this side the gates of heaven. the man who is blessed with a virtuous and amiable wife, like her thou hast wedded, should erect an altar in his heart, on which he ought to make daily, nay, hourly sacrifices of gratitude to god for the boon; since of all earthly blessings, he enjoyeth the richest, the purest, and the most lasting, should he not be unmindful of his own riches. but a woman like doña mercedes is a creature as delicate as she is rare. let her equanimity check thy impetuosity; her purity rebuke the less refined elements of thy composition; her virtue stimulate thine own; her love keep thine in an unceasing flame, and her tenderness be a constant appeal to thy manly indulgence and protection. fulfil all thy duties as a spanish grandee, son, and seek felicity in the partner of thy bosom, and in love to god." the admiral now gave luis his blessing, and, taking leave of mercedes in the same solemn manner, he hastened to his carrack. boat after boat quitted the felucca, many calling out their leave-takings even after they were at a distance. in a few minutes, the heavy yards swung around, and the fleet was again sweeping off toward the south-west, holding its way, as was then fancied, toward the distant shores of india. for an hour the ozema lay where she had been left by columbus, as if gazing at her retiring friends; then her canvas filled, and she hauled up toward that bight of the coast, at the bottom of which lay the port of palos de moguer. the afternoon was deliciously balmy, and when the felucca drew in with the land, the surface of the sea was as smooth as that of an inland lake. there was just wind enough to cool the air, and to propel the little vessel three or four knots through the water. the day apartment occupied by our hero and heroine, was on the quarter-deck. it was formed, on the exterior, by a tarpauling, bent like the tilt of a wagon, while the interior was embellished with a lining of precious stuffs that converted it into a beautiful little saloon. in front, a canvas bulkhead protected it from the gaze of the crew; and, toward the stearn a rich curtain fell, when it became necessary to shut out the view. the latter was now carelessly festooned, permitting the eye to range over a broad expanse of the ocean, and to watch the glories of the setting sun. mercedes reclined on a luxurious couch, gazing on the ocean, and luis touched a guitar, seated on a stool at her feet. he had just played a favorite national air, which he had accompanied with his voice, and had laid aside the instrument, when he perceived that his young wife did not listen, with her usual fondness and admiration, to his music. "thou art thoughtful, mercedes," he said, leaning forward to read the melancholy expression of those eyes that were so often glowing with enthusiasm. "the sun is setting in the direction of the land of poor ozema, luis," mercedes answered, a slight tremor pervading her voice; "the circumstance, in connection with the sight of this boundless ocean, that so much resembleth eternity, hath led me to think of her end. surely--surely--a creature so innocent can never be consigned to eternal misery, because her unenlightened mind and impassioned feelings were unable to comprehend all the church's mysteries!" "i would that thou thought'st less on this subject, love; thy prayers, and the masses that have been said for her soul, should content thee; or, if thou wilt, the last can be repeated, again and again." "we will offer still more," returned the young wife, scarce speaking above her breath, while the tears fell down her cheeks. "the best of us will need masses, and _we_ owe this to poor ozema. didst thou bethink thee, to intercede again with the admiral, to do all service to mattinao, on reaching española?" "that hath been attended to, and so dismiss the subject from thy mind. the monument is already erected at llera, and we may feel regret for the loss of the sweet girl, but can scarce mourn for her. were i not luis de bobadilla, thy husband, dearest, i could think her the subject of envy, rather than of pity." "ah! luis, thy flattery is too pleasing to bring reproof, but it is scarce seemly. even the happiness i feel, in being assured of thy love--that our fortunes, fate, name, interests are one--is, in truth, but misery, compared with the seraphic joys of the blessed; and to such joys i could wish ozema's spirit might be elevated." "doubt it not, mercedes; she hath all that her goodness and innocence can claim. mass! if she even have half that i feel, in holding thee thus to my heart, she is no subject for grief, and thou say'st she hath, or wilt have, ten-fold more." "luis--luis--speak not thus! we will have other masses said at seville, as well as at burgos and salamanca." "as thou wilt, love. let them be said yearly, monthly, weekly, forever, or as long as the churchmen think they may have virtue." mercedes smiled her gratitude, and the conversation became less painful, though it continued to be melancholy. an hour passed in this manner, during which, the communion was of the sweet character that pervades the intercourse of those who love tenderly. mercedes had already acquired a powerful command over the headlong propensities and impetuous feelings of her husband, and was gradually moulding him, unknown to herself, to be the man that was necessary to her own feelings. in this change, which was the result of influence, and not of calculation or design, she was aided by the manly qualities of our hero, which were secretly persuading him that he had now the happiness of another in his keeping, as well as his own. this is an appeal that a really generous mind seldom withstands, and far oftener produces the correction of minor faults, than any direct management, or open rebukes. perhaps mercedes' strongest arm, however, was her own implicit confidence in her husband's excellence, luis feeling a desire to be that which she so evidently thought him; an opinion that his own conscience did not, in the fullest extent, corroborate. just as the sun had set, sancho came to announce that he had let go the anchor. "here we are, señor conde--here we are, at last, señora doña mercedes, lying off the town of palos, and within a hundred yards of the very spot where don christopher and his gallant companions departed for the discovery of the indies--god bless him a hundred-fold, and all who went with him. the boat is ready to take you to the shore, señora; and there, if you do not find seville, or barcelona, cathedrals and palaces, you will find palos, and santa clara, and the ship-yard-gate--three places that are, henceforth, to be more renowned than either: palos, as having sent forth the expedition; santa clara, as having saved it from destruction, by vows fulfilled at its altars; and the gate, for having had the ship of the admiral built within it." "and other great events, good sancho!" put in the count. "just so, your excellency; and for other great events. am i to land you, lady?" mercedes assented, and in ten minutes she and her husband were walking on the beach, within ten yards of the very spot where columbus and luis had embarked the previous year. the firm sands were now covered with people, walking in the cool of the evening. most of them were of the humbler classes, this being the only land, we believe, in which the population of countries that possess a favorable climate, do not thus mingle in their public promenades, at that witching hour. luis and his beautiful wife had landed merely for exercise and relaxation, well knowing that the felucca possessed better accommodations than any hosteria of palos; and they fell into the current of the walkers. before them was a group of young matrons, who were conversing eagerly, and sufficiently loud to be overheard. our hero and heroine instantly ceased their own discourse, when they found that the subject was the voyage to cathay. "this day," said one of the party, in a tone of authority, "did don christopher sail from cadiz; the sovereigns deeming palos too small a port for the equipment of so great an enterprise. you may depend on what i tell ye, good neighbors; my husband, as you all well know, holding an appointment in the admiral's own ship." "you are to be envied, neighbor, that he is in so good repute with so great a man!" "how could he be otherwise, seeing that he was with him before, when few had courage to be his companions, and was ever faithful to his orders. 'monica'--nay, it was '_good_ monica'--said the admiral to me, with his own mouth, 'thy pepe is a true-hearted mariner, and hath conducted to my entire satisfaction. he shall be made the boatswain of my own carrack, and thou, and thy posterity, to the latest antiquity, may boast that you belong to so good a man.' these were his words; and what he said, he did--pepe being now a boatswain. but the _paters_ and _aves_ that i said to reach this good fortune, would pave this beach!" luis now stepped forward and saluted the party, making curiosity to know the particulars of the first departure, his excuse. as he expected, monica did not recognize him in his present rich attire, and she willingly related all she knew, and not a little more. the interview showed how completely this woman had passed from despair to exultation, reducing the general and more public change of sentiment, down to the individual example of a particular case. "i have heard much of one pinzon," added luis, "who went forth as pilot of a caravel in the voyage; what hath become of him?" "señor, he is dead!" answered a dozen voices, monica's, however, so far getting the ascendency, as to tell the story. "he was once a great man in this quarter; but now his name is lost, like his life. he was untrue, and died of grief, it is said, when he found the niña lying in the river, when he expected to have had all the glory to himself." luis had been too much engrossed with his own feelings to have heard this news before, and he continued his walk, musing and sad. "so much for unlawful hopes, and designs that god doth not favor!" he exclaimed, when they had walked a considerable distance. "providence hath, i think, been of the admiral's side; and certainly, my love, it hath been of mine." "this is santa clara," observed mercedes. "luis, i would enter, and return a thanksgiving at its altars for thy safety and return, and offer a prayer for the future success of don christopher." they both entered the church, and they knelt together at the principal altar; for, in that age, the bravest warriors were not as much ashamed, as in our own times, of publicly acknowledging their gratitude to, and their dependence on god. this duty performed, the happy pair returned silently to the beach, and went off to the felucca. early in the morning, the ozema sailed for malaga again, luis being fearful he might be recognized if he continued at palos. their port was reached in safety; and shortly after the party arrived at valverde, the principal estate of mercedes, where we shall leave our hero and heroine in the enjoyment of a felicity that was as great as could be produced by the connection between manly tenderness on one side, and purity of feeling and disinterested womanly love on the other. at a late day, there were other luis de bobadillas in spain, among her gallant and noble, and other mercedes', to cause the hearts of the gay and aspiring to ache; but there was only one ozema. she appeared at court, in the succeeding reign, and, for a time, blazed like a star that had just risen in a pure atmosphere. her career, however, was short, dying young and lamented; since which time, the name itself has perished. it is, in part, owing to these circumstances, that we have been obliged to drag so much of our legend from the lost records of that eventful period. [illustration] [note: footnotes have been renumbered and moved to the end of the text.] the life and voyages of christopher columbus by washington irving. venient annis sæcula seris, quibus oceanus vincula rerum laxet, et ingens pateat tellus, typhisque novos detegat orbes, nec sit terris ultima thule. seneca: _medea_. author's revised edition. vol. ii. 1892 contents of volume ii. book xi. i. administration of the adelantado.--expedition to the province of xaragua ii. establishment of a chain of military posts.--insurrection of guarionex, the cacique of the vega iii. the adelantado repairs to xaragua to receive tribute iv. conspiracy of roldan v. the adelantado repairs to the vega in relief of fort conception. --his interview with roldan vi. second insurrection of guarionex, and his flight to the mountains of ciguay vii. campaign of the adelantado in the mountains of ciguay book xii. i. confusion in the island.--proceedings of the rebels at xaragua ii. negotiation of the admiral with the rebels.--departure of ships for spain iii. arrangement with the rebels iv. another mutiny of the rebels; and second arrangement with them v. grants made to roldan and his followers.--departure of several of the rebels for spain vi. arrival of ojeda with a squadron at the western part of the island. --roldan sent to meet him vii. manoeuvres of roldan and ojeda book xiii. i. representations at court against columbus.--bobadilla empowered to examine into his conduct ii. arrival of bobadilla at san domingo.--his violent assumption of the command iii. columbus summoned to appear before bobadilla iv. columbus and his brothers arrested and sent to spain in chains book xiv. i. sensation in spain on the arrival of columbus in irons.--his appearance at court ii. contemporary voyages of discovery iii. nicholas de ovando appointed to supersede bobadilla iv. proposition of columbus relative to the recovery of the holy sepulchre v. preparations of columbus for a fourth voyage of discovery book xv. i. departure of columbus on his fourth voyage.--refused admission to the harbor of san domingo--exposed to a violent tempest ii. voyage along the coast of honduras iii. voyage along the mosquito coast, and transactions at cariari iv. voyage along costa rica.--speculations concerning the isthmus at veragua v. discovery of puerto bello and el retrete.--columbus abandons the search after the strait vi. return to veragua.--the adelantado explores the country. vii. commencement of a settlement on the river belen.--conspiracy of the natives.--expedition of the adelantado to surprise quibian. viii. disasters of the settlement. ix. distress of the admiral on board of his ship.--ultimate relief of the settlement. x. departure from the coast of veragua.--arrival at jamaica.--stranding of the ships. book xvi. i. arrangement of diego mendez with the caciques for supplies of provisions.--sent to san domingo by columbus in quest of relief. ii. mutiny of porras. iii. scarcity of provisions.--stratagem of columbus to obtain supplies from the natives. iv. mission of diego de escobar to the admiral. v. voyage of diego mendez and bartholomew fiesco in a canoe to hispaniola. vi. overtures of columbus to the mutineers.--battle of the adelantado with porras and his followers. book xvii. i. administration of ovando in hispaniola.--oppression of the natives. ii. massacre at xaragua.--fate of anacaona. iii. war with the natives of higuey. iv. close of the war with higuey.--fate of cotabanama. book xviii. i. departure of columbus for san domingo.--his return to spain. ii. illness of columbus at seville.--application to the crown for a restitution of his honors.--death of isabella. iii. columbus arrives at court.--fruitless application to the king for redress. iv. death of columbus. v. observations on the character of columbus. appendix index the life and voyages of columbus book xi. chapter i. administration of the adelantado.--expedition to the province of xaragua. [1498.] columbus had anticipated repose from his toils on arriving at hispaniola, but a new scene of trouble and anxiety opened upon him, destined to impede the prosecution of his enterprises, and to affect all his future fortunes. to explain this, it is necessary to relate the occurrences of the island during his long detention in spain. when he sailed for europe in march, 1496, his brother, don bartholomew, who remained as adelantado, took the earliest measures to execute his directions with respect to the mines recently discovered by miguel diaz on the south side of the island. leaving don diego columbus in command at isabella, he repaired with a large force to the neighborhood of the mines, and, choosing a favorable situation in a place most abounding in ore, built a fortress, to which he gave the name of san christoval. the workmen, however, finding grains of gold among the earth and stone employed in its construction, gave it the name of the golden tower. [1] the adelantado remained here three months, superintending the building of the fortress, and making the necessary preparations for working the mines and purifying the ore. the progress of the work, however, was greatly impeded by scarcity of provisions, having frequently to detach a part of the men about the country in quest of supplies. the former hospitality of the island was at an end. the indians no longer gave their provisions freely; they had learnt from the white men to profit by the necessities of the stranger, and to exact a price for bread. their scanty stores, also, were soon exhausted, for their frugal habits, and their natural indolence and improvidence, seldom permitted them to have more provisions on hand than was requisite for present support. [2] the adelantado found it difficult, therefore, to maintain so large a force in the neighborhood, until they should have time to cultivate the earth, and raise live-stock, or should receive supplies from spain. leaving ten men to guard the fortress, with a dog to assist them in catching utias, he marched with the rest of his men, about four hundred in number, to fort conception, in the abundant country of the vega. he passed the whole month of june collecting the quarterly tribute, being supplied with food by guarionex and his subordinate caciques. in the following month (july, 1496) the three caravels commanded by niño arrived from spain, bringing a reinforcement of men, and, what was still more needed, a supply of provisions. the latter was quickly distributed among the hungry colonists, but unfortunately a great part had been injured during the voyage. this was a serious misfortune in a community where the least scarcity produced murmur and sedition. by these ships the adelantado received letters from his brother, directing him to found a town and sea-port at the mouth of the ozema, near to the new mines. he requested him, also, to send prisoners to spain such of the caciques and their subjects as had been concerned in the death of any of the colonists; that being considered as sufficient ground, by many of the ablest jurists and theologians of spain, for selling them as slaves. on the return of the caravels, the adelantado dispatched three hundred indian prisoners, and three caciques. these formed the ill-starred cargoes about which niño had made such absurd vaunting, as though the ships were laden with treasure; and which had caused such mortification, disappointment, and delay to columbus. having obtained by this arrival a supply of provisions, the adelantado returned to the fortress of san christoval, and thence proceeded to the ozema, to choose a site for the proposed seaport. after a careful examination, he chose the eastern bank of a natural haven at the mouth of the river. it was easy of access, of sufficient depth, and good anchorage. the river ran through a beautiful and fertile country; its waters were pure and salubrious, and well stocked with fish; its banks were covered with trees bearing the fine fruits of the island, so that in sailing along, the fruits and flowers might be plucked with the hand from the branches which overhung the stream. [3] this delightful vicinity was the dwelling-place of the female cacique who had conceived an affection for the young spaniard miguel diaz, and had induced him to entice his countrymen to that part of the island. the promise she had given of a friendly reception on the part of her tribe was faithfully performed. on a commanding bank of the harbor, don bartholomew erected a fortress, which at first was called isabella, but afterwards san domingo, and was the origin of the city which still bears that name. the adelantado was of an active and indefatigable spirit. no sooner was the fortress completed, than he left in it a garrison of twenty men, and with the rest of his forces set out to visit the dominions of behechio, one of the principal chieftains of the island. this cacique, as has already been mentioned, reigned over xaragua, a province comprising almost the whole coast at the west end of the island, including cape tiburon, and extending along the south side as far as point aguida, or the small island of beata. it was one of the most populous and fertile districts, with a delightful climate; and its inhabitants were softer and more graceful in their manners than the rest of the islanders. being so remote from all the fortresses, the cacique, although he had taken a part in the combination of the chieftains, had hitherto remained free from the incursions and exactions of the white men. with this cacique resided anacaona, widow of the late formidable caonabo. she was sister to behechio, and had taken refuge with her brother after the capture of her husband. she was one of the most beautiful females of the island; her name in the indian language signified "the golden flower." she possessed a genius superior to the generality of her race, and was said to excel in composing those little legendary ballads, or areytos, which the natives chanted as they performed their national dances. all the spanish writers agree in describing her as possessing a natural dignity and grace hardly to be credited in her ignorant and savage condition. notwithstanding the ruin with which her husband had been overwhelmed by the hostility of the white men, she appears to have entertained no vindictive feeling towards them, knowing that he had provoked their vengeance by his own voluntary warfare. she regarded the spaniards with admiration as almost superhuman beings, and her intelligent mind perceived the futility and impolicy of any attempt to resist their superiority in arts and arms. having great influence over her brother behechio, she counseled him to take warning by the fate of her husband, and to conciliate the friendship of the spaniards; and it is supposed that a knowledge of the friendly sentiments and powerful influence of this princess in a great measure prompted the adelantado to his present expedition. [4] in passing through those parts of the island which had hitherto been unvisited by europeans, the adelantado adopted the same imposing measures which the admiral had used on a former occasion; he put his cavalry in the advance, and entered all the indian towns in martial array, with standards displayed, and the sound of drum and trumpet. after proceeding about thirty leagues, he came to the river neyva, which, issuing from the mountains of cibao, divides the southern side of the island. crossing this stream, he dispatched two parties of ten men each along the sea-coast in search of brazil-wood. they found great quantities, and felled many trees, which they stored in the indian cabins, until they could be taken away by sea. inclining with his main force to the right, the adelantado met, not far from the river, the cacique behechio, with a great army of his subjects, armed with bows and arrows and lances. if he had come forth with the intention of opposing the inroad into his forest domains, he was probably daunted by the formidable appearance of the spaniards. laying aside his weapons, he advanced and accosted the adelantado very amicably, professing that he was thus in arms for the purpose of subjecting certain villages along the river, and inquiring, at the same time, the object of this incursion of the spaniards. the adelantado assured him that he came on a peaceful visit to pass a little time in friendly intercourse at xaragua. he succeeded so well in allaying the apprehensions of the cacique, that the latter dismissed his army, and sent swift messengers to order preparations for the suitable reception of so distinguished a guest. as the spaniards advanced into the territories of the chieftain, and passed through the districts of his inferior caciques, the latter brought forth cassava bread, hemp, cotton, and various other productions of the land. at length they drew near to the residence of behechio, which was a large town situated in a beautiful part of the country near the coast, at the bottom of that deep bay called at present the bight of leogan. the spaniards had heard many accounts of the soft and delightful region of xaragua, in one part of which indian traditions placed their elysian fields. they had heard much, also, of the beauty and urbanity of the inhabitants: the mode of their reception was calculated to confirm their favorable prepossessions. as they approached the place, thirty females of the cacique's household came forth to meet them, singing their areytos, or traditionary ballads, and dancing and waving palm branches. the married females wore aprons of embroidered cotton, reaching half way to the knee; the young women were entirely naked, with merely a fillet round the forehead, their hair falling upon their shoulders. they were beautifully proportioned; their skin smooth and delicate, and their complexion of a clear agreeable brown. according to old peter martyr, the spaniards, when they beheld them issuing forth from their green woods, almost imagined they beheld the fabled dryads, or native nymphs and fairies of the fountains, sung by the ancient poets. [5] when they came before don bartholomew, they knelt and gracefully presented him the green branches. after these came the female cacique anacaona, reclining on a kind of light litter borne by six indians. like the other females, she had no other covering than an apron of various-colored cotton. she wore round her head a fragrant garland of red and white flowers, and wreaths of the same round her neck and arms. she received the adelantado and his followers with that natural grace and courtesy for which she was celebrated; manifesting no hostility towards them for the fate her husband had experienced at their hands. the adelantado and his officers were conducted to the house of behechio, where a banquet was served up of utias, a great variety of sea and river fish, with roots and fruits of excellent quality. here first the spaniards conquered their repugnance to the guana, the favorite delicacy of the indians, but which the former had regarded with disgust, as a species of serpent. the adelantado, willing to accustom himself to the usages of the country, was the first to taste this animal, being kindly pressed thereto by anacaona. his followers imitated his example; they found it to be highly palatable and delicate; and from that time forward, the guana was held in repute among spanish epicures. [6] the banquet being over, don bartholomew with six of his principal cavaliers were lodged in the dwelling of behechio; the rest were distributed in the houses of the inferior caciques, where they slept in hammocks of matted cotton, the usual beds of the natives. for two days they remained with the hospitable behechio, entertained with various indian games and festivities, among which the most remarkable was the representation of a battle. two squadrons of naked indians, armed with bows and arrows, sallied suddenly into the public square and began to skirmish in a manner similar to the moorish play of canes, or tilting reeds. by degrees they became excited, and fought with such earnestness, that four were slain, and many wounded, which seemed to increase the interest and pleasure of the spectators. the contest would have continued longer, and might have been still more bloody, had not the adelantado and the other cavaliers interfered and begged that the game might cease. [7] when the festivities were over, and familiar intercourse had promoted mutual confidence, the adelantado addressed the cacique and anacaona on the real object of his visit. he informed him that his brother, the admiral, had been sent to this island by the sovereigns of castile, who were great and mighty potentates, with many kingdoms under their sway. that the admiral had returned to apprise his sovereigns how many tributary caciques there were in the island, leaving him in command, and that he had come to receive behechio under the protection of these mighty sovereigns, and to arrange a tribute to be paid by him, in such manner as should be most convenient and satisfactory to himself. [8] the cacique was greatly embarrassed by this demand, knowing the sufferings inflicted on the other parts of the island by the avidity of the spaniards for gold. he replied that he had been apprised that gold was the great object for which the white men had come to their island, and that a tribute was paid in it by some of his fellow-caciques; but that in no part of his territories was gold to be found; and his subjects hardly knew what it was. to this the adelantado replied with great adroitness, that nothing was farther from the intention or wish of his sovereigns than to require a tribute in things not produced in his dominions, but that it might be paid in cotton, hemp, and cassava bread, with which the surrounding country appeared to abound. the countenance of the cacique brightened at this intimation; he promised cheerful compliance, and instantly sent orders to all his subordinate caciques to sow abundance of cotton for the first payment of the stipulated tribute. having made all the requisite arrangements, the adelantado took a most friendly leave of behechio and his sister, and set out for isabella. thus, by amicable and sagacious management, one of the most extensive provinces of the island was brought into cheerful subjection, and had not the wise policy of the adelantado been defeated by the excesses of worthless and turbulent men, a large revenue might have been collected, without any recourse to violence or oppression. in all instances, these simple people appear to have been extremely tractable, and meekly and even cheerfully to have resigned their rights to the white men, when treated with gentleness and humanity. chapter ii. establishment of a chain of military posts.--insurrection of guarionex, the cacique of the vega. [1496.] on arriving at isabella, don bartholomew found it, as usual, a scene of misery and repining. many had died during his absence; most were ill. those who were healthy complained of the scarcity of food, and those who were ill, of the want of medicines. the provisions distributed among them, from the supply brought out a few months before by pedro alonzo niño, had been consumed. partly from sickness, and partly from a repugnance to labor, they had neglected to cultivate the surrounding country, and the indians, on whom they chiefly depended, outraged by their oppressions, had abandoned the vicinity, and fled to the mountains; choosing rather to subsist on roots and herbs, in their rugged retreats, than remain in the luxuriant plains, subject to the wrongs and cruelties of the white men. the history of this island presents continual pictures of the miseries, the actual want and poverty, produced by the grasping avidity of gold. it had rendered the spaniards heedless of all the less obvious, but more certain and salubrious, sources of wealth. all labor seemed lost that was to produce profit by a circuitous process. instead of cultivating the luxuriant soil around them, and deriving real treasures from its surface, they wasted their time in seeking for mines and golden streams, and were starving in the midst of fertility. no sooner were the provisions exhausted which had been brought out by niño, than the colonists began to break forth in their accustomed murmurs. they represented themselves as neglected by columbus, who, amidst the blandishments and delights of a court, thought little of their sufferings. they considered themselves equally forgotten by government; while, having no vessel in the harbor, they were destitute of all means of sending home intelligence of their disastrous situation, and imploring relief. to remove this last cause of discontent, and furnish some object for their hopes and thoughts to rally round, the adelantado ordered that two caravels should be built at isabella, for the use of the island. to relieve the settlement, also, from all useless and repining individuals, during this time of scarcity, he distributed such as were too ill to labor, or to bear arms, into the interior, where they would have the benefit of a better climate, and more abundant supply of indian provisions. he at the same time completed and garrisoned the chain of military posts established by his brother in the preceding year, consisting of five fortified houses, each surrounded by its dependent hamlet. the first of these was about nine leagues from isabella, and was called la esperanza. six leagues beyond was santa catalina. four leagues and a half further was magdalena, where the first town of santiago was afterwards founded; and five leagues further fort conception--which was fortified with great care, being in the vast and populous vega, and within half a league from the residence of its cacique, guarionex. [9] having thus relieved isabella of all its useless population, and left none but such as were too ill to be removed, or were required for the service and protection of the place, and the construction of the caravels, the adelantado returned, with a large body of the most effective men, to the fortress of san domingo. the military posts, thus established, succeeded for a time in overawing the natives; but fresh hostilities were soon manifested, excited by a different cause from the preceding. among the missionaries who had accompanied friar boyle to the island, were two of far greater zeal than their superior. when he returned to spain, they remained, earnestly bent upon the fulfillment of their mission. one was called roman pane, a poor hermit, as he styled himself, of the order of st. geronimo; the other was juan borgoñon, a franciscan. they resided for some time among the indians of the vega, strenuously endeavoring to make converts, and had succeeded with one family, of sixteen persons, the chief of which, on being baptized, took the name of juan mateo. the conversion of the cacique guarionex, however, was their main object. the extent of his possessions made his conversion of great importance to the interests of the colony, and was considered by the zealous fathers a means of bringing his numerous subjects under the dominion of the church. for some time he lent a willing ear; he learnt the pater noster, the ave maria, and the creed, and made his whole family repeat them daily. the other caciques of the vega and of the provinces of cibao, however, scoffed at him for meanly conforming to the laws and customs of strangers, usurpers of his domains, and oppressors of his nation. the friars complained that, in consequence of these evil communications, their convert suddenly relapsed into infidelity; but another and more grievous cause is assigned for his recantation. his favorite wife was seduced or treated with outrage by a spaniard of authority; and the cacique renounced all faith in a religion which, as he supposed, admitted of such atrocities. losing all hope of effecting his conversion, the missionaries removed to the territories of another cacique, taking with them juan mateo, their indian convert. before their departure, they erected a small chapel, and furnished it with an altar, crucifix, and images, for the use of the family of mateo. scarcely had they departed, when several indians entered the chapel, broke the images in pieces, trampled them under foot, and buried them in a neighboring field. this, it was said, was done by order of guarionex, in contempt of the religion from which he had apostatized. a complaint of this enormity was carried to the adelantado, who ordered a suit to be immediately instituted, and those who were found culpable, to be punished according to law. it was a period of great rigor in ecclesiastical law, especially among the spaniards. in spain, all heresies in religion, all recantations from the faith, and all acts of sacrilege, either by moor or jew, were punished with fire and fagot. such was the fate of the poor ignorant indians, convicted of this outrage on the church. it is questionable whether guarionex had any hand in this offence, and it is probable that the whole affair was exaggerated. a proof of the credit due to the evidence brought forward may be judged by one of the facts recorded by roman pane, "the poor hermit." the field in which the holy images were buried, was planted, he says, with certain roots shaped like a turnip, or radish, several of which coming up in the neighborhood of the images, were found to have grown most miraculously in the form of a cross. [10] the cruel punishment inflicted on these indians, instead of daunting their countrymen, filled them with horror and indignation. unaccustomed to such stern rule and vindictive justice, and having no clear ideas nor powerful sentiments with respect to religion of any kind, they could not comprehend the nature nor extent of the crime committed. even guarionex, a man naturally moderate and pacific, was highly incensed with the assumption of power within his territories, and the inhuman death inflicted on his subjects. the other caciques perceived his irritation, and endeavored to induce him to unite in a sudden insurrection, that by one vigorous and general effort they might break the yoke of their oppressors. guarionex wavered for some time. he knew the martial skill and prowess of the spaniards; he stood in awe of their cavalry, and he had before him the disastrous fate of caonabo; but he was rendered bold by despair, and he beheld in the domination of these strangers the assured ruin of his race. the early writers speak of a tradition current among the inhabitants of the island, respecting this guarionex. he was of an ancient line of hereditary caciques. his father, in times long preceding the discovery, having fasted for five days, according to their superstitious observances, applied to his zemi, or household deity, for information of things to come. he received for answer, that within a few years there should come to the island a nation covered with clothing, which should destroy all their customs and ceremonies, and slay their children or reduce them to painful servitude. [11] the tradition was probably invented by the butios, or priests, after the spaniards had begun to exercise their severities. whether their prediction had an effect in disposing the mind of guarionex to hostilities is uncertain. some have asserted that he was compelled to take up arms by his subjects, who threatened, in case of his refusal, to choose some other chieftain; others have alleged the outrage committed upon his favorite wife, as the principal cause of his irritation. [12] it was probably these things combined, which at length induced him to enter into the conspiracy. a secret consultation was held among the caciques, wherein it was concerted, that on the day of payment of their quarterly tribute, when a great number could assemble without causing suspicion, they should suddenly rise upon the spaniards and massacre them. [13] by some means the garrison at fort conception received intimation of this conspiracy. being but a handful of men, and surrounded by hostile tribes, they wrote a letter to the adelantado, at san domingo, imploring immediate aid. as this letter might be taken from their indian messenger, the natives having discovered that these letters had a wonderful power of communicating intelligence, and fancying they could talk, it was inclosed in a reed, to be used as a staff. the messenger was, in fact, intercepted; but, affecting to be dumb and lame, and intimating by signs that he was returning home, was permitted to limp forward on his journey. when out of sight he resumed his speed, and bore the letter safely and expeditiously to san domingo. [14] the adelantado, with his characteristic promptness and activity, set out immediately with a body of troops for the fortress; and though his men were much enfeebled by scanty fare, hard service, and long marches, hurried them rapidly forward. never did aid arrive more opportunely. the indians were assembled on the plain, to the amount of many thousands, armed after their manner, and waiting for the appointed time to strike the blow. after consulting with the commander of the fortress and his officers, the adelantado concerted a mode of proceeding. ascertaining the places in which the various caciques had distributed their forces, he appointed an officer with a body of men to each cacique, with orders, at an appointed hour of the night, to rush into the villages, surprise them asleep and unarmed, bind the caciques, and bring them off prisoners. as guarionex was the most important personage, and his capture would probably be attended with most difficulty and danger, the adelantado took the charge of it upon himself, at the head of one hundred men. this stratagem, founded upon a knowledge of the attachment of the indians to their chieftains, and calculated to spare a great effusion of blood, was completely successful. the villages, having no walls nor other defences, were quietly entered at midnight; and the spaniards, rushing suddenly into the houses where the caciques were quartered, seized and bound them, to the number of fourteen, and hurried them off to the fortress, before any effort could be made for their defence or rescue. the indians, struck with terror, made no resistance, nor any show of hostility; surrounding the fortress in great multitudes, but without weapons, they filled the air with doleful howlings and lamentations, imploring the release of their chieftains. the adelantado completed his enterprise with the spirit, sagacity, and moderation with which he had hitherto conducted it. he obtained information of the causes of this conspiracy, and the individuals most culpable. two caciques, the principal movers of the insurrection, and who had most wrought upon the easy nature of guarionex, were put to death. as to that unfortunate cacique, the adelantado, considering the deep wrongs he had suffered, and the slowness with which he had been provoked to revenge, magnanimously pardoned him; nay, according to las casas, he proceeded with stern justice against the spaniard whose outrage on his wife had sunk so deeply in his heart. he extended his lenity also to the remaining chieftains of the conspiracy; promising great favors and rewards, if they should continue firm in their loyalty; but terrible punishments should they again be found in rebellion. the heart of guarionex was subdued by this unexpected clemency. he made a speech to his people, setting forth the irresistible might and valor of the spaniards; their great lenity to offenders, and their generosity to such as were faithful; and he earnestly exhorted them henceforth to cultivate their friendship. the indians listened to him with attention; his praises of the white men were confirmed by their treatment of himself; when he had concluded, they took him up on their shoulders, bore him to his habitation with songs and shouts of joy, and for some time the tranquillity of the vega was restored. [15] chapter iii. the adelantado repairs to xaragua to receive tribute. [1497.] with all his energy and discretion, the adelantado found it difficult to manage the proud and turbulent spirit of the colonists. they could ill brook the sway of a foreigner, who, when they were restive, curbed them with an iron hand. don bartholomew had not the same legitimate authority in their eyes as his brother. the admiral was the discoverer of the country, and the authorized representative of the sovereigns; yet even him they with difficulty brought themselves to obey. the adelantado, on the contrary, was regarded by many as a mere intruder, assuming high command without authority from the crown, and shouldering himself into power on the merits and services of his brother. they spoke with impatience and indignation, also, of the long absence of the admiral, and his fancied inattention to their wants; little aware of the incessant anxieties he was suffering on their account, during his detention in spain. the sagacious measure of the adelantado in building the caravels for some time diverted their attention. they watched their progress with solicitude, looking upon them as a means either of obtaining relief, or of abandoning the island. aware that repining and discontented men should never be left in idleness, don bartholomew kept them continually in movement; and indeed a state of constant activity was congenial to his own vigorous spirit. about this time messengers arrived from behechio, cacique of xaragua, informing him that he had large quantities of cotton, and other articles, in which his tribute was to be paid, ready for delivery. the adelantado immediately set forth with a numerous train, to revisit this fruitful and happy region. he was again received with songs and dances, and all the national demonstrations of respect and amity by behechio and his sister anacaona. the latter appeared to be highly popular among the natives, and to have almost as much sway in xaragua as her brother. her natural ease, and the graceful dignity of her manners, more and more won the admiration of the spaniards. the adelantado found thirty-two inferior caciques assembled in the house of behechio, awaiting his arrival with their respective tributes. the cotton they had brought was enough to fill one of their houses. having delivered this, they gratuitously offered the adelantado as much cassava bread as he desired. the offer was most acceptable in the present necessitous state of the colony; and don bartholomew sent to isabella for one of the caravels, which was nearly finished, to be dispatched as soon as possible to xaragua, to be freighted with bread and cotton. in the meantime, the natives brought from all quarters large supplies of provisions, and entertained their guests with continual festivity and banqueting. the early spanish writers, whose imaginations, heated by the accounts of the voyagers, could not form an idea of the simplicity of savage life, especially in these newly-discovered countries, which were supposed to border upon asia, often speak in terms of oriental magnificence of the entertainments of the natives, the palaces of the caciques, and the lords and ladies of their courts, as if they were describing the abodes of asiatic potentates. the accounts given of xaragua, however, have a different character; and give a picture of savage life, in its perfection of idle and ignorant enjoyment. the troubles which distracted the other parts of devoted hayti had not reached the inhabitants of this pleasant region. living among beautiful and fruitful groves, on the borders of a sea apparently for ever tranquil and unvexed by storms; having few wants, and those readily supplied, they appeared emancipated from the common lot of labor, and to pass their lives in one uninterrupted holiday. when the spaniards regarded the fertility and sweetness of this country, the gentleness of its people, and the beauty of its women, they pronounced it a perfect paradise. at length the caravel arrived which was to be freighted with the articles of tribute. it anchored about six miles from the residence of behechio, and anacaona proposed to her brother that they should go together to behold what she called the great canoe of the white men. on their way to the coast, the adelantado was lodged one night in a village, in a house where anacaona treasured up those articles which she esteemed most rare and precious. they consisted of various manufactures of cotton, ingeniously wrought; of vessels of clay, moulded into different forms; of chairs, tables, and like articles of furniture, formed of ebony and other kinds of wood, and carved with various devices,--all evincing great skill and ingenuity, in a people who had no iron tools to work with. such were the simple treasures of this indian princess, of which she made numerous presents to her guest. nothing could exceed the wonder and delight of this intelligent woman, when she first beheld the ship. her brother, who treated her with a fraternal fondness and respectful attention worthy of civilized life, had prepared two canoes, gayly painted and decorated; one to convey her and her attendants, and the other for himself and his chieftains. anacaona, however, preferred to embark, with her attendants, in the ship's boat with the adelantado. as they approached the caravel, a salute was fired. at the report of the cannon, and the sight of the smoke, anacaona, overcome with dismay, fell into the arms of the adelantado, and her attendants would have leaped overboard, but the laughter and the cheerful words of don bartholomew speedily reassured them. as they drew nearer to the vessel, several instruments of martial music struck up, with which they were greatly delighted. their admiration increased on entering on board. accustomed only to their simple and slight canoes, every thing here appeared wonderfully vast and complicated. but when the anchor was weighed, the sails were spread, and, aided by a gentle breeze, they beheld this vast mass, moving apparently by its own volition, veering from side to side, and playing like a huge monster in the deep, the brother and sister remained gazing at each other in mute astonishment. [16] nothing seems to have filled the mind of the most stoical savage with more wonder than that sublime and beautiful triumph of genius, a ship under sail. having freighted and dispatched the caravel, the adelantado made many presents to behechio, his sister, and their attendants, and took leave of them, to return by land with his troops to isabella. anacaona showed great affliction at their parting, entreating him to remain some time longer with them, and appearing fearful that they had failed in their humble attempt to please him. she even offered to follow him to the settlement, nor would she be consoled until he had promised to return again to xaragua. [17] we cannot but remark the ability shown by the adelantado in the course of his transient government of the island. wonderfully alert and active, he made repeated marches of great extent, from one remote province to another, and was always at the post of danger at the critical moment. by skillful management, with a handful of men, he defeated a formidable insurrection without any effusion of blood. he conciliated the most inveterate enemies among the natives by great moderation, while he deterred all wanton hostilities by the infliction of signal punishments. he had made firm friends of the most important chieftains, brought their dominions under cheerful tribute, opened new sources of supplies for the colony, and procured relief from its immediate wants. had his judicious measures been seconded by those under his command, the whole country would have been a scene of tranquil prosperity, and would have produced great revenues to the crown, without cruelty to the natives; but, like his brother the admiral, his good intentions and judicious arrangements were constantly thwarted by the vile passions and perverse conduct of others. while he was absent from isabella, new mischiefs had been fomented there, which were soon to throw the whole island into confusion. chapter iv. conspiracy of roldan. [1497.] the prime mover of the present mischief was one francisco roldan, a man under the deepest obligations to the admiral. raised by him from poverty and obscurity, he had been employed at first in menial capacities; but, showing strong natural talents, and great assiduity, he had been made ordinary alcalde, equivalent to justice of the peace. the able manner in which he acquitted himself in this situation, and the persuasion of his great fidelity and gratitude, induced columbus, on departing for spain, to appoint him alcalde mayor, or chief judge of the island. it is true he was an uneducated man, but, as there were as yet no intricacies of law in the colony, the office required little else than shrewd good sense and upright principles for its discharge. [18] roldan was one of those base spirits which grow venomous in the sunshine of prosperity. his benefactor had returned to spain apparently under a cloud of disgrace; a long interval had elapsed without tidings from him; he considered him a fallen man, and began to devise how he might profit by his downfall. he was intrusted with an office inferior only to that of the adelantado; the brothers of columbus were highly unpopular; he imagined it possible to ruin them, both with the colonists and with the government at home, and by dextrous cunning and bustling activity to work his way into the command of the colony. the vigorous and somewhat austere character of the adelantado for some time kept him in awe; but when he was absent from the settlement, roldan was able to carry on his machinations with confidence. don diego, who then commanded at isabella, was an upright and worthy man, but deficient in energy. roldan felt himself his superior in talent and spirit, and his self-conceit was wounded at being inferior to him in authority. he soon made a party among the daring and dissolute of the community, and secretly loosened the ties of order and good government, by listening to and encouraging the discontents of the common people, and directing them against the character and conduct of columbus and his brothers. he had heretofore been employed as superintendent of various public works; this brought him into familiar communication with workmen, sailors, and others of the lower order. his originally vulgar character enabled him to adapt himself to their intellects and manners, while his present station gave him consequence in their eyes. finding them full of murmurs about hard treatment, severe toil, and the long absence of the admiral, he affected to be moved by their distresses. he threw out suggestions that the admiral might never return, being disgraced and ruined in consequence of the representations of aguado. he sympathized with the hard treatment they experienced from the adelantado and his brother don diego, who, being foreigners, could take no interest in their welfare, nor feel a proper respect for the pride of a spaniard; but who used them merely as slaves, to build houses and fortresses for them, or to swell their state and secure their power, as they marched about the island enriching themselves with the spoils of the caciques. by these suggestions he exasperated their feelings to such a height, that they had at one time formed a conspiracy to take away the life of the adelantado, as the only means of delivering themselves from an odious tyrant. the time and place for the perpetration of the act were concerted. the adelantado had condemned to death a spaniard of the name of berahona, a friend of roldan, and of several of the conspirators. what was his offence is not positively stated, but from a passage in las casas [19] there is reason to believe that he was the very spaniard who had violated the favorite wife of guarionex, the cacique of the vega. the adelantado would be present at the execution. it was arranged, therefore, that when the populace had assembled, a tumult should be made as if by accident, and in the confusion of the moment, don bartholomew should be dispatched with a poniard. fortunately for the adelantado, he pardoned the criminal, the assemblage did not take place, and the plan of the conspirators was disconcerted. [20] when don bartholomew was absent collecting the tribute in xaragua, roldan thought it was a favorable time to bring affairs to a crisis. he had sounded the feelings of the colonists, and ascertained that there was a large party disposed for open sedition. his plan was to create a popular tumult, to interpose in his official character of alcalde mayor, to throw the blame upon the oppression and injustice of don diego and his brother, and, while he usurped the reins of authority, to appear as if actuated only by zeal for the peace and prosperity of the island, and the interests of the sovereigns. a pretext soon presented itself for the proposed tumult. when the caravel returned from xaragua laden with the indian tributes, and the cargo was discharged, don diego had the vessel drawn up on the land, to protect it from accidents, or from any sinister designs of the disaffected colonists. roldan immediately pointed this circumstance out to his partisans. he secretly inveighed against the hardship of having this vessel drawn on shore, instead of being left afloat for the benefit of the colony, or sent to spain to make known their distresses. he hinted that the true reason was the fear of the adelantado and his brother, lest accounts should be carried to spain of their misconduct, and he affirmed that they wished to remain undisturbed masters of the island, and keep the spaniards there as subjects, or rather as slaves. the people took fire at these suggestions. they had long looked forward to the completion of the caravels as their only chance for relief; they now insisted that the vessel should be launched and sent to spain for supplies. don diego endeavored to convince them of the folly of their demand, the vessel not being rigged and equipped for such a voyage; but the more he attempted to pacify them, the more unreasonable and turbulent they became. roldan, also, became more bold and explicit in his instigations. he advised them to launch and take possession of the caravel, as the only mode of regaining their independence. they might then throw off the tyranny of these upstart strangers, enemies in their hearts to spaniards, and might lead a life of ease and pleasure; sharing equally all that they might gain by barter in the island, employing the indians as slaves to work for them, and enjoying unrestrained indulgence with respect to the indian women. [21] don diego received information of what was fermenting among the people, yet feared to come to an open rupture with roldan in the present mutinous state of the colony. he suddenly detached him, therefore, with forty men, to the vega, under pretext of overawing certain of the natives who had refused to pay their tribute, and had shown a disposition to revolt. roldan made use of this opportunity to strengthen his faction. he made friends and partisans among the discontented caciques, secretly justifying them in their resistance to the imposition of tribute, and promising them redress. he secured the devotion of his own soldiers by great acts of indulgence, disarming and dismissing such as refused full participation in his plans, and returned with his little band to isabella, where he felt secure of a strong party among the common people. the adelantado had by this time returned from xaragua; but roldan, feeling himself at the head of a strong faction, and arrogating to himself great authority from his official station, now openly demanded that the caravel should be launched, or permission given to himself and his followers to launch it. the adelantado peremptorily refused, observing that neither he nor his companions were mariners, nor was the caravel furnished and equipped for sea, and that neither the safety of the vessel, nor of the people, should be endangered by their attempt to navigate her. roldan perceived that his motives were suspected, and felt that the adelantado was too formidable an adversary to contend with in any open sedition at isabella. he determined, therefore, to carry his plans into operation in some more favorable part of the island, always trusting to excuse any open rebellion against the authority of don bartholomew, by representing it as a patriotic opposition to his tyranny over spaniards. he had seventy well-armed and determined men under his command, and he trusted, on erecting his standard, to be joined by all the disaffected throughout the island. he set off suddenly, therefore, for the vega, intending to surprise the fortress of conception, and by getting command of that post and the rich country adjacent, to set the adelantado at defiance. he stopped, on his way, at various indian villages in which the spaniards were distributed, endeavoring to enlist the latter in his party, by holding out promises of great gain and free living. he attempted also to seduce the natives from their allegiance, by promising them freedom from all tribute. those caciques with whom he had maintained a previous understanding, received him with open arms; particularly one who had taken the name of diego marque, whose village he made his headquarters, being about two leagues from fort conception. he was disappointed in his hopes of surprising the fortress. its commander, miguel ballester, was an old and staunch soldier, both resolute and wary. he drew himself into his stronghold on the approach of roldan, and closed his gates. his garrison was small, but the fortification, situated on the side of a hill, with a river running at its foot, was proof against any assault. roldan had still some hopes that ballester might be disaffected to government, and might be gradually brought into his plans, or that the garrison would be disposed to desert, tempted by the licentious life which he permitted among his followers. in the neighborhood was the town inhabited by guarionex. here were quartered thirty soldiers, under the command of captain garcia de barrantes. roldan repaired thither with his armed force, hoping to enlist barrantes and his party; but the captain shut himself up with his men in a fortified house, refusing to permit them to hold any communication with roldan. the latter threatened to set fire to the house; but after a little consideration, contented himself with seizing their store of provisions, and then marched towards fort conception, which was not quite half a league distant. [22] chapter v. the adelantado repairs to the vega in relief of fort conception.--his interview with roldan. [1497.] the adelantado had received intelligence of the flagitious proceedings of roldan, yet hesitated for a time to set out in pursuit of him. he had lost all confidence in the loyalty of the people around him, and knew not how far the conspiracy extended, nor on whom he could rely. diego de escobar, alcayde of the fortress of la madalena, together with adrian de moxica and pedro de valdivieso, all principal men, were in league with roldan. he feared that the commander of fort conception might likewise be in the plot, and the whole island in arms against him. he was reassured, however, by tidings from miguel ballester. that loyal veteran wrote to him pressing letters for succor; representing the weakness of his garrison, and the increasing forces of the rebels. don bartholomew hastened to his assistance with his accustomed promptness, and threw himself with a reinforcement into the fortress. being ignorant of the force of the rebels, and doubtful of the loyalty of his own followers, he determined to adopt mild measures. understanding that roldan was quartered at a village but half a league distant, he sent a message to him, remonstrating on the flagrant irregularity of his conduct, the injury it was calculated to produce in the island, and the certain ruin it must bring upon himself, and summoning him to appear at the fortress, pledging his word for his personal safety. roldan repaired accordingly to fort conception, where the adelantado held a parley with him from a window, demanding the reason of his appearing in arms, in opposition to royal authority. roldan replied boldly, that he was in the service of his sovereigns, defending their subjects from the oppression of men who sought their destruction. the adelantado ordered him to surrender his staff of office, as alcalde mayor, and to submit peaceably to superior authority. roldan refused to resign his office, or to put himself in the power of don bartholomew, whom he charged with seeking his life. he refused also to submit to any trial, unless commanded by the king. pretending, however, to make no resistance to the peaceable exercise of authority, he offered to go with his followers, and reside at any place the adelantado might appoint. the latter immediately designated the village of the cacique diego colon, the same native of the lucayos islands who had been baptized in spain, and had since married a daughter of guarionex. roldan objected, pretending there were not sufficient provisions to be had there for the subsistence of his men, and departed, declaring that he would seek a more eligible residence elsewhere. [23] he now proposed to his followers to take possession of the remote province of xaragua. the spaniards who had returned thence gave enticing accounts of the life they had led there; of the fertility of the soil, the sweetness of the climate, the hospitality and gentleness of the people, their feasts, dances, and various amusements, and, above all, the beauty of the women; for they had been captivated by the naked charms of the dancing nymphs of xaragua. in this delightful region, emancipated from the iron rule of the adelantado, and relieved from the necessity of irksome labor, they might lead a life of perfect freedom and indulgence, and have a world of beauty at their command. in short, roldan drew a picture of loose sensual enjoyment, such as he knew to be irresistible with men of idle and dissolute habits. his followers acceded with joy to his proposition. some preparations, however, were necessary to carry it into effect. taking advantage of the absence of the adelantado, he suddenly marched with his band to isabella, and entering it in a manner by surprise, endeavored to launch the caravel, with which they might sail to xaragua. don diego columbus, hearing the tumult, issued forth with several cavaliers; but such was the force of the mutineers, and their menacing conduct, that he was obliged to withdraw, with his adherents, into the fortress. roldan held several parleys with him, and offered to submit to his command, provided he would set himself up in opposition to his brother the adelantado. his proposition was treated with scorn. the fortress was too strong to be assailed with success; he found it impossible to launch the caravel, and feared the adelantado might return, and he be inclosed between two forces. he proceeded, therefore, in all haste to make provisions for the proposed expedition to xaragua. still pretending to act in his official capacity, and to do every thing from loyal motives, for the protection and support of the oppressed subjects of the crown, he broke open the royal warehouse, with shouts of "long live the king!" supplied his followers with arms, ammunition, clothing, and whatever they desired from the public stores; proceeded to the inclosure where the cattle and other european animals were kept to breed, took such as he thought necessary for his intended establishment, and permitted his followers to kill such of the remainder as they might want for present supply. having committed this wasteful ravage, he marched in triumph out of isabella. [24] reflecting, however, on the prompt and vigorous character of the adelantado, he felt that his situation would be but little secure with such an active enemy behind him; who, on extricating himself from present perplexities, would not fail to pursue him to his proposed paradise of xaragua. he determined, therefore, to march again to the vega, and endeavor either to get possession of the person of the adelantado, or to strike some blow, in his present crippled state, that should disable him from offering further molestation. returning, therefore, to the vicinity of fort conception, he endeavored in every way, by the means of subtle emissaries, to seduce the garrison to desertion, or to excite it to revolt. the adelantado dared not take the field with his forces, having no confidence in their fidelity. he knew that they listened wistfully to the emissaries of roldan, and contrasted the meagre fare and stern discipline of the garrison with the abundant cheer and easy misrule that prevailed among the rebels. to counteract these seductions, he relaxed from his usual strictness, treating his men with great indulgence, and promising them large rewards. by these means he was enabled to maintain some degree of loyalty amongst his forces, his service having the advantage over that of roldan, of being on the side of government and law. finding his attempts to corrupt the garrison unsuccessful, and fearing some sudden sally from the vigorous adelantado, roldan drew off to a distance, and sought by insidious means to strengthen his own power, and weaken that of the government. he asserted equal right to manage the affairs of the island with the adelantado, and pretended to have separated from him on account of his being passionate and vindictive in the exercise of his authority. he represented him as the tyrant of the spaniards, the oppressor of the indians. for himself, he assumed the character of a redresser of grievances and champion of the injured. he pretended to feel a patriotic indignation at the affronts heaped upon spaniards by a family of obscure and arrogant foreigners; and professed to free the natives from tributes wrung from them by these rapacious men for their own enrichment, and contrary to the beneficent intentions of the spanish monarchs. he connected himself closely with the carib cacique manicaotex, brother of the late caonabo, whose son and nephew were in his possession as hostages for payment of tributes. this warlike chieftain he conciliated by presents and caresses, bestowing on him the appellation of brother. [25] the unhappy natives, deceived by his professions, and overjoyed at the idea of having a protector in arms for their defence, submitted cheerfully to a thousand impositions, supplying his followers with provisions in abundance, and bringing to roldan all the gold they could collect; voluntarily yielding him heavier tributes than those from which he pretended to free them. the affairs of the island were now in a lamentable situation. the indians, perceiving the dissensions among the white men, and encouraged by the protection of roldan, began to throw off all allegiance to the government. the caciques at a distance ceased to send in their tributes, and those who were in the vicinity were excused by the adelantado, that by indulgence he might retain their friendship in this time of danger. roldan's faction daily gained strength; they ranged insolently and at large in the open country, and were supported by the misguided natives; while the spaniards who remained loyal, fearing conspiracies among the natives, had to keep under shelter of the fort, or in the strong houses which they had erected in the villages. the commanders were obliged to palliate all kinds of slights and indignities, both from their soldiers and from the indians, fearful of driving them to sedition by any severity. the clothing and munitions of all kinds, either for maintenance or defence, were rapidly wasting away, and the want of all supplies or tidings from spain was sinking the spirits of the well-affected into despondency. the adelantado was shut up in fort conception, in daily expectation of being openly besieged by roldan, and was secretly informed that means were taken to destroy him, should he issue from the walls of the fortress. [26] such was the desperate state to which the colony was reduced, in consequence of the long detention of columbus in spain, and the impediments thrown in the way of all his measures for the benefit of the island by the delays of cabinets and the chicanery of fonseca and his satellites. at this critical juncture, when faction reigned triumphant, and the colony was on the brink of ruin, tidings were brought to the vega that pedro fernandez coronal had arrived at the port of san domingo, with two ships, bringing supplies of all kinds, and a strong reinforcement of troops. [27] chapter vi. second insurrection of guarionex, and his flight to the mountains of ciguay. [1498.] the arrival of coronal, which took place on the third of february, was the salvation of the colony. the reinforcements of troops, and of supplies of all kinds, strengthened the hands of don bartholomew. the royal confirmation of his title and authority as adelantado at once dispelled all doubts as to the legitimacy of his power; and the tidings that the admiral was in high favor at court, and would soon arrive with a powerful squadron, struck consternation into those who had entered into the rebellion on the presumption of his having fallen into disgrace. the adelantado no longer remained mewed up in his fortress, but set out immediately for san domingo with a part of his troops, although a much superior rebel force was at the village of the cacique guarionex, at a very short distance. roldan followed slowly and gloomily with his party, anxious to ascertain the truth of these tidings, to make partisans, if possible, among those who had newly arrived, and to take advantage of every circumstance that might befriend his rash and hazardous projects. the adelantado left strong guards on the passes of the roads to prevent his near approach to san domingo, but roldan paused within a few leagues of the place. when the adelantado found himself secure in san domingo with this augmentation of force, and the prospect of a still greater reinforcement at hand, his magnanimity prevailed over his indignation, and he sought by gentle means to allay the popular seditions, that the island might be restored to tranquillity before his brother's arrival. he considered that the colonists had suffered greatly from the want of supplies; that their discontents had been heightened by the severities he had been compelled to inflict; and that many had been led to rebellion by doubts of the legitimacy of his authority. while, therefore, he proclaimed the royal act sanctioning his title and powers, he promised amnesty for all past offences, on condition of immediate return to allegiance. hearing that roldan was within five leagues of san domingo with his band, he sent pedro fernandez coronal, who had been appointed by the sovereigns alguazil mayor of the island, to exhort him to obedience, promising him oblivion of the past. he trusted that the representations of a discreet and honorable man like coronal, who had been witness of the favor in which his brother stood in spain, would convince the rebels of the hopelessness of their course. roldan, however, conscious of his guilt, and doubtful of the clemency of don bartholomew, feared to venture within his power; he determined, also, to prevent his followers from communicating with coronal, lest they should be seduced from him by the promise of pardon. when that emissary, therefore, approached the encampment of the rebels, he was opposed in a narrow pass by a body of archers, with their cross-bows levelled. "halt there! traitor!" cried roldan, "had you arrived eight days later, we should all have been united as one man." [28] in vain coronal endeavored by fair reasoning and earnest entreaty to win this perverse and turbulent man from his career. roldan answered with hardihood and defiance, professing to oppose only the tyranny and misrule of the adelantado, but to be ready to submit to the admiral on his arrival. he, and several of his principal confederates, wrote letters to the same effect to their friends in san domingo, urging them to plead their cause with the admiral when he should arrive, and to assure him of their disposition to acknowledge his authority. when coronal returned with accounts of roldan's contumacy, the adelantado proclaimed him and his followers traitors. that shrewd rebel, however, did not suffer his men to remain within either the seduction of promise or the terror of menace; he immediately set out on his march for his promised land of xaragua, trusting to impair every honest principle and virtuous tie of his misguided followers by a life of indolence and libertinage. in the meantime the mischievous effects of his intrigues among the caciques became more and more apparent. no sooner had the adelantado left fort conception, than a conspiracy was formed among the natives to surprise it. guarionex was at the head of this conspiracy, moved by the instigations of roldan, who had promised him protection and assistance, and led on by the forlorn hope, in this distracted state of the spanish forces, of relieving his paternal domains from the intolerable domination of usurping strangers. holding secret communications with his tributary caciques, it was concerted that they should all rise simultaneously and massacre the soldiery, quartered in small parties in their villages; while he, with a chosen force, should surprise the fortress of conception. the night of the full moon was fixed upon for the insurrection. one of the principal caciques, however, not being a correct observer of the heavenly bodies, took up arms before the appointed night, and was repulsed by the soldiers quartered in his village. the alarm was given, and the spaniards were all put on the alert. the cacique fled to guarionex for protection, but the chieftain, enraged at his fatal blunder, put him to death upon the spot. no sooner did the adelantado hear of this fresh conspiracy, than he put himself on the march for the vega with a strong body of men. guarionex did not await his coming. he saw that every attempt was fruitless to shake off these strangers, who had settled like a curse upon his territories. he had found their very friendship withering and destructive, and he now dreaded their vengeance. abandoning, therefore, his rightful domain, the once happy vega, he fled with his family and a small band of faithful followers to the mountains of ciguay. this is a lofty chain, extending along the north side of the island, between the vega and the sea. the inhabitants were the most robust and hardy tribe of the island, and far more formidable than the mild inhabitants of the plains. it was a part of this tribe which displayed hostility to the spaniards in the course of the first voyage of columbus, and in a skirmish with them in the gulf of semana the first drop of native blood had been shed in the new world. the reader may remember the frank and confiding conduct of these people the day after the skirmish, and the intrepid faith with which their cacique trusted himself on board of the caravel of the admiral, and in the power of the spaniards. it was to this same cacique, named mayobanex, that the fugitive chieftain of the vega now applied for refuge. he came to his residence at an indian town near cape cabron, about forty leagues east of isabella, and implored shelter for his wife and children, and his handful of loyal followers. the noble-minded cacique of the mountains received him with open arms. he not only gave an asylum to his family, but engaged to stand by him in his distress, to defend his cause, and share his desperate fortunes. [29]men in civilized life learn magnanimity from precept, but their most generous actions are often rivaled by the deeds of untutored savages, who act only from natural impulse. chapter vii. campaign of the adelantado in the mountains of ciguay. [1498.] aided by his mountain ally, and by bands of hardy ciguayans, guarionex made several descents into the plain, cutting off straggling parties of the spaniards, laying waste the villages of the natives which continued in allegiance to them, and destroying the fruits of the earth. the adelantado put a speedy stop to these molestations; but he determined to root out so formidable an adversary from the neighborhood. shrinking from no danger nor fatigue, and leaving nothing to be done by others which he could do himself, he set forth in the spring with a band of ninety men, a few cavalry, and a body of indians, to penetrate the ciguay mountains. after passing a steep defile, rendered almost impracticable for troops by rugged rocks and exuberant vegetation, he descended into a beautiful valley or plain, extending along the coast, and embraced by arms of the mountains which approached the sea. his advance into the country was watched by the keen eyes of indian scouts who lurked among rocks and thickets. as the spaniards were seeking the ford of a river at the entrance of the plain, two of these spies darted from among the bushes on its bank. one flung himself headlong into the water, and swimming across the mouth of the river escaped; the other being taken, gave information that six thousand indians lay in ambush on the opposite shore, waiting to attack them as they crossed. the adelantado advanced with caution, and finding a shallow place, entered the river with his troops. they were scarcely midway in the stream when the savages, hideously painted, and looking more like fiends than men, burst from their concealment. the forest rang with their yells and howlings. they discharged a shower of arrows and lances, by which, notwithstanding the protection of their targets, many of the spaniards were wounded. the adelantado, however, forced his way across the river, and the indians took to flight. some were killed, but their swiftness of foot, their knowledge of the forest, and their dexterity in winding through the most tangled thickets, enabled the greater number to elude the pursuit of the spaniards, who were encumbered with armor, targets, crossbows, and lances. by the advice of one of his indian guides, the adelantado pressed forward along the valley to reach the residence of mayobanex, at cabron. in the way he had several skirmishes with the natives, who would suddenly rush forth with furious war-cries from ambuscades among the bushes, discharge their weapons, and take refuge again in the fastnesses of their rocks and forests, inaccessible to the spaniards. having taken several prisoners, the adelantado sent one accompanied by an indian of a friendly tribe, as a messenger to mayobanex, demanding the surrender of guarionex; promising friendship and protection in case of compliance, but threatening, in case of refusal, to lay waste his territory with fire and sword. the cacique listened attentively to the messenger: "tell the spaniards," said he in reply, "that they are bad men, cruel and tyrannical; usurpers of the territories of others, and shedders of innocent blood. i desire not the friendship of such men; guarionex is a good man, he is my friend, he is my guest, he has fled to me for refuge, i have promised to protect him, and i will keep my word." this magnanimous reply, or rather defiance, convinced the adelantado that nothing was to be gained by friendly overtures. when severity was required, he could be a stern soldier. he immediately ordered the village in which he had been quartered, and several others in the neighborhood, to be set on fire. he then sent further messengers to mayobanex, warning him that, unless he delivered up the fugitive cacique, his whole dominions should be laid waste in like manner; and he would see nothing in every direction but the smoke and flames of burning villages. alarmed at this impending destruction, the ciguayans surrounded their chieftain with clamorous lamentations, cursing the day that guarionex had taken refuge among them, and urging that he should be given up for the salvation of the country. the generous cacique was inflexible. he reminded them of the many virtues of guarionex, and the sacred claims he had on their hospitality, and declared he would abide all evils, rather than it should ever be said mayobanex had betrayed his guest. the people retired with sorrowful hearts, and the chieftain, summoning guarionex into his presence, again pledged his word to protect him, though it should cost him his dominions. he sent no reply to the adelantado, and lest further messages might tempt the fidelity of his subjects, he placed men in ambush, with orders to slay any messenger who might approach. they had not lain in wait long, before they beheld two men advancing through the forest, one of whom was a captive ciguayan, and the other an indian ally of the spaniards. they were both instantly slain. the adelantado was following at no great distance, with only ten foot-soldiers and four horsemen. when he found his messengers lying dead in the forest path, transfixed with arrows, he was greatly exasperated, and resolved to deal rigorously with this obstinate tribe. he advanced, therefore, with all his force to cabron, where mayobanex and his army were quartered. at his approach the inferior caciques and their adherents fled, overcome by terror of the spaniards. finding himself thus deserted, mayobanex took refuge with his family in a secret part of the mountains. several of the ciguayans sought for guarionex, to kill him or deliver him up as a propitiatory offering, but he fled to the heights, where he wandered about alone, in the most savage and desolate places. the density of the forests and the ruggedness of the mountains rendered this expedition excessively painful and laborious, and protracted it far beyond the time that the adelantado had contemplated. his men suffered, not merely from fatigue, but hunger. the natives had all fled to the mountains; their villages remained empty and desolate; all the provisions of the spaniards consisted of cassava bread, and such roots and herbs as their indian allies could gather for them, with now and then a few utias taken with the assistance of their dogs. they slept almost always on the ground, in the open air, under the trees, exposed to the heavy dew which falls in this climate. for three months they were thus ranging the mountains, until almost worn out with toil and hard fare. many of them had farms in the neighborhood of fort conception, which required their attention; they, therefore, entreated permission, since the indians were terrified and dispersed, to return to their abodes in the vega. the adelantado granted many of them passports and an allowance out of the scanty stock of bread which remained. retaining only thirty men, he resolved with these to search every den and cavern of the mountains until he should find the two caciques. it was difficult, however, to trace them in such a wilderness. there was no one to give a clue to their retreat, for the whole country was abandoned. there were the habitations of men, but not a human being to be seen; or if, by chance, they caught some wretched indian stealing forth from the mountains in quest of food, he always professed utter ignorance of the hiding-place of the caciques. it happened one day, however, that several spaniards, while hunting utias, captured two of the followers of mayobanex, who were on their way to a distant village in search of bread. they were taken to the adelantado, who compelled them to betray the place of concealment of their chieftain, and to act as guides. twelve spaniards volunteered to go in quest of him. stripping themselves naked, staining and painting their bodies so as to look like indians, and covering their swords with palm-leaves, they were conducted by the guides to the retreat of the unfortunate mayobanex. they came secretly upon him, and found him surrounded by his wife and children and a few of his household, totally unsuspicious of danger. drawing their swords, the spaniards rushed upon them, and made them all prisoners. when they were brought to the adelantado, he gave up all further search after guarionex, and returned to fort conception. among the prisoners thus taken was the sister of mayobanex. she was the wife of another cacique of the mountains, whose territories had never yet been visited by the spaniards; and she was reputed to be one of the most beautiful women of the island. tenderly attached to her brother, she had abandoned the security of her own dominions, and had followed him among rocks and precipices, participating in all his hardships, and comforting him with a woman's sympathy and kindness. when her husband heard of her captivity, he hastened to the adelantado and offered to submit himself and all his possessions to his sway, if his wife might be restored to him. the adelantado accepted his offer of allegiance, and released his wife and several of his subjects who had been captured. the cacique, faithful to his word, became a firm and valuable ally of the spaniards, cultivating large tracts of land, and supplying them with great quantities of bread and other provisions. kindness appears never to have been lost upon the people of this island. when this act of clemency reached the ciguayans, they came in multitudes to the fortress, bringing presents of various kinds, promising allegiance, and imploring the release of mayobanex and his family. the adelantado granted their prayers in part, releasing the wife and household of the cacique, but still detaining him prisoner to insure the fidelity of his subjects. in the meantime the unfortunate guarionex, who had been hiding in the wildest parts of the mountains, was driven by hunger to venture down occasionally into the plain in quest of food. the ciguayans looking upon him as the cause of their misfortunes, and perhaps hoping by his sacrifice to procure the release of their chieftain, betrayed his haunts to the adelantado. a party was dispatched to secure him. they lay in wait in the path by which he usually returned to the mountains. as the unhappy cacique, after one of his famished excursions, was returning to his den among the cliffs, he was surprised by the lurking spaniards, and brought in chains to fort conception. after his repeated insurrections, and the extraordinary zeal and perseverance displayed in his pursuit, guarionex expected nothing less than death from the vengeance of the adelantado. don bartholomew, however, though stern in his policy, was neither vindictive nor cruel in his nature. he considered the tranquillity of the vega sufficiently secured by the captivity of the cacique; and ordered him to be detained a prisoner and hostage in the fortress. the indian hostilities in this important part of the island being thus brought to a conclusion, and precautions taken to prevent their recurrence, don bartholomew returned to the city of san domingo, where, shortly after his arrival, he had the happiness of receiving his brother, the admiral, after nearly two years and six months' absence. [30] such was the active, intrepid, and sagacious, but turbulent and disastrous administration of the adelantado, in which we find evidences of the great capacity, the mental and bodily vigor of this self-formed and almost self-taught man. he united, in a singular degree, the sailor, the soldier, and the legislator. like his brother, the admiral, his mind and manners rose immediately to the level of his situation, showing no arrogance nor ostentation, and exercising the sway of sudden and extraordinary power with the sobriety and moderation of one who had been born to rule. he has been accused of severity in his government, but no instance appears of a cruel or wanton abuse of authority. if he was stern towards the factious spaniards, he was just; the disasters of his administration were not produced by his own rigor, but by the perverse passions of others, which called for its exercise; and the admiral, who had more suavity of manner and benevolence of heart, was not more fortunate in conciliating the good will, and insuring the obedience of the colonists. the merits of don bartholomew do not appear to have been sufficiently appreciated by the world. his portrait has been suffered to remain too much in the shade; it is worthy of being brought into the light, as a companion to that of his illustrious brother. less amiable and engaging, perhaps, in its lineaments, and less characterized by magnanimity, its traits are nevertheless bold, generous, and heroic, and stamped with iron firmness. book xii. chapter i. confusion in the island.--proceedings of the rebels at xaragua. [august 30, 1498.] columbus arrived at san domingo, wearied by a long and arduous voyage, and worn down by infirmities; both mind and body craved repose, but from the time he first entered into public life, he had been doomed never again to taste the sweets of tranquillity. the island of hispaniola, the favorite child as it were of his hopes, was destined to involve him in perpetual troubles, to fetter his fortunes, impede his enterprises, and imbitter the conclusion of his life. what a scene of poverty and suffering had this opulent and lovely island been rendered by the bad passions of a few despicable men! the wars with the natives and the seditions among the colonists had put a stop to the labors of the mines, and all hopes of wealth were at an end. the horrors of famine had succeeded to those of war. the cultivation of the earth had been generally neglected; several of the provinces had been desolated during the late troubles; a great part of the indians had fled to the mountains, and those who remained had lost all heart to labor, seeing the produce of their toils liable to be wrested from them by ruthless strangers. it is true, the vega was once more tranquil, but it was a desolate tranquillity. that beautiful region, which the spaniards but four years before had found so populous and happy, seeming to inclose in its luxuriant bosom all the sweets of nature, and to exclude all the cares and sorrows of the world, was now a scene of wretchedness and repining. many of those indian towns, where the spaniards had been detained by genial hospitality, and almost worshiped as beneficent deities, were now silent and deserted. some of their late inhabitants were lurking among rocks and caverns; some were reduced to slavery; many had perished with hunger, and many had fallen by the sword. it seems almost incredible, that so small a number of men, restrained too by well-meaning governors, could in so short a space of time have produced such wide-spreading miseries. but the principles of evil have a fatal activity. with every exertion, the best of men can do but a moderate amount of good; but it seems in the power of the most contemptible individual to do incalculable mischief. the evil passions of the white men, which had inflicted such calamities upon this innocent people, had insured likewise a merited return of suffering to themselves. in no part was this more truly exemplified than among the inhabitants of isabella, the most idle, factious, and dissolute of the island. the public works were unfinished; the gardens and fields they had begun to cultivate lay neglected: they had driven the natives from their vicinity by extortion and cruelty, and had rendered the country around them a solitary wilderness. too idle to labor, and destitute of any resources with which to occupy their indolence, they quarrelled among themselves, mutinied against their rulers, and wasted their time in alternate riot and despondency. many of the soldiery quartered about the island had suffered from ill health during the late troubles, being shut up in indian villages where they could take no exercise, and obliged to subsist on food to which they could not accustom themselves. those actively employed had been worn down by hard service, long marches, and scanty food. many of them were broken in constitution, and many had perished by disease. there was a universal desire to leave the island, and escape from miseries created by themselves. yet this was the favored and fruitful land to which the eyes of philosophers and poets in europe were fondly turned, as realizing the pictures of the golden age. so true it is, that the fairest elysium fancy ever devised would be turned into a purgatory by the passions of bad men! one of the first measures of columbus on his arrival was to issue a proclamation approving of all the measures of the adelantado, and denouncing roldan and his associates. that turbulent man had taken possession of xaragua, and been kindly received by the natives. he had permitted his followers to lead an idle and licentious life among its beautiful scenes, making the surrounding country and its inhabitants subservient to their pleasures and their passions. an event happened previous to their knowledge of the arrival of columbus, which threw supplies into their hands, and strengthened their power. as they were one day loitering on the sea-shore, they beheld three caravels at a distance, the sight of which, in this unfrequented part of the ocean, filled them with wonder and alarm. the ships approached the land, and came to anchor. the rebels apprehended at first they were vessels dispatched in pursuit of them. roldan, however, who was sagacious as he was bold, surmised them to be ships which had wandered from their course, and been borne to the westward by the currents, and that they must be ignorant of the recent occurrences of the island. enjoining secrecy on his men, he went on board, pretending to be stationed in that neighborhood for the purpose of keeping the natives in obedience, and collecting tribute. his conjectures as to the vessels were correct. they were, in fact, the three caravels detached by columbus from his squadron at the canary islands, to bring supplies to the colonies. the captains, ignorant of the strength of the currents, which set through the caribbean sea, had been carried west far beyond their reckoning, until they had wandered to the coast of xaragua. roldan kept his secret closely for three days. being considered a man in important trust and authority, the captains did not hesitate to grant all his requests for supplies. he procured swords, lances, cross-bows, and various military stores; while his men, dispersed through the three vessels, were busy among the crews, secretly making partisans, representing the hard life of the colonists at san domingo, and the ease and revelry in which they passed their time at xaragua. many of the crews had been shipped in compliance with the admiral's ill-judged proposition, to commute criminal punishments into transportation to the colony. they were vagabonds, the refuse of spanish towns, and culprits from spanish dungeons; the very men, therefore, to be wrought upon by such representations, and they promised to desert on the first opportunity and join the rebels. it was not until the third day, that alonzo sanchez de carvajal, the most intelligent of the three captains, discovered the real character of the guests he had admitted so freely on board of his vessels. it was then too late; the mischief was effected. he and his fellow captains had many earnest conversations with roldan, endeavoring to persuade him from his dangerous opposition to the regular authority. the certainty that columbus was actually on his way to the island, with additional forces, and augmented authority, had operated strongly on his mind. he had, as has already been intimated, prepared his friends at san domingo to plead his cause with the admiral, assuring him that he had only acted in opposition to the injustice and oppression of the adelantado, but was ready to submit to columbus on his arrival. carvajal perceived that the resolution of roldan and of several of his principal confederates was shaken, and flattered himself, that, if he were to remain some little time among the rebels, he might succeed in drawing them back to their duty. contrary winds rendered it impossible for the ships to work up against the currents to san domingo. it was arranged among the captains, therefore, that a large number of the people on board, artificers and others most important to the service of the colony, should proceed to the settlement by land. they were to be conducted by juan antonio colombo, captain of one of the caravels, a relative of the admiral, and zealously devoted to his interests. arana was to proceed with the ships, when the wind would permit, and carvajal volunteered to remain on shore, to endeavor to bring the rebels to their allegiance. on the following morning, juan antonio colombo landed with forty men well armed with cross-bows, swords, and lances, but was astonished to find himself suddenly deserted by all his party excepting eight. the deserters went off to the rebels, who received with exultation this important reinforcement of kindred spirits. juan antonio endeavored in vain by remonstrances and threats to bring them back to their duty. they were most of them convicted culprits, accustomed to detest order, and to set law at defiance. it was equally in vain that he appealed to roldan, and reminded him of his professions of loyalty to the government. the latter replied that he had no means of enforcing obedience; his was a mere "monastery of observation," where every one was at liberty to adopt the habit of the order. such was the first of a long train of evils, which sprang from this most ill-judged expedient of peopling a colony with criminals, and thus mingling vice and villany with the fountain-head of its population. juan antonio, grieved and disconcerted, returned on board with the few who remained faithful. fearing further desertions, the two captains immediately put to sea, leaving carvajal on shore, to prosecute his attempt at reforming the rebels. it was not without great difficulty and delay that the vessels reached san domingo; the ship of carvajal having struck on a sand-bank, and sustained great injury. by the time of their arrival, the greater part of the provisions with which they had been freighted was either exhausted or damaged. alonzo sanchez de carvajal arrived shortly afterwards by land, having been escorted to within six leagues of the place by several of the insurgents, to protect him from the indians. he failed in his attempt to persuade the band to immediate submission; but roldan had promised that the moment he heard of the arrival of columbus, he would repair to the neighborhood of san domingo, to be at hand to state his grievances, and the reasons of his past conduct, and to enter into a negotiation for the adjustment of all differences. carvajal brought a letter from him to the admiral to the same purport; and expressed a confident opinion, from all that he observed of the rebels, that they might easily be brought back to their allegiance by an assurance of amnesty. [31] chapter ii. negotiation of the admiral with the rebels.--departure of ships for spain. [1498.] notwithstanding the favorable representations of carvajal, columbus was greatly troubled by the late event at xaragua. he saw that the insolence of the rebels, and their confidence in their strength, must be greatly increased by the accession of such a large number of well-armed and desperate confederates. the proposition of roldan to approach to the neighborhood of san domingo, startled him. he doubted the sincerity of his professions, and apprehended great evils and dangers from so artful, daring, and turbulent a leader, with a rash and devoted crew at his command. the example of this lawless horde, roving at large about the island, and living in loose revel and open profligacy, could not but have a dangerous effect upon the colonists newly arrived; and when they were close at hand, to carry on secret intrigues, and to hold out a camp of refuge to all malcontents, the loyalty of the whole colony might be sapped and undermined. some measures were immediately necessary to fortify the fidelity of the people against such seductions. he was aware of a vehement desire among many to return to spain; and of an assertion industriously propagated by the seditious, that he and his brothers wished to detain the colonists on the island through motives of self-interest. on the 12th of september, therefore, he issued a proclamation, offering free passage and provisions for the voyage to all who wished to return to spain, in five vessels nearly ready to put to sea. he hoped by this means to relieve the colony from the idle and disaffected; to weaken the party of roldan, and to retain none about him but such as were sound-hearted and well-disposed. he wrote at the same time to miguel ballester, the staunch and well-tried veteran who commanded the fortress of conception, advising him to be upon his guard, as the rebels were coining into his neighborhood. he empowered him also to have an interview with roldan; to offer him pardon and oblivion of the past, on condition of his immediate return to duty; and to invite him to repair to san domingo to have an interview with the admiral, under a solemn, and, if required, a written assurance from the latter, of personal safety. columbus was sincere in his intentions. he was of a benevolent and placable disposition, and singularly free from all vindictive feelings towards the many worthless and wicked men who heaped sorrow on his head. ballester had scarcely received this letter, when the rebels began to arrive at the village of bonao. this was situated in a beautiful valley, or vega, bearing the same name, about ten leagues from fort conception, and about twenty from san domingo, in a well-peopled and abundant country. here pedro riquelme, one of the ringleaders of the sedition, had large possessions, and his residence became the headquarters of the rebels. adrian de moxica, a man of turbulent and mischievous character, brought his detachment of dissolute ruffians to this place of rendezvous. roldan and others of the conspirators drew together there by different routes. no sooner did the veteran miguel ballester hear of the arrival of roldan, than he set forth to meet him. ballester was a venerable man, gray-headed, and of a soldier-like demeanor. loyal, frank, and virtuous, of a serious disposition, and great simplicity of heart, he was well chosen as a mediator with rash and profligate men; being calculated to calm their passions by his sobriety; to disarm their petulance by his age; to win their confidence by his artless probity; and to awe their licentiousness by his spotless virtue. [32] ballester found roldan in company with pedro riquelme, pedro de gamez, and adrian de moxica, three of his principal confederates. flushed with a confidence of his present strength, roldan treated the proffered pardon with contempt, declaring that he did not come there to treat of peace, but to demand the release of certain indians captured unjustifiably, and about to be shipped to spain as slaves, notwithstanding that he, in his capacity of alcalde mayor, had pledged his word for their protection. he declared that, until these indians were given up, he would listen to no terms of compact; throwing out an insolent intimation at the same time, that he held the admiral and his fortunes in his hand, to make and mar them as he pleased. the indians he alluded to were certain subjects of guarionex, who had been incited by roldan to resist the exaction of tribute, and who, under the sanction of his supposed authority, had engaged in the insurrections of the vega. roldan knew that the enslavement of the indians was an unpopular feature in the government of the island, especially with the queen; and the artful character of this man is evinced in his giving his opposition to columbus the appearance of a vindication of the rights of the suffering islanders. other demands were made of a highly insolent nature, and the rebels declared that, in all further negotiations, they would treat with no other intermediate agent than carvajal, having had proofs of his fairness and impartiality in the course of their late communications with him at xaragua. this arrogant reply to his proffer of pardon was totally different from what the admiral had been led to expect, and placed him in an embarrassing situation. he seemed surrounded by treachery and falsehood. he knew that roldan had friends and secret partisans even among those who professed to remain faithful; and he knew not how far the ramifications of the conspiracy might extend. a circumstance soon occurred to show the justice of his apprehensions. he ordered the men of san domingo to appear under arms, that he might ascertain the force with which he could take the field in case of necessity. a report was, immediately circulated that they were to be led to bonao, against the rebels. not above seventy men appeared under arms, and of these not forty were to be relied upon. one affected to be lame, another ill; some had relations, and others had friends among the followers of roldan: almost all were disaffected to the service. [33] columbus saw that a resort to arms would betray his own weakness and the power of the rebels, and completely prostrate the dignity and authority of government. it was necessary to temporize, therefore, however humiliating such conduct might be deemed. he had detained the five ships for eighteen days in port, hoping in some way to have put an end to this rebellion, so as to send home favorable accounts of the island to the sovereigns. the provisions of the ships, however, were wasting. the indian prisoners on board were suffering and perishing; several of them threw themselves overboard, or were suffocated with heat in the holds of the vessels. he was anxious, also, that as many of the discontented colonists as possible should make sail for spain before any commotion should take place. on the 18th of october, therefore, the ships put to sea. [34] columbus wrote to the sovereigns an account of the rebellion, and of his proffered pardon being refused. as roldan pretended that it was a mere quarrel between him and the adelantado, of which the admiral was not an impartial judge, the latter entreated that roldan might be summoned to spain, where the sovereigns might be his judges; or that an investigation might take place in presence of alonzo sanchez de carvajal, who was friendly to roldan, and of miguel ballester, as witness on the part of the adelantado. he attributed, in a great measure, the troubles of this island to his own long detention in spain, and the delays thrown in his way by those appointed to assist him, who had retarded the departure of the ships with supplies, until the colony had been reduced to the greatest scarcity. hence had arisen discontent, murmuring, and finally rebellion. he entreated the sovereigns, in the most pressing manner, that the affairs of the colony might not be neglected, and those at seville, who had charge of its concerns, might be instructed at least not to devise impediments instead of assistance. he alluded to his chastisement of the contemptible ximeno breviesca, the insolent minion of fonseca, and entreated that neither that nor any other circumstance might be allowed to prejudice him in the royal favor, through the misrepresentations of designing men. he assured them that the natural resources of the island required nothing but good management to supply all the wants of the colonists; but that the latter were indolent and profligate. he proposed to send home, by every ship, as in the present instance, a number of the discontented and worthless, to be replaced by sober and industrious men. he begged also that ecclesiastics might be sent out for the instruction and conversion of the indians; and, what was equally necessary, for the reformation of the dissolute spaniards. he required also a man learned in the law, to officiate as judge over the island, together with several officers of the royal revenue. nothing could surpass the soundness and policy of these suggestions; but unfortunately one clause marred the moral beauty of this excellent letter. he requested that for two years longer the spaniards might be permitted to employ the indians as slaves; only making use of such, however, as were captured in wars and insurrections. columbus had the usage of the age in excuse for this suggestion; but it is at variance with his usual benignity of feeling, and his paternal conduct towards these unfortunate people. at the same time he wrote another letter, giving an account of his recent voyage, accompanied by a chart, and by specimens of the gold, and particularly of the pearls found in the gulf of paria. he called especial attention to the latter as being the first specimens of pearls found in the new world. it was in this letter that he described the newly-discovered continent in such enthusiastic terms, as the most favored part of the east, the source of inexhaustible treasures, the supposed seat of the terrestrial paradise; and he promised to prosecute the discovery of its glorious realms with the three remaining ships, as soon as the affairs of the island should permit. by this opportunity, roldan and his friends likewise sent letters to spain, endeavoring to justify their rebellion by charging columbus and his brothers with oppression and injustice, and painting their whole conduct in the blackest colors. it would naturally be supposed that the representations of such men would have little weight in the balance against the tried merits and exalted services of columbus: but they had numerous friends and relatives in spain; they had the popular prejudice on their side, and there were designing persons in the confidence of the sovereigns ready to advocate their cause. columbus, to use his own simple but affecting words was "absent, envied, and a stranger." [35] chapter iii. negotiations and arrangements with the rebels. [1498.] the ships being dispatched, columbus resumed his negotiation with the rebels; determined at any sacrifice to put an end to a sedition which distracted the island and interrupted all his plans of discovery. his three remaining ships lay idle in the harbor, though a region of apparently boundless wealth was to be explored. he had intended to send his brother on the discovery, but the active and military spirit of the adelantado rendered his presence indispensable, in case the rebels should come to violence. such were the difficulties encountered at every step of his generous and magnanimous enterprises; impeded at one time by the insidious intrigues of crafty men in place, and checked at another by the insolent turbulence of a handful of ruffians. in his consultations with the most important persons about him, columbus found that much of the popular discontent was attributed to the strict rule of his brother, who was accused of dealing out justice with a rigorous hand. las casas, however, who saw the whole of the testimony collected from various sources with respect to the conduct of the adelantado, acquits him of all charges of the kind, and affirms that, with respect to roldan in particular, he had exerted great forbearance. be this as it may, columbus now, by the advice of his counselors, resolved to try the alternative of extreme lenity. he wrote a letter to roldan, dated the 20th of october, couched in the most conciliating terms, calling to mind past kindnesses, and expressing deep concern for the feud existing between him and the adelantado. he entreated him, for the common good, and for the sake of his own reputation, which stood well with the sovereigns, not to persist in his present insubordination, and repeated the assurance, that he and his companions might come to him, under the faith of his word for the inviolability of their persons. there was a difficulty as to who should be the bearer of this letter. the rebels had declared that they would receive no one as mediator but alonzo sanchez de carvajal. strong doubts, however, existed in the minds of those about columbus as to the integrity of that officer. they observed that he had suffered roldan to remain two days on board of his caravel at xaragua; had furnished him with weapons and stores; had neglected to detain him on board, when he knew him to be a rebel; had not exerted himself to retake the deserters; had been escorted on his way to san domingo by the rebels, and had sent refreshments to them at bonao. it was alleged, moreover, that he had given himself out as a colleague of columbus, appointed by government to have a watch and control over his conduct. it was suggested, that, in advising the rebels to approach san domingo, he had intended, in case the admiral did not arrive, to unite his pretended authority as colleague, to that of roldan, as chief judge, and to seize upon the reins of government. finally, the desire of the rebels to have him sent to them as an agent, was cited as proof that he was to join them as a leader, and that the standard of rebellion was to be hoisted at bonao. [36] these circumstances, for some time, perplexed columbus: but he reflected that carvajal, as far as he had observed his conduct, had behaved like a man of integrity; most of the circumstances alleged against him admitted of a construction in his favor; the rest were mere rumors, and he had unfortunately experienced, in his own case, how easily the fairest actions, and the fairest characters, may be falsified by rumor. he discarded, therefore, all suspicion, and determined to confide implicitly in carvajal; nor had he ever any reason to repent of his confidence. the admiral had scarcely dispatched this letter, when he received one from the leaders of the rebels, written several days previously. in this they not merely vindicated themselves from the charge of rebellion, but claimed great merit, as having dissuaded their followers from a resolution to kill the adelantado, in revenge of his oppressions, prevailing upon them to await patiently for redress from the admiral. a month had elapsed since his arrival, during which they had waited anxiously for his orders, but he had manifested nothing but irritation against them. considerations of honor and safety, therefore, obliged them to withdraw from his service, and they accordingly demanded their discharge. this letter was dated from bonao, the 17th of october, and signed by francisco roldan, adrian de moxica, pedro de gamez, and diego de escobar. [37] in the meantime, carvajal arrived at bonao, accompanied by miguel ballester. they found the rebels full of arrogance and presumption. the conciliating letter of the admiral, however, enforced by the earnest persuasions of carvajal, and the admonitions of the veteran ballester, had a favorable effect on several of the leaders, who had more intellect than their brutal followers. roldan, gamez, escobar, and two or three others, actually mounted their horses to repair to the admiral, but were detained by the clamorous opposition of their men; too infatuated with their idle, licentious mode of life, to relish the idea of a return to labor and discipline. these insisted that it was a matter which concerned them all; whatever arrangement was to be made, therefore, should be made in public, in writing, and subject to their approbation or dissent. a day or two elapsed before this clamor could be appeased. roldan then wrote to the admiral, that his followers objected to his coming, unless a written assurance, or passport, were sent, protecting the persons of himself and such as should accompany him. miguel ballester wrote, at the same time, to the admiral, urging him to agree to whatever terms the rebels might demand. he represented their forces as continually augmenting, the soldiers of his garrison daily deserting to them; unless, therefore, some compromise were speedily effected, and the rebels shipped off to spain, he feared that not merely the authority, but even the person of the admiral would be in danger; for though the hidalgos and the officers and servants immediately about him would, doubtless, die in his service, the common people were but little to be depended upon. [38] columbus felt the increasing urgency of the case, and sent the required passport. roldan came to san domingo; but, from his conduct, it appeared as if his object was to make partisans, and gain deserters, rather than to effect a reconciliation. he had several conversations with the admiral, and several letters passed between them. he made many complaints, and numerous demands; columbus made large concessions, but some of the pretensions were too arrogant to be admitted. [39] nothing definite was arranged. roldan departed under the pretext of conferring with his people, promising to send his terms in writing. the admiral sent his mayordomo, diego de salamanca, to treat in his behalf. [40] on the 6th of november, roldan wrote a letter from bonao, containing his terms, and requesting that a reply might be sent to him to conception, as scarcity of provisions obliged him to leave bonao. he added that he should wait for a reply until the following monday (the 11th). there was an insolent menace implied in this note, accompanied as it was by insolent demands. the admiral found it impossible to comply with the latter; but to manifest his lenient disposition, and to take from the rebels all plea of rigor, he had a proclamation affixed for thirty days at the gate of the fortress, promising full indulgence and complete oblivion of the past to roldan and his followers, on condition of their presenting themselves before him and returning to their allegiance to the crown within a month; together with free conveyance for all such as wished to return to spain; but threatening to execute rigorous justice upon those who should not appear within the limited time. a copy of this paper he sent to roldan by carvajal, with a letter, stating the impossibility of compliance with his terms, but offering to agree to any compact drawn up with the approbation of carvajal and salamanca. when carvajal arrived, he found the veteran ballester actually besieged in his fortress of conception by roldan, under pretext of claiming, in his official character of alcalde mayor, a culprit who had taken refuge there from justice. he had cut off the supply of water from the fort, by way of distressing it into a surrender. when carvajal posted up the proclamation of the admiral on the gate of the fortress, the rebels scoffed at the proffered amnesty, saying that, in a little while, they would oblige the admiral to ask the same at their hands. the earnest intercessions of carvajal, however, brought the leaders at length to reflection, and through his mediation articles of capitulation were drawn up. by these it was agreed that roldan and his followers should embark for spain from the port of xaragua in two ships, to be fitted out and victualed within fifty days. that they should each receive from the admiral a certificate of good conduct, and an order for the amount of their pay, up to the actual date. that slaves should be given to them, as had been given to others, in consideration of services performed; and as several of their company had wives, natives of the island, who were pregnant, or had lately been delivered, they might take them with them, if willing to go, in place of the slaves. that satisfaction should be made for property of some of the company which had been sequestrated, and for live-stock which had belonged to francisco roldan. there were other conditions, providing for the security of their persons: and it was stipulated that, if no reply were received to these terms within eight days, the whole should be void. [41] this agreement was signed by roldan and his companions at fort conception on the 16th of november, and by the admiral at san domingo on the 21st. at the same time, he proclaimed a further act of grace, permitting such as chose to remain in the island either to come to san domingo, and enter into the royal service, or to hold lands in any part of the island. they preferred, however, to follow the fortunes of roldan, who departed with his band for xaragua, to await the arrival of the ships, accompanied by miguel ballester, sent by the admiral to superintend the preparations for their embarkation. columbus was deeply grieved to have his projected enterprise to terra firma impeded by such contemptible obstacles, and the ships which should have borne his brother to explore that newly-found continent devoted to the use of this turbulent and worthless rabble. he consoled himself, however, with the reflection, that all the mischief which had so long been lurking in the island, would thus be at once shipped off, and thenceforth every thing restored to order and tranquillity. he ordered every exertion to be made, therefore, to get the ships in readiness to be sent round to xaragua; but the scarcity of sea-stores, and the difficulty of completing the arrangements for such a voyage in the disordered state of the colony, delayed their departure far beyond the stipulated time. feeling that he had been compelled to a kind of deception towards the sovereigns, in the certificate of good conduct given to roldan and his followers, he wrote a letter to them, stating the circumstances under which that certificate had been in a manner wrung from him to save the island from utter confusion and ruin. he represented the real character and conduct of those men; how they had rebelled against his authority; prevented the indians from paying tribute; pillaged the island; possessed themselves of large quantities of gold, and carried off the daughters of several of the caciques. he advised, therefore, that they should be seized, and their slaves and treasure taken from them, until their conduct could be properly investigated. this letter he intrusted to a confidential person, who was to go in one of the ships. [42] the rebels having left the neighborhood, and the affairs of san domingo being in a state of security, columbus put his brother don diego in temporary command, and departed with the adelantado on a tour of several months to visit the various stations, and restore the island to order. the two caravels destined for the use of the rebels sailed from san domingo for xaragua about the end of february; but, encountering a violent storm, were obliged to put into one of the harbors of the island, where they were detained until the end of march. one was so disabled as to be compelled to return to san domingo. another vessel was dispatched to supply its place, in which the indefatigable carvajal set sail, to expedite the embarkation of the rebels. he was eleven days in making the voyage, and found the other caravel at xaragua. the followers of roldan had in the meantime changed their minds, and now refused to embark; as usual, they threw all the blame on columbus, affirming that he had purposely delayed the ships far beyond the stipulated time; that he had sent them in a state not sea-worthy, and short of provisions, with many other charges, artfully founded on circumstances over which they knew he could have no control. carvajal made a formal protest before a notary who had accompanied him, and finding that the ships were suffering great injury from the teredo or worm, and their provisions failing, he sent them back to san domingo, and set out on his return by land. roldan accompanied him a little distance on horseback, evidently disturbed in mind. he feared to return to spain, yet was shrewd enough to know the insecurity of his present situation at the head of a band of dissolute men, acting in defiance of authority. what tie had he upon their fidelity stronger than the sacred obligations which they had violated? after riding thoughtfully for some distance, he paused, and requested some private conversation with carvajal before they parted. they alighted under the shade of a tree. here roldan made further professions of the loyalty of his intentions, and finally declared, that if the admiral would once more send him a written security for his person, with the guarantee also of the principal persons about him, he would come to treat with him, and trusted that the whole matter would be arranged on terms satisfactory to both parties. this offer, however, he added, must be kept secret from his followers. carvajal, overjoyed at this prospect of a final arrangement, lost no time in conveying the proposition of roldan to the admiral. the latter immediately forwarded the required passport or security, sealed with the royal seal, accompanied by a letter written in amicable terms, exhorting his quiet obedience to the authority of the sovereigns. several of the principal persons also, who were with the admiral, wrote, at his request, a letter of security to roldan, pledging themselves for the safety of himself and his followers during the negotiation; provided they did nothing hostile to the royal authority or its representative. while columbus was thus, with unwearied assiduity and loyal zeal, endeavoring to bring the island back to its obedience, he received a reply from spain, to the earnest representations made by him, in the preceding autumn, of the distracted state of the colony and the outrages of these lawless men, and his prayers for royal countenance and support. the letter was written by his invidious enemy, the bishop fonseca, superintendent of indian affairs. it acknowledged the receipt of his statement of the alleged insurrection of roldan, but observed that this matter must be suffered to remain in suspense, as the sovereigns would investigate and remedy it presently. [43] this cold reply had a disheartening effect upon columbus. he saw that his complaints had little weight with the government; he feared that his enemies were prejudicing him with the sovereigns; and he anticipated redoubled insolence on the part of the rebels, when they should discover how little influence he possessed in spain. full of zeal, however, for the success of his undertaking, and of fidelity to the interests of the sovereigns, he resolved to spare no personal sacrifice of comfort or dignity in appeasing the troubles of the island. eager to expedite the negotiation with roldan, therefore, he sailed in the latter part of august with two caravels to the port of azua, west of san domingo, and much nearer to xaragua. he was accompanied by several of the most important personages of the colony. roldan repaired thither likewise, with the turbulent adrian de moxica, and a number of his band. the concessions already obtained had increased his presumption; and he had, doubtless, received intelligence of the cold manner in which the complaints of the admiral had been received in spain. he conducted himself more like a conqueror, exacting triumphant terms, than a delinquent seeking to procure pardon by atonement. he came on board of the caravel, and with his usual effrontery, propounded the preliminaries upon which he and his companions were disposed to negotiate. first, that he should be permitted to send several of his company, to the number of fifteen, to spain, in the vessels which were at san domingo. secondly, that those who remained should have lands granted them, in place of royal pay. thirdly, that it should be proclaimed, that every thing charged against him and his party had been grounded upon false testimony, and the machinations of person disaffected to the royal service. fourthly, that he should be reinstated in his office of alcalde mayor, or chief judge. [44] these were hard and insolent conditions to commence with, but they were granted. roldan then went on shore, and communicated them to his companions. at the end of the two days the insurgents sent their capitulations, drawn up in form, and couched in arrogant language, including all the stipulations granted at fort conception, with those recently demanded by roldan, and concluding with one, more insolent than all the rest, namely, that if the admiral should fail in the fulfillment of any of these articles, they should have a right to assemble together, and compel his performance of them by force, or by any other means they might think proper. [45] the conspirators thus sought not merely exculpation of the past, but a pretext for future rebellion. the mind grows wearied and impatient with recording, and the heart of the generous reader must burn with indignation at perusing, this protracted and ineffectual struggle of a man of the exalted merits and matchless services of columbus, in the toils of such miscreants. surrounded by doubt and danger; a foreigner among a jealous people; an unpopular commander in a mutinous island; distrusted and slighted by the government he was seeking to serve; and creating suspicion by his very services; he knew not where to look for faithful advice, efficient aid, or candid judgment. the very ground on which he stood seemed giving way under him, for he was told of seditious symptoms among his own people. seeing the impunity with which the rebels rioted in the possession of one of the finest parts of the island, they began to talk among themselves of following their example, of abandoning the standard of the admiral, and seizing upon the province of higuey, at the eastern extremity of the island, which was said to contain valuable mines of gold. thus critically situated, disregarding every consideration of personal pride and dignity, and determined, at any individual sacrifice, to secure the interests of an ungrateful sovereign, columbus forced himself to sign this most humiliating capitulation. he trusted that afterwards, when he could gain quiet access to the royal ear, he should be able to convince the king and queen that it had been compulsory, and forced from him by the extraordinary difficulties in which he had been placed, and the imminent perils of the colony. before signing it, however, he inserted a stipulation, that the commands of the sovereigns, of himself, and of the justices appointed by him, should be punctually obeyed. [46] chapter iv. grants made to roldan and his followers.--departure of several of the rebels for spain. [1499.] when roldan resumed his office of alcalde mayor, or chief judge, he displayed all the arrogance to be expected from one who had intruded himself into power by profligate means. at the city of san domingo, he was always surrounded by his faction; communed only with the dissolute and disaffected; and, having all the turbulent and desperate men of the community at his beck, was enabled to intimidate the quiet and loyal by his frowns. he bore an impudent front against the authority even of columbus himself, discharging from office one rodrigo perez, a lieutenant of the admiral, declaring that none but such as he appointed should bear a staff of office in the island. [47] columbus had a difficult and painful task in bearing with the insolence of this man, and of the shameless rabble which had returned, under his auspices, to the settlements. he tacitly permitted many abuses; endeavoring by mildness and indulgence to allay the jealousies and prejudices awakened against him, and by various concessions to lure the factious to the performance of their duty. to such of the colonists generally as preferred to remain in the island, he offered a choice of either royal pay or portions of lands, with a number of indians, some free, others as slaves, to assist in the cultivation. the latter was generally preferred; and grants were made out, in which he endeavored, as much as possible, to combine the benefit of the individual with the interests of the colony. roldan presented a memorial signed by upwards of one hundred of his late followers, demanding grants of lands and licenses to settle, and choosing xaragua for their place of abode. the admiral feared to trust such a numerous body of factious partisans in so remote a province; he contrived, therefore, to distribute them in various parts of the island; some at bonao, where their settlement gave origin to the town of that name; others on the bank of the rio verde, or green river, in the vega; others about six leagues thence, at st. jago. he assigned to them liberal portions of land, and numerous indian slaves, taken in the wars. he made an arrangement, also, by which the caciques in their vicinity, instead of paying tribute, should furnish parties of their subjects, free indians, to assist the colonists in the cultivation of their lands: a kind of feudal service, which was the origin of the repartimientos, or distributions of free indians among the colonists, afterwards generally adopted, and shamefully abused, throughout the spanish colonies: a source of intolerable hardships and oppressions to the unhappy natives, and which greatly contributed to exterminate them from the island of hispaniola.[48] columbus considered the island in the light of a conquered country, and arrogated to himself all the rights of a conqueror, in the name of the sovereigns for whom he fought. of course all his companions in the enterprise were entitled to take part in the acquired territory, and to establish themselves there as feudal lords, reducing the natives to the condition of villains or vassals. [49] this was an arrangement widely different from his original intention of treating the natives with kindness, as peaceful subjects of the crown. but all his plans had been subverted, and his present measures forced upon him by the exigency of the times, and the violence of lawless men. he appointed a captain with an armed band, as a kind of police, with orders to range the provinces; oblige the indians to pay their tributes; watch over the conduct of the colonists; and check the least appearance of mutiny or insurrection. [50] having sought and obtained such ample provisions for his followers, roldan was not more modest in making demands for himself. he claimed certain lands in the vicinity of isabella, as having belonged to him before his rebellion; also a royal farm, called la esperanza, situated on the vega, and devoted to the rearing of poultry. these the admiral granted him, with permission to employ, in the cultivation of the farm, the subjects of the cacique whose ears had been cut off by alonzo de ojeda in his first military expedition into the vega. roldan received also grants of land in xaragua, and a variety of live-stock from the cattle and other animals belonging to the crown. these grants were made to him provisionally, until the pleasure of the sovereigns should be known; [51] for columbus yet trusted, that when they should understand the manner in which these concessions had been extorted from him, the ringleaders of the rebels would not merely be stripped of their ill-gotten possessions, but receive well-merited punishment. roldan, having now enriched himself beyond his hopes, requested permission of columbus to visit his lands. this was granted with great reluctance. he immediately departed for the vega, and stopping at bonao, his late headquarters, made pedro riquelme, one of his most active confederates, alcalde, or judge of the place, with the power of arresting all delinquents, and sending them prisoners to the fortress of conception, where he reserved to himself the right of sentencing them. this was an assumption of powers not vested in his office, and gave great offence to columbus. other circumstances created apprehensions of further troubles from the late insurgents. pedro riquelme, under pretext of erecting farming buildings for his cattle, began to construct a strong edifice on a hill, capable of being converted into a formidable fortress. this, it was whispered, was done in concert with roldan, by way of securing a stronghold in case of need. being in the neighborhood of the vega, where so many of their late partisans were settled, it would form a dangerous rallying place for any new sedition. the designs of riquelme were suspected and his proceedings opposed by pedro de arana, a loyal and honorable man, who was on the spot. representations were made by both parties to the admiral, who prohibited riquelme from proceeding with the construction of his edifice. [52] columbus had prepared to return, with his brother don bartholomew, to spain, where he felt that his presence was of the utmost importance to place the late events of the island in a proper light; having found that his letters of explanation were liable to be counteracted by the misrepresentations of malevolent enemies. the island, however, was still in a feverish state. he was not well assured of the fidelity of the late rebels, though so dearly purchased; there was a rumor of a threatened descent into the vega, by the mountain tribes of ciguay, to attempt the rescue of their captive cacique mayobanex, still detained a prisoner in the fortress of conception. tidings were brought about the same time from the western parts of the island, that four strange ships had arrived at the coast, under suspicious appearances. these circumstances obliged him to postpone his departure, and held him involved in the affairs of this favorite but fatal island. the two caravels were dispatched for spain in the beginning of october, taking such of the colonists as chose to return, and among them a number of roldan's partisans. some of these took with them slaves, others carried away the daughters of caciques whom they had beguiled from their families and homes. at these iniquities, no less than at many others which equally grieved his spirit, the admiral was obliged to connive. he was conscious, at the same time, that he was sending home a reinforcement of enemies and false witnesses, to defame his character and traduce his conduct, but he had no alternative. to counteract, as much as possible, their misrepresentations, he sent by the same caravel the loyal and upright veteran miguel ballester, together with garcia de barrantés, empowered to attend to his affairs at court, and furnished with the dispositions taken relative to the conduct of roldan and his accomplices. in his letters to the sovereigns, he entreated them to inquire into the truth of the late transactions. he stated his opinion that his capitulations with the rebels were null and void, for various reasons, viz.--they had been extorted from him by violence, and at sea, where he did not exercise the office of viceroy--there had been two trials relative to the insurrection, and the insurgents having been condemned as traitors, it was not in the power of the admiral to absolve them from their criminality--the capitulations treated of matters touching the royal revenue, over which he had no control, without the intervention of the proper officers;--lastly, francisco roldan and his companions, on leaving spain, had taken an oath to be faithful to the sovereigns, and to the admiral in their name, which oath they had violated. for these and similar reasons, some just, others rather sophistical, he urged the sovereigns not to consider themselves bound to ratify the compulsory terms ceded to these profligate men, but to inquire into their offences, and treat them accordingly. [53] he repeated the request made in a former letter, that a learned judge might be sent out to administer the laws in the island, since he himself had been charged with rigor, although conscious of having always observed a guarded clemency. he requested also that discreet persons should be sent out to form a council, and others for certain fiscal employments, entreating, however, that their powers should be so limited and defined, as not to interfere with his dignity and privileges. he bore strongly on this point; as his prerogatives on former occasions had been grievously invaded. it appeared to him, he said, that princes ought to show much confidence in their governors; for without the royal favor to give them strength and consequence, every thing went to ruin under their command; a sound maxim, forced from the admiral by his recent experience, in which much of his own perplexities, and the triumph of the rebels, had been caused by the distrust of the crown, and its inattention to his remonstrances. finding age and infirmity creeping upon him, and his health much impaired by his last voyage, he began to think of his son diego, as an active coadjutor; who, being destined as his successor, might gain experience under his eye, for the future discharge of his high duties. diego, though still serving as a page at the court, was grown to man's estate, and capable of entering into the important concerns of life. columbus entreated, therefore, that he might be sent out to assist him, as he felt himself infirm in health and broken in constitution, and less capable of exertion than formerly. [54] chapter v. arrival of ojeda with a squadron at the western part of the island.--roldan sent to meet him. [1499.] among the causes which induced columbus to postpone his departure for spain, has been mentioned the arrival of four ships at the western part of the island. these had anchored on the 5th of september in a harbor a little below jacquemel, apparently with the design of cutting dye-woods, which abound in that neighborhood, and of carrying off the natives for slaves. further reports informed him that they were commanded by alonzo de ojeda, the same hot-headed and bold-hearted cavalier who had distinguished himself on various occasions in the previous voyages of discovery, and particularly in the capture of the cacique caonabo. knowing the daring and adventurous spirit of this man, columbus felt much disturbed at his visiting the island in this clandestine manner, on what appeared to be little better than a freebooting expedition. to call him to account, and oppose his aggressions, required an agent of spirit and address. no one seemed better fitted for the purpose than roldan. he was as daring as ojeda, and of a more crafty character. an expedition of the kind would occupy the attention of himself and his partisans, and divert them from any schemes of mischief. the large concessions recently made to them would, he trusted, secure their present fidelity, rendering it more profitable for them to be loyal than rebellious. roldan readily undertook the enterprise. he had nothing further to gain by sedition, and was anxious to secure his ill-gotten possessions and atone for past offences by public services. he was vain as well as active, and took a pride in acquitting himself well in an expedition which called for both courage and shrewdness. departing from san domingo with two caravels, he arrived on the 29th of september within two leagues of the harbor where the ships of ojeda were anchored. here he landed with five-and-twenty resolute followers, well armed, and accustomed to range the forests. he sent five scouts to reconnoitre. they brought word that ojeda was several leagues distant from his ships, with only fifteen men, employed in making cassava bread in an indian village. roldan threw himself between them and the ships, thinking to take them by surprise. they were apprised, however, of his approach by the indians, with whom the very name of roldan inspired terror, from his late excesses in xaragua. ojeda saw his danger; he supposed roldan had been sent in pursuit of him, and he found himself cut off from his ships. with his usual intrepidity he immediately presented himself before roldan, attended merely by half a dozen followers. the latter craftily began by conversing on general topics. he then inquired into his motives for landing on the island, particularly on that remote and lonely part, without first reporting his arrival to the admiral. ojeda replied, that he had been on a voyage of discovery, and had put in there in distress, to repair his ships and procure provisions. roldan then demanded, in the name of the government, a sight of the license under which he sailed. ojeda, who knew the resolute character of the man he had to deal with, restrained his natural impetuosity, and replied that his papers were on board of his ship. he declared his intention, on departing thence, to go to san domingo, and pay his homage to the admiral, having many things to tell him which were for his private ear alone. he intimated to roldan that the admiral was in complete disgrace at court; that there was a talk of taking from him his command, and that the queen, his patroness, was ill beyond all hopes of recovery. this intimation, it is presumed, was referred to by roldan in his dispatches to the admiral, wherein he mentioned that certain things had been communicated to him by ojeda, which he did not think it safe to confide to a letter. roldan now repaired to the ships. he found several persons on board with whom he was acquainted, and who had already been in hispaniola. they confirmed the truth of what ojeda had said, and showed a license signed by the bishop of fonseca, as superintendent of the affairs of the indias, authorizing him to sail on a voyage of discovery. [55] it appeared, from the report of ojeda and his followers, that the glowing accounts sent home by columbus of his late discoveries on the coast of paria, his magnificent speculations with respect to the riches of the newly-found country, and the specimen of pearls transmitted to the sovereigns, had inflamed the cupidity of various adventurers. ojeda happened to be at that time in spain. he was a favorite of the bishop of fonseca, and obtained a sight of the letter written by the admiral to the sovereigns, and the charts and maps of his route by which it was accompanied. ojeda knew columbus to be embarrassed by the seditions of hispaniola; he found, by his conversations with fonseca and other of the admiral's enemies, that strong doubts and jealousies existed in the mind of the king with respect to his conduct, and that his approaching downfall was confidently predicted. the idea of taking advantage of these circumstances struck ojeda, and, by a private enterprise, he hoped to be the first in gathering the wealth of these newly-discovered regions. he communicated his project to his patron, fonseca. the latter was but too ready for any tiling that might defeat the plans and obscure the glory of columbus; and it may be added that he always showed himself more disposed to patronize mercenary adventurers than upright and high-minded men. he granted ojeda every facility; furnishing him with copies of the papers and charts of columbus, by which to direct himself in his course, and a letter of license signed with his own name, though not with that of the sovereigns. in this, it was stipulated that he should not touch at any land belonging to the king of portugal, nor any that had been discovered by columbus prior to 1495. the last provision shows the perfidious artifice of fonseca, as it left paria and the pearl islands free to the visits of ojeda, they having been discovered by columbus subsequent to the designated year. the ships were to be fitted out at the charges of the adventurers, and a certain proportion of the products of the voyage were to be rendered to the crown. under this license ojeda fitted out four ships at seville, assisted by many eager and wealthy speculators. among the number was the celebrated amerigo vespucci, a florentine merchant, well acquainted with geography and navigation. the principal pilot of the expedition was juan de la cosa, a mariner of great repute, a disciple of the admiral, whom he had accompanied in his first voyage of discovery, and in that along the southern coast of cuba, and round the island of jamaica. there were several also of the mariners, and bartholomew roldan, a distinguished pilot, who had been with columbus in his voyage to paria. [56] such was the expedition which, by a singular train of circumstances, eventually gave the name of this florentine merchant, amerigo vespucci, to the whole of the new world. this expedition had sailed in may, 1499. the adventurers had arrived on the southern continent, and ranged along its coast, from two hundred leagues east of the oronoco, to the gulf of paria. guided by the charts of columbus, they had passed through this gulf, and through the boca del dragon, and had kept along westward to cape de la vela, visiting the island of margarita and the adjacent continent, and discovering the gulf of venezuela. they had subsequently touched at the caribbee islands, where they had fought with the fierce natives, and made many captives, with the intention of selling them in the slave-markets of spain. thence, being in need of supplies, they had sailed to hispaniola, having performed the most extensive voyage hitherto made along the shores of the new world. [57] having collected all the information that he could obtain concerning these voyagers, their adventures and designs, and trusting to the declaration of ojeda, that he should proceed forthwith to present himself to the admiral, roldan returned to san domingo to render a report of his mission. chapter vi. manoevres of roldan and ojeda. [1500.] when intelligence was brought to columbus of the nature of the expedition of ojeda, and the license under which he sailed, he considered himself deeply aggrieved, it being a direct infraction of his most important prerogatives, and sanctioned by authority which ought to have held them sacred. he awaited patiently, however, the promised visit of alonzo de ojeda to obtain fuller explanations. nothing was further from the intention of that roving commander than to keep such promise: he had made it merely to elude the vigilance of roldan. as soon as he had refitted his vessels and obtained a supply of provisions, he sailed round to the coast of xaragua, where he arrived in february. here he was well received by the spaniards resident in that province, who supplied all his wants. among them were many of the late comrades of roldan; loose, random characters, impatient of order and restraint, and burning with animosity against the admiral, for having again brought them under the wholesome authority of the laws. knowing the rash and fearless character of ojeda, and finding that there were jealousies between him and the admiral, they hailed him as a new leader, come to redress their fancied grievances, in place of roldan, whom they considered as having deserted them. they made clamorous complaints to ojeda of the injustice of the admiral, whom they charged with withholding from them the arrears of their pay. ojeda was a hot-headed man, with somewhat of a vaunting spirit, and immediately set himself up for a redresser of grievances. it is said also that he gave himself out as authorized by government, in conjunction with carvajal, to act as counselors, or rather supervisors of the admiral; and that one of the first measures they were to take, was to enforce the payment of all salaries due to the servants of the crown. [58] it is questionable, however, whether ojeda made any pretension of the kind, which could so readily be disproved, and would have tended to disgrace him with the government. it is probable that he was encouraged in his intermeddling, chiefly by his knowledge of the tottering state of the admiral's favor at court, and of his own security in the powerful protection of fonseca. he may have imbibed also the opinion, diligently fostered by those with whom he had chiefly communicated in spain, just before his departure, that these people had been driven to extremities by the oppression of the admiral and his brothers. some feeling of generosity, therefore, may have mingled with his usual love of action and enterprise, when he proposed to redress all their wrongs, put himself at their head, march at once to san domingo, and oblige the admiral to pay them on the spot, or expel him from the island. the proposition of ojeda was received with acclamations of transport by some of the rebels; others made objections. quarrels arose: a ruffianly scene of violence and brawl ensued, in which several were killed and wounded on both sides; but the party for the expedition to san domingo remained triumphant. fortunately for the peace and safety of the admiral, roldan arrived in the neighborhood, just at this critical juncture, attended by a crew of resolute fellows. he had been dispatched by columbus to watch the movements of ojeda, on hearing of his arrival on the coast of xaragua. apprised of the violent scenes which were taking place, roldan, when on the way, sent to his old confederate diego de escobar, to follow him with all the trusty force he could collect. they reached xaragua within a day of each other. an instance of the bad faith usual between bad men was now evinced. the former partisans of roldan, finding him earnest in his intention of serving the government, and that there was no hope of engaging him in their new sedition, sought to waylay and destroy him on his march, but his vigilance and celerity prevented them. [59] ojeda, when he heard of the approach of roldan and escobar, retired on board of his ships. though of a daring spirit, he had no inclination, in the present instance, to come to blows, where there was a certainty of desperate fighting, and no gain; and where he must raise his arm against government. roldan now issued such remonstrances as had often been ineffectually addressed to himself. he wrote to ojeda, reasoning with him on his conduct, and the confusion he was producing in the island, and inviting him on shore to an amicable arrangement of all alleged grievances. ojeda, knowing the crafty, violent character of roldan, disregarded his repeated messages, and refused to venture within his power. he even seized one of his messengers, diego de truxillo, and landing suddenly at xaragua, carried off another of his followers, named toribio de lenares; both of whom he detained in irons, on board of his vessel, as hostages for a certain juan pintor, a one-armed sailor, who had deserted, threatening to hang them if the deserter was not given up. [60] various manoeuvres took place between these two well-matched opponents; each wary of the address and prowess of the other. ojeda made sail, and stood twelve leagues to the northward, to the province of cahay, one of the most beautiful and fertile parts of the country, and inhabited by a kind and gentle people. here he landed with forty men, seizing upon whatever he could find of the provisions of the natives. roldan and escobar followed along shore, and were soon at his heels. roldan then dispatched escobar in a light canoe, paddled swiftly by indians, who, approaching within hail of the ship, informed ojeda that, since he would not trust himself on shore, roldan would come and confer with him on board, if he would send a boat for him. ojeda now thought himself secure of his enemy; he immediately dispatched a boat within a short distance of the shore, where the crew lay on their oars, requiring roldan to come to them. "how many may accompany me?" demanded the latter. "only five or six," was the reply. upon this diego de escobar and four others waded to the boat. the crew refused to admit more. roldan then ordered one man to carry him to the barge, and another to walk by his side, and assist him. by this stratagem, his party was eight strong. the instant he entered the boat, he ordered the oarsmen to row to shore. on their refusing, he and his companions attacked them sword in hand, wounded several, and made all prisoners, excepting an indian archer, who, plunging under the water, escaped by swimming. this was an important triumph for roldan. ojeda, anxious for the recovery of his boat, which was indispensable for the service of the ship, now made overtures of peace. he approached the shore in his remaining boat, of small size, taking with him his principal pilot, an arquebusier, and four oarsmen. roldan entered the boat he had just captured, with seven rowers and fifteen fighting men, causing fifteen others to be ready on shore to embark in a large canoe, in case of need. a characteristic interview took place between these doughty antagonists, each keeping warily on his guard. their conference was carried on at a distance. ojeda justified his hostile movements by alleging that roldan had come with an armed force to seize him. this the latter positively denied, promising him the most amicable reception from the admiral, in case he would repair to san domingo. an arrangement was at length effected; the boat was restored, and mutual restitution of the men took place, with the exception of juan pintor, the one-armed deserter, who had absconded; and on the following day, ojeda, according to agreement, set sail to leave the island, threatening however to return at a future time with more ships and men. [61] roldan waited in the neighborhood, doubting the truth of his departure. in the course of a few days, word was brought that ojeda had landed on a distant part of the coast. he immediately pursued him with eighty men in canoes, sending scouts by land. before he arrived at the place, ojeda had again made sail, and roldan saw and heard no more of him. las casas asserts, however, that ojeda departed either to some remote district of hispaniola, or to the island of porto rico, where he made up what he called his _cavalgada_, or drove of slaves; carrying off numbers of the unhappy natives, whom he sold in the slave-market of cadiz. [62] chapter vii. conspiracy of guevara and moxica. [1500.] when men have been accustomed to act falsely, they take great merit to themselves for an exertion of common honesty. the followers of roldan were loud in trumpeting forth their unwonted loyalty, and the great services they had rendered to government in driving ojeda from the island. like all reformed knaves, they expected that their good conduct would be amply rewarded. looking upon their leader as having every thing in his gift, and being well pleased with the delightful province of cahay, they requested him to share the land among them, that they might settle there. roldan would have had no hesitation in granting their request, had it been made during his freebooting career; but he was now anxious to establish a character for adherence to the laws. he declined, therefore, acceding to their wishes, until sanctioned by the admiral. knowing, however, that he had fostered a spirit among these men which it was dangerous to contradict, and that their rapacity, by long indulgence, did not admit of delay, he shared among them certain lands of his own, in the territory of his ancient host behechio, cacique of xaragua. he then wrote to the admiral for permission to return to san domingo, and received a letter in reply, giving him many thanks and commendations for the diligence and address which he had manifested, but requesting him to remain for a time in xaragua, lest ojeda should be yet hovering about the coast, and disposed to make another descent in that province. the troubles of the island were not yet at an end, but were destined again to break forth, and from somewhat of a romantic cause. there arrived about this time, at xaragua, a young cavalier of noble family, named don hernando de guevara. he possessed an agreeable person and winning manners, but was headstrong in his passions and dissolute in his principles. he was cousin to adrian de moxica, one of the most active ringleaders in the late rebellion of roldan, and had conducted himself with such licentiousness at san domingo, that columbus had banished him from the island. there being no other opportunity of embarking, he had been sent to xaragua, to return to spain in one of the ships of ojeda, but arrived after their departure. roldan received him favorably, on account of his old comrade, adrian de moxica, and permitted him to choose some place of residence until further orders concerning him should arrive from the admiral. he chose the province of cahay, at the place where roldan had captured the boat of ojeda. it was a delightful part of that beautiful coast; but the reason why guevara chose it, was the vicinity to xaragua. while at the latter place, in consequence of the indulgence of roldan, he was favorably received at the house of anacaona, the widow of caonabo, and sister of the cacique behechio. that remarkable woman still retained her partiality to the spaniards, notwithstanding the disgraceful scenes which had passed before her eyes; and the native dignity of her character had commanded the respect even of the dissolute rabble which infested her province. by her late husband, the cacique caonabo, she had a daughter named higuenamota, just grown up, and greatly admired for her beauty. guevara being often in company with her, a mutual attachment ensued. it was to be near her that he chose cahay as a residence, at a place where his cousin adrian de moxica kept a number of dogs and hawks, to be employed in the chase. guevara delayed his departure. roldan discovered the reason, and warned him to desist from his pretensions and leave the province. las casas intimates that roldan was himself attached to the young indian beauty, and jealous of her preference of his rival. anacaona, the mother, pleased with the gallant appearance and ingratiating manners of the youthful cavalier, favored his attachment; especially as he sought her daughter in marriage. notwithstanding the orders of roldan, guevara still lingered in xaragua, in the house of anacaona; and sending for a priest, desired him to baptize his intended bride. hearing of this, roldan sent for guevara, and rebuked him sharply for remaining at xaragua, and attempting to deceive a person of the importance of anacaona, by ensnaring the affections of her daughter. guevara avowed the strength of his passion, and his correct intentions, and entreated permission to remain. roldan was inflexible. he alleged that some evil construction might be put on his conduct by the admiral; but it is probable his true motive was a desire to send away a rival, who interfered with his own amorous designs. guevara obeyed; but had scarce been three days at cahay, when, unable to remain longer absent from the object of his passion, he returned to xaragua, accompanied by four or five friends, and concealed himself in the dwelling of anacaona. roldan, who was at that time confined by a malady in his eyes, being apprised of his return, sent orders for him to depart instantly to cahay. the young cavalier assumed a tone of defiance. he warned roldan not to make foes when he had such great need of friends; for, to his certain knowledge, the admiral intended to behead him. upon this, roldan commanded him to quit that part of the island, and repair to san domingo, to present himself before the admiral. the thoughts of being banished entirely from the vicinity of his indian beauty checked the vehemence of the youth. he changed his tone of haughty defiance into one of humble supplication; and roldan, appeased by this submission, permitted him to remain for the present in the neighborhood. roldan had instilled willfulness and violence into the hearts of his late followers, and now was doomed to experience the effects. guevara, incensed at his opposition to his passion, meditated revenge. he soon made a party among the old comrades of roldan, who detested, as a magistrate, the man they had idolized as a leader. it was concerted to rise suddenly upon him, and either to kill him or put out his eyes. roldan was apprised of the plot, and proceeded with his usual promptness. guevara was seized in the dwelling of anacaona, in the presence of his intended bride; seven of his accomplices were likewise arrested. roldan immediately sent an account of the affair to the admiral, professing, at present, to do nothing without his authority, and declaring himself not competent to judge impartially in the case. columbus, who was at that time at fort conception, in the vega, ordered the prisoner to be conducted to the fortress of san domingo. the vigorous measures of roldan against his old comrades produced commotions in the island. when adrian de moxica heard that his cousin guevara was a prisoner, and that, too, by command of his former confederate, he was highly exasperated, and resolved on vengeance. hastening to bonao, the old haunt of rebellion, he obtained the co-operation of pedro riquelme, the recently-appointed alcalde. they went round among their late companions in rebellion, who had received lands and settled in various parts of the vega, working upon their ready passions, and enlisting their feelings in the cause of an old comrade. these men seem to have had an irresistible propensity to sedition. guevara was a favorite with them all; the charms of the indian beauty had probably their influence; and the conduct of roldan was pronounced a tyrannical interference, to prevent a marriage agreeable to all parties, and beneficial to the colony. there is no being so odious to his former associates as a reformed robber, or a rebel, enlisted in the service of justice. the old scenes of faction were renewed; the weapons which had scarce been hung up from the recent rebellions were again snatched down from the walls, and rash preparations were made for action. moxica soon saw a body of daring and reckless men ready, with horse and weapon, to follow him on any desperate enterprise. blinded by the impunity which had attended their former outrages, he now threatened acts of greater atrocity, meditating not merely the rescue of his cousin, but the death of roldan and the admiral. columbus was at fort conception, with an inconsiderable force, when this dangerous plot was concerted in his very neighborhood. not dreaming of any further hostilities from men on whom he had lavished favors, he would doubtless have fallen into their power, had not intelligence been brought him of the plot by a deserter from the conspirators. he saw at a glance the perils by which he was surrounded, and the storm about to burst upon the island. it was no longer a time for lenient measures; he determined to strike a blow which should crush the very head of rebellion. taking with him but six or seven trusty servants, and three esquires, all well armed, he set out in the night for the place where the ringleaders were quartered. confiding probably in the secrecy of their plot, and the late passiveness of the admiral, they appear to have been perfectly unguarded. columbus came upon them by surprise, seized moxica and several of his principal confederates, and bore them off to fort conception. the moment was critical; the vega was ripe for a revolt; he had the fomenter of the conspiracy in his power, and an example was called for, that should strike terror into the factious. he ordered moxica to be hanged on the top of the fortress. the latter entreated to be allowed to confess himself previous to execution. a priest was summoned. the miserable moxica, who had been so arrogant in rebellion, lost all courage at the near approach of death. he delayed to confess, beginning and pausing, and re-commencing, and again hesitating, as if he hoped, by whiling away time, to give a chance for rescue. instead of confessing his own sins, he accused others of criminality, who were known to be innocent; until columbus, incensed at this falsehood and treachery, and losing all patience, in his mingled indignation and scorn, ordered the dastard wretch to be swung off from the battlements. [63] this sudden act of severity was promptly followed up. several of the accomplices of moxica were condemned to death and thrown in irons to await their fate. before the conspirators had time to recover from their astonishment, pedro riquelme was taken, with several of his compeers, in his ruffian den at bonao, and conveyed to the fortress of san domingo; where was also confined the original mover of this second rebellion, hernando de guevara, the lover of the young indian princess. these unexpected acts of rigor, proceeding from a quarter which had been long so lenient, had the desired effect. the conspirators fled for the most part to xaragua, their old and favorite retreat. they were not suffered to congregate there again, and concert new seditions. the adelantado, seconded by roldan, pursued them with his characteristic rapidity of movement and vigor of arm. it has been said that he carried a priest with him, in order that, as he arrested delinquents, they might be confessed and hanged upon the spot; but the more probable account is that he transmitted them prisoners to san domingo. he had seventeen of them at one time confined in one common dungeon, awaiting their trial, while he continued in indefatigable pursuit of the remainder. [64] these were prompt and severe measures; but when we consider how long columbus had borne with these men; how much he had ceded and sacrificed to them; how he had been interrupted in all his great undertakings, and the welfare of the colony destroyed by their contemptible and seditious brawls; how they had abused his lenity, defied his authority, and at length attempted his life,-we cannot wonder that he should at last let fall the sword of justice, which he had hitherto held suspended. the power of faction was now completely subdued; and the good effects of the various measures taken by columbus, since his last arrival, for the benefit of the island, began to appear. the indians, seeing the inefficacy of resistance, submitted to the yoke. many gave signs of civilization, having, in some instances, adopted clothing and embraced christianity. assisted by their labors, the spaniards now cultivated their lands diligently, and there was every appearance of settled and regular prosperity. columbus considered all this happy change as brought about by the especial intervention of heaven. in a letter to doña juana de la torre, a lady of distinction, aya or nurse of prince juan, he gives an instance of those visionary fancies to which he was subject in times of illness and anxiety. in the preceding winter, he says, about the festival of christmas, when menaced by indian war and domestic rebellion, when distrustful of those around him and apprehensive of disgrace at court, he sank for a time into complete despondency. in this hour of gloom, when abandoned to despair, he heard in the night a voice addressing him in words of comfort, "oh man of little faith! why art thou cast down? fear nothing, i will provide for thee. the seven years of the term of gold are not expired; in that, and in all other things, i will take care of thee." the seven years term of gold here mentioned, alludes to a vow made by columbus on discovering the new world, and recorded by him in a letter to the sovereigns, that within seven years he would furnish, from the profits of his discoveries, fifty thousand foot and five thousand horse, for the deliverance of the holy sepulchre, and an additional force of like amount, within five years afterwards. the comforting assurance given him by the voice was corroborated, he says, that very day, by intelligence received of the discovery of a large tract of country rich in mines. [65] this imaginary promise of divine aid thus mysteriously given, appeared to him at present in still greater progress of fulfillment. the troubles and dangers of the island had been succeeded by tranquillity. he now anticipated the prosperous prosecution of his favorite enterprise, so long interrupted,--the exploring of the regions of paria, and the establishment of a fishery in the gulf of pearls. how illusive were his hopes! at this moment events were maturing which were to overwhelm him with distress, strip him of his honors, and render him comparatively a wreck for the remainder of his days! book xiii. chapter i. representations at court against columbus.--bobadilla empowered to examine into his conduct. [1500.] while columbus was involved in a series of difficulties in the factious island of hispaniola, his enemies were but too successful in undermining his reputation in the court of spain. the report brought by ojeda of his anticipated disgrace was not entirely unfounded; the event was considered near at hand, and every perfidious exertion was made to accelerate it. every vessel from the new world came freighted with complaints, representing columbus and his brothers as new men, unaccustomed to command, inflated by their sudden rise from obscurity; arrogant and insulting towards men of birth and lofty spirit; oppressive of the common people, and cruel in their treatment of the natives. the insidious and illiberal insinuation was continually urged, that they were foreigners, who could have no interest in the glory of spain, or the prosperity of spaniards; and contemptible as this plea may seem, it had a powerful effect. columbus was even accused of a design to cast off all allegiance to spain, and either make himself sovereign of the countries he had discovered, or yield them into the hands of some other power: a slander which, however extravagant, was calculated to startle the jealous mind of ferdinand. it is true, that by every ship columbus likewise sent home statements, written with the frankness and energy of truth, setting forth the real cause and nature of the distractions of the island, and pointing out and imploring remedies, which, if properly applied, might have been efficacious. his letters, however, arriving at distant intervals, made but single and transient impressions on the royal mind, which were speedily effaced by the influence of daily and active misrepresentation. his enemies at court, having continual access to the sovereigns, were enabled to place every thing urged against him in the strongest point of view, while they secretly neutralized the force of his vindications. they used a plausible logic to prove either bad management or bad faith on his part. there was an incessant drain upon the mother country for the support of the colony. was this compatible with the extravagant pictures he had drawn of the wealth of the island, and its golden mountains, in which he had pretended to find the ophir of ancient days, the source of all the riches of solomon? they inferred that he had either deceived the sovereigns by designing exaggerations, or grossly wronged them by malpractices, or was totally incapable of the duties of government. the disappointment of ferdinand, in finding his newly-discovered possessions a source of expense instead of profit, was known to press sorely on his mind. the wars, dictated by his ambition, had straitened his resources, and involved him in perplexities. he had looked with confidence to the new world for relief, and for ample means to pursue his triumphs; and grew impatient at the repeated demands which it occasioned on his scanty treasury. for the purpose of irritating his feelings and heightening his resentment, every disappointed and repining man who returned from the colony was encouraged, by the hostile faction, to put in claims for pay withheld by columbus, or losses sustained in his service. this was especially the case with the disorderly ruffians shipped off to free the island from sedition. finding their way to the court of granada, they followed the king when he rode out, filling the air with their complaints, and clamoring for their pay. at one time, about fifty of these vagabonds found their way into the inner court of the alhambra, under the royal apartments; holding up bunches of grapes, as the meagre diet left them by their poverty, and railing aloud at the deceits of columbus, and the cruel neglect of government. the two sons of columbus, who were pages to the queen, happening to pass by, they followed them with imprecations, exclaiming, "there go the sons of the admiral, the whelps of him who discovered the land of vanity and delusion, the grave of spanish hidalgos." [66] the incessant repetition of falsehood will gradually wear its way into the most candid mind. isabella herself began to entertain doubts respecting the conduct of columbus. where there was such universal and incessant complaint, it seemed reasonable to conclude that there must exist some fault. if columbus and his brothers were upright, they might be injudicious; and, in government, mischief is oftener produced through error of judgment, than iniquity of design. the letters written by columbus himself presented a lamentable picture of the confusion of the island. might not this arise from the weakness and incapacity of the rulers? even granting that the prevalent abuses arose in a great measure from the enmity of the people to the admiral and his brothers, and their prejudices against them as foreigners, was it safe to intrust so important and distant a command to persons so unpopular with the community? these considerations had much weight in the candid mind of isabella, but they were all-powerful with the cautious and jealous ferdinand. he had never regarded columbus with real cordiality; and ever since he had ascertained the importance of his discoveries, had regretted the extensive powers vested in his hands. the excessive clamors which had arisen during the brief administration of the adelantado, and the breaking out of the faction of roldan, at length determined the king to send out some person of consequence and ability, to investigate the affairs of the colony, and, if necessary for its safety, to take upon himself the command. this important and critical measure it appears had been decided upon, and the papers and powers actually drawn out, in the spring of 1499. it was not carried into effect, however, until the following year. various reasons have been assigned for this delay. the important services rendered by columbus in the discovery of paria and the pearl islands may have had some effect on the royal mind. the necessity of fitting out an armament just at that moment, to co-operate with the venetians against the turks; the menacing movements of the new king of france, louis xii; the rebellion of the moors of the alpuxarra mountains in the lately-conquered kingdom of granada; all these have been alleged as reasons for postponing a measure which called for much consideration, and might have important effects upon the newly-discovered possessions. [67] the most probable reason, however, was the strong disinclination of isabella to take so harsh a step against a man for whom she entertained such ardent gratitude and high admiration. at length the arrival of the ships with the late followers of roldan, according to their capitulation, brought matters to a crisis. it is true that ballester and barrantes came in these ships, to place the affairs of the island in a proper light; but they brought out a host of witnesses in favor of roldan, and letters written by himself and his confederates, attributing all their late conduct to the tyranny of columbus and his brothers. unfortunately, the testimony of the rebels had the greatest weight with ferdinand; and there was a circumstance in the case which suspended for a time the friendship of isabella, hitherto the greatest dependence of columbus. having a maternal interest in the welfare of the natives, the queen had been repeatedly offended by what appeared to her pertinacity on the part of columbus, in continuing to make slaves of those taken in warfare, in contradiction to her known wishes. the same ships which brought home the companions of roldan, brought likewise a great number of slaves. some, columbus had been obliged to grant to these men by the articles of capitulation; others they had brought away clandestinely. among them were several daughters of caciques, seduced away from their families and their native island by these profligates. some of these were in a state of pregnancy, others had new-born infants. the gifts and transfers of these unhappy beings were all ascribed to the will of columbus, and represented to isabella in the darkest colors. her sensibility as a woman, and her dignity as a queen, were instantly in arms. "what power," exclaimed she indignantly, "has the admiral to give away my vassals?" [68] determined, by one decided and peremptory act, to show her abhorrence of these outrages upon humanity, she ordered all the indians to be restored to their country and friends. nay more, her measure was retrospective. she commanded that those formerly sent to spain by the admiral should be sought out, and sent back to hispaniola. unfortunately for columbus, at this very juncture, in one of his letters, he advised the continuance of indian slavery for some time longer, as a measure important for the welfare of the colony. this contributed to heighten the indignation of isabella, and induced her no longer to oppose the sending out of a commission to investigate his conduct, and, if necessary, to supersede him in command. ferdinand was exceedingly embarrassed in appointing this commission, between his sense of what was due to the character and services of columbus, and his anxiety to retract with delicacy the powers vested in him. a pretext at length was furnished by the recent request of the admiral that a person of talents and probity, learned in the law, might be sent out to act as chief judge; and that an impartial umpire might be appointed, to decide in the affair between himself and roldan. ferdinand proposed to consult his wishes, but to unite those two officers in one; and as the person he appointed would have to decide in matters touching the highest functions of the admiral and his brothers, he was empowered, should he find them culpable, to supersede them in the government; a singular mode of insuring partiality! the person chosen for this momentous and delicate office was don francisco de bobadilla, an officer of the royal household, and a commander of the military and religious order of calatrava. oviedo pronounces him a very honest and religious man; [69] but he is represented by others, and his actions corroborate the description, as needy, passionate, and ambitious; three powerful objections to his exercising the rights of judicature in a case requiring the utmost patience, candor, and circumspection, and where the judge was to derive wealth and power from the conviction of one of the parties. the authority vested in bobadilla is defined in letters from the sovereigns still extant, and which deserve to be noticed chronologically; for the royal intentions appear to have varied with times and circumstances. the first was dated on the 21st of march, 1499, and mentions the complaint of the admiral, that an alcalde, and certain other persons, had risen in rebellion against him. "wherefore," adds the latter, "we order you to inform yourself of the truth of the foregoing; to ascertain who and what persons they were who rose against the said admiral and our magistracy, and for what cause; and what robberies and other injuries they have committed; and furthermore, to extend your inquiries to all other matters relating to the premises; and the information obtained, and the truth known, whomsoever you find culpable, _arrest their persons, and sequestrate their effects;_ and thus taken, proceed against them and the absent, both civilly and criminally, and impose and inflict such fines and punishments as you may think fit." to carry this into effect, bobadilla was authorized, in case of necessity, to call in the assistance of the admiral, and of all other persons in authority. the powers here given are manifestly directed merely against the rebels, and in consequence of the complaints of columbus. another letter, dated on the 21st of may, two months subsequently, is of quite different purport. it makes no mention of columbus, but is addressed to the various functionaries and men of property of the islands and terra firma, informing them of the appointment of bobadilla to the government, with full civil and criminal jurisdiction. among the powers specified, is the following;--"it is our will, that if the said commander, francisco de bobadilla, should think it necessary for our service, and the purposes of justice, that any cavaliers, or other persons who are at present in those islands, or may arrive there, should leave them, and not return and reside in them, and that they should come and present themselves before us, he may command it in our name, and oblige them to depart; and whomsoever he thus commands, we hereby order, that immediately, without waiting to inquire or consult us, or to receive from us any other letter or command, and without interposing appeal or supplication, they obey whatever he shall say and order, under the penalties which he shall impose on our part," &c. &c. another letter, dated likewise on the 21st of may, in which columbus is styled simply, "admiral of the ocean sea," orders him and his brothers to surrender the fortress, ships, houses, arms, ammunition, cattle, and all other royal property, into the hands of bobadilla, as governor, under penalty of incurring the punishments to which those subject themselves who refuse to surrender fortresses and other trusts, when commanded by their sovereigns. a fourth letter, dated on the 26th of may, and addressed to columbus, simply by the title of admiral, is a mere letter of credence, ordering him to give faith and obedience to whatever bobadilla should impart. the second and third of these letters were evidently provisional, and only to be produced, if, on examination, there should appear such delinquency on the part of columbus and his brothers as to warrant their being divested of command. this heavy blow, as has been shown, remained suspended for a year; yet, that it was whispered about, and triumphantly anticipated by the enemies of columbus, is evident from the assertions of ojeda, who sailed from spain about the time of the signature of those letters, and had intimate communications with bishop fonseca, who was considered instrumental in producing this measure. the very license granted by the bishop to ojeda to sail on a voyage of discovery in contravention of the prerogatives of the admiral, has the air of being given on a presumption of his speedy downfall; and the same presumption, as has already been observed, must have encouraged ojeda in his turbulent conduct at xaragua. at length the long-projected measure was carried into effect. bobadilla set sail for san domingo about the middle of july, 1500, with two caravels, in which were twenty-five men, enlisted for a year, to serve as a kind of guard. there were six friars likewise, who had charge of a number of indians sent back to their country. besides the letters patent, bobadilla was authorized, by royal order, to ascertain and discharge all arrears of pay due to persons in the service of the crown; and to oblige the admiral to pay what was due on his part, "so that those people might receive what was owing to them, and there might be no more complaints." in addition to all these powers, bobadilla was furnished with many blank letters signed by the sovereigns, to be filled up by him in such manner, and directed to such persons, as he might think advisable, in relation to the mission with which he was intrusted. [70] chapter ii. arrival of bobadilla at san domingo--his violent assumption of the command. [1500.] columbus was still at fort conception, regulating the affairs of the vega, after the catastrophe of the sedition of moxica; his brother, the adelantado, accompanied by roldan, was pursuing and arresting the fugitive rebels in xaragua; and don diego columbus remained in temporary command at san domingo. faction had worn itself out; the insurgents had brought down ruin upon themselves; and the island appeared delivered from the domination of violent and lawless men. such was the state of public affairs, when, on the morning of the 23d of august, two caravels were descried off the harbor of san domingo, about a league at sea. they were standing off and on, waiting until the sea breeze, which generally prevails about ten o'clock, should carry them into port. don diego columbus supposed them to be ships sent from spain with supplies, and hoped to find on board his nephew diego, whom the admiral had requested might be sent out to assist him in his various concerns. a canoe was immediately dispatched to obtain information; which, approaching the caravels, inquired what news they brought, and whether diego, the son of the admiral, was on board. bobadilla himself replied from the principal vessel, announcing himself as a commissioner sent out to investigate the late rebellion. the master of the caravel then inquired about the news of the island, and was informed of the recent transactions. seven of the rebels, he was told, had been hanged that week, and five more were in the fortress of san domingo, condemned to suffer the same fate. among these were pedro riquelme and fernando de guevara, the young cavalier whose passion for the daughter of anacaona had been the original cause of the rebellion. further, conversation passed, in the course of which bobadilla ascertained that the admiral and the adelantado were absent, and don diego columbus in command. when the canoe returned to the city, with the news that a commissioner had arrived to make inquisition into the late troubles, there was a great stir and agitation throughout the community. knots of whisperers gathered at every corner; those who were conscious of malpractices were filled with consternation; while those who had grievances, real or imaginary, to complain of, especially those whose pay was in arrear, appeared with joyful countenances. [71] as the vessels entered the river, bobadilla beheld on either bank a gibbet with the body of a spaniard hanging on it, apparently but lately executed. he considered these as conclusive proofs of the alleged cruelty of columbus. many boats came off to the ship, every one being anxious to pay early court to this public censor. bobadilla remained on board all day, in the course of which he collected much of the rumors of the place; and as those who sought to secure his favor were those who had most to fear from his investigations, it is evident that the nature of the rumors must generally have been unfavorable to columbus. in fact, before bobadilla landed, if not before he arrived, the culpability of the admiral was decided in his mind. the next morning he landed with all his followers, and went to the church to attend mass, where he found don diego columbus, rodrigo perez, the lieutenant of the admiral, and other persons of note. mass being ended, and those persons, with a multitude of the populace, being assembled at the door of the church, bobadilla ordered his letters patent to be read, authorizing him to investigate the rebellion, seize the persons, and sequestrate the property of delinquents, and proceed against them with the utmost rigor of the law; commanding also the admiral, and all others in authority, to assist him in the discharge of his duties. the letter being read, he demanded of don diego and the alcaldes, to surrender to him the persons of fernando guevara, pedro riquelme, and the other prisoners, with the depositions taken concerning them; and ordered that the parties by whom they were accused, and those by whose command they had been taken, should appear before him. don diego replied, that the proceedings had emanated from the orders of the admiral, who held superior powers to any bobadilla could possess, and without whose authority he could do nothing. he requested, at the same time, a copy of the letter patent, that he might send it to his brother, to whom alone the matter appertained. this bobadilla refused, observing that, if don diego had power to do nothing, it was useless to give him a copy. he added, that since the office and authority he had proclaimed appeared to have no weight, he would try what power and consequence there was in the name of governor; and would show them that he had command, not merely over them, but over the admiral himself. the little community remained in breathless suspense, awaiting the portentous movements of bobadilla. the next morning he appeared at mass, resolved on assuming those powers which were only to have been produced after full investigation, and ample proof of the mal-conduct of columbus. when mass was over, and the eager populace had gathered round the door of the church, bobadilla, in presence of don diego and rodrigo perez, ordered his other royal patent to be read, investing him with the government of the islands, and of terra firma. the patent being read, bobadilla took the customary oath, and then claimed the obedience of don diego, rodrigo perez, and all present, to this royal instrument; on the authority of which he again demanded the prisoners confined in the fortress. in reply, they professed the utmost deference to the letter of the sovereigns, but again observed that they held the prisoners in obedience to the admiral, to whom the sovereigns had granted letters of a higher nature. the self-importance of bobadilla was incensed at this non-compliance, especially as he saw it had some effect upon the populace, who appeared to doubt his authority. he now produced the third mandate of the crown, ordering columbus and his brothers to deliver up all fortresses, ships, and other royal property. to win the public completely to his side, he read also the additional mandate issued on the 30th of may, of the same year, ordering him to pay the arrears of wages due to all persons in the royal service, and to compel the admiral to pay the arrears of those to whom he was accountable. this last document was received with shouts by the multitude, many having long arrears due to them in consequence of the poverty of the treasury. flushed with his growing importance, bobadilla again demanded the prisoners; threatening, if refused, to take them by force. meeting with the same reply, he repaired to the fortress to execute his threats. this post was commanded by miguel diaz, the same arragonian cavalier who had once taken refuge among the indians on the banks of the ozema, won the affections of the female cacique catalina, received from her information of the neighboring gold mines, and induced his countrymen to remove to those parts. when bobadilla came before the fortress, he found the gates closed, and the alcayde, miguel diaz, upon the battlements. he ordered his letters patent to be read with a loud voice, the signatures and seals to be held up to view, and then demanded the surrender of the prisoners. diaz requested a copy of the letters; but this bobadilla refused, alleging that there was no time for delay, the prisoners being under sentence of death, and liable at any moment to be executed. he threatened, at the same time, that if they were not given up, he would proceed to extremities, and diaz should be answerable for the consequences. the wary alcayde again required time to reply, and a copy of the letters; saying that he held the fortress for the king, by the command of the admiral, his lord, who had gained these territories and islands, and that when the latter arrived, he should obey his orders. [72] the whole spirit of bobadilla was roused within him at the refusal of the alcayde. assembling all the people he had brought from spain, together with the sailors of the ships, and the rabble of the place, he exhorted them to aid him in getting possession of the prisoners, but to harm no one unless in case of resistance. the mob shouted assent, for bobadilla was already the idol of the multitude. about the hour of vespers he set out, at the head of this motley army, to storm a fortress destitute of a garrison, and formidable only in name, being calculated to withstand only a naked and slightly-armed people. the accounts of this transaction have something in them bordering on the ludicrous, and give it the air of absurd rhodomontade. bobadilla assailed the portal with great impetuosity, the frail bolts and locks of which gave way at the first shock, and allowed him easy admission. in the meantime, however, his zealous myrmidons applied ladders to the walls, as if about to carry the place by assault, and to experience a desperate defence. the alcayde, miguel diaz, and don diego de alvarado, alone appeared on the battlements; they had drawn swords, but offered no resistance. bobadilla entered the fortress in triumph, and without molestation. the prisoners were found in a chamber in irons. he ordered that they should be brought up to him to the top of the fortress, where, having put a few questions to them, as a matter of form, he gave them in charge to an alguazil named juan de espinosa. [73] such was the arrogant and precipitate entrance into office of francisco de bobadilla. he had reversed the order of his written instructions; having seized upon the government before he had investigated the conduct of columbus. he continued his career in the same spirit; acting as if the case had been prejudged in spain, and he had been sent out merely to degrade the admiral from his employments, not to ascertain the manner in which he had fulfilled them. he took up his residence in the house of columbus, seized upon his arms, gold, plate, jewels, horses, together with his letters, and various manuscripts, both public and private, even to his most secret papers. he gave no account of the property thus seized; and which he no doubt considered already confiscated to the crown, excepting that he paid out of it the wages of those to whom the admiral was in arrears. [74] to increase his favor with the people, he proclaimed, on the second day of his assumption of power, a general license for the term of twenty years, to seek for gold, paying merely one eleventh to government, instead of a third as heretofore. at the same time, he spoke in the most disrespectful and unqualified terms of columbus, saying that he was empowered to send him home in chains, and that neither he nor any of his lineage would ever again be permitted to govern in the island. [75] chapter iii. columbus summoned to appear before bobadilla. [1500.] when the tidings reached columbus at fort conception of the high-handed proceedings of bobadilla, he considered them the unauthorized acts of some rash adventurer like ojeda. since government had apparently thrown open the door to private enterprise, he might expect to have his path continually crossed, and his jurisdiction infringed by bold intermeddlers, feigning or fancying themselves authorized to interfere in the affairs of the colony. since the departure of ojeda another squadron had touched upon the coast, and produced a transient alarm, being an expedition under one of the pinzons, licensed by the sovereigns to make discoveries. there had also been a rumor of another squadron hovering about the island, which proved, however, to be unfounded. [76] the conduct of bobadilla bore all the appearance of a lawless usurpation of some intruder of the kind. he had possessed himself forcibly of the fortress, and consequently of the town. he had issued extravagant licenses injurious to the government, and apparently intended only to make partisans among the people; and had threatened to throw columbus himself in irons. that this man could really be sanctioned by government, in such intemperate measures, was repugnant to belief. the admiral's consciousness of his own services, the repeated assurances he had received of high consideration on the part of the sovereigns, and the perpetual prerogatives granted to him under their hand and seal, with all the solemnity that a compact could possess, all forbade him to consider the transactions at san domingo otherwise than as outrages on his authority by some daring or misguided individual. to be nearer to san domingo, and obtain more correct information, he proceeded to bonao, which was now beginning to assume the appearance of a settlement, several spaniards having erected houses there, and cultivated the adjacent country. he had scarcely reached the place, when an alcalde, bearing a staff of office, arrived there from san domingo, proclaiming the appointment of bobadilla to the government, and bearing copies of his letters patent. there was no especial letter or message sent to the admiral, nor were any of the common forms of courtesy and ceremony observed in superseding him in the command; all the proceedings of bobadilla towards him were abrupt and insulting. columbus was exceedingly embarrassed how to act. it was evident that bobadilla was intrusted with extensive powers by the sovereigns, but that they could have exercised such a sudden, unmerited, and apparently capricious act of severity, as that of divesting him of all his commands, he could not believe. he endeavored to persuade himself that bobadilla was some person sent out to exercise the functions of chief judge, according to the request he had written home to the sovereigns, and that they had intrusted him likewise with provisional powers to make an inquest into the late troubles of the island. all beyond these powers he tried to believe were mere assumptions and exaggerations of authority, as in the case of aguado. at all events, he was determined to act upon such presumption, and to endeavor to gain time. if the monarchs had really taken any harsh measures with respect to him, it must have been in consequence of misrepresentations. the least delay might give them an opportunity of ascertaining their error, and making the necessary amends. he wrote to bobadilla, therefore, in guarded terms, welcoming him to the island; cautioning him against precipitate measures, especially in granting licenses to collect gold; informing him that he was on the point of going to spain, and in a little time would leave him in command, with every thing fully and clearly explained. he wrote at the same time to the like purport to certain monks who had come out with bobadilla, though he observes that these letters were only written to gain time. [77] he received no replies: but while an insulting silence was observed towards him, bobadilla filled up several of the blank letters, of which he had a number signed by the sovereigns, and sent them to roldan, and other of the admiral's enemies, the very men whom he had been sent out to judge. these letters were full of civilities and promises of favor. [78] to prevent any mischief which might arise from the licenses and indulgences so prodigally granted by bobadilla, columbus published by word and letter, that the powers assumed by him could not be valid, nor his licenses availing, as he himself held superior powers granted to him in perpetuity by the crown, which could no more be superseded in this instance, than they had been in that of aguado. for some time columbus remained in this anxious and perplexed state of mind, uncertain what line of conduct to pursue in so singular and unlooked-for a conjuncture. he was soon brought to a decision. francisco velasquez, deputy treasurer, and juan de trasierra, a franciscan friar, arrived at bonao, and delivered to him the royal letter of credence, signed by the sovereigns on the 26th of may, 1499, commanding him to give implicit faith and obedience to bobadilla; and they delivered, at the same time, a summons from the latter to appear immediately before him. this laconic letter from the sovereigns struck at once at the root of all his dignity and power. he no longer made hesitation or demur, but, complying with the peremptory summons of bobadilla, departed, almost alone and unattended, for san domingo. [79] chapter iv. columbus and his brothers arrested and sent to spain in chains. [1500.] the tidings that a new governor had arrived, and that columbus was in disgrace, and to be sent home in chains, circulated rapidly through the vega, and the colonists hastened from all parts to san domingo to make interest with bobadilla. it was soon perceived that there was no surer way than that of vilifying his predecessor. bobadilla felt that he had taken a rash step in seizing upon the government, and that his own safety required the conviction of columbus. he listened eagerly, therefore, to all accusations, public or private; and welcome was he who could bring any charge, however extravagant, against the admiral and his brothers. hearing that the admiral was on his way to the city, he made a bustle of preparation, and armed the troops, affecting to believe a rumor that columbus had called upon the caciques of the vega to aid him with their subjects in a resistance to the commands of government. no grounds appear for this absurd report, which was probably invented to give a coloring of precaution to subsequent measures of violence and insult. the admiral's brother, don diego, was seized, thrown in irons, and confined on board of a caravel, without any reason being assigned for his imprisonment. in the meantime columbus pursued his journey to san domingo, traveling in a lonely manner, without guards or retinue. most of his people were with the adelantado, and he had declined being attended by the remainder. he had heard of the rumors of the hostile intentions of bobadilla; and although he knew that violence was threatened to his person, he came in this unpretending manner, to manifest his pacific feelings, and to remove all suspicion. [80] no sooner did bobadilla hear of his arrival, than he gave orders to put him in irons, and confine him in the fortress. this outrage to a person of such dignified and venerable appearance, and such eminent merit, seemed, for the time, to shock even his enemies. when the irons were brought, every one present shrank from the task of putting them on him, either from a sentiment of compassion at so great a reverse of fortune, or out of habitual reverence for his person. to fill the measure of ingratitude meted out to him, it was one of his own domestics, "a graceless and shameless cook," says las casas, "who, with unwashed front, riveted the fetters with as much readiness and alacrity, as though he were serving him with choice and savory viands. i knew the fellow," adds the venerable historian, "and i think his name was espinosa." [81] columbus conducted himself with characteristic magnanimity under the injuries heaped upon him. there is a noble scorn which swells and supports the heart, and silences the tongue of the truly great, when enduring the insults of the unworthy. columbus could not stoop to deprecate the arrogance of a weak and violent man like bobadilla. he looked beyond this shallow agent, and all his petty tyranny, to the sovereigns who had employed him. their injustice or ingratitude alone could wound his spirit; and he felt assured that when the truth came to be known, they would blush to find how greatly they had wronged him. with this proud assurance, he bore all present indignities in silence. bobadilla, although he had the admiral and don diego in his power, and had secured the venal populace, felt anxious and ill at ease. the adelantado, with an armed force under his command, was still in the distant province of xaragua, in pursuit of the rebels. knowing his soldier-like and determined spirit, he feared he might take some violent measure when he should hear of the ignominious treatment and imprisonment of his brothers. he doubted whether any order from himself would have any effect, except to exasperate the stern don bartholomew. he sent a demand, therefore, to columbus, to write to his brother, requesting him to repair peaceably to san domingo, and forbidding him to execute the persons he held in confinement: columbus readily complied. he exhorted his brother to submit quietly to the authority of his sovereigns, and to endure all present wrongs and indignities, under the confidence that when they arrived at castile, every thing would be explained and redressed. [82] on receiving this letter, don bartholomew immediately complied. relinquishing his command, he hastened peacefully to san domingo, and on arriving experienced the same treatment with his brothers, being put in irons and confined on board of a caravel. they were kept separate from each other, and no communication permitted between them. bobadilla did not see them himself, nor did he allow others to visit them; but kept them in ignorance of the cause of their imprisonment, the crimes with which they were charged, and the process that was going on against them. [83] it has been questioned whether bobadilla really had authority for the arrest and imprisonment of the admiral and his brothers; [84] and whether such violence and indignity was in any case contemplated by the sovereigns. he may have fancied himself empowered by the clause in the letter of instructions, dated march 21st, 1499, in which, speaking of the rebellion of roldan, "he is authorized to _seize the persons and sequestrate the property_ of those who appeared to be culpable, and then to proceed against them and against the absent, with the highest civil and criminal penalties." this evidently had reference to the persons of roldan and his followers, who were then in arms, and against whom columbus had sent home complaints; and this, by a violent construction, bobadilla seems to have wrested into an authority for seizing the person of the admiral himself. in fact, in the whole course of his proceedings, he reversed and confounded the order of his instructions. his first step should have been to proceed against the rebels; this he made the last. his last step should have been, in case of ample evidence against the admiral, to have superseded him in office; and this he made the first, without waiting for evidence. having predetermined, from the very outset, that columbus was in the wrong, by the same rule he had to presume that all the opposite parties were in the right. it became indispensable to his own justification to inculpate the admiral and his brothers; and the rebels he had been sent to judge became, by this, singular perversion of rule, necessary and cherished evidences, to criminate those against whom they had rebelled. the intentions of the crown, however, are not to be vindicated at the expense of its miserable agent. if proper respect had been felt for the rights and dignities of columbus, bobadilla would never have been intrusted with powers so extensive, undefined, and discretionary; nor would he have dared to proceed to such lengths, with such rudeness and precipitation, had he not felt assured that it would not be displeasing to the jealous-minded ferdinand. the old scenes of the time of aguado were now renewed with tenfold virulence, and the old charges revived, with others still more extravagant. from the early and never-to-be-forgotten outrage upon castilian pride, of compelling hidalgos, in time of emergency, to labor in the construction of works necessary to the public safety, down to the recent charge of levying war against the government, there was not a hardship, abuse, nor sedition in the island, that was not imputed to the misdeeds of columbus and his brothers. besides the usual accusations of inflicting oppressive labor, unnecessary tasks, painful restrictions, short allowances of food, and cruel punishments upon the spaniards, and waging unjust wars against the natives, they were now charged with preventing the conversion of the latter, that they might send them slaves to spain, and profit by their sale. this last charge, so contrary to the pious feelings of the admiral, was founded on his having objected to the baptism of certain indians of mature age, until they could be instructed in the doctrines of christianity; justly considering it an abuse of that holy sacrament to administer it thus blindly. [85] columbus was charged, also, with having secreted pearls, and other precious articles, collected in his voyage along the coast of paria, and with keeping the sovereigns in ignorance of the nature of his discoveries there, in order to exact new privileges from them; yet it was notorious that he had sent home specimens of the pearls, and journals and charts of his voyage, by which others had been enabled to pursue his track. even the late tumults, now that the rebels were admitted as evidence, were all turned into matters of accusation. they were represented as spirited and loyal resistances to tyranny exercised upon the colonists and the natives. the well-merited punishments inflicted upon certain of the ring-leaders were cited as proofs of a cruel and revengeful disposition, and a secret hatred of spaniards. bobadilla believed, or affected to believe, all these charges. he had, in a manner, made the rebels his confederates in the ruin of columbus. it was become a common cause with them. he could no longer, therefore, conduct himself towards them as a judge. guevara, riquelme, and their fellow-convicts, were discharged almost without the form of a trial, and it is even said were received into favor and countenance. roldan, from the very first, had been treated with confidence by bobadilla, and honored with his correspondence. all the others, whose conduct had rendered them liable to justice, received either a special acquittal or a general pardon. it was enough to have been opposed in any way to columbus, to obtain full justification in the eyes of bobadilla. the latter had now collected a weight of testimony, and produced a crowd of witnesses, sufficient, as he conceived, to insure the condemnation of the prisoners, and his own continuance in command. he determined, therefore, to send the admiral and his brothers home in chains, in the vessels ready for sea, transmitting at the same time the inquest taken in their case, and writing private letters, enforcing the charges made against them, and advising that columbus should on no account be restored to the command, which he had so shamefully abused. san domingo now swarmed with miscreants just delivered from the dungeon and the gibbet. it was a perfect jubilee of triumphant villany and dastard malice. every base spirit, which had been awed into obsequiousness by columbus and his brothers when in power, now started up to revenge itself upon them when in chains. the most injurious slanders were loudly proclaimed in the streets; insulting pasquinades and inflammatory libels were posted up at every corner; and horns were blown in the neighborhood of their prisons, to taunt them with the exultings of the rabble. [86] when these rejoicings of his enemies reached him in his dungeon, and columbus reflected on the inconsiderate violence already exhibited by bobadilla, he knew not how far his rashness and confidence might carry him, and began to entertain apprehensions for his life. the vessels being ready to make sail, alonzo de villejo was appointed to take charge of the prisoners, and carry them to spain. this officer had been brought up by an uncle of fonseca, was in the employ of that bishop, and had come out with bobadilla. the latter instructed him, on arriving at cadiz, to deliver his prisoners into the hands of fonseca, or of his uncle, thinking thereby to give the malignant prelate a triumphant gratification. this circumstance gave weight with many to a report that bobadilla was secretly instigated and encouraged in his violent measures by fonseca, and was promised his protection and influence at court, in case of any complaints of his conduct. [87] villejo undertook the office assigned him, but he discharged it in a more generous manner than was intended. "this alonzo de villejo," says the worthy las casas, "was a hidalgo of honorable character, and my particular friend." he certainly showed himself superior to the low malignity of his patrons. when he arrived with a guard to conduct the admiral from the prison to the ship, he found him in chains in a state of silent despondency. so violently had he been treated, and so savage were the passions let loose against him, that he feared he should be sacrificed without an opportunity of being heard, and his name go down sullied and dishonored to posterity. when he beheld the officer enter with the guard, he thought it was to conduct him to the scaffold. "villejo," said he, mournfully, "whither are you taking me?" "to the ship, your excellency, to embark," replied the other. "to embark!" repeated the admiral, earnestly; "villejo! do you speak the truth?" "by the life of your excellency," replied the honest officer, "it is true!" with these words the admiral was comforted, and felt as one restored from death to life. nothing can be more touching and expressive than this little colloquy, recorded by the venerable las casas, who doubtless had it from the lips of his friend villejo. the caravels set sail early in october, bearing off columbus shackled like the vilest of culprits, amidst the scoffs and shouts of a miscreant rabble, who took a brutal joy in heaping insults on his venerable head, and sent curses after him from the shores of the island he had so recently added to the civilized world. fortunately the voyage was favorable, and of but moderate duration, and was rendered less disagreeable by the conduct of those to whom he was given in custody. the worthy villejo, though in the service of fonseca, felt deeply moved at the treatment of columbus. the master of the caravel, andreas martin, was equally grieved: they both treated the admiral with profound respect and assiduous attention. they would have taken off his irons, but to this he would not consent. "no," said he proudly, "their majesties commanded me by letter to submit to whatever bobadilla should order in their name; by their authority he has put upon me these chains; i will wear them until they shall order them to be taken off, and i will preserve them afterwards as relics and memorials of the reward of my services." [88] "he did so," adds his son fernando; "i saw them always hanging in his cabinet, and he requested that when he died they might be buried with him." [89] book xiv. chapter i. sensation in spain on the arrival of columbus in irons.--his appearance at court. [1500.] the arrival of columbus at cadiz, a prisoner and in chains, produced almost as great a sensation as his triumphant return from his first voyage. it was one of those striking and obvious facts, which speak to the feelings of the multitude, and preclude the necessity of reflection. no one stopped to inquire into the case. it was sufficient to be told that columbus was brought home in irons from the world he had discovered. there was a general burst of indignation in cadiz, and in the powerful and opulent seville, which was echoed throughout all spain. if the ruin of columbus had been the intention of his enemies, they had defeated their object by their own violence. one of those reactions took place, so frequent in the public mind, when persecution is pushed to an unguarded length. those of the populace who had recently been loud in their clamor against columbus, were now as loud in their reprobation of his treatment, and a strong sympathy was expressed, against which it would have been odious for the government to contend. the tidings of his arrival, and of the ignominious manner in which he had been brought, reached the court at granada, and filled the halls of the alhambra with murmurs of astonishment. columbus, full of his wrongs, but ignorant how far they had been authorized by the sovereigns, had forborne to write to them. in the course of his voyage, however, he had penned a long letter to doña juana de la torre, the aya of prince juan, a lady high in favor with queen isabella. this letter, on his arrival at cadiz, andreas martin, the captain of the caravel, permitted him to send off privately by express. it arrived, therefore, before the protocol of the proceedings instituted by bobadilla, and from this document the sovereigns derived their first intimation of his treatment. [90] it contained a statement of the late transactions of the island, and of the wrongs he had suffered, written with his usual artlessness and energy. to specify the contents would be but to recapitulate circumstances already recorded. some expressions, however, which burst from him in the warmth of his feelings, are worthy of being noted. "the slanders of worthless men," says he, "have done me more injury than all my services have profited me." speaking of the misrepresentations to which he was subjected, he observes: "such is the evil name which i have acquired, that if i were to build hospitals and churches, they would be called dens of robbers." after relating in indignant terms the conduct of bobadilla, in seeking testimony respecting his administration from the very men who had rebelled against him, and throwing himself and his brothers in irons, without letting them know the offences with which they were charged, "i have been much aggrieved," he adds, "in that a person should be sent out to investigate my conduct, who knew that if the evidence which he could send home should appear to be of a serious nature, he would remain in the government." he complains that, in forming an opinion of his administration, allowances had not been made for the extraordinary difficulties with which he had to contend, and the wild state of the country over which he had to rule. "i was judged," he observes, "as a governor who had been sent to take charge of a well-regulated city, under the dominion of well-established laws, where there was no danger of every thing running to disorder and ruin; but i ought to be judged as a captain, sent to subdue a numerous and hostile people, of manners and religion opposite to ours, living not in regular towns, but in forests and mountains. it ought to be considered that i have brought all these under subjection to their majesties, giving them dominion over another world, by which spain, heretofore poor, has suddenly become rich. whatever errors i may have fallen into, they were not with an evil intention; and i believe their majesties will credit what i say. i have known them to be merciful to those who have willfully done them disservice; i am convinced that they will have still more indulgence for me, who have erred innocently, or by compulsion, as they will hereafter be more fully informed; and i trust they will consider my great services, the advantages of which are every day more and more apparent." when this letter was read to the noble-minded isabella, and she found how grossly columbus had been wronged and the royal authority abused, her heart was filled with mingled sympathy and indignation. the tidings were confirmed by a letter from the alcalde or corregidor of cadiz, into whose hands columbus and his brothers had been delivered, until the pleasure of the sovereigns should be known; [91] and by another letter from alonzo de villejo, expressed in terms accordant with his humane and honorable conduct towards his illustrious prisoner. however ferdinand might have secretly felt disposed against columbus, the momentary tide of public feeling was not to be resisted. he joined with his generous queen in her reprobation of the treatment of the admiral, and both sovereigns hastened to give evidence to the world, that his imprisonment had been without their authority, and contrary to their wishes. without waiting to receive any documents that might arrive from bobadilla, they sent orders to cadiz that the prisoners should be instantly set at liberty, and treated with all distinction. they wrote a letter to columbus, couched in terms of gratitude and affection, expressing their grief at all that he had suffered, and inviting him to court. they ordered, at the same time, that two thousand ducats should be advanced to defray his expenses. [92] the loyal heart of columbus was again cheered by this declaration of his sovereigns. he felt conscious of his integrity, and anticipated an immediate restitution of all his rights and dignities. he appeared at court in granada on the 17th of december, not as a man ruined and disgraced, but richly dressed, and attended by an honorable retinue. he was received by the sovereigns with unqualified favor and distinction. when the queen beheld this venerable man approach, and thought on all he had deserved and all he had suffered, she was moved to tears. columbus had borne up firmly against the rude conflicts of the world,-he had endured with lofty scorn the injuries and insults of ignoble men; but he possessed strong and quick sensibility. when he found himself thus kindly received by his sovereigns, and beheld tears in the benign eyes of isabella, his long-suppressed feelings burst forth: he threw himself on his knees, and for some time could not utter a word for the violence of his tears and sobbings. [93] ferdinand and isabella raised him from the ground, and endeavored to encourage him by the most gracious expressions. as soon as he regained self-possession, he entered into an eloquent and high-minded vindication of his loyalty, and the zeal he had ever felt for the glory and advantage of the spanish crown, declaring that if at any time he had erred, it had been through inexperience in government, and the extraordinary difficulties by which he had been surrounded. there needed no vindication on his part. the intemperance of his enemies had been his best advocate. he stood in presence of his sovereigns a deeply-injured man, and it remained for them to vindicate themselves to the world from the charge of ingratitude towards their most deserving subject. they expressed their indignation at the proceedings of bobadilla, which they disavowed, as contrary to their instructions, and declared that he should be immediately dismissed from his command. in fact, no public notice was taken of the charges sent home by bobadilla, nor of the letters written in support of them. the sovereigns took every occasion to treat columbus with favor and distinction, assuring him that his grievances should be redressed, his property restored, and he reinstated in all his privileges and dignities. it was on the latter point that columbus was chiefly solicitous. mercenary considerations had scarcely any weight in his mind. glory had been the great object of his ambition, and he felt that, as long as he remained suspended from his employments, a tacit censure rested on his name. he expected, therefore, that the moment the sovereigns should be satisfied of the rectitude of his conduct, they would be eager to make him amends; that a restitution of his viceroyalty would immediately take place, and he should return in triumph to san domingo. here, however, he was doomed to experience a disappointment which threw a gloom over the remainder of his days. to account for this flagrant want of justice and gratitude in the crown, it is expedient to notice a variety of events which had materially affected the interests of columbus in the eyes of the politic ferdinand. chapter ii. contemporary voyages of discovery. the general license granted by the spanish sovereigns in 1495, to undertake voyages of discovery, had given rise to various expeditions by enterprising individuals, chiefly persons who had sailed with columbus in his first voyages. the government, unable to fit out many armaments itself, was pleased to have its territories thus extended, free of cost, and its treasury at the same time benefited by the share of the proceeds of these voyages, reserved as a kind of duty to the crown. these expeditions had chiefly taken place while columbus was in partial disgrace with the sovereigns. his own charts and journal served as guides to the adventurers; and his magnificent accounts of paria and the adjacent coasts had chiefly excited their cupidity. beside the expedition of ojeda, already noticed, in the course of which he touched at xaragua, one had been undertaken at the same time by pedro alonzo niño, native of moguer, an able pilot, who had been with columbus in the voyages to cuba and paria. having obtained a license, he interested a rich merchant of seville in the undertaking, who fitted out a caravel of fifty tons burden, under condition that his brother christoval guevra should have the command. they sailed from the bar of saltes, a few days after ojeda had sailed from cadiz, in the spring of 1499, and arriving on the coast of terra firma, to the south of paria, ran along it for some distance, passed through the gulf, and thence went one hundred and thirty leagues along the shore of the present republic of columbia, visiting what was afterwards called the pearl coast. they landed in various places; disposed of their european trifles to immense profit, and returned with a large store of gold and pearls; having made, in their diminutive bark, one of the most extensive and lucrative voyages yet accomplished. about the same time, the pinzons, that family of bold and opulent navigators, fitted out an armament of four caravels at palos, manned in a great measure by their own relations and friends. several experienced pilots embarked in it who had been with columbus to paria, and it was commanded by vicente yañez pinzon, who had been captain of a caravel in the squadron of the admiral on his first voyage. pinzon was a hardy and experienced seaman, and did not, like the others, follow closely in the track of columbus. sailing in december, 1499, he passed the canary and cape verde islands, standing southwest until he lost sight of the polar star. here he encountered a terrible storm, and was exceedingly perplexed and confounded by the new aspect of the heavens. nothing was yet known of the southern hemisphere, nor of the beautiful constellation of the cross, which in those regions has since supplied to mariners the place of the north star. the voyagers had expected to find at the south pole a star correspondent to that of the north. they were dismayed at beholding no guide of the kind, and thought there must be some prominent swelling of the earth, which hid the pole from their view. [94] pinzon continued on, however, with great intrepidity. on the 26th of january, 1500, he saw, at a distance, a great headland, which he called cape santa maria de la consolacion, but which has since been named cape st. augustine. he landed and took possession of the country in the name of their catholic majesties; being a part of the territories since called the brazils. standing thence westward, he discovered the maragnon, since called the river of the amazons; traversed the gulf of paria, and continued across the caribbean sea and the gulf of mexico, until he found himself among the bahamas, where he lost two of his vessels on the rocks, near the island of jumeto. he returned to palos in september, having added to his former glory that of being the first european who had crossed the equinoctial line in the western ocean, and of having discovered the famous kingdom of brazil, from its commencement at the river maragnon to its most eastern point. as a reward for his achievements, power was granted to him to colonize and govern the lands which he had discovered, and which extended southward from a little beyond the river of maragnon to cape st. augustine. [95] the little port of palos, which had been so slow in furnishing the first squadron for columbus, was now continually agitated by the passion for discovery. shortly after the sailing of pinzon, another expedition was fitted out there, by diego lepe, a native of the place, and manned by his adventurous townsmen. he sailed in the same direction with pinzon; but discovered more of the southern continent than any other voyager of the day, or for twelve years afterwards. he doubled cape st. augustine, and ascertained that the coast beyond ran to the southwest. he landed and performed the usual ceremonies of taking possession in the name of the spanish sovereigns, and in one place carved their names on a magnificent tree, of such enormous magnitude, that seventeen men with their hands joined could not embrace the trunk. what enhanced the merit of his discoveries was, that he had never sailed with columbus. he had with him, however, several skillful pilots, who had accompanied the admiral in his voyage. [96] another expedition of two vessels sailed from cadiz, in october, 1500, under the command of rodrigo bastides of seville. he explored the coast of terra firma, passing cape de la vela, the western limits of the previous discoveries on the main-land, continuing on to a port since called the retreat, where afterwards was founded the seaport of nombre de dios. his vessels being nearly destroyed by the teredo, or worm which abounds in those seas, he had great difficulty in reaching xaragua in hispaniola, where he lost his two caravels, and proceeded with his crew by land to san domingo. here he was seized and imprisoned by bobadilla, under pretext that he had treated for gold with the natives of xaragua. [97] such was the swarm of spanish expeditions immediately resulting from the enterprises of columbus; but others were also undertaken by foreign nations. in the year 1497, sebastian cabot, son of a venetian merchant resident in bristol, sailing in the service of henry vii of england, navigated to the northern seas of the new world. adopting the idea of columbus, he sailed in quest of the shores of cathay, and hoped to find a northwest passage to india. in this voyage he discovered newfoundland, coasted labrador to the fifty-sixth degree of north latitude, and then returning, ran down southwest to the floridas, when, his provisions beginning to fail, he returned to england. [98] but vague and scanty accounts of this voyage exist, which was important as including the first discovery of the northern continent of the new world. the discoveries of rival nations, however, which most excited the attention and jealousy of the spanish crown, were those of the portuguese. vasco de gama, a man of rank and consummate talent and intrepidity, had, at length, accomplished the great design of the late prince henry of portugal, and by doubling the cape of good hope, in the year 1497, had opened the long-sought-for route to india. immediately after gama's return, a fleet of thirteen sail was fitted out to visit the magnificent countries of which he brought accounts. this expedition sailed on the 9th of march, 1500, for calicut, under the command of pedro alvarez de cabral. having passed the cape de verde islands, he sought to avoid the calms prevalent on the coast of guinea, by stretching far to the west. suddenly, on the 25th of april, he came in sight of land unknown to any one in his squadron; for, as yet, they had not heard of the discoveries of pinzon and lepe. he at first supposed it to be some great island; but after coasting it for some time, he became persuaded that it must be part of a continent. having ranged along it somewhat beyond the fifteenth degree of southern latitude, he landed at a harbor which he called porto securo, and taking possession of the country for the crown of portugal, dispatched a ship to lisbon with the important tidings. [99] in this way did the brazils come into the possession of portugal, being to the eastward of the conventional line settled with spain as the boundaries of their respective territories. dr. robertson, in recording this voyage of cabral, concludes with one of his just and elegant remarks. "columbus's discovery of the new world was," he observes, "the effort of an active genius, guided by experience, and acting upon a regular plan, executed with no less courage than perseverance. but from this adventure of the portuguese, it appears that chance might have accomplished that great design, which it is now the pride of human reason to have formed and perfected. if the sagacity of columbus had not conducted mankind to america, cabral, by a fortunate accident, might have led them, a few years later, to the knowledge of that extensive continent." [100] chapter iii. nicholas de ovando appointed to supersede bobadilla. [1501.] the numerous discoveries briefly noticed in the preceding chapter had produced a powerful effect upon the mind of ferdinand. his ambition, his avarice, and his jealousy were equally inflamed. he beheld boundless regions, teeming with all kinds of riches, daily opening before the enterprises of his subjects; but he beheld at the same time other nations launching forth into competition, emulous for a share of the golden world which he was eager to monopolize. the expeditions of the english, and the accidental discovery of the brazils by the portuguese, caused him much uneasiness. to secure his possession of the continent, he determined to establish local governments or commands, in the most important places, all to be subject to a general government, established at san domingo, which was to be the metropolis. with these considerations, the government, heretofore granted to columbus, had risen vastly in importance; and while the restitution of it was the more desirable in his eyes, it became more and more a matter of repugnance to the selfish and jealous monarch. he had long repented having vested such great powers and prerogatives in any subject, particularly in a foreigner. at the time of granting them, he had no anticipation of such boundless countries to be placed under his command. he appeared almost to consider himself outwitted by columbus in the arrangement; and every succeeding discovery, instead of increasing his grateful sense of the obligation, only made him repine the more at the growing magnitude of the reward. at length, however, the affair of bobadilla had effected a temporary exclusion of columbus from his--high office, and that without any odium to the crown, and the wary monarch, secretly determined that the door thus closed between him and his dignities should never again be opened. perhaps ferdinand may really have entertained doubts as to the innocence of columbus, with respect to the various charges made against him. he may have doubted also the sincerity of his loyalty, being a stranger, when he should find himself strong in his command, at a great distance from the parent country, with immense and opulent regions under his control. columbus, himself, in his letters, alludes to reports circulated by his enemies, that he intended either to set up an independent sovereignty, or to deliver his discoveries into the hands of other potentates; and he appears to fear that these slanders might have made some impression on the mind of ferdinand. but there was one other consideration which had no less force with the monarch in withholding this great act of justice--columbus was no longer indispensable to him. he had made his great discovery; he had struck out the route to the new world, and now any one could follow it. a number of able navigators had sprung up under his auspices, and acquired experience in his voyages. they were daily besieging the throne with offers to fit out expeditions at their own cost, and to yield a share of the profits to the crown. why should he, therefore, confer princely dignities and prerogatives for that which men were daily offering to perform gratuitously? such, from his after conduct, appears to have been the jealous and selfish policy which actuated ferdinand in forbearing to reinstate columbus in those dignities and privileges so solemnly granted to him by treaty, and which it was acknowledged he had never forfeited by misconduct. this deprivation, however, was declared to be but temporary; and plausible reasons were given for the delay in his reappointment. it was observed that the elements of those violent factions, recently in arms against him, yet existed in the island; his immediate return might produce fresh exasperation; his personal safety might be endangered, and the island again thrown into confusion. though bobadilla, therefore, was to be immediately dismissed from command, it was deemed advisable to send out some officer of talent and discretion to supersede him, who might dispassionately investigate the recent disorders, remedy the abuses which had arisen, and expel all dissolute and factious persons from the colony. he should hold the government for two years, by which time it was trusted that all angry passions would be allayed, and turbulent individuals removed: columbus might then resume the command with comfort to himself and advantage to the crown. with these reasons, and the promise which accompanied them, columbus was obliged to content himself. there can be no doubt that they were sincere on the part of isabella, and that it was her intention to reinstate him in the full enjoyment of his rights and dignities, after his apparently necessary suspension. ferdinand, however, by his subsequent conduct, has forfeited all claim to any favorable opinion of the kind. the person chosen to supersede bobadilla was don nicholas de ovando, commander of lares, of the order of alcantara. he is described as of the middle size, fair complexioned, with a red beard, and a modest look, yet a tone of authority. he was fluent in speech, and gracious and courteous in his manners. a man of great prudence, says las casas, and capable of governing many people, but not of governing the indians, on whom he inflicted incalculable injuries. he possessed great veneration for justice, was an enemy to avarice, sober in his mode of living, and of such humility, that when he rose afterwards to be grand commander of the order of alcantara, he would never allow himself to be addressed by the title of respect attached to it. [101] such is the picture drawn of him by historians; but his conduct in several important instances is in direct contradiction to it. he appears to have been plausible and subtle, as well as fluent and courteous; his humility concealed a great love of command, and in his transactions with columbus he was certainly both ungenerous and unjust. the various arrangements to be made, according to the new plan of colonial government, delayed for some time the departure of ovando. in the meantime, every arrival brought intelligence of the disastrous state of the island, under the mal-administration of bobadilla. he had commenced his career by an opposite policy to that of columbus. imagining that rigorous rule had been the rock on which his predecessors had split, he sought to conciliate the public by all kinds of indulgence. having at the very outset relaxed the reins of justice and morality, he lost all command over the community; and such disorder and licentiousness ensued, that many, even of the opponents of columbus, looked back with regret upon the strict but wholesome rule of himself and the adelantado. bobadilla was not so much a bad as an imprudent and a weak man. he had not considered the dangerous excesses to which his policy would lead. rash in grasping authority, he was feeble and temporizing in the exercise of it: he could not look beyond the present exigency. one dangerous indulgence granted to the colonists called for another; each was ceded in its turn, and thus he went on from error to error,--showing that in government there is as much danger to be apprehended from a weak as from a bad man. he had sold the farms and estates of the crown at low prices, observing that it was not the wish of the monarchs to enrich themselves by them, but that they should redound to the profit of their subjects. he granted universal permission to work the mines, exacting only an eleventh of the produce for the crown. to prevent any diminution in the revenue, it became necessary, of course, to increase the quantity of gold collected. he obliged the caciques, therefore, to furnish each spaniard with indians, to assist him both in the labors of the field and of the mine. to carry this into more complete effect, he made an enumeration of the natives of the island, reduced them into classes, and distributed them, according to his favor or caprice, among the colonists. the latter, at his suggestion, associated themselves in partnerships of two persons each, who were to assist one another with their respective capitals and indians, one superintending the labors of the field, and the other the search for gold. the only injunction of bobadilla was, to produce large quantities of ore. he had one saying continually in his mouth, which shows the pernicious and temporizing principle upon which he acted: "make the most of your time," he would say, "there is no knowing how long it will last," alluding to the possibility of his being speedily recalled. the colonists acted up to his advice, and so hard did they drive the poor natives, that the eleventh yielded more revenue to the crown than had ever been produced by the third under the government of columbus. in the meantime, the unhappy natives suffered under all kinds of cruelties from their inhuman taskmasters. little used to labor, feeble of constitution, and accustomed in their beautiful and luxuriant island to a life of ease and freedom, they sank under the toils imposed upon them, and the severities by which they were enforced. las casas gives an indignant picture of the capricious tyranny exercised over the indians by worthless spaniards, many of whom had been transported convicts from the dungeons of castile. these wretches, who in their own countries had been the vilest among the vile, here assumed the tone of grand cavaliers. they insisted upon being attended by trains of servants. they took the daughters and female relations of caciques for their domestics, or rather for their concubines, nor did they limit themselves in number. when they traveled, instead of using the horses and mules with which they were provided, they obliged the natives to transport them upon their shoulders in litters, or hammocks, with others attending to hold umbrellas of palm-leaves over their heads to keep off the sun, and fans of feathers to cool them; and las casas affirms that he has seen the backs and shoulders of the unfortunate indians who bore these litters raw and bleeding from the task. when these arrogant upstarts arrived at an indian village, they consumed and lavished away the provisions of the inhabitants, seizing upon whatever pleased their caprice, and obliging the cacique and his subjects to dance before them for their amusement. their very pleasures were attended with cruelty. they never addressed the natives but in the most degrading terms, and on the least offence, or the least freak of ill-humor, inflicted blows and lashes, and even death itself. [102] such is but a faint picture of the evils which sprang up under the feeble rule of bobadilla; and are sorrowfully described by las casas, from actual observation, as he visited the island just at the close of his administration. bobadilla had trusted to the immense amount of gold, wrung from the miseries of the natives, to atone for all errors, and secure favor with the sovereigns; but he had totally mistaken his course. the abuses of his government soon reached the royal ear, and above all, the wrongs of the natives reached the benevolent heart of isabella. nothing was more calculated to arouse her indignation, and she urged the speedy departure of ovando, to put a stop to these enormities. in conformity to the plan already mentioned, the government of ovando extended over the islands and terra firma, of which hispaniola was to be the metropolis. he was to enter upon the exercise of his powers immediately upon his arrival, by procuration, sending home bobadilla by the return of the fleet. he was instructed to inquire diligently into the late abuses, punishing the delinquents without favor or partiality, and removing all worthless persons from the island. he was to revoke immediately the license granted by bobadilla for the general search after gold, it having been given without royal authority. he was to require, for the crown, a third of what was already collected, and one half of all that should be collected in future. he was empowered to build towns, granting them the privileges enjoyed by municipal corporations of spain, and obliging the spaniards, and particularly the soldiers, to reside in them, instead of scattering themselves over the island. among many sage provisions, there were others injurious and illiberal, characteristic of an age when the principles of commerce were but little understood; but which were continued by spain long after the rest of the world had discarded them as the errors of dark and unenlightened times. the crown monopolized the trade of the colonies. no one could carry merchandises there on his own account. a royal factor was appointed, through whom alone were to be obtained supplies of european articles. the crown reserved to itself not only exclusive property in the mines, but in precious stones, and like objects of extraordinary value, and also in dyewoods. no strangers, and above all, no moors nor jews, were permitted to establish themselves in the island, nor to go upon voyages of discovery. such were some of the restrictions upon trade which spain imposed upon her colonies, and which were followed up by others equally illiberal. her commercial policy has been the scoff of modern times; but may not the present restrictions on trade, imposed by the most intelligent nations, be equally the wonder and the jest of future ages? isabella was particularly careful in providing for the kind treatment of the indians. ovando was ordered to assemble the caciques, and declare to them, that the sovereigns took them and their people under their especial protection. they were merely to pay tribute like other subjects of the crown, and it was to be collected with the utmost mildness and gentleness. great pains were to be taken in their religious instruction; for which purpose twelve franciscan friars were sent out, with a prelate named antonio de espinal, a venerable and pious man. this was the first formal introduction of the franciscan order into the new world. [103] all these precautions with respect to the natives were defeated by one unwary provision. it was permitted that the indians might be compelled to work in the mines, and in other employments; but this was limited to the royal service. they were to be engaged as hired laborers, and punctually paid. this provision led to great abuses and oppressions, and was ultimately as fatal to the natives as could have been the most absolute slavery. but, with that inconsistency frequent in human conduct, while the sovereigns were making regulations for the relief of the indians, they encouraged a gross invasion of the rights and welfare of another race of human beings. among their various decrees on this occasion, we find the first trace of negro slavery in the new world. it was permitted to carry to the colony negro slaves born among christians; [104] that is to say, slaves born in seville and other parts of spain, the children and descendants of natives brought from the atlantic coast of africa, where such traffic had for some time been carried on by the spaniards and portuguese. there are signal events in the course of history, which sometimes bear the appearance of temporal judgments. it is a fact worthy of observation, that hispaniola, the place where this flagrant sin against nature and humanity was first introduced into the new world, has been the first to exhibit an awful retribution. amidst the various concerns which claimed the attention of the sovereigns, the interests of columbus were not forgotten. ovando was ordered to examine into all his accounts, without undertaking to pay them off. he was to ascertain the damages he had sustained by his imprisonment, the interruption of his privileges, and the confiscation of his effects. all the property confiscated by bobadilla was to be restored; or if it had been sold, to be made good. if it had been employed in the royal service, columbus was to be indemnified out of the treasury; if bobadilla had appropriated it to his own use, he was to account for it out of his private purse. equal care was to be taken to indemnify the brothers of the admiral for the losses they had wrongfully suffered by their arrest. columbus was likewise to receive the arrears of his revenues; and the same were to be punctually paid to him in future. he was permitted to have a factor resident in the island, to be present at the melting and marking of the gold, to collect his dues, and in short to attend to all his affairs. to this office he appointed alonzo sanchez de carvajal; and the sovereigns commanded that his agent should be treated with great respect. the fleet appointed to convey ovando to his government was the largest that had yet sailed to the new world. it consisted of thirty sail, five of them from ninety to one hundred and fifty tons burden, twenty-four caravels from thirty to ninety, and one bark of twenty-five tons. [105] the number of souls embarked in this fleet was about twenty-five hundred; many of them persons of rank and distinction, with their families. that ovando might appear with dignity in his new office, he was allowed to use silks, brocades, precious stones, and other articles of sumptuous attire, prohibited at that time in spain, in consequence of the ruinous ostentation of the nobility. he was permitted to have seventy-two esquires, as his body-guard, ten of whom were horsemen. with this expedition sailed don alonzo maldonado, appointed as alguazil mayor, or chief justice, in place of roldan, who was to be sent to spain. there were artisans of various kinds: to these were added a physician, surgeon, and apothecary; and seventy-three married men [106] with their families, all of respectable character, destined to be distributed in four towns, and to enjoy peculiar privileges, that they might form the basis of a sound and useful population. they were to displace an equal number of the idle and dissolute who were to be sent from the island: this excellent measure had been especially urged and entreated by columbus. there was also live-stock, artillery, arms, munitions of all kinds; every thing, in short, that was required for the supply of the island. such was the style in which ovando, a favorite of ferdinand, and a native subject of rank, was fitted out to enter upon the government withheld from columbus. the fleet put to sea on the thirteenth of february, 1502. in the early part of the voyage it was encountered by a terrible storm; one of the ships foundered, with one hundred and twenty passengers; the others were obliged to throw overboard every thing on deck, and were completely scattered. the shores of spain were strewed with articles from the fleet, and a rumor spread that all the ships had perished. when this reached the sovereigns, they were so overcome with grief that they shut themselves up for eight days, and admitted no one to their presence. the rumor proved to be incorrect: but one ship was lost. the others assembled again at the island of gomera in the canaries, and, pursuing their voyage, arrived at san domingo on the 15th of april. [107] chapter iv. proposition of columbus relative to the recovery of the holy sepulchre. [1500-1501.] columbus remained in the city of granada upwards of nine months, endeavoring to extricate his affairs from the confusion into which they had been thrown by the rash conduct of bobadilla, and soliciting the restoration of his offices and dignities. during this time he constantly experienced the smiles and attentions of the sovereigns, and promises were repeatedly made him that he should ultimately be reinstated in all his honors. he had long since, however, ascertained the great interval that may exist between promise and performance in a court. had he been of a morbid and repining spirit, he had ample food for misanthropy. he beheld the career of glory which he had opened, thronged by favored adventurers; he witnessed preparations making to convey with unusual pomp a successor to that government from which he had been so wrongfully and rudely ejected; in the meanwhile his own career was interrupted, and as far as public employ is a gauge of royal favor, he remained apparently in disgrace. his sanguine temperament was not long to be depressed; if checked in one direction it broke forth in another. his visionary imagination was an internal light, which, in the darkest times, repelled all outward gloom, and filled his mind with splendid images and glorious speculations. in this time of evil, his vow to furnish, within seven years from the time of his discovery, fifty thousand foot-soldiers, and five thousand horse, for the recovery of the holy sepulchre, recurred to his memory with peculiar force. the time had elapsed, but the vow remained unfulfilled, and the means to perform it had failed him. the new world, with all its treasures, had as yet produced expense instead of profit; and so far from being in a situation to set armies on foot by his own contributions, he found himself without property, without power, and without employ. destitute of the means of accomplishing his pious intentions, he considered it his duty to incite the sovereigns to the enterprise; and he felt emboldened to do so, from having originally proposed it as the great object to which the profits of his discoveries should be dedicated. he set to work, therefore, with his accustomed zeal, to prepare arguments for the purpose. during the intervals of business, he sought into the prophecies of the holy scriptures, the writings of the fathers, and all kinds of sacred and speculative sources, for mystic portents and revelations which might be construed to bear upon the discovery of the new world, the conversion of the gentiles, and the recovery of the holy sepulchre: three great events which he supposed to be predestined to succeed each other. these passages, with the assistance of a carthusian friar, he arranged in order, illustrated by poetry, and collected into a manuscript volume, to be delivered to the sovereigns. he prepared, at the same time, a long letter, written with his usual fervor of spirit and simplicity of heart. it is one of those singular compositions which lay open the visionary part of his character, and show the mystic and speculative reading with which he was accustomed to nurture his solemn and soaring imagination. in this letter he urged the sovereigns to set on foot a crusade for the deliverance of jerusalem from the power of the unbelievers. he entreated them not to reject his present advice as extravagant and impracticable, nor to heed the discredit that might be cast upon it by others; reminding them that his great scheme of discovery had originally been treated with similar contempt. he avowed in the fullest manner his persuasion, that, from his earliest infancy, he had been chosen by heaven for the accomplishment of those two great designs, the discovery of the new world, and the rescue of the holy sepulchre. for this purpose, in his tender years, he had been guided by a divine impulse to embrace the profession of the sea, a mode of life, he observes, which produces an inclination to inquire into the mysteries of nature; and he had been gifted with a curious spirit, to read all kinds of chronicles, geographical treatises, and works of philosophy. in meditating upon these, his understanding had been opened by the deity, "as with a palpable hand," so as to discover the navigation to the indies, and he had been inflamed with ardor to undertake the enterprise. "animated as by a heavenly fire," he adds, "i came to your highnesses: all who heard of my enterprise mocked at it; all the sciences i had acquired profited me nothing; seven years did i pass in your royal court, disputing the case with persons of great authority and learned in all the arts, and in the end they decided that all was vain. in your highnesses alone remained faith and constancy. who will doubt that this light was from the holy scriptures, illumining you as well as myself with rays of marvelous brightness?" these ideas, so repeatedly, and solemnly, and artlessly expressed, by a man of the fervent piety of columbus, show how truly his discovery arose from the working of his own mind, and not from information furnished by others. he considered it a divine intimation, a light from heaven, and the fulfillment of what had been fortold by our saviour and the prophets. still he regarded it but as a minor event, preparatory to the great enterprise, the recovery of the holy sepulchre. he pronounced it a miracle effected by heaven, to animate himself and others to that holy undertaking; and he assured the sovereigns that, if they had faith in his present as in his former proposition, they would assuredly be rewarded with equally triumphant success. he conjured them not to heed the sneers of such as might scoff at him as one unlearned, as an ignorant mariner, a worldly man; reminding them that the holy spirit works not merely in the learned, but also in the ignorant; nay, that it reveals things to come, not merely by rational beings, but by prodigies in animals, and by mystic signs in the air and in the heavens. the enterprise here suggested by columbus, however idle and extravagant it may appear in the present day, was in unison with the temper of the times, and of the court to which it was proposed. the vein of mystic erudition by which it was enforced, likewise, was suited to an age when the reveries of the cloister still controlled the operations of the cabinet and the camp. the spirit of the crusades had not yet passed away. in the cause of the church, and at the instigation of its dignitaries, every cavalier was ready to draw his sword; and religion mingled a glowing and devoted enthusiasm with the ordinary excitement of warfare. ferdinand was a religious bigot; and the devotion of isabella went as near to bigotry as her liberal mind and magnanimous spirit would permit. both the sovereigns were under the influence of ecclesiastical politicians, constantly guiding their enterprises in a direction to redound to the temporal power and glory of the church. the recent conquest of granada had been considered a european crusade, and had gained to the sovereigns the epithet of catholic. it was natural to think of extending their sacred victories still further, and retaliating upon the infidels their domination of spain and their long triumphs over the cross. in fact, the duke of medina sidonia had made a recent inroad into barbary, in the course of which he had taken the city of melilla, and his expedition had been pronounced a renewal of the holy wars against the infidels in africa. [108] there was nothing, therefore, in the proposition of columbus that could be regarded as preposterous, considering the period and circumstances in which it was made, though it strongly illustrates his own enthusiastic and visionary character. it must be recollected that it was meditated in the courts of the alhambra, among the splendid remains of moorish grandeur, where, but a few years before, he had beheld the standard of the faith elevated in triumph above the symbols of infidelity. it appears to have been the offspring of one of those moods of high excitement, when, as has been observed, his soul was elevated by the contemplation of his great and glorious office; when he considered himself under divine inspiration, imparting the will of heaven, and fulfilling the high and holy purposes for which he had been predestined. [109] chapter v. preparations of columbus for a fourth voyage of discovery. [1501-1502.] the speculation relative to the recovery of the holy sepulchre held but a temporary sway over the mind of columbus. his thoughts soon returned, with renewed ardor, to their wonted channel. he became impatient of inaction, and soon conceived a leading object for another enterprise of discovery. the achievement of vasco de gama, of the long-attempted navigation to india by the cape of good hope, was one of the signal events of the day. pedro alvarez cabral, following in his track, had made a most successful voyage, and returned with his vessels laden with the precious commodities of the east. the riches of calicut were now the theme of every tongue, and the splendid trade now opened in diamonds and precious stones from the mines of hindostan; in pearls, gold, silver, amber, ivory, and porcelain; in silken stuffs, costly woods, gums, aromatics, and spices of all kinds. the discoveries of the savage regions of the new world, as yet, brought little revenue to spain; but this route, suddenly opened to the luxurious countries of the east, was pouring immediate wealth into portugal. columbus was roused to emulation by these accounts. he now conceived the idea of a voyage, in which, with his usual enthusiasm, he hoped to surpass not merely the discovery of vasco de gama, but even those of his own previous expeditions. according to his own observations in his voyage to paria, and the reports of other navigators, who had pursued the same route to a greater distance, it appeared that the coast of terra firma stretched far to the west. the southern coast of cuba, which he considered a part of the asiatic continent, stretched onwards towards the same point. the currents of the caribbean sea must pass between those lands. he was persuaded, therefore, that there must be a strait existing somewhere thereabout, opening into the indian sea. the situation in which he placed his conjectural strait, was somewhere about what at present is called the isthmus of darien. [110] could he but discover such a passage, and thus link the new world he had discovered with the opulent oriental regions of the old, he felt that he should make a magnificent close to his labors, and consummate this great object of his existence. when he unfolded his plan to the sovereigns, it was listened to with great attention. certain of the royal council, it is said, endeavored to throw difficulties in the way; observing that the various exigencies of the times, and the low state of the royal treasury, rendered any new expedition highly inexpedient. they intimated also that columbus ought not to be employed, until his good conduct in hispaniola was satisfactorily established by letters from ovando. these narrow-minded suggestions failed in their aim: isabella had implicit confidence in the integrity of columbus. as to the expense, she felt that while furnishing so powerful a fleet and splendid retinue to ovando, to take possession of his government, it would be ungenerous and ungrateful to refuse a few ships to the discoverer of the new world, to enable him to prosecute his illustrious enterprises. as to ferdinand, his cupidity was roused at the idea of being soon put in possession of a more direct and safe route to those countries with which the crown of portugal was opening so lucrative a trade. the project also would occupy the admiral for a considerable time, and, while it diverted him from claims of an inconvenient nature, would employ his talents in a way most beneficial to the crown. however the king might doubt his abilities as a legislator, he had the highest opinion of his skill and judgment as a navigator. if such a strait as the one supposed were really in existence, columbus vas, of all men in the world, the one to discover it. his proposition, therefore, was promptly acceded to; he was authorized to fit out an armament immediately; and repaired to seville in the autumn of 1501, to make the necessary preparations. though this substantial enterprise diverted his attention from his romantic expedition for the recovery of the holy sepulchre, it still continued to haunt his mind. he left his manuscript collection of researches among the prophecies in the hands of a devout friar of the name of gaspar gorricio, who assisted to complete it. in february, also, he wrote a letter to pope alexander vii, in which he apologizes, on account of indispensable occupations, for not having repaired to rome, according to his original intention, to give an account of his grand discoveries. after briefly relating them, he adds that his enterprises had been undertaken with intent of dedicating the gains to the recovery of the holy sepulchre. he mentions his vow to furnish, within seven years, fifty thousand foot and five thousand horse for the purpose, and another of like force within five succeeding years. this pious intention, he laments, had been impeded by the arts of the devil, and he feared, without divine aid, would be entirely frustrated, as the government which had been granted to him in perpetuity had been taken from him. he informs his holiness of his being about to embark on another voyage, and promises solemnly, on his return, to repair to rome without delay, to relate everything by word of mouth, as well as to present him with an account of his voyages, which he had kept from the commencement to the present time, in the style of the commentaries of caesar. [111] it was about this time, also, that he sent his letter on the subject of the sepulchre to the sovereigns, together with the collection of prophecies. [112] we have no account of the manner in which the proposition was received. ferdinand, with all his bigotry, was a shrewd and worldly prince. instead of a chivalrous crusade against jerusalem, he preferred making a pacific arrangement with the grand soldan of egypt, who had menaced the destruction of the sacred edifice. he dispatched, therefore, the learned peter martyr, so distinguished for his historical writings, as ambassador to the soldan, by whom all ancient grievances between the two powers were satisfactorily adjusted, and arrangements made for the conservation of the holy sepulchre, and the protection of all christian pilgrims resorting to it. in the meantime columbus went on with the preparations for his contemplated voyage, though but slowly, owing, as charlevoix intimates, to the artifices and delays of fonseca and his agents. he craved permission to touch at the island of hispaniola for supplies on his outward voyage. this, however, the sovereigns forbade, knowing that he had many enemies in the island, and that the place would be in great agitation from the arrival of ovando, and the removal of bobadilla. they consented, however, that he should touch there briefly on his return, by which time they hoped the island would be restored to tranquillity. he was permitted to take with him, in this expedition, his brother the adelantado, and his son fernando, then in his fourteenth year; also two or three persons learned in arabic, to serve as interpreters, in case he should arrive at the dominions of the grand khan, or of any other eastern prince where that language might be spoken, or partially known. in reply to letters relative to the ultimate restoration of his rights, and to matters concerning his family, the sovereigns wrote him a letter, dated march 14, 1502, from valencia de torre, in which they again solemnly assured him that their capitulations with him should be fulfilled to the letter, and the dignities therein ceded enjoyed by him, and his children after him; and if it should be necessary to confirm them anew, they would do so, and secure them to his son. beside which, they expressed their disposition to bestow further honors and rewards upon himself, his brothers, and his children. they entreated him, therefore, to depart in peace and confidence, and to leave all his concerns in spain to the management of his son diego. [113] this was the last letter that columbus received from the sovereigns, and the assurances it contained were as ample and absolute as he could desire. recent circumstances, however, had apparently rendered him dubious of the future. during the time that he passed in seville, previous to his departure, he took measures to secure his fame, and preserve the claims of his family, by placing them under the guardianship of his native country. he had copies of all the letters, grants, and privileges from the sovereigns, appointing him admiral, viceroy, and governor of the indies, copied and authenticated before the alcaldes of seville. two sets of these were transcribed, together with his letter to the nurse of prince juan, containing a circumstantial and eloquent vindication of his rights; and two letters to the bank of st. george, at genoa, assigning to it the tenth of his revenues, to be employed in diminishing the duties on corn and other provisions;--a truly benevolent and patriotic donation, intended for the relief of the poor of his native city. these two sets of documents he sent by different individuals to his friend, doctor nicolo oderigo, formerly ambassador from genoa to the court of spain, requesting him to preserve them in some safe deposit, and to apprise his son diego of the same. his dissatisfaction at the conduct of the spanish court may have been the cause of this precautionary measure, that an appeal to the world, or to posterity, might be in the power of his descendants, in case he should perish in the course of his voyage. [114] book xv. chapter i. departure of columbus on his fourth voyage.--refused admission to the harbor of san domingo.--exposed to a violent tempest. [1502.] age was rapidly making its advances upon columbus when he undertook his fourth and last voyage of discovery. he had already numbered sixty-six years, and they were years filled with care and trouble, in which age outstrips the march of time. his constitution, originally vigorous in the extreme, had been impaired by hardships and exposures in every clime, and silently preyed upon by the sufferings of the mind. his frame, once powerful and commanding, and retaining a semblance of strength and majesty even in its decay, was yet crazed by infirmities and subject to paroxysms of excruciating pain. his intellectual forces alone retained their wonted health and energy, prompting him, at a period of life when most men seek repose, to sally forth with youthful ardor, on the most toilsome and adventurous of expeditions. his squadron for the present voyage consisted of four caravels, the smallest of fifty tons burden, the largest not exceeding seventy, and the crews amounting in all to one hundred and fifty men. with this little armament and these slender barks did the venerable discoverer undertake the search after a strait, which, if found, must conduct him into the most remote seas, and lead to a complete circumnavigation of the globe. in this arduous voyage, however, he had a faithful counselor, and an intrepid and vigorous coadjutor, in his brother don bartholomew, while his younger son fernando cheered him with his affectionate sympathy. he had learnt to appreciate such comforts, from being too often an isolated stranger, surrounded by false friends and perfidious enemies. the squadron sailed from cadiz on the 9th of may, and passed over to ercilla, on the coast of morocco, where it anchored on the 13th. understanding that the portuguese garrison was closely besieged in the fortress by the moors, and exposed to great peril, columbus was ordered to touch there, and render all the assistance in his power. before his arrival the siege had been raised, but the governor lay ill, having been wounded in an assault. columbus sent his brother, the adelantado, his son fernando, and the captains of the caravels on shore, to wait upon the governor, with expressions of friendship and civility, and offers of the services of his squadron. their visit and message gave high satisfaction, and several cavaliers were sent to wait upon the admiral in return, some of whom were relatives of his deceased wife, doña felippa muñoz. after this exchange of civilities, the admiral made sail on the same day, and continued his voyage. [115] on the 25th of may, he arrived at the grand canary, and remained at that and the adjacent islands for a few days, taking in wood and water. on the evening of the 25th, he took his departure for the new world. the trade winds were so favorable, that the little squadron swept gently on its course, without shifting a sail, and arrived on the 15th of june at one of the caribbee islands, called by the natives mantinino. [116] after stopping here for three days, to take in wood and water, and allow the seamen time to wash their clothes, the squadron passed to the west of the island, and sailed to dominica, about ten leagues distant. [117] columbus continued hence along the inside of the antilles, to santa cruz, then along the south side of porto rico, and steered for san domingo. this was contrary to the original plan of the admiral, who had intended to steer to jamaica, [118] and thence to take a departure for the continent, and explore its coasts in search of the supposed strait. it was contrary to the orders of the sovereigns also, prohibiting him on his outward voyage to touch at hispaniola. his excuse was, that his principal vessel sailed extremely ill, could not carry any canvas, and continually embarrassed and delayed the rest of the squadron. [119] he wished, therefore, to exchange it for one of the fleet which had recently conveyed ovando to his government, or to purchase some other vessel at san domingo; and he was persuaded that he would not be blamed for departing from his orders, in a case of such importance to the safety and success of his expedition. it is necessary to state the situation of the island at this moment. ovando had reached san domingo on the 15th of april. he had been received with the accustomed ceremony on the shore, by bobadilla, accompanied by the principal inhabitants of the town. he was escorted to the fortress, where his commission was read in form, in presence of all the authorities. the usual oaths were taken, and ceremonials observed; and the new governor was hailed with great demonstrations of obedience and satisfaction. ovando entered upon the duties of his office with coolness and prudence; and treated bobadilla with a courtesy totally opposite to the rudeness with which the latter had superseded columbus. the emptiness of mere official rank, when unsustained by merit, was shown in the case of bobadilla. the moment his authority was at an end, all his importance vanished. he found himself a solitary and neglected man, deserted by those whom he had most favored, and he experienced the worthlessness of the popularity gained by courting the prejudices and passions of the multitude. still there is no record of any suit having been instituted against him; and las casas, who was on the spot, declares that he never heard any harsh thing spoken of him by the colonists. [120] the conduct of roldan and his accomplices, however, underwent a strict investigation, and many were arrested to be sent to spain for trial. they appeared undismayed, trusting to the influence of their friends in spain to protect them, and many relying on the well-known disposition of the bishop of fonseca to favor all who had been opposed to columbus. the fleet which had brought out ovando was now ready for sea; and was to take out a number of the principal delinquents, and many of the idlers and profligates of the island. bobadilla was to embark in the principal ship, on board of which he put an immense amount of gold, the revenue collected for the crown during his government, and which he confidently expected would atone for all his faults. there was one solid mass of virgin gold on board of this ship, which is famous in the old spanish chronicles. it had been found by a female indian in a brook, on the estate of francisco de garay and miguel diaz, and had been taken by bobadilla to send to the king, making the owners a suitable compensation. it was said to weigh three thousand six hundred castellanos. [121] large quantities of gold were likewise shipped in the fleet, by the followers of roldan, and other adventurers; the wealth gained by the sufferings of the unhappy natives. among the various persons who were to sail in the principal ship, was the unfortunate guarionex, the once powerful cacique of the vega. he had been confined in fort conception, ever since his capture after the war of higuey, and was now to be sent a captive in chains to spain. in one of the ships, alonzo sanchez de carvajal, the agent of columbus, had put four thousand pieces of gold, to be remitted to him; being part of his property, either recently collected, or recovered from the hands of bobadilla. [122] the preparations were all made, and the fleet was ready to put to sea, when, on the 29th of june, the squadron of columbus arrived at the mouth of the river. he immediately sent pedro de terreros, captain of one of the caravels, on shore, to wait on ovando, and explain to him that the purpose of his coming was to procure a vessel in exchange for one of his caravels, which was extremely defective. he requested permission also to shelter his squadron in the harbor; as he apprehended, from various indications, an approaching storm. this request was refused by ovando. las casas thinks it probable that he had instructions from the sovereigns not to admit columbus, and that he was further swayed by prudent considerations, as san domingo was at that moment crowded with the most virulent enemies of the admiral, many of them in a high state of exasperation, from recent proceedings which had taken place against them. [123] when the ungracious refusal of ovando was brought to columbus, and he found all shelter denied him, he sought at least to avert the danger of the fleet, which was about to sail. he sent back the officer therefore to the governor, entreating him not to permit the fleet to put to sea for several days; assuring him that there were indubitable signs of an impending tempest. this second request was equally fruitless with the first. the weather, to an inexperienced eye, was fair and tranquil; the pilots and seamen were impatient to depart. they scoffed at the prediction of the admiral, ridiculing him as a false prophet, and they persuaded ovando not to detain the fleet on so unsubstantial a pretext. it was hard treatment of columbus, thus to be denied the relief which the state of his ships required, and to be excluded in time of distress from the very harbor he had discovered. he retired from the river full of grief and indignation. his crew murmured loudly at being shut out from a port of their own nation, where even strangers, tinder similar circumstances, would be admitted. they repined at having embarked with a commander liable to such treatment; and anticipated nothing but evil from a voyage, in which they were exposed to the dangers of the sea, and repulsed from the protection of the land. being confident, from his observations of those natural phenomena in which he was deeply skilled, that the anticipated storm could not be distant, and expecting it from the land side, columbus kept his feeble squadron close to the shore, and sought for secure anchorage in some wild bay or river of the island. in the meantime, the fleet of bobadilla set sail from san domingo, and stood out confidently to sea. within two days, the predictions of columbus were verified. one of those tremendous hurricanes, which sometimes sweep those latitudes, had gradually gathered up. the baleful appearance of the heavens, the wild look of the ocean, the rising murmur of the winds, all gave notice of its approach. the fleet had scarcely reached the eastern point of hispaniola, when the tempest burst over it with awful fury, involving every thing in wreck and ruin. the ship on board of which were bobadilla, roldan, and a number of the most inveterate enemies of columbus, was swallowed up with all its crew, and with the celebrated mass of gold, and the principal part of the ill-gotten treasure, gained by the miseries of the indians. many of the ships were entirely lost, some returned to san domingo, in shattered condition, and only one was enabled to continue her voyage to spain. that one, according to fernando columbus, was the weakest of the fleet, and had on board the four thousand pieces of gold, the property of the admiral. during the early part of this storm, the little squadron of columbus remained tolerably well sheltered by the land. on the second day the tempest increased in violence, and the night coming on with unusual darkness, the ships lost sight of each other and were separated. the admiral still kept close to the shore, and sustained no damage. the others, fearful of the land in such a dark and boisterous night, ran out for sea-room, and encountered the whole fury of the elements. for several days they were driven about at the mercy of wind and wave, fearful each moment of shipwreck, and giving up each other as lost. the adelantado, who commanded the ship already mentioned as being scarcely seaworthy, ran the most imminent hazard, and nothing but his consummate seamanship enabled him to keep her afloat. at length, after various vicissitudes, they all arrived safe at port hermoso, to the west of san domingo. the adelantado had lost his long boat; and all the vessels, with the exception of that of the admiral, had sustained more or less injury. when columbus learnt the signal destruction that had overwhelmed his enemies, almost before his eyes, he was deeply impressed with awe, and considered his own preservation as little less than miraculous. both his son fernando, and the venerable historian las casas, looked upon the event as one of those awful judgments, which seem at times to deal forth temporal retribution. they notice the circumstance, that while the enemies of the admiral were swallowed up by the raging sea, the only ship of the fleet which was enabled to pursue her voyage, and reach her port of destination, was the frail bark freighted with the property of columbus. the evil, however, in this, as in most circumstances, overwhelmed the innocent as well as the guilty. in the ship with bobadilla and roldan perished the captive guarionex, the unfortunate cacique of the vega. [124] chapter ii. voyage along the coast of honduras. [1502.] for several days columbus remained in port hermosa to repair his vessels, and permit his crews to repose and refresh themselves after the late tempest. he had scarcely left this harbor, when he was obliged to take shelter from another storm in jacquemel, or, as it was called by the spaniards, port brazil. hence he sailed on the 14th of july, steering for terra firma. the weather falling perfectly calm, he was borne away by the currents until he found himself in the vicinity of some little islands near jamaica, [125] destitute of springs, but where the seamen obtained a supply of water by digging holes in the sand on the beach. the calm continuing, he was swept away to the group of small islands, or keys, on the southern coast of cuba, to which, in 1494, he had given the name of the gardens. he had scarcely touched there, however, when the wind sprang up from a favorable quarter, and he was enabled to make sail on his destined course. he now stood to the southwest, and after a few days discovered, on the 30th of july, a small but elevated island, agreeable to the eye from the variety of trees with which it was covered. among these was a great number of lofty pines, from which circumstance columbus named it isla de pinos. it has always, however, retained its indian name of guanaja, [126] which has been extended to a number of smaller islands surrounding it. this group is within a few leagues of the coast of honduras, to the east of the great bay or gulf of that name. the adelantado, with two launches full of people, landed on the principal island, which was extremely verdant and fertile. the inhabitants resembled those of other islands, excepting that their foreheads were narrower. while the adelantado was on shore, he beheld a great canoe arriving, as from a distant and important voyage. he was struck with its magnitude and contents. it was eight feet wide, and as long as a galley, though formed of the trunk of a single tree. in the centre was a kind of awning or cabin of palm-leaves, after the manner of those in the gondolas of venice, and sufficiently close to exclude both sun and rain. under this sat a cacique with his wives and children. twenty-five indians rowed the canoe, and it was filled with all kinds of articles of the manufacture and natural production of the adjacent countries. it is supposed that this bark had come from the province of yucatan, which is about forty leagues distant from this island. the indians in the canoe appeared to have no fear of the spaniards, and readily went alongside of the admiral's caravel. columbus was overjoyed at thus having brought to him at once, without trouble or danger, a collection of specimens of all the important articles of this part of the new world. he examined, with great curiosity and interest, the contents of the canoe. among various utensils and weapons similar to those already found among the natives, he perceived others of a much superior kind. there were hatchets for cutting wood, formed not of stone but copper; wooden swords, with channels on each side of the blade, in which sharp flints were firmly fixed by cords made of the intestines of fishes; being the same kind of weapon afterwards found among the mexicans. there were copper bells and other articles of the same metal, together with a rude kind of crucible in which to melt it; various vessels and utensils neatly formed of clay, of marble, and of hard wood; sheets and mantles of cotton, worked and dyed with various colors; great quantities of cacao, a fruit as yet unknown to the spaniards, but which, as they soon found, the natives held in great estimation, using it both as food and money. there was a beverage also extracted from maize or indian corn, resembling beer. their provisions consisted of bread made of maize, and roots of various kinds, similar to those of hispaniola. from among these articles, columbus collected such as were important to send as specimens to spain, giving the natives european trinkets in exchange, with which they were highly satisfied. they appeared to manifest neither astonishment nor alarm when on board of the vessels, and surrounded by people who must have been so strange and wonderful to them. the women wore mantles, with which they wrapped themselves, like the female moors of granada, and the men had cloths of cotton round their loins. both sexes appeared more particular about these coverings, and to have a quicker sense of personal modesty than any indians columbus had yet discovered. these circumstances, together with the superiority of their implements and manufactures, were held by the admiral as indications that he was approaching more civilized nations. he endeavored to gain particular information from these indians about the surrounding countries; but as they spoke a different language from that of his interpreters, he could understand them but imperfectly. they informed him that they had just arrived from a country, rich, cultivated, and industrious, situated to the west. they endeavored to impress him with an idea of the wealth and magnificence of the regions, and the people in that quarter, and urged him to steer in that direction. well would it have been for columbus had he followed their advice. within a day or two he would have arrived at yucatan; the discovery of mexico and the other opulent countries of new spain would have necessarily followed; the southern ocean would have been disclosed to him, and a succession of splendid discoveries would have shed fresh glory on his declining age, instead of its sinking amidst gloom, neglect, and disappointment. the admiral's whole mind, however, was at present intent upon discovering the strait. as the countries described by the indians lay to the west, he supposed that he could easily visit them at some future time, by running with the trade-winds along the coast of cuba, which he imagined must continue on, so as to join them. at present he was determined to seek the main-land, the mountains of which were visible to the south, and apparently not many leagues distant:[127] by keeping along it steadfastly to the east, he must at length arrive to where he supposed it to be severed from the coast of paria by an intervening strait; and passing through this, he should soon make his way to the spice islands and the richest parts of india. [128] he was encouraged the more to persist in his eastern course by information from the indians, that there were many places in that direction which abounded with gold. much of the information which he gathered among these people was derived from an old man more intelligent than the rest, who appeared to be an ancient navigator of these seas. columbus retained him to serve as a guide along the coast, and dismissed his companions with many presents. leaving the island of guanaja, he stood southwardly for the main-land, and after sailing a few leagues, discovered a cape, to which he gave the name of caxinas, from its being covered with fruit trees, so called by the natives. it is at present known as cape honduras. here, on sunday the 14th of august, the adelantado landed with the captains of the caravels and many of the seamen, to attend mass, which was performed under the trees on the sea-shore, according to the pious custom of the admiral, whenever circumstances would permit. on the 17th, the adelantado again landed at a river about fifteen miles from the point, on the bank of which he displayed the banners of castile, taking possession of the country in the name of their catholic majesties; from which circumstances he named this the river of possession. [129] at this place they found upwards of a hundred indians assembled, laden with bread and maize, fish and fowl, vegetables, and fruits of various kinds. these they laid down as presents before the adelantado and his party, and drew back to a distance without speaking a word. the adelantado distributed among them various trinkets, with which they were well pleased, and appeared the next day in the same place, in greater numbers, with still more abundant supplies of provisions. the natives of this neighborhood, and for a considerable distance eastward, had higher foreheads than those of the islands. they were of different languages, and varied from each other in their decorations. some were entirely naked; and their bodies were marked by means of fire with the figures of various animals. some wore coverings about the loins; others short cotton jerkins without sleeves: some wore tresses of hair in front. the chieftains had caps of white or colored cotton. when arrayed for any festival, they painted their faces black, or with stripes of various colors, or with circles round the eyes. the old indian guide assured the admiral that many of them were cannibals. in one part of the coast the natives had their ears bored, and hideously distended; which caused the spaniards to call that region _la costa de la oreja_, or "the coast of the ear." [130] from the river of possession, columbus proceeded along what is at present called the coast of honduras, beating against contrary winds, and struggling with currents which swept from the east like the constant stream of a river. he often lost in one tack what he had laboriously gained in two, frequently making but two leagues in a day, and never more than five. at night he anchored under the land, through fear of proceeding along an unknown coast in the dark, but was often forced out to sea by the violence of the currents.[131] in all this time he experienced the same kind of weather that had prevailed on the coast of hispaniola, and had attended him more or less for upwards of sixty days. there was, he says, almost an incessant tempest of the heavens, with heavy rains, and such thunder and lightning, that it seemed as if the end of the world was at hand. those who know any thing of the drenching rains and rending thunder of the tropics, will not think his description of the storms exaggerated. his vessels were strained so that their seams opened; the sails and rigging were rent, and the provisions were damaged by the rain and by the leakage. the sailors were exhausted with labor, and harassed with terror. they many times confessed their sins to each other, and prepared for death. "i have seen many tempests," says columbus, "but none so violent or of such long duration." he alludes to the whole series of storms for upwards of two months, since he had been refused shelter at san domingo. during a great part of this time, he had suffered extremely from the gout, aggravated by his watchfulness and anxiety. his illness did not prevent his attending to his duties; he had a small cabin or chamber constructed on the stern, whence, even when confined to his bed, he could keep a look-out and regulate the sailing of the ships. many times he was so ill that he thought his end approaching. his anxious mind was distressed about his brother the adelantado, whom he had persuaded against his will to come on this expedition, and who was in the worst vessel of the squadron. he lamented also having brought with him his son fernando, exposing him at so tender an age to such perils and hardships, although the youth bore them with the courage and fortitude of a veteran. often, too, his thoughts reverted to his son diego, and the cares and perplexities into which his death might plunge him.[132] at length, after struggling for upwards of forty days since leaving the cape of honduras, to make a distance of about seventy leagues, they arrived on the 14th of september at a cape where the coast making an angle, turned directly south, so as to give them an easy wind and free navigation. doubling the point, they swept off with flowing sails and hearts filled with joy; and the admiral, to commemorate this sudden relief from toil and peril, gave to the cape the name of _gracias a dios_, or thanks to god.[133] chapter iii. voyage along the mosquito coast, and transactions at cariari. [1503.] after doubling cape gracias a dios, columbus sailed directly south, along what is at present called the mosquito shore. the land was of varied character, sometimes rugged, with craggy promontories and points stretching into the sea, at other places verdant and fertile, and watered by abundant streams. in the rivers grew immense reeds, sometimes of the thickness of a man's thigh: they abounded with fish and tortoises, and alligators basked on the banks. at one place columbus passed a cluster of twelve small islands, on which grew a fruit resembling the lemon, on which account he called them the limonares. [134] after sailing about sixty-two leagues along this coast, being greatly in want of wood and water, the squadron anchored on the 16th of september, near a copious river, up which the boats were sent to procure the requisite supplies. as they were returning to their ships, a sudden swelling of the sea, rushing in and encountering the rapid current of the river, caused a violent commotion, in which one of the boats was swallowed up, and all on board perished. this melancholy event had a gloomy effect upon the crews, already dispirited and care-worn from the hardships they had endured, and columbus, sharing their dejection, gave the stream the sinister name of _el rio del desastre_, or the river of disaster. [135] leaving this unlucky neighborhood, they continued for several days along the coast, until, finding both his ships and his people nearly disabled by the buffetings of the tempests, columbus, on the 25th of september, cast anchor between a small island and the main-land, in what appeared a commodious and delightful situation. the island was covered with groves of palm-trees, cocoanut-trees, bananas, and a delicate and fragrant fruit, which the admiral continually mistook for the mirabolane of the east indies. the fruits and flowers and odoriferous shrubs of the island sent forth grateful perfumes, so that columbus gave it the name of la huerta, or the garden. it was called by the natives quiribiri. immediately opposite, at a short league's distance, was an indian village, named cariari, situated on the bank of a beautiful river. the country around was fresh and verdant, finely diversified by noble hills and forests, with trees of such height, that las casas says they appeared to reach the skies. when the inhabitants beheld the ships, they gathered together on the coast, armed with bows and arrows, war-clubs, and lances, and prepared to defend their shores. the spaniards, however, made no attempt to land during that or the succeeding day, but remained quietly on board repairing the ships, airing and drying the damaged provisions, or reposing from the fatigues of the voyage. when the savages perceived that these wonderful beings, who had arrived in this strange manner on their coast, were perfectly pacific, and made no movement to molest them, their hostility ceased, and curiosity predominated. they made various pacific signals, waving their mantles like banners, and inviting the spaniards to land. growing still more bold, they swam to the ships, bringing off mantles and tunics of cotton, and ornaments of the inferior sort of gold called guanin, which they wore about their necks. these they offered to the spaniards. the admiral, however, forbade all traffic, making them presents, but taking nothing in exchange, wishing to impress them with a favorable idea of the liberality and disinterestedness of the white men. the pride of the savages was touched at the refusal of their proffered gifts, and this supposed contempt for their manufactures and productions. they endeavored to retaliate, by pretending like indifference. on returning to shore, they tied together all the european articles which had been given them, without retaining the least trifle, and left them lying on the strand, where the spaniards found them on a subsequent day. finding the strangers still declined to come on shore, the natives tried in every way to gain their confidence, and dispel the distrust which their hostile demonstrations might have caused. a boat approaching the shore cautiously one day, in quest of some safe place to procure water, an ancient indian, of venerable demeanor, issued from among the trees, bearing a white banner on the end of a staff, and leading two girls, one about fourteen years of age, the other about eight, having jewels of guanin about their necks. these he brought to the boat and delivered to the spaniards, making signs that they were to be detained as hostages while the strangers should be on shore. upon this the spaniards sallied forth with confidence and filled their water-casks, the indians remaining at a distance, and observing the strictest care, neither by word nor movement to cause any new distrust. when the boats were about to return to the ships, the old indian made signs that the young girls should be taken on board, nor would he admit of any denial. on entering the ships the girls showed no signs of grief nor alarm, though surrounded by what to them must have been uncouth and formidable beings. columbus was careful that the confidence thus placed in him should not be abused. after feasting the young females, and ordering them to be clothed and adorned with various ornaments, he sent them on shore. the night, however, had fallen, and the coast was deserted. they had to return to the ship, where they remained all night under the careful protection of the admiral. the next morning he restored them to their friends. the old indian received them with joy, and manifested a grateful sense of the kind treatment they had experienced. in the evening, however, when the boats went on shore, the young girls appeared, accompanied by a multitude of their friends, and returned all the presents they had received, nor could they be prevailed upon to retain any of them, although they must have been precious in their eyes; so greatly was the pride of these savages piqued at having their gifts refused. on the following day, as the adelantado approached the shore, two of the principal inhabitants, entering the water, took him out of the boat in their arms, and carrying him to land, seated him with great ceremony on a grassy bank. don bartholomew endeavored to collect information from them respecting the country, and ordered the notary of the squadron to write down their replies. the latter immediately prepared pen, ink, and paper, and proceeded to write; but no sooner did the indians behold this strange and mysterious process, than, mistaking it for some necromantic spell, intended to be wrought upon them, they fled with terror. after some time they returned, cautiously scattering a fragrant powder in the air, and burning some of it in such a direction that the smoke should be borne towards the spaniards by the wind. this was apparently intended to counteract any baleful spell, for they regarded the strangers as beings of a mysterious and supernatural order. the sailors looked upon these counter-charms of the indians with equal distrust, and apprehended something of magic; nay, fernando columbus, who was present, and records the scene, appears to doubt whether these indiana were not versed in sorcery, and thus led to suspect it in others. [136] indeed, not to conceal a foible, which was more characteristic of the superstition of the age than of the man, columbus himself entertained an idea of the kind, and assures the sovereigns, in his letter from jamaica, that the people of cariari and its vicinity are great enchanters, and he intimates, that the two indian girls who had visited his ship had magic powder concealed about their persons. he adds, that the sailors attributed all the delays and hardships experienced on that coast to their being under the influence of some evil spell, worked by the witchcraft of the natives, and that they still remained in that belief. [137] [138] for several days the squadron remained at this place, during which time the ships were examined and repaired, and the crews enjoyed repose and the recreation of the land. the adelantado, with a band of armed men, made excursions on shore to collect information. there was no pure gold to be met with here, all their ornaments were of guanin; but the natives assured the adelantado, that, in proceeding along the coast, the ships would soon arrive at a country where gold was in great abundance. in examining one of the villages, the adelantado found, in a large house, several sepulchres. one contained a human body embalmed; in another, there were two bodies wrapped in cotton, and so preserved as to be free from any disagreeable odor. they were adorned with the ornaments most precious to them when living; and the sepulchres were decorated with rude carvings and paintings representing various animals, and, sometimes, what appeared to be intended for portraits of the deceased. [139] throughout most of the savage tribes, there appears to have been great veneration for the dead, and an anxiety to preserve their remains undisturbed. when about to sail, columbus seized seven of the people, two of whom, apparently the most intelligent, he selected to serve as guides; the rest he suffered to depart. his late guide he had dismissed with presents at cape gracias a dios. the inhabitants of cariari manifested unusual sensibility at this seizure of their countrymen. they thronged the shore, and sent off four of their principal men with presents to the ships, imploring the release of the prisoners. the admiral assured them that he only took their companions as guides, for a short distance along the coast, and would restore them soon in safety to their homes. he ordered various presents to be given to the ambassadors; but neither his promises nor gifts could soothe the grief and apprehension of the natives at beholding their friends carried away by beings of whom they had such mysterious apprehensions. [140] chapter iv. voyage along costa rica.--speculations concerning the isthmus at veragua. [1502.] on the 5th of october, the squadron departed from cariari, and sailed along what is at present called costa rica (or the rich coast), from the gold and silver mines found in after years among its mountains. after sailing about twenty-two leagues, the ships anchored in a great bay, about six leagues in length and three in breadth, full of islands, with channels opening between them, so as to present three or four entrances. it was called by the natives caribaro, [141] and had been pointed out by the natives of cariari as plentiful in gold. the islands were beautifully verdant, covered with groves, and sent forth the fragrance of fruits and flowers. the channels between them were so deep and free from rocks that the ships sailed along them, as if in canals in the streets of a city, the spars and rigging brushing the overhanging branches of the trees. after anchoring, the boats landed on one of the islands, where they found twenty canoes. the people were on shore among the trees. being encouraged by the indians of cariari, who accompanied the spaniards, they soon advanced with confidence. here, for the first time on this coast, the spaniards met with specimens of pure gold; the natives wearing large plates of it suspended round their necks by cotton cords; they had ornaments likewise of guanin, rudely shaped like eagles. one of them exchanged a plate of gold, equal in value to ten ducats, for three hawks'-bells. [142] on the following day, the boats proceeded to the mainland at the bottom of the bay. the country around was high and rough, and the villages were generally perched on the heights. they met with ten canoes of indians, their heads decorated with garlands of flowers, and coronets formed of the claws of beasts and the quills of birds;[143] most of them had plates of gold about their necks, but refused to part with them. the spaniards brought two of them to the admiral to serve as guides. one had a plate of pure gold worth fourteen ducats, another an eagle worth twenty-two ducats. seeing the great value which the strangers set upon this metal, they assured them it was to be had in abundance within the distance of two days' journey; and mentioned various places along the coast, whence it was procured, particularly veragua, which was about twenty-five leagues distant. [144] the cupidity of the spaniards was greatly excited, and they would gladly have remained to barter, but the admiral discouraged all disposition of the kind. he barely sought to collect specimens and information of the riches of the country, and then pressed forward in quest of the great object of his enterprise, the imaginary strait. sailing on the 17th of october, from this bay, or rather gulf, he began to coast this region of reputed wealth, since called the coast of veragua; and after sailing about twelve leagues, arrived at a large river, which his son fernando calls the guaig. here, on the boats being sent to land, about two hundred indians appeared on the shore, armed with clubs, lances, and swords of palm-wood. the forests echoed with the sound of wooden drums, and the blasts of conch shells, their usual war signals. they rushed into the sea up to their waists, brandishing their weapons, and splashing the water at the spaniards in token of defiance; but were soon pacified by gentle signs, and the intervention of the interpreters; and willingly bartered away their ornaments, giving seventeen plates of gold, worth one hundred and fifty ducats, for a few toys and trifles. when the spaniards returned the next day to renew their traffic, they found the indians relapsed into hostility, sounding their drums and shells, and rushing forward to attack the boats. an arrow from a cross-bow, which wounded one of them in the arm, checked their fury, and on the discharge of a cannon, they fled with terror. four of the spaniards sprang on shore, pursuing and calling after them. they threw down their weapons, and came, awe-struck, and gentle as lambs, bringing three plates of gold, and meekly and thankfully receiving whatever was given in exchange. continuing along the coast, the admiral anchored in the mouth of another river, called the catiba. here likewise the sound of drums and conchs from among the forests gave notice that the warriors were assembling. a canoe soon came off with two indians, who, after exchanging a few words with the interpreters, entered the admiral's ship with fearless confidence; and being satisfied of the friendly intentions of the strangers, returned to their cacique with a favorable report. the boats landed, and the spaniards were kindly received by the cacique. he was naked like his subjects, nor distinguished in any way from them, except by the great deference with which he was treated, and by a trifling attention paid to his personal comfort, being protected from a shower of rain by an immense leaf of a tree. he had a large plate of gold, which he readily gave in exchange, and permitted his people to do the same. nineteen plates of pure gold were procured at this place. here, for the first time in the new world, the spaniards met with signs of solid architecture; finding a great mass of stucco, formed of stone and lime, a piece of which was retained by the admiral as a specimen, [145] considering it an indication of his approach to countries where the arts were in a higher state of cultivation. he had intended to visit other rivers along this coast, but the wind coming on to blow freshly, he ran before it, passing in sight of five towns, where his interpreters assured him he might procure great quantities of gold. one they pointed out as veragua, which has since given its name to the whole province. here, they said, were the richest mines, and here most of the plates of gold were fabricated. on the following day, they arrived opposite a village called cubiga, and here columbus was informed that the country of gold terminated. [146] he resolved not to return to explore it, considering it as discovered, and its mines secured to the crown, and being anxious to arrive at the supposed strait, which he flattered himself could be at no great distance. in fact, during his whole voyage along the coast, he had been under the influence of one of his frequent delusions. from the indians met with at the island of guanaja, just arrived from yucatan, he had received accounts of some great, and, as far as he could understand, civilized nation in the interior. this intimation had been corroborated, as he imagined, by the various tribes with which he had since communicated. in a subsequent letter to the sovereigns, he informs them that all the indians of this coast concurred in extolling the magnificence of the country of ciguare, situated at ten days' journey, by land, to the west. the people of that region wore crowns, and bracelets, and anklets of gold, and garments embroidered with it. they used it for all their domestic purposes, even to the ornamenting and embossing of their seats and tables. on being shown coral, the indians declared that the women of ciguare wore bands of it about their heads and necks. pepper and other spices being shown them, were equally said to abound there. they described it as a country of commerce, with great fairs and sea-ports, in which ships arrived armed with cannon. the people were warlike also, armed like the spaniards with swords, bucklers, cuirasses, and cross-bows, and they were mounted on horses. above all, columbus understood from them that the sea continued round to ciguare, and that ten days beyond it was the ganges. these may have been vague and wandering rumors concerning the distant kingdoms of mexico and peru, and many of the details may have been filled up by the imagination of columbus. they made, however, a strong impression on his mind. he supposed that ciguare must be some province belonging to the grand khan, or some other eastern potentate, and as the sea reached it, he concluded it was on the opposite side of a peninsula: bearing the same position with respect to veragua that fontarabia does with tortosa in spain, or pisa with venice in italy. by proceeding farther eastward, therefore, he must soon arrive at a strait, like that of gibraltar, through which he could pass into another sea, and visit this country of ciguare, and, of course, arrive at the banks of the ganges. he accounted for the circumstance of his having arrived so near to that river, by the idea which he had long entertained, that geographers were mistaken as to the circumference of the globe; that it was smaller than was generally imagined, and that a degree of the equinoctial line was but fifty-six miles and two-thirds. [147] with these ideas columbus determined to press forward, leaving the rich country of veragua unexplored. nothing could evince more clearly his generous ambition, than hurrying in this brief manner along a coast where wealth was to be gathered at every step, for the purpose of seeking a strait which, however it might produce vast benefit to mankind, could yield little else to himself than the glory of the discovery. chapter v. discovery of puerto bello and el retrete.--columbus abandons the search after the strait. [1502.] on the 2d of november, the squadron anchored in a spacious and commodious harbor, where the vessels could approach close to the shore without danger. it was surrounded by an elevated country; open and cultivated, with houses within bow-shot of each other, surrounded by fruit-trees, groves of palms, and fields producing maize, vegetables, and the delicious pine-apple, so that the whole neighborhood had the mingled appearance of orchard and garden. columbus was so pleased with the excellence of the harbor, and the sweetness of the surrounding country, that he gave it the name of puerto bello. [148] it is one of the few places along this coast which retain the appellation given by the illustrious discoverer. it is to be regretted that they have so generally been discontinued, as they were so often records of his feelings, and of circumstances attending the discovery. for seven days they were detained in this port by heavy rain and stormy weather. the natives repaired from all quarters in canoes, bringing fruits and vegetables and balls of cotton, but there was no longer gold offered in traffic. the cacique, and seven of his principal chieftains, had small plates of gold hanging in their noses, but the rest of the natives appear to have been destitute of all ornaments of the kind. they were generally naked and painted red; the cacique alone was painted black. [149] sailing hence on the 9th of november, they proceeded eight leagues to the eastward, to the point since known as nombre de dios; but being driven back for some distance, they anchored in a harbor in the vicinity of three small islands. these, with the adjacent country of the main-land, were cultivated with fields of indian corn, and various fruits and vegetables, whence columbus called the harbor puerto de bastimentos, or port of provisions. here they remained until the 23d, endeavoring to repair their vessels, which leaked excessively. they were pierced in all parts by the teredo or worm which abounds in the tropical seas. it is of the size of a man's finger, and bores through the stoutest planks and timbers, so as soon to destroy any vessel that is not well coppered. after leaving this port, they touched at another called guiga, where above three hundred of the natives appeared on the shore, some with provisions, and some with golden ornaments, which they offered in barter. without making any stay, however, the admiral urged his way forward; but rough and adverse winds again obliged him to take shelter in a small port, with a narrow entrance, not above twenty paces wide, beset on each side with reefs of rocks, the sharp points of which rose above the surface. within, there was not room for more than five or six ships; yet the port was so deep, that they had no good anchorage, unless they approached near enough to the land for a man to leap on shore. from the smallness of the harbor, columbus gave it the name of _el retrete_, or the cabinet. he had been betrayed into this inconvenient and dangerous port by the misrepresentations of the seamen sent to examine it, who were always eager to come to anchor, and have communication with the shore. [150] the adjacent country was level and verdant, covered with herbage, but with few trees. the port was infested with alligators, which basked in the sunshine on the beach, filling the air with a powerful and musky odor. they were timorous, and fled on being attacked, but the indians affirmed that if they found a man sleeping on shore they would seize and drag him into the water. these alligators columbus pronounced to be the same as the crocodiles of the nile. for nine days the squadron was detained in this port, by tempestuous weather. the natives of this place were tall, well proportioned, and graceful; of gentle and friendly manners, and brought whatever they possessed to exchange for european trinkets. as long as the admiral had control over the actions of his people, the indians were treated with justice and kindness, and every thing went on amicably. the vicinity of the ships to land, however, enabled the seamen to get on shore in the night without license. the natives received them in their dwellings with their accustomed hospitality; but the rough adventurers, instigated by avarice and lust, soon committed excesses that roused their generous hosts to revenge. every night there were brawls and fights on shore, and blood was shed on both sides. the number of the indians daily augmented by arrivals from the interior. they became more powerful and daring as they became more exasperated; and seeing that the vessels lay close to the shore, approached in a great multitude to attack them. the admiral thought at first to disperse them by discharging cannon without ball, but they were not intimidated by the sound, regarding it as a kind of harmless thunder. they replied to it by yells and howlings, beating their lances and clubs against the trees and bushes in furious menace. the situation of the ships so close to the shore exposed them to assaults, and made the hostility of the natives unusually formidable. columbus ordered a shot or two, therefore, to be discharged among them. when they saw the havoc made, they fled in terror, and offered no further hostility. [151] the continuance of stormy winds from the east and the northeast, in addition to the constant opposition of the currents, disheartened the companions of columbus, and they began to murmur against any further prosecution of the voyage. the seamen thought that some hostile spell was operating, and the commanders remonstrated against attempting to force their way in spite of the elements, with ships crazed and worm-eaten, and continually in need of repair. few of his companions could sympathize with columbus in his zeal for mere discovery. they were actuated by more gainful motives, and looked back with regret on the rich coast they had left behind, to go in search of an imaginary strait. it is probable that columbus himself began to doubt the object of his enterprise. if he knew the details of the recent voyage of bastides, he must have been aware that he had arrived from an opposite quarter to about the place where that navigator's exploring voyage from the east had terminated; consequently that there was but little probability of the existence of the strait he had imagined. [152] at all events, he determined to relinquish the further prosecution of his voyage eastward for the present, and to return to the coast of veragua, to search for those mines of which he had heard so much, and seen so many indications. should they prove equal to his hopes, he would have wherewithal to return to spain in triumph, and silence the reproaches of his enemies, even though he should fail in the leading object of his expedition. here, then, ended the lofty anticipations which had elevated columbus above all mercenary interests; which had made him regardless of hardships and perils, and given an heroic character to the early part of this voyage. it is true, he had been in pursuit of a mere chimera, but it was the chimera of a splendid imagination, and a penetrating judgment. if he was disappointed in his expectation of finding a strait through the isthmus of darien, it was because nature herself had been disappointed, for she appears to have attempted to make one, but to have attempted it in vain. chapter vi. return to veragua.--the adelantado explores the country. [1502.] on the 5th of december, columbus sailed from el retrete, and relinquishing his course to the east, returned westward, in search of the gold mines of veragua. on the same evening he anchored in puerto bello, about ten leagues distant; whence departing on the succeeding day, the wind suddenly veered to the west, and began to blow directly adverse to the new course he had adopted. for three months he had been longing in vain for such a wind, and now it came merely to contradict him. here was a temptation to resume his route to the east, but he did not dare trust to the continuance of the wind, which, in these parts, appeared but seldom to blow from that quarter. he resolved, therefore, to keep on in the present direction, trusting that the breeze would soon change again to the eastward. in a little while the wind began to blow with dreadful violence, and to shift about in such manner as to baffle all seamanship. unable to reach veragua, the ships were obliged to put back to puerto bello, and when they would have entered that harbor, a sudden veering of the gale drove them from the land. for nine days they were blown and tossed about, at the mercy of a furious tempest, in an unknown sea, and often exposed to the awful perils of a lee-shore. it is wonderful that such open vessels, so crazed and decayed, could outlive such a commotion of the elements. nowhere is a storm so awful as between the tropics. the sea, according to the description of columbus, boiled at times like a caldron; at other times it ran in mountain waves, covered with foam. at night the raging billows resembled great surges of flame, owing to those luminous particles which cover the surface of the water in these seas, and throughout the whole course of the gulf stream. for a day and night the heavens glowed as a furnace with the incessant flashes of lightning; while the loud claps of thunder were often mistaken by the affrighted mariners for signal guns of distress from their foundering companions. during the whole time, says columbus, it poured down from the skies, not rain, but as it were a second deluge. the seamen were almost drowned in their open vessels. haggard with toil and affright, some gave themselves over for lost; they confessed their sins to each other according to the rites of the catholic religion, and prepared themselves for death; many, in their desperation, called upon death as a welcome relief from such overwhelming horrors. in the midst of this wild tumult of the elements, they beheld a new object of alarm. the ocean in one place became strangely agitated. the water was whirled up into a kind of pyramid or cone, while a livid cloud, tapering to a point, bent down to meet it. joining together, they formed a vast column, which rapidly approached the ships, spinning along the surface of the deep, and drawing up the waters with a rushing sound. the affrighted mariners, when they beheld this water-spout advancing towards them, despaired of all human means to avert it, and began to repeat passages from st. john the evangelist. the water-spout passed close by the ships without injuring them, and the trembling mariners attributed their escape to the miraculous efficacy of their quotations from the scriptures. [153] in this same night, they lost sight of one of the caravels, and for three dark and stormy days gave it up for lost. at length, to their great relief, it rejoined the squadron, having lost its boat, and been obliged to cut its cable, in an attempt to anchor on a boisterous coast, and having since been driven to and fro by the storm. for one or two days, there was an interval of calm, and the tempest-tossed mariners had time to breathe. they looked upon this tranquillity, however, as deceitful, and, in their gloomy mood, beheld every thing with a doubtful and foreboding eye. great numbers of sharks, so abundant and ravenous in these latitudes, were seen about the ships. this was construed into an evil omen; for among the superstitions of the seas, it is believed that these voracious fish can smell dead bodies at a distance; that they have a kind of presentiment of their prey; and keep about vessels which have sick persons on board, or which are in danger of being wrecked. several of these fish they caught, using large hooks fastened to chains, and sometimes baited merely with a piece of colored cloth. from the maw of one they took out a living tortoise; from that of another the head of a shark, recently thrown from one of the ships; such is the indiscriminate voracity of these terrors of the ocean. notwithstanding their superstitious fancies, the seamen were glad to use a part of these sharks for food, being very short of provisions. the length of the voyage had consumed the greater part of their sea-stores; the heat and humidity of the climate, and the leakage of the ships, had damaged the remainder, and their biscuit was so filled with worms, that, notwithstanding their hunger, they were obliged to eat it in the dark, lest their stomachs should revolt at its appearance. [154] at length, on the 17th, they were enabled to enter a port resembling a great canal, where they enjoyed three days of repose. the natives of this vicinity built their cabins in trees, on stakes or poles laid from one branch to another. the spaniards supposed this to be through the fear of wild beasts, or of surprisals from neighboring tribes; the different nations of these coasts being extremely hostile to one another. it may have been a precaution against inundations caused by floods from the mountains. after leaving this port, they were driven backwards and forwards, by the changeable and tempestuous winds, until the day after christmas; when they sheltered themselves in another port, where they remained until the 3d of january, 1503, repairing one of the caravels, and procuring wood, water, and a supply of maize or indian corn. these measures being completed, they again put to sea, and on the day of epiphany, to their great joy, anchored at the mouth of a river called by the natives yebra, within a league or two of the river veragua, and in the country said to be so rich in mines. to this river, from arriving at it on the day of epiphany, columbus gave the name of belen or bethlehem. for nearly a month he had endeavored to accomplish the voyage from puerto bello to veragua, a distance of about thirty leagues; and had encountered so many troubles and adversities, from changeable winds and currents, and boisterous tempests, that he gave this intermediate line of sea-board the name of _la costa de los contrastes_, or the coast of contradictions. [155] columbus immediately ordered the mouths of the belen, and of its neighboring river of veragua, to be sounded. the latter proved too shallow to admit his vessels, but the belen was somewhat deeper, and it was thought they might enter it with safety. seeing a village on the banks of the belen, the admiral sent the boats on shore to procure information. on their approach, the inhabitants issued forth with weapons in hand to oppose their landing, but were readily pacified. they seemed unwilling to give any intelligence about the gold mines; but, on being importuned, declared that they lay in the vicinity of the river of veragua. to that river the boats were dispatched on the following day. they met with the reception so frequent along this coast, where many of the tribes were fierce and warlike, and are supposed to have been of carib origin. as the boats entered the river, the natives sallied forth in their canoes, and others assembled in menacing style on the shores. the spaniards, however, had brought with them an indian of that coast, who put an end to this show of hostility by assuring his countrymen that the strangers came only to traffic with them. the various accounts of the riches of these parts appeared to be confirmed by what the spaniards saw and heard among these people. they procured in exchange for the veriest trifles twenty plates of gold, with several pipes of the same metal, and crude masses of ore. the indians informed them that the mines lay among distant mountains; and that when they went in quest of it they were obliged to practice rigorous fasting and continence. [156] the favorable report brought by the boats determined the admiral to remain in the neighborhood. the river belen having the greatest depth, two of the caravels entered it on the 9th of january, and the two others on the following day at high tide, which on that coast does not rise above half a fathom. [157] the natives came to them in the most friendly manner, bringing great quantities of fish, with which that river abounded. they brought also golden ornaments to traffic; but continued to affirm that veragua was the place whence the ore was procured. the adelantado, with his usual activity and enterprise, set off on the third day, with the boats well armed, to ascend the veragua about a league and a half, to the residence of quibian, the principal cacique. the chieftain, hearing of his intention, met him near the entrance of the river, attended by his subjects, in several canoes. he was tall, of powerful frame, and warlike demeanor: the interview was extremely amicable. the cacique presented the adelantado with the golden ornaments which he wore, and received as magnificent presents a few european trinkets. they parted mutually well pleased. on the following day quibian visited the ships, where he was hospitably entertained by the admiral. they could only communicate by signs, and as the chieftain was of a taciturn and cautious character, the interview was not of long duration. columbus made him several presents; the followers of the cacique exchanged many jewels of gold for the usual trifles, and quibian returned, without much ceremony, to his home. on the 24th of january, there was a sudden swelling of the river. the waters came rushing from the interior like a vast torrent; the ships were forced from their anchors, tossed from side to side, and driven against each other; the foremast of the admiral's vessel was carried away, and the whole squadron was in imminent danger of shipwreck. while exposed to this peril in the river, they were prevented from running out to sea by a violent storm, and by the breakers which beat upon the bar. this sudden rising of the river, columbus attributed to some heavy fall of rain among a range of distant mountains, to which he had given the name of the mountains of san christoval. the highest of these rose to a peak far above the clouds. [158] the weather continued extremely boisterous for several days. at length, on the 6th of february, the sea being tolerably calm, the adelantado, attended by sixty-eight men well armed, proceeded in the boats to explore the veragua, and seek its reputed mines. when he ascended the river and drew near to the village of quibian, situated on the side of a hill, the cacique came down to the bank to meet him, with a great train of his subjects, unarmed, and making signs of peace. quibian was naked, and painted after the fashion of the country. one of his attendants drew a great stone out of the river, and washed and rubbed it carefully, upon which the chieftain seated himself as upon a throne. [159] he received the adelantado with great courtesy; for the lofty, vigorous, and iron form of the latter, and his look of resolution and command, were calculated to inspire awe and respect in an indian warrior. the cacique, however, was wary and politic. his jealousy was awakened by the intrusion of these strangers into his territories; but he saw the futility of any open attempt to resist them. he acceded to the wishes of the adelantado, therefore, to visit the interior of his dominions, and furnished him with three guides to conduct him to the mines. leaving a number of his men to guard the boats, the adelantado departed on foot with the remainder. after penetrating into the interior about four leagues and a half, they slept for the first night on the banks of a river, which seemed to water the whole country with its windings, as they had crossed it upwards of forty times. on the second day, they proceeded a league and a half farther, and arrived among thick forests, where their guides informed them the mines were situated. in fact, the whole soil appeared to be impregnated with gold. they gathered it from among the roots of the trees, which were of an immense height, and magnificent foliage. in the space of two hours each man had collected a little quantity of gold, gathered from the surface of the earth. hence the guides took the adelantado to the summit of a high hill, and showing him an extent of country as far as the eye could reach, assured him that the whole of it, to the distance of twenty days' journey westward, abounded in gold, naming to him several of the principal places. [160] the adelantado gazed with enraptured eye over a vast wilderness of continued forest, where only here and there a bright column of smoke from amidst the trees gave sign of some savage hamlet, or solitary wigwam, and the wild unappropriated aspect of this golden country delighted him more than if he had beheld it covered with towns and cities, and adorned with all the graces of cultivation. he returned with his party, in high spirits, to the ships, and rejoiced the admiral with the favorable report of his expedition. it was soon discovered, however, that the politic quibian had deceived them. his guides, by his instructions, had taken the spaniards to the mines of a neighboring cacique with whom he was at war, hoping to divert them into the territories of his enemy. the real mines of veragua, it was said, were nearer and much more wealthy. the indefatigable adelantado set forth again on the 16th of february, with an armed band of fifty-nine men, marching along the coast westward, a boat with fourteen men keeping pace with him. in this excursion he explored an extensive tract of country, and visited the dominions of various caciques, by whom he was hospitably entertained. he met continually with proofs of abundance of gold; the natives generally wearing great plates of it suspended round their necks by cotton cords. there were tracts of land, also, cultivated with indian corn,--one of which continued for the extent of six leagues; and the country abounded with excellent fruits. he again heard of a nation in the interior, advanced in arts and arms, wearing clothing, and being armed like the spaniards. either these were vague and exaggerated rumors concerning the great empire of peru, or the adelantado had misunderstood the signs of his informants. he returned, after an absence of several days, with a great quantity of gold, and with animating accounts of the country. he had found no port, however, equal to the river of belen, and was convinced that gold was nowhere to be met with in such abundance as in the district of veragua [161]. chapter vii. commencement of a settlement on the river belen.--conspiracy of the natives.--expedition of the adelantado to surprise quiban. [1503.] the reports brought to columbus, from every side, of the wealth of the neighborhood; the golden tract of twenty days' journey in extent, shown to his brother from the mountain; the rumors of a rich and civilized country at no great distance, all convinced him that he had reached one of the most favored parts of the asiatic continent. again his ardent mind kindled up with glowing anticipations. he fancied himself arrived at a fountain-head of riches, at one of the sources of the unbounded wealth of king solomon. josephus, in his work on the antiquities of the jews, had expressed an opinion, that the gold for the building of the temple of jerusalem had been procured from the mines of the aurea chersonesus. columbus supposed the mines of veragua to be the same. they lay, as he observed, "within the same distance from the pole and from the line;" and if the information which he fancied he had received from the indians was to be depended on, they were situated about the same distance from the ganges [162]. here, then, it appeared to him, was a place at which to found a colony, and establish a mart that should become the emporium of a vast tract of mines. within the two first days after his arrival in the country, as he wrote to the sovereigns, he had seen more signs of gold than in hispaniola during four years. that island, so long the object of his pride and hopes, had been taken from him, and was a scene of confusion; the pearl coast of paria was ravaged by mere adventurers; all his plans concerning both had been defeated; but here was a far more wealthy region than either, and one calculated to console him for all his wrongs and deprivations. on consulting with his brother, therefore, he resolved immediately to commence an establishment here, for the purpose of securing the possession of the country, and exploring and working the mines. the adelantado agreed to remain with the greater part of the people, while the admiral should return to spain for reinforcements and supplies. the greatest dispatch was employed in carrying this plan into immediate operation. eighty men were selected to remain. they were separated into parties of about ten each, and commenced building houses on a small eminence, situated on the bank of a creek, about a bow-shot within the mouth of the river belen. the houses were of wood, thatched with the leaves of palm-trees. one larger than the rest was to serve as a magazine, to receive their ammunition, artillery, and a part of their provisions. the principal part was stored, for greater security, on board of one of the caravels, which was to be left for the use of the colony. it was true they had but a scanty supply of european stores remaining, consisting chiefly of biscuit, cheese, pulse, wine, oil, and vinegar; but the country produced bananas, plantains, pine-apples, cocoanuts, and other fruit. there was also maize in abundance, together with various roots, such as were found in hispaniola. the rivers and sea-coast abounded with fish. the natives, too, made beverages of various kinds. one from the juice of the pine-apple, having a vinous flavor; another from maize, resembling beer; and another from the fruit of a species of palm-tree. [163] there appeared to be no danger, therefore, of suffering from famine. columbus took pains to conciliate the good-will of the indians, that they might supply the wants of the colony during his absence, and he made many presents to quibian, by way of reconciling him to this intrusion into his territories. [164] the necessary arrangements being made for the colony, and a number of the houses being roofed, and sufficiently finished for occupation, the admiral prepared for his departure, when an unlooked-for obstacle presented itself. the heavy rains which had so long distressed him during this expedition had recently ceased. the torrents from the mountains were over; and the river which had once put him to such peril by its sudden swelling, had now become so shallow that there was not above half a fathom water on the bar. though his vessels were small, it was impossible to draw them over the sands, which choked the mouth of the river, for there was a swell rolling and tumbling upon them, enough to dash his worm-eaten barks to pieces. he was obliged, therefore, to wait with patience, and pray for the return of those rains which he had lately deplored. in the meantime, quibian beheld, with secret jealousy and indignation, these strangers erecting habitations, and manifesting an intention of establishing themselves in his territories. he was of a bold and warlike spirit, and had a great force of warriors at his command; and being ignorant of the vast superiority of the europeans in the art of war, thought it easy, by a well-concerted artifice, to overwhelm and destroy them. he sent messengers round, and ordered all his fighting-men to assemble at his residence on the river veragua, under pretext of making war upon a neighboring province. numbers of the warriors, in repairing to his headquarters, passed by the harbor. no suspicions of their real design were entertained by columbus or his officers; but their movements attracted the attention of the chief notary, diego mendez, a man of a shrewd and prying character, and zealously devoted to the admiral. doubting some treachery, he communicated his surmises to columbus, and offered to coast along in an armed boat to the river veragua, and reconnoitre the indian camp. his offer was accepted, and he sallied from the river accordingly, but had scarcely advanced a league, when he descried a large force of indians on the shore. landing alone, and ordering that the boat should be kept afloat, he entered among them. there were about a thousand armed and supplied with provisions, as if for an expedition. he offered to accompany them with his armed boat; his offer was declined with evident signs of impatience. returning to his boat, he kept watch upon them all night, until, seeing they were vigilantly observed, they returned to veragua. mendez hastened back to the admiral, and gave it as his opinion that the indians had been on their way to surprise the spaniards. the admiral was loth to believe in such treachery, and was desirous of obtaining clearer information, before he took any step that might interrupt the apparently good understanding that existed with the natives. mendez now undertook, with a single companion, to penetrate by land to the headquarters of quibian, and endeavor to ascertain his intentions. accompanied by one rodrigo de escobar, he proceeded on foot along the seaboard, to avoid the tangled forests, and arriving at the mouth of the veragua, found two canoes with indians, whom he prevailed on, by presents, to convey him and his companion to the village of the cacique. it was on the bank of the river; the houses were detached and interspersed among trees. there was a bustle of warlike preparation in the place, and the arrival of the two spaniards evidently excited surprise and uneasiness. the residence of the cacique was larger than the others, and situated on a hill which rose from the water's edge. quibian was confined to the house by indisposition, having been wounded in the leg by an arrow. mendez gave himself out as a surgeon come to cure the wound: with great difficulty and by force of presents he obtained permission to proceed. on the crest of the hill and in front of the cacique's dwelling, was a broad, level, open place, round which, on posts, were the heads of three hundred enemies slain in battle. undismayed by this dismal array, mendez and his companion crossed the place towards the den of this grim warrior. a number of women and children about the door fled into the house with piercing cries. a young and powerful indian, son of the cacique, sallied forth in a violent rage, and struck mendez a blow which made him recoil several paces. the latter pacified him by presents and assurances that he came to cure his father's wound, in proof of which he produced a box of ointment. it was impossible, however, to gain access to the cacique, and mendez returned with all haste to the harbor to report to the admiral what he had seen and learnt. it was evident there was a dangerous plot impending over the spaniards, and as far as mendez could learn from the indians who had taken him up the river in their canoe, the body of a thousand warriors which he had seen on his previous reconnoitring expedition, had actually been on a hostile enterprise against the harbor, but had given it up on finding themselves observed. this information was confirmed by an indian of the neighborhood, who had become attached to the spaniards and acted as interpreter. he revealed to the admiral the designs of his countrymen, which he had overheard. quibian intended to surprise the harbor at night with a great force, burn the ships and houses, and make a general massacre. thus forewarned, columbus immediately set a double watch upon the harbor. the military spirit of the adelantado suggested a bolder expedient. the hostile plan of quibian was doubtless delayed by his wound, and in the meantime he would maintain the semblance of friendship. the adelantado determined to march at once to his residence, capture him, his family, and principal warriors, send them prisoners to spain, and take possession of his village. with the adelantado, to conceive a plan was to carry it into immediate execution, and, in fact, the impending danger admitted of no delay. taking with him seventy-four men, well armed, among whom was diego mendez, and being accompanied by the indian interpreter who had revealed the plot, he set off on the 30th of march, in boats, to the mouth of the veragua, ascended it rapidly, and before the indians could have notice of his movements, landed at the foot of the hill on which the house of quibian was situated. lest the cacique should take alarm and fly at the sight of a large force, he ascended the hill, accompanied by only five men, among whom was diego mendez; ordering the rest to come on, with great caution and secrecy, two at a time, and at a distance from each other. on the discharge of an arquebuse, they were to surround the dwelling and suffer no one to escape. as the adelantado drew near to the house, quibian came forth, and seating himself in the portal, desired the adelantado to approach singly. don bartholomew now ordered diego mendez and his four companions to remain at a little distance, and when they should see him take the cacique by the arm, to rush immediately to his assistance. he then advanced with his indian interpreter, through whom a short conversation took place, relative to the surrounding country. the adelantado then adverted to the wound of the cacique, and pretending to examine it, took him by the arm. at the concerted signal four of the spaniards rushed forward, the fifth discharged the arquebuse. the cacique attempted to get loose, but was firmly held in the iron grasp of the adelantado. being both men of great muscular power, a violent struggle ensued. don bartholomew, however, maintained the mastery, and diego mendez and his companions coming to his assistance, quibian was bound hand and foot. at the report of the arquebuse, the main body of the spaniards surrounded the house, and seized most of those who were within, consisting of fifty persons, old and young. among these were the wives and children of quibian, and several of his principal subjects. no one was wounded, for there was no resistance, and the adelantado never permitted wanton bloodshed. when the poor savages saw their prince a captive, they filled the air with lamentations; imploring his release, and offering for his ransom a great treasure, which they said lay concealed in a neighboring forest. the adelantado was deaf to their supplications and their offers. quibian was too dangerous a foe to be set at liberty; as a prisoner, he would be a hostage for the security of the settlement. anxious to secure his prize, he determined to send the cacique and the other prisoners on board of the boats, while he remained on shore with a part of his men to pursue the indians who had escaped. juan sanchez, the principal pilot of the squadron, a powerful and spirited man, volunteered to take charge of the captives. on committing the chieftain to his care, the adelantado warned him to be on his guard against any attempt at rescue or escape. the sturdy pilot replied that if the cacique got out of his hands, he would give them leave to pluck out his beard, hair by hair; with this vaunt he departed, bearing off quibian bound hand and foot. on arriving at the boat, he secured him by a strong cord to one of the benches. it was a dark night. as the boat proceeded down the river, the cacique complained piteously of the painfulness of his bonds. the rough heart of the pilot was touched with compassion, and he loosened the cord by which quibian was tied to the bench, keeping the end of it in his hand. the wily indian watched his opportunity, and when sanchez was looking another way, plunged into the water and disappeared. so sudden and violent was his plunge, that the pilot had to let go the cord, lest he should be drawn in after him. the darkness of the night, and the bustle which took place, in preventing the escape of the other prisoners, rendered it impossible to pursue the cacique, or even to ascertain his fate. juan sanchez hastened to the ships with the residue of the captives, deeply mortified at being thus outwitted by a savage. the adelantado remained all night on shore. the following morning, when he beheld the wild, broken, and mountainous nature of the country, and the scattered situation of the habitations, perched on different heights, he gave up the search after the indians, and returned to the ships with the spoils of the cacique's mansion. these consisted of bracelets, anklets, and massive plates of gold, such as were worn round the neck, together with two golden coronets. the whole amounted to the value of three hundred ducats. [165] one fifth of the booty was set apart for the crown. the residue was shared among those concerned in the enterprise. to the adelantado one of the coronets was assigned, as a trophy of his exploit. [166] chapter viii. disasters of the settlement. [1503.] it was hoped by columbus that the vigorous measure of the adelantado would strike terror into the indians of the neighborhood, and prevent any further designs upon the settlement. quibian had probably perished. if he survived, he must be disheartened by the captivity of his family, and several of his principal subjects, and fearful of their being made responsible for any act of violence on his part. the heavy rains, therefore, which fall so frequently among the mountains of this isthmus, having again swelled the river, columbus made his final arrangements for the management of the colony, and having given much wholesome counsel to the spaniards who were to remain, and taken an affectionate leave of his brother, got under weigh with three of the caravels, leaving the fourth for the use of the settlement. as the water was still shallow at the bar, the ships were lightened of a great part of their cargoes, and towed out by the boats in calm weather, grounding repeatedly. when fairly released from the river, and their cargoes re-shipped, they anchored within a league of the shore, to await a favorable wind. it was the intention of the admiral to touch at hispaniola, on his way to spain, and send thence supplies and reinforcements. the wind continuing adverse, he sent a boat on shore on the 6th of april, under the command of diego tristan, captain of one of the caravels, to procure wood and water, and make some communications to the adelantado. the expedition of this boat proved fatal to its crew, but was providential to the settlement. the cacique quibian had not perished as some had supposed. though both hands and feet were bound, yet in the water he was as in his natural element. plunging to the bottom, he swam below the surface until sufficiently distant to be out of view in the darkness of the night, and then emerging made his way to shore. the desolation of his home, and the capture of his wives and children, filled him with anguish; but when he saw the vessels in which they were confined leaving the river, and bearing them off, he was transported with fury and despair. determined on a signal vengeance, he assembled a great number of his warriors, and came secretly upon the settlement. the thick woods by which it was surrounded enabled the indians to approach unseen within ten paces. the spaniards, thinking the enemy completely discomfited and dispersed, were perfectly off their guard. some had strayed to the sea-shore, to take a farewell look at the ships; some were on board of the caravel in the river; others were scattered about the houses: on a sudden, the indians rushed from their concealment with yells and howlings, launched their javelins through the roofs of palm-leaves, hurled them in at the windows, or thrust them through the crevices of the logs which composed the walls. as the houses were small, several of the inhabitants were wounded. on the first alarm, the adelantado seized a lance, and sallied forth with seven or eight of his men. he was joined by diego mendez and several of his companions, and they drove the enemy into the forest, killing and wounding several of them. the indians kept up a brisk fire of darts and arrows from among the trees, and made furious sallies with their war-clubs; but there was no withstanding the keen edge of the spanish weapons, and a fierce blood-hound being let loose upon them, completed their terror. they fled howling through the forest, leaving a number dead on the field, having killed one spaniard, and wounded eight. among the latter was the adelantado, who received a slight thrust of a javelin in the breast. diego tristan arrived in his boat during the contest, but feared to approach the land, lest the spaniards should rush on board in such numbers as to sink him. when the indians had been put to flight, he proceeded up the river in quest of fresh water, disregarding the warnings of those on shore, that he might be cut off by the enemy in their canoes. the river was deep and narrow, shut in by high banks, and overhanging trees. the forests on each side were thick and impenetrable; so that there was no landing-place, excepting here and there where a footpath wound down to some fishing-ground, or some place where the natives kept their canoes. the boat had ascended about a league above the village, to a part of the river where it was completely overshadowed by lofty banks and spreading trees. suddenly, yells and war-whoops and blasts of conch shells rose on every side. light canoes darted forth in every direction from dark hollows, and overhanging thickets, each dextrously managed by a single savage, while others stood up brandishing and hurling their lances. missiles were launched also from the banks of the river, and the branches of the trees. there were eight sailors in the boat, and three soldiers. galled and wounded by darts and arrows, confounded by the yells and blasts of conchs, and the assaults which thickened from every side, they lost all presence of mind, neglected to use either oars or fire-arms, and only sought to shelter themselves with their bucklers. diego tristan had received several wounds; but still displayed great intrepidity, and was endeavoring to animate his men, when a javelin pierced his right eye; and struck him dead. the canoes now closed upon the boat, and a general massacre ensued. but one spaniard escaped, juan de noya, a cooper of seville. having fallen overboard in the midst of the action, he dived to the bottom, swam under water, gained the bank of the river unperceived, and made his way down to the settlement, bringing tidings of the massacre of his captain and comrades. the spaniards were completely dismayed, were few in number, several of them were wounded, and they were in the midst of tribes of exasperated savages, far more fierce and warlike than those to whom they had been accustomed. the admiral, being ignorant of their misfortunes, would sail away without yielding them assistance, and they would be left to sink beneath the overwhelming force of barbarous foes, or to perish with hunger on this inhospitable coast. in their despair they determined to take the caravel which had been left with them, and abandon the place altogether. the adelantado remonstrated with them in vain; nothing would content them but to put to sea immediately. here a new alarm awaited them. the torrents having subsided, the river was again shallow, and it was impossible for the caravel to pass over the bar. they now took the boat of the caravel, to bear tidings of their danger to the admiral, and implore him not to abandon them; but the wind was boisterous, a high sea was rolling, and a heavy surf, tumbling and breaking at the mouth of the river, prevented the boat from getting out. horrors increased upon them. the mangled bodies of diego tristan and his men came floating down the stream, and drifting about the harbor, with flights of crows, and other carrion birds, feeding on them, and hovering, and screaming, and fighting about their prey. the forlorn spaniards contemplated this scene with shuddering; it appeared ominous of their own fate. in the meantime the indians, elated by their triumph over the crew of the boat, renewed their hostilities. whoops and yells answered each other from various parts of the neighborhood. the dismal sound of conchs and war-drums in the deep bosom of the woods showed that the number of the enemy was continually augmenting. they would rush forth occasionally upon straggling parties of spaniards, and make partial attacks upon the houses. it was considered no longer safe to remain in the settlement, the close forest which surrounded it being a covert for the approaches of the enemy. the adelantado chose, therefore, an open place on the shore at some distance from the wood. here he caused a kind of bulwark to be made of the boat of the caravel, and of chests, casks, and similar articles. two places were left open as embrasures, in which were placed a couple of falconets, or small pieces of artillery, in such a manner as to command the neighborhood. in this little fortress the spaniards shut themselves up; its walls were sufficient to screen them from the darts and arrows of the indians, but mostly they depended upon their firearms, the sound of which struck dismay into the savages, especially when they saw the effect of the balls, splintering and rending the trees around them, and carrying havoc to such a distance. the indians were thus kept in check for the present, and deterred from venturing from the forest; but the spaniards, exhausted by constant watching and incessant alarms, anticipated all kinds of evil when their ammunition should be exhausted, or they should be driven forth by hunger to seek for food. [167] chapter ix. distress of the admiral on board of his ship.--ultimate relief of the settlement. [1503.] while the adelantado and his men were exposed to such imminent peril on shore, great anxiety prevailed on board of the ships. day after day elapsed without the return of diego tristan and his party, and it was feared some disaster had befallen them. columbus would have sent on shore to make inquiries; but there was only one boat remaining for the service of the squadron, and he dared not risk it in the rough sea and heavy surf. a dismal circumstance occurred to increase the gloom and uneasiness of the crews. on hoard of one of the caravels were confined the family and household of the cacique quibian. it was the intention of columbus to carry them to spain, trusting that as long as they remained in the power of the spaniards, their tribe would be deterred from further hostilities. they were shut up at night in the forecastle of the caravel, the hatchway of which was secured by a strong chain and padlock. as several of the crew slept upon the hatch, and it was so high as to be considered out of reach of the prisoners, they neglected to fasten the chain. the indians discovered their negligence. collecting a quantity of stones from the ballast of the vessel, they made a great heap directly under the hatchway. several of the most powerful warriors mounted upon the top, and, bending their backs, by a sudden and simultaneous effort forced up the hatch, flinging the seamen who slept upon it to the opposite side of the ship. in an instant the greater part of the indians sprang forth, plunged into the sea, and swam for shore. several, however, were prevented from sallying forth; others were seized on the deck, and forced back into the forecastle; the hatchway was carefully chained down, and a guard was set for the rest of the night. in the morning, when the spaniards went to examine the captives, they were all found dead. some had hanged themselves with the ends of ropes, their knees touching the floor; others had strangled themselves by straining the cords tight with their feet. such was the fierce, unconquerable spirit of these people, and their horror of the white men. [168] the escape of the prisoners occasioned great anxiety to the admiral, fearing they would stimulate their countrymen to some violent act of vengeance; and he trembled for the safety of his brother. still this painful mystery reigned over the land. the boat of diego tristan did not return, and the raging surf prevented all communication. at length, one pedro ledesma, a pilot of seville, a man of about forty-five years of age, and of great strength of body and mind, offered, if the boat would take him to the edge of the surf, to swim to shore, and bring off news. he had been piqued by the achievement of the indian captives, in swimming to land at a league's distance, in defiance of sea and surf. "surely," he said, "if they dare venture so much to procure their individual liberties, i ought to brave at least a part of the danger, to save the lives of so many companions." his offer was gladly accepted by the admiral, and was boldly accomplished. the boat approached with him as near to the surf as safety would permit, where it was to await his return. here, stripping himself, he plunged into the sea, and after buffeting for some time with the breakers, sometimes rising upon their surges, sometimes buried beneath them and dashed upon the sand, he succeeded in reaching the shore. he found his countrymen shut up in their forlorn fortress, beleaguered by savage foes, and learnt the tragical fate of diego tristan and his companions. many of the spaniards, in their horror and despair, had thrown off all subordination, refused to assist in any measure that had in view a continuance in this place, and thought of nothing but escape. when they beheld ledesma, a messenger from the ships, they surrounded him with frantic eagerness, urging him to implore the admiral to take them on board, and not abandon them on a coast where their destruction was inevitable. they were preparing canoes to take them to the ships, when the weather should moderate, the boat of the caravel being too small; and swore that, if the admiral refused to take them on board, they would embark in the caravel, as soon as it could be extricated from the river, and abandon themselves to the mercy of the seas, rather than remain upon that fatal coast. having heard all that his forlorn countrymen had to say, and communicated with the adelantado and his officers, ledesma set out on his perilous return. he again braved the surf and the breakers, reached the boat which was waiting for him, and was conveyed back to the ships. the disastrous tidings from the land filled the heart of the admiral with grief and alarm. to leave his brother on shore would be to expose him to the mutiny of his own men, and the ferocity of the savages. he could spare no reinforcement from his ships, the crews being so much weakened by the loss of tristan and his companions. rather than the settlement should be broken up, he would gladly have joined the adelantado with all his people; but in such case how could intelligence be conveyed to the sovereigns of this important discovery, and how could supplies be obtained from spain? there appeared no alternative, therefore, but to embark all the people, abandon the settlement for the present, and return at some future day, with a force competent to take secure possession of the country. [169] the state of the weather rendered the practicability even of this plan doubtful. the wind continued high, the sea rough, and no boat could pass between the squadron and the land. the situation of the ships was itself a matter of extreme solicitude. feebly manned, crazed by storms, and ready to fall to pieces from the ravages of the teredo, they were anchored on a lee shore, with a boisterous wind and sea, in a climate subject to tempests, and where the least augmentation of the weather might drive them among the breakers. every hour increased the anxiety of columbus for his brother, his people, and his ships, and each hour appeared to render the impending dangers more imminent. days of constant perturbation, and nights of sleepless anxiety, preyed upon a constitution broken by age, by maladies, and hardships, and produced a fever of the mind, in which he was visited by one of those mental hallucinations deemed by him mysterious and supernatural. in a letter to the sovereigns he gives a solemn account of a kind of vision by which he was comforted in a dismal night, when full of despondency and tossing on a couch of pain:---"wearied and sighing," says he, "i fell into a slumber, when i heard a piteous voice saying to me, 'o fool, and slow to believe and serve thy god, who is the god of all! what did he more for moses, or for his servant david, than he has done for thee? from the time of thy birth he has ever had thee under his peculiar care. when he saw thee of a fitting age, he made thy name to resound marvelously throughout the earth, and thou wert obeyed in many lands, and didst acquire honorable fame among christians. of the gates of the ocean sea, shut up with such mighty chains, he delivered thee the keys; the indies, those wealthy regions of the world, he gave thee for thine own, and empowered thee to dispose of them to others, according to thy pleasure. what did he more for the great people of israel when he led them forth from egypt? or for david, whom, from being a shepherd, he made a king in judea? turn to him, then, and acknowledge thine error; his mercy is infinite. he has many and vast inheritances yet in reserve. fear not to seek them. thine age shall be no impediment to any great undertaking. abraham was above an hundred years when he begat isaac; and was sarah youthful? thou urgest despondingly for succor. answer! who hath afflicted thee so much, and so many times?--god, or the world? the privileges and promises which god hath made thee he hath never broken; neither hath he said, after having received thy services, that his meaning was different, and to be understood in a different sense. he performs to the very letter. he fulfills all that he promises, and with increase. such is his custom. i have shown thee what thy creator hath done for thee, and what he doeth for all. the present is the reward of the toils and perils thou hast endured in serving others.' i heard all this," adds columbus, "as one almost dead, and had no power to reply to words so true, excepting to weep for my errors. whoever it was that spake to me, finished by saying, 'fear not! confide! all these tribulations are written in marble, and not without cause.'" such is the singular statement which columbus gave to the sovereigns of his supposed vision. it has been suggested that this was a mere ingenious fiction, adroitly devised by him to convey a lesson to his prince; but such an idea is inconsistent with his character. he was too deeply imbued with awe of the deity, and with reverence for his sovereign, to make use of such an artifice. the words here spoken to him by the supposed voice, are truths which dwelt upon his mind, and grieved his spirit during his waking hours. it is natural that they should recur vividly and coherently in his feverish dreams; and in recalling and relating a dream one is unconsciously apt to give it a little coherency. besides, columbus had a solemn belief that he was a peculiar instrument in the hands of providence, which, together with a deep tinge of superstition, common to the age, made him prone to mistake every striking dream for a revelation. he is not to be measured by the same standard with ordinary men in ordinary circumstances. it is difficult for the mind to realize his situation, and to conceive the exaltations of spirit to which he must have been subjected. the artless manner in which, in his letter to the sovereigns, he mingles up the rhapsodies and dreams of his imagination, with simple facts, and sound practical observations, pouring them forth with a kind of scriptural solemnity and poetry of language, is one of the most striking illustrations of a character richly compounded of extraordinary and apparently contradictory elements. immediately after this supposed vision, and after a duration of nine days, the boisterous weather subsided, the sea became calm, and the communication with the land was restored. it was found impossible to extricate the remaining caravel from the river; but every exertion was made to bring off the people, and the property, before there should be a return of bad weather. in this, the exertions of the zealous diego mendez were eminently efficient. he had been for some days preparing for such an emergency. cutting up the sails of the caravel, he made great sacks to receive the biscuit. he lashed two indian canoes together with spars, so that they could not be overturned by the waves, and made a platform on them capable of sustaining a great burden. this kind of raft was laden repeatedly with the stores, arms, and ammunition, which had been left on shore, and with the furniture of the caravel, which was entirely dismantled. when well freighted, it was towed by the boat to the ships. in this way, by constant and sleepless exertions, in the space of two days, almost every thing of value was transported on board the squadron, and little else left than the hull of the caravel, stranded, decayed, and rotting in the river. diego mendez superintended the whole embarkation with unwearied watchfulness and activity. he, and five companions, were the last to leave the shore, remaining all night at their perilous post, and embarking in the morning with the last cargo of effects. nothing could equal the transports of the spaniards, when they found themselves once more on board of the ships, and saw a space of ocean between them and those forests which had lately seemed destined to be their graves. the joy of their comrades seemed little inferior to their own; and the perils and hardships which yet surrounded them, were forgotten for a time in mutual congratulations. the admiral was so much impressed with a sense of the high services rendered by diego mendez, throughout the late time of danger and disaster, that he gave him the command of the caravel, vacant by the death of the unfortunate diego tristan. [170] chapter x. departure from the coast of veragua.--arrival at jamaica.--stranding of the ships. [1503.] the wind at length becoming favorable, columbus set sail, towards the end of april, from the disastrous coast of veragua. the wretched condition of the ships, the enfeebled state of the crews, and the scarcity of provisions, determined him to make the best of his way to hispaniola, where he might refit his vessels and procure the necessary supplies for the voyage to europe. to the surprise of his pilot and crews, however, on making sail, he stood again along the coast to the eastward, instead of steering north, which they considered the direct route to hispaniola. they fancied that he intended to proceed immediately for spain, and murmured loudly at the madness of attempting so long a voyage, with ships destitute of stores and consumed by the worms. columbus and his brother, however, had studied the navigation of those seas with a more observant and experienced eye. they considered it advisable to gain a considerable distance to the east, before standing across for hispaniola, to avoid being swept away, far below their destined port, by the strong currents setting constantly to the west. [171] the admiral, however, did not impart his reasons to the pilots, being anxious to keep the knowledge of his routes as much to himself as possible, seeing that there were so many adventurers crowding into the field, and ready to follow on his track. he even took from the mariners their charts, [172] and boasts, in a letter to the sovereigns, that none of his pilots would be able to retrace the route to and from veragua, nor to describe where it was situated. disregarding the murmurs of his men, therefore, he continued along the coast eastward as far as puerto bello. here he was obliged to leave one of the caravels, being so pierced by worms, that it was impossible to keep her afloat. all the crews were now crowded into two caravels, and these were little better than mere wrecks. the utmost exertions were necessary to keep them free from water; while the incessant labor of the pumps bore hard on men enfeebled by scanty diet, and dejected by various hardships. continuing onward, they passed port retrete, and a number of islands to which the admiral gave the name of las barbas, now termed the mulatas, a little beyond point blas. here he supposed that he had arrived at the province of mangi in the territories of the grand khan, described by marco polo as adjoining to cathay. [173] he continued on about ten leagues farther, until he approached the entrance of what is at present called the gulf of darien. here he had a consultation with his captains and pilots, who remonstrated at his persisting in this struggle against contrary winds and currents, representing the lamentable plight of the ships, and the infirm state of the crews. [174] bidding farewell, therefore, to the main-land, he stood northward on the 1st of may, in quest of hispaniola. as the wind was easterly, with a strong current setting to the west, he kept as near the wind as possible. so little did his pilots know of their situation, that they supposed themselves to the east of the caribbee islands, whereas the admiral feared that, with all his exertions, he should fall to the westward of hispaniola. [175] his apprehensions proved to be well founded; for, on the 10th of the month, he came in sight of two small low islands to the northwest of hispaniola, to which, from the great quantities of tortoises seen about them, he gave the name of the tortugas; they are now known as the caymans. passing wide of these, and continuing directly north, he found himself, on the 30th of may, among the cluster of islands on the south side of cuba, to which he had formerly given the name of the queen's gardens; having been carried between eight and nine degrees west of his destined port. here he cast anchor near one of the keys, about ten leagues from the main island. his crews were suffering excessively through scanty provisions and great fatigue; nothing was left of the sea-stores but a little biscuit, oil, and vinegar; and they were obliged to labor incessantly at the pumps, to keep the vessels afloat. they had scarcely anchored at these islands, when there came on, at midnight, a sudden tempest, of such violence, that, according to the strong expression of columbus, it seemed as if the world would dissolve. [176] they lost three of their anchors almost immediately, and the caravel bermuda was driven with such violence upon the ship of the admiral, that the bow of the one, and the stern of the other, were greatly shattered. the sea running high, and the wind being boisterous, the vessels chafed and injured each other dreadfully, and it was with great difficulty that they were separated. one anchor only remained to the admiral's ship, and this saved him from being driven upon the rocks; but at daylight the cable was found nearly worn asunder. had the darkness continued an hour longer, he could scarcely have escaped shipwreck. [177] at the end of six days, the weather having moderated, he resumed his course, standing eastward for hispaniola: "his people," as he says, "dismayed and down-hearted; almost all his anchors lost, and his vessels bored as full of holes as a honeycomb." after struggling against contrary winds and the usual currents from the east, he reached cape cruz, and anchored at a village in the province of macaca, [178] where he had touched in 1494, in his voyage along the southern coast of cuba. here he was detained by head winds for several days, during which he was supplied with cassava bread by the natives. making sail again, he endeavored to beat up to hispaniola; but every effort was in vain. the winds and currents continued adverse; the leaks continually gained upon his vessels, though the pumps were kept incessantly going, and the seamen even baled the water out with buckets and kettles. the admiral now stood, in despair, for the island of jamaica, to seek some secure port; for there was imminent danger of foundering at sea. on the eve of st. john, the 23d of june, they put into puerto bueno, now called dry harbor, but met with none of the natives from whom they could obtain provisions, nor was there any fresh water to be had in the neighborhood. suffering from hunger and thirst, they sailed eastward, on the following day, to another harbor, to which the admiral on his first visit to the island had given the name of port santa gloria. here, at last, columbus had to give up his long and arduous struggle against the unremitting persecution of the elements. his ships, reduced to mere wrecks, could no longer keep the sea, and were ready to sink even in port. he ordered them, therefore, to be run aground, within a bow-shot of the shore, and fastened together, side by side. they soon filled with water to the decks. thatched cabins were then erected at the prow and stern for the accommodation of the crews, and the wreck was placed in the best possible state of defence. thus castled in the sea, he trusted to be able to repel any sudden attack of the natives, and at the same time to keep his men from roving about the neighborhood and indulging in their usual excesses. no one was allowed to go on shore without especial license, and the utmost precaution was taken to prevent any offence being given to the indians. any exasperation of them might be fatal to the spaniards in their present forlorn situation. a firebrand thrown into their wooden fortress might wrap it in flames, and leave them defenceless amidst hostile thousands. book xvi. chapter i. arrangement of diego mendez with the caciques for supplies of provisions. --sent to san domingo by columbus in quest of relief. [1503.] the island of jamaica was extremely populous and fertile; and the harbor soon swarmed with indians, who brought provisions to barter with the spaniards. to prevent any disputes in purchasing or sharing these supplies, two persons were appointed to superintend all bargains, and the provisions thus obtained were divided every evening among the people. this arrangement had a happy effect in promoting a peaceful intercourse. the stores thus furnished, however, coming from a limited neighborhood of improvident beings, were not sufficient for the necessities of the spaniards, and were so irregular as often to leave them in pinching want. they feared, too, that the neighborhood might soon be exhausted, in which case they should be reduced to famine. in this emergency, diego mendez stepped forward with his accustomed zeal, and volunteered to set off, with three men, on a foraging expedition about the island. his offer being gladly accepted by the admiral, he departed with his comrades well armed. he was every where treated with the utmost kindness by the natives. they took him to their houses, set meat and drink before him and his companions, and performed all the rites of savage hospitality. mendez made an arrangement with the cacique of a numerous tribe, that his subjects should hunt and fish, and make cassava bread, and bring a quantity of provisions every day to the harbor. they were to receive, in exchange, knives, combs, beads, fishhooks, hawks'-bells, and other articles, from a spaniard, who was to reside among them for that purpose. the agreement being made, mendez dispatched one of his comrades to apprise the admiral. he then pursued his journey three leagues farther, when he made a similar arrangement, and dispatched another of his companions to the admiral. proceeding onward, about thirteen leagues from the ships, he arrived at the residence of another cacique, called huarco, where he was generously entertained. the cacique ordered his subjects to bring a large quantity of provisions, for which mendez paid him on the spot, and made arrangements for a like supply at stated intervals. he dispatched his third companion with this supply to the admiral, requesting, as usual, that an agent might be sent to receive and pay for the regular deliveries of provisions. mendez was now left alone, but he was fond of any enterprise that gave individual distinction. he requested of the cacique two indians to accompany him to the end of the island; one to carry his provisions, and the other to bear the hammac, or cotton net in which he slept. these being granted, he pushed resolutely forward along the coast, until he reached the eastern extremity of jamaica. here he found a powerful cacique of the name of ameyro. mendez had buoyant spirits, great address, and an ingratiating manner with the savages. he and the cacique became great friends, exchanged names, which is a kind of token of brotherhood, and mendez engaged him to furnish provisions to the ships. he then bought an excellent canoe of the cacique, for which he gave a splendid brass basin, a short frock or cassock, and one of the two shirts which formed his stock of linen. the cacique furnished him with six indians to navigate his bark, and they parted mutually well pleased. diego mendez coasted his way back, touching at the various places where he had made his arrangements. he found the spanish agents already arrived at them, loaded his canoe with provisions, and returned in triumph to the harbor, where he was received with acclamations by his comrades, and with open arms by the admiral. the provisions he brought were a most seasonable supply, for the spaniards were absolutely fasting; and thenceforward indians arrived daily, well laden, from the marts which he had established. [179] the immediate wants of his people being thus provided for, columbus revolved in his anxious mind the means of getting from this island. his ships were beyond the possibility of repair, and there was no hope of any chance sail arriving to his relief, on the shores of a savage island, in an unfrequented sea. the most likely measure appeared to be, to send notice of his situation to ovando, the governor at san domingo, entreating him to dispatch a vessel to his relief. but how was this message to be conveyed? the distance between jamaica and hispaniola was forty leagues, across a gulf swept by contrary currents; there were no means of transporting a messenger, except in the light canoes of the savages; and who would undertake so hazardous a voyage in a frail bark of the kind? suddenly the idea of diego mendez, and the canoe he had recently purchased, presented itself to the mind of columbus. he knew the ardor and intrepidity of mendez, and his love of distinction by any hazardous exploit. taking him aside, therefore, he addressed him in a manner calculated both to stimulate his zeal, and flatter his self-love. mendez himself gives an artless account of this interesting conversation, which is full of character. "diego mendez, my son," said the venerable admiral, "none of those whom i have here understand the great peril in which we are placed, excepting you and myself. we are few in number, and these savage indians are many, and of fickle and irritable natures. on the least provocation they may throw firebrands from the shore, and consume us in our straw-thatched cabins. the arrangement which you have made with them for provisions, and which at present they fulfill so cheerfully, to-morrow they may break in their caprice, and may refuse to bring us any thing; nor have we the means to compel them by force, but are entirely at their pleasure. i have thought of a remedy, if it meets with your views. in this canoe, which you have purchased, some one may pass over to hispaniola, and procure a ship, by which we may all be delivered from this great peril into which we have fallen. tell me your opinion on the matter." "to this," says diego mendez, "i replied: 'señor, the danger in which we are placed, i well know, is far greater than is easily conceived. as to passing from this island to hispaniola, in so small a vessel as a canoe, i hold it not merely difficult, but impossible; since it is necessary to traverse a gulf of forty leagues, and between islands where the sea is extremely impetuous, and seldom in repose. i know not who there is would adventure upon so extreme a peril.'" columbus made no reply, but from his looks and the nature of his silence, mendez plainly perceived himself to be the person whom the admiral had in view; "whereupon," continues he, "i added: 'señor, i have many times put my life in peril of death to save you and all those who are here, and god has hitherto preserved me in a miraculous manner. there are, nevertheless, murmurers, who say that your excellency intrusts to me all affairs wherein honor is to be gained, while there are others in your company who would execute them as well as i do. therefore i beg that you would summon all the people, and propose this enterprise to them, to see if among them there is any one who will undertake it, which i doubt. if all decline it, i will then come forward and risk my life in your service, as i many times have done.'" [180] the admiral gladly humored the wishes of the worthy mendez, for never was simple egotism accompanied by more generous and devoted loyalty. on the following morning, the crew was assembled, and the proposition publicly made. every one drew back at the thoughts of it, pronouncing it the height of rashness. upon this, diego mendez stepped forward. "señor," said he, "i have but one life to lose, yet i am willing to venture it for your service and for the good of all here present, and i trust in the protection of god, which i have experienced on so many other occasions." columbus embraced this zealous follower, who immediately set about preparing for his expedition. drawing his canoe on shore, he put on a false keel, nailed weather-boards along the bow and stern, to prevent the sea from breaking over it; payed it with a coat of tar; furnished it with a mast and sail; and put in provisions for himself, a spanish comrade, and six indians. in the meantime, columbus wrote letters to ovando, requesting that a ship might be immediately sent to bring him and his men to hispaniola. he wrote a letter likewise to the sovereigns; for, after fulfilling his mission at san domingo, diego mendez was to proceed to spain on the admiral's affairs. in the letter to the sovereigns, columbus depicted his deplorable situation, and entreated that a vessel might be dispatched to hispaniola, to convey himself and his crew to spain. he gave a comprehensive account of his voyage, most particulars of which have already been incorporated in this history, and he insisted greatly on the importance of the discovery of veragua. he gave it as his opinion, that here were the mines of the aurea chersonesus, whence solomon had derived such wealth for the building of the temple. he entreated that this golden coast might not, like other places which he had discovered, be abandoned to adventurers, or placed under the government of men who felt no interest in the cause. "this is not a child," he adds, "to be abandoned to a step-mother. i never think of hispaniola and paria without weeping. their case is desperate and past cure; i hope their example may cause this region to be treated in a different manner." his imagination becomes heated. he magnifies the supposed importance of veragua, as transcending all his former discoveries; and he alludes to his favorite project for the deliverance of the holy sepulchre: "jerusalem," he says, "and mount sion, are to be rebuilt by the hand of a christian. who is he to be? god, by the mouth of the prophet, in the fourteenth psalm, declares it. the abbot joachim [181] says that he is to come out of spain." his thoughts then revert to the ancient story of the grand khan, who had requested that sages might be sent to instruct him in the christian faith. columbus, thinking that he had been in the very vicinity of cathay, exclaims with sudden zeal, "who will offer himself for this task? if our lord permit me to return to spain, i engage to take him there, god helping, in safety." nothing is more characteristic of columbus than his earnest, artless, at times eloquent, and at times almost incoherent letters. what an instance of soaring enthusiasm and irrepressible enterprise is here exhibited! at the time that he was indulging in these visions, and proposing new and romantic enterprises, he was broken down by age and infirmities, racked by pain, confined to his bed, and shut up in a wreck on the coast of a remote and savage island. no stronger picture can be given of his situation, than that which shortly follows this transient glow of excitement; when, with one of his sudden transitions of thought, he awakens, as it were, to his actual condition. "hitherto," says he, "i have wept for others; but now, have pity upon me, heaven, and weep for me, o earth! in my temporal concerns, without a farthing to offer for a mass; cast away here in the indies; surrounded by cruel and hostile savages; isolated, infirm, expecting each day will be my last: in spiritual concerns, separated from the holy sacraments of the church, so that my soul, if parted here from my body, must be for ever lost! weep for me, whoever has charity, truth, and justice! i came not on this voyage to gain honor or estate, that is most certain, for all hope of the kind was already dead within me. i came to serve your majesties with a sound intention and an honest zeal, and i speak no falsehood. if it should please god to deliver me hence, i humbly supplicate your majesties to permit me to repair to rome, and perform other pilgrimages." the dispatches being ready, and the preparations of the canoe completed, diego mendez embarked, with his spanish comrade and his six indians, and departed along the coast to the eastward. the voyage was toilsome and perilous. they had to make their way against strong currents. once they were taken by roving canoes of indians, but made their escape, and at length arrived at the end of the island; a distance of thirty-four leagues from the harbor. here they remained, waiting for calm weather to venture upon the broad gulf, when they were suddenly surrounded and taken prisoners by a number of hostile indians, who carried them off a distance of three leagues, where they determined to kill them. some dispute arose about the division of the spoils taken from the spaniards, whereupon the savages agreed to settle it by a game of chance. while they were thus engaged, diego mendez escaped, found his way to his canoe, embarked in it, and returned alone to the harbor after fifteen days' absence. what became of his companions he does not mention, being seldom apt to speak of any person but himself. this account is taken from the narrative inserted in his last will and testament. columbus, though grieved at the failure of his message, was rejoiced at the escape of the faithful mendez. the latter, nothing daunted by the perils and hardships he had undergone, offered to depart immediately on a second attempt, provided he could have persons to accompany him to the end of the island, and protect him from the natives. this the adelantado offered to undertake, with a large party well armed. bartholomew fiesco, a genoese, who had been captain of one of the caravels, was associated with mendez in this second expedition. he was a man of great worth, strongly attached to the admiral, and much esteemed by him. each had a large canoe under his command, in which were six spaniards and ten indians--the latter were to serve as oarsmen. the canoes were to keep in company. on reaching hispaniola, fiesco was to return immediately to jamaica, to relieve the anxiety of the admiral and his crew, by tidings of the safe arrival of their messenger. in the meantime, diego mendez was to proceed to san domingo, deliver his letter to ovando, procure and dispatch a ship, and then depart for spain with a letter to the sovereigns. all arrangements being made, the indians placed in the canoes their frugal provision of cassava bread, and each his calabash of water. the spaniards, beside their bread, had a supply of the flesh of utias, and each his sword and target. in this way they launched forth upon their long and perilous voyage, followed by the prayers of their countrymen. the adelantado, with his armed band, kept pace with them along the coast. there was no attempt of the natives to molest them, and they arrived in safety at the end of the island. here they remained three days before the sea was sufficiently calm for them to venture forth in their feeble barks. at length, the weather being quite serene, they bade farewell to their comrades, and committed themselves to the broad sea. the adelantado remained watching them, until they became mere specks on the ocean, and the evening hid them from his view. the next day he set out on his return to the harbor, stopping at various villages on the way, and endeavoring to confirm the good-will of the natives. [182] chapter ii. mutiny of porras. [1503.] it might have been thought that the adverse fortune which had so long persecuted columbus was now exhausted. the envy which had once sickened at his glory and prosperity could scarcely have devised for him a more forlorn heritage in the world he had discovered. the tenant of a wreck on a savage coast, in an untraversed ocean, at the mercy of barbarous hordes, who, in a moment, from precarious friends, might be transformed into ferocious enemies; afflicted, too, by excruciating maladies which confined him to his bed, and by the pains and infirmities which hardship and anxiety had heaped upon his advancing age. but he had not yet exhausted his cup of bitterness. he had yet to experience an evil worse than storm, or shipwreck, or bodily anguish, or the violence of savage hordes,--the perfidy of those in whom he confided. mendez and fiesco had not long departed when the spaniards in the wreck began to grow sickly, partly from the toils and exposures of the recent voyage, partly from being crowded in narrow quarters in a moist and sultry climate, and partly from want of their accustomed food, for they could not habituate themselves to the vegetable diet of the indians. their maladies were rendered more insupportable by mental suffering, by that suspense which frets the spirit, and that hope deferred which corrodes the heart. accustomed to a life of bustle and variety, they had now nothing to do but loiter about the dreary hulk, look out upon the sea, watch for the canoe of fiesco, wonder at its protracted absence, and doubt its return. a long time elapsed, much more than sufficient for the voyage, but nothing was seen or heard of the canoe. fears were entertained that their messenger had perished. if so, how long were they to remain here, vainly looking for relief which was never to arrive? some sank into deep despondency, others became peevish and impatient. murmurs broke forth, and, as usual with men in distress, murmurs of the most unreasonable kind. instead of sympathizing with their aged and infirm commander, who was involved in the same calamity, who in suffering transcended them all, and yet who was incessantly studious of their welfare, they began to rail against him as the cause of all their misfortunes. the factious feeling of an unreasonable multitude would be of little importance if left to itself, and might end in idle clamor; it is the industry of one or two evil spirits which generally directs it to an object, and makes it mischievous. among the officers of columbus were two brothers, francisco and diego de porras. they were related to the royal treasurer morales, who had married their sister, and had made interest with the admiral to give them some employment in the expedition. [183] to gratify the treasurer, he had appointed francisco de porras captain of one of the caravels, and had obtained for his brother diego the situation of notary and accountant-general of the squadron. he had treated them, as he declares, with the kindness of relatives, though both proved incompetent to their situations. they were vain and insolent men, and, like many others whom columbus had benefited, requited his kindness with black ingratitude. [184] these men, finding the common people in a highly impatient and discontented state, wrought upon them with seditious insinuations, assuring them that all hope of relief through the agency of mendez was idle; it being a mere delusion of the admiral to keep them quiet, and render them subservient to his purposes. he had no desire nor intention to return to spain; and in fact was banished thence. hispaniola was equally closed to him, as had been proved by the exclusion of his ships from its harbor in a time of peril. to him, at present, all places were alike, and he was content to remain in jamaica until his friends could make interest at court, and procure his recall from banishment. as to mendez and fiesco, they had been sent to spain by columbus on his own private affairs, not to procure a ship for the relief of his followers. if this were not the case, why did not the ships arrive, or why did not fiesco return, as had been promised? or if the canoes had really been sent for succor, the long time that had elapsed without tidings of them, gave reason to believe they had perished by the way. in such case, their only alternative would be, to take the canoes of the indians and endeavor to reach hispaniola. there was no hope, however, of persuading the admiral to such an undertaking; he was too old, and too helpless from the gout, to expose himself to the hardships of such a voyage. what then? were they to be sacrificed to his interests or his infirmities?--to give up their only chance for escape, and linger and perish with him in this desolate wreck? if they succeeded in reaching hispaniola, they would be the better received for having left the admiral behind. ovando was secretly hostile to him, fearing that he would regain the government of the island; on their arrival in spain, the bishop fonseca, from his enmity to columbus, would be sure to take their part; the brothers porras had powerful friends and relatives at court, to counteract any representations that might be made by the admiral; and they cited the case of roldan's rebellion, to show that the prejudices of the public, and of men in power, would always be against him. nay, they insinuated that the sovereigns, who, on that occasion, had deprived him of part of his dignities and privileges, would rejoice at a pretext for stripping him of the remainder. [185] columbus was aware that the minds of his people were imbittered against him. he had repeatedly been treated with insolent impatience, and reproached with being the cause of their disasters. accustomed, however, to the unreasonableness of men in adversity, and exercised, by many trials, in the mastery of his passions, he bore with their petulance, soothed their irritation, and endeavored to cheer their spirits by the hopes of speedy succor. a little while longer, and he trusted that fiesco would arrive with good tidings, when the certainty of relief would put an end to all these clamors. the mischief, however, was deeper than he apprehended: a complete mutiny had been organized. on the 2d of january, 1504, he was in his small cabin, on the stern of his vessel, being confined to his bed by the gout, which had now rendered him a complete cripple. while ruminating on his disastrous situation, francisco de porras suddenly entered. his abrupt and agitated manner betrayed the evil nature of his visit. he had the flurried impudence of a man about to perpetrate an open crime. breaking forth into bitter complaints, at their being kept, week after week, and month after month, to perish piecemeal in that desolate place, he accused the admiral of having no intention to return to spain. columbus suspected something sinister from this unusual arrogance; he maintained, however, his calmness, and, raising himself in his bed, endeavored to reason with porras. he pointed out the impossibility of departing until those who had gone to hispaniola should send them vessels. he represented how much more urgent must be his desire to depart, since he had not merely his own safety to provide for, but was accountable to god and his sovereigns for the welfare of all who had been committed to his charge. he reminded porras that he had always consulted with them all, as to the measures to be taken for the common safety, and that what he had done, had been with the general approbation; still, if any other measure appeared advisable, he recommended that they should assemble together, and consult upon it, and adopt whatever course appeared most judicious. the measures of porras and his comrades, however, were already concerted, and when men are determined on mutiny, they are deaf to reason. he bluntly replied, that there was no time for further consultations. "embark immediately or remain in god's name, were the only alternatives." "for my part," said he, turning his back upon the admiral, and elevating his voice so that it resounded all over the vessel, "i am for castile! those who choose may follow me!" shouts arose immediately from all sides, "i will follow you! and i! and i!" numbers of the crew sprang upon the most conspicuous parts of the ship, brandishing weapons, and uttering mingled threats and cries of rebellion. some called upon porras for orders what to do; others shouted "to castile! to castile!" while, amidst the general uproar, the voices of some desperadoes were heard menacing the life of the admiral. columbus, hearing the tumult, leaped from his bed, ill and infirm as he was, and tottered out of the cabin, stumbling and falling in the exertion, hoping by his presence to pacify the mutineers. three or four of his faithful adherents, however, fearing some violence might be offered him, threw themselves between him and the throng, and taking him in their arms, compelled him to return to his cabin. the adelantado likewise sallied forth, but in a different mood. he planted himself, with lance in hand, in a situation to take the whole brunt of the assault. it was with the greatest difficulty that several of the loyal part of the crew could appease his fury, and prevail upon him to relinquish his weapon, and retire to the cabin of his brother. they now entreated porras and his companions to depart peaceably, since no one sought to oppose them. no advantage could be gained by violence; but should they cause the death of the admiral, they would draw upon themselves the severest punishment from the sovereigns. [186] these representations moderated the turbulence of the mutineers, and they now proceeded to carry their plans into execution. taking ten canoes which the admiral had purchased of the indians, they embarked in them with as much exultation as if certain of immediately landing on the shores of spain. others, who had not been concerned in the mutiny, seeing so large a force departing, and fearing to remain behind, when so reduced in number, hastily collected their effects, and entered likewise into the canoes. it this way forty-eight abandoned the admiral. many of those who remained were only detained by sickness, for, had they been well, most of them would have accompanied the deserters. [187] the few who remained faithful to the admiral, and the sick, who crawled forth from their cabins, saw the departure of the mutineers with tears and lamentations, giving themselves up for lost. notwithstanding his malady, columbus left his bed, mingling among those who were loyal, and visiting those who were ill, endeavoring in every way to cheer and comfort them. he entreated them to put their trust in god, who would yet relieve them; and he promised, on his return to spain, to throw himself at the feet of the queen, represent their loyalty and constancy, and obtain for them rewards that should compensate for all their sufferings. [188] in the meantime, francisco de porras and his followers, in their squadron of canoes, coasted the island to the eastward, following the route taken by mendez and fiesco. wherever they landed, they committed outrages upon the indians, robbing them of their provisions, and of whatever they coveted of their effects. they endeavored to make their own crimes redound to the prejudice of columbus, pretending to act under his authority, and affirming that he would pay for every thing they took. if he refused, they told the natives to kill him. they represented him as an implacable foe to the indians; as one who had tyrannized over other islands, causing the misery and death of the natives, and who only sought to gain a sway here for the purpose of inflicting like calamities. having reached the eastern extremity of the island, they waited until the weather should be perfectly calm, before they ventured to cross the gulf. being unskilled in the management of canoes, they procured several indians to accompany them. the sea being at length quite smooth, they set forth upon their voyage. scarcely had they proceeded four leagues from land when a contrary wind arose, and the waves began to swell. they turned immediately for shore. the canoes, from their light structure, and being nearly round and without keels, were easily overturned, and required to be carefully balanced. they were now deeply freighted by men unaccustomed to them, and as the sea rose, they frequently let in the water. the spaniards were alarmed, and endeavored to lighten them, by throwing overboard every thing that could be spared; retaining only their arms, and a part of their provisions. the danger augmented with the wind. they now compelled the indians to leap into the sea, excepting such as were absolutely necessary to navigate the canoes. if they hesitated, they drove them overboard with the edge of the sword. the indians were skillful swimmers, but the distance to land was too great for their strength. they kept about the canoes, therefore, taking hold of them occasionally to rest themselves and recover breath. as their weight disturbed the balance of the canoes, and endangered their overturning, the spaniards cut off their hands, and stabbed them with their swords. some died by the weapons of these cruel men, others were exhausted and sank beneath the waves; thus eighteen perished miserably, and none survived but such as had been retained to manage the canoes. when the spaniards got back to land, different opinions arose as to what course they should next pursue. some were for crossing to cuba, for which island the wind was favorable. it was thought they might easily cross thence to the end of hispaniola. others advised that they should return and make their peace with the admiral, or take from him what remained of arms and stores, having thrown almost every thing overboard during their late danger. others counseled another attempt to cross over to hispaniola, as soon as the sea should become tranquil. this last advice was adopted. they remained for a month at an indian village near the eastern point of the island, living on the substance of the natives, and treating them in the most arbitrary and capricious manner. when at length the weather became serene, they made a second attempt, but were again driven back by adverse winds. losing all patience, therefore, and despairing of the enterprise, they abandoned their canoes, and returned westward; wandering from village to village, a dissolute and lawless gang, supporting themselves by fair means or foul, according as they met with kindness or hostility, and passing like a pestilence through the island. [189] chapter iii. scarcity of provisions.--strategem of columbus to obtain supplies from the natives. [1504.] while porras and his crew were raging about with that desperate and joyless licentiousness which attends the abandonment of principle, columbus presented the opposite picture of a man true to others and to himself, and supported, amidst hardships and difficulties, by conscious rectitude. deserted by the healthful and vigorous portion of his garrison, he exerted himself to soothe and encourage the infirm and desponding remnant which remained. regardless of his own painful maladies, he was only attentive to relieve their sufferings. the few who were fit for service were required to mount guard on the wreck, or attend upon the sick; there were none to forage for provisions. the scrupulous good faith and amicable conduct maintained by columbus towards the natives had now their effect. considerable supplies of provisions were brought by them from time to time, which he purchased at a reasonable rate. the most palatable and nourishing of these, together with the small stock of european biscuit that remained, he ordered to be appropriated to the sustenance of the infirm. knowing how much the body is affected by the operations of the mind, he endeavored to rouse the spirits, and animate the hopes, of the drooping sufferers. concealing his own anxiety, he maintained a serene and even cheerful countenance, encouraging his men by kind words, and holding forth confident anticipations of speedy relief. by his friendly and careful treatment, he soon recruited both the health and spirits of his people, and brought them into a condition to contribute to the common safety. judicious regulations, calmly but firmly enforced, maintained every thing in order. the men became sensible of the advantages of wholesome discipline, and perceived that the restraints imposed upon them by their commander were for their own good, and ultimately productive of their own comfort. columbus had thus succeeded in guarding against internal ills, when alarming evils began to menace from without. the indians, unused to lay up any stock of provisions, and unwilling to subject themselves to extra labor, found it difficult to furnish the quantity of food daily required for so many hungry men. the european trinkets, once so precious, lost their value, in proportion as they became common. the importance of the admiral had been greatly diminished by the desertion of so many of his followers; and the malignant instigations of the rebels had awakened jealousy and enmity in several of the villages which had been accustomed to furnish provisions. by degrees, therefore, the supplies fell off. the arrangements for the daily delivery of certain quantities, made by diego mendez, were irregularly attended to, and at length ceased entirely. the indians no longer thronged to the harbor with provisions, and often refused them when applied for. the spaniards were obliged to forage about the neighborhood for their daily food; but found more and more difficulty in procuring it; thus, in addition to their other causes for despondency, they began to entertain horrible apprehensions of famine. the admiral heard their melancholy forebodings, and beheld the growing evil, but was at a loss for a remedy. to resort to force was an alternative full of danger, and of but temporary efficacy. it would require all those who were well enough to bear arms to sally forth, while he and the rest of the infirm would be left defenceless on board of the wreck, exposed to the vengeance of the natives. in the meantime, the scarcity daily increased. the indians perceived the wants of the white men, and had learnt from them the art of making bargains. they asked ten times the former quantity of european articles for any amount of provisions, and brought their supplies in scanty quantities, to enhance the eagerness of the hungry spaniards. at length, even this relief ceased, and there was an absolute distress for food. the jealousy of the natives had been universally roused by porras and his followers, and they withheld all provisions, in hopes either of starving the admiral and his people, or of driving them from the island. in this extremity, a fortunate idea presented itself to columbus. from his knowledge of astronomy, he ascertained that, within three days, there would be a total eclipse of the moon in the early part of the night. he sent, therefore, an indian of hispaniola, who served as his interpreter, to summon the principal caciques to a grand conference, appointing for it the day of the eclipse. when all were assembled, he told them by his interpreter, that he and his followers were worshipers of a deity who dwelt in the skies; who favored such as did well, but punished all transgressors. that, as they must all have noticed, he had protected diego mendez and his companions in their voyage, because they went in obedience to the orders of their commander; but had visited porras and his companions with all kinds of afflictions, in consequence of their rebellion. this great deity, he added, was incensed against the indians who refused to furnish his faithful worshipers with provisions, and intended to chastise them with famine and pestilence. lest they should disbelieve this warning, a signal would be given that night. they would behold the moon change its color, and gradually lose its light; a token of the fearful punishment which awaited them. many of the indians were alarmed at the prediction, others treated it with derision,--all, however, awaited with solicitude the coming of the night. when they beheld a dark shadow stealing over the moon, they began to tremble; with the progress of the eclipse their fears increased, and when they saw a mysterious darkness covering the whole face of nature, there were no bounds to their terror. seizing upon whatever provisions were at hand, they hurried to the ships, threw themselves at the feet of columbus, and implored him to intercede, with his god to withhold the threatened calamities, assuring him they would thenceforth bring him whatever he required. columbus shut himself up in his cabin, as if to commune with the deity, and remained there during the increase of the eclipse, the forests and shores all the while resounding with the bowlings and supplications of the savages. when the eclipse was about to diminish, he came forth and informed the natives that his god had deigned to pardon them, on condition of their fulfilling their promises; in sign of which he would withdraw the darkness from the moon. when the indians saw that planet restored to its brightness, and rolling in all its beauty through the firmament, they overwhelmed the admiral with thanks for his intercession, and repaired to their homes, joyful at having escaped such great disasters. regarding columbus with awe and reverence, as a man in the peculiar favor and confidence of the deity, since he knew upon earth what was passing in the heavens, they hastened to propitiate him with gifts; supplies again arrived daily at the harbor, and from that time forward, there was no want of provisions. [190] chapter iv. mission of diego de escobar to the admiral. [1504.] eight months had now elapsed since the departure of mendez and fiesco, without any tidings of their fate. for a long time the spaniards had kept a wistful look-out upon the ocean, flattering themselves that every indian canoe, gliding at a distance, might be the harbinger of deliverance. the hopes of the most sanguine were now fast sinking into despondency. what thousand perils awaited such frail barks, and so weak a party, on an expedition of the kind! either the canoes had been swallowed up by boisterous waves and adverse currents, or their crews had perished among the rugged mountains and savage tribes of hispaniola. to increase their despondency, they were informed that a vessel had been seen, bottom upwards, drifting with the currents along the coasts of jamaica. this might be the vessel sent to their relief; and if so, all their hopes were shipwrecked with it. this rumor, it is affirmed, was invented and circulated in the island by the rebels, that it might reach the ears of those who remained faithful to the admiral, and reduce them to despair. [191] it no doubt had its effect. losing all hope of aid from a distance, and considering themselves abandoned and forgotten by the world, many grew wild and desperate in their plans. another conspiracy was formed by one bernardo, an apothecary of valencia, with two confederates, alonzo de zamora and pedro de villatoro. they designed to seize upon the remaining canoes, and seek their way to hispaniola. [192] the mutiny was on the very point of breaking out, when one evening, towards dusk, a sail was seen standing towards the harbor. the transports of the poor spaniards may be more easily conceived than described. the vessel was of small size; it kept out to sea, but sent its boat to visit the ships. every eye was eagerly bent to hail the countenances of christians and deliverers. as the boat approached, they descried in it diego de escobar, a man who had been one of the most active confederates of roldan in his rebellion, who had been condemned to death under the administration of columbus, and pardoned by his successor bobadilla. there was bad omen in such a messenger. coming alongside of the ships, escobar put a letter on board from ovando, governor of hispaniola, together with a barrel of wine and a side of bacon, sent as presents to the admiral. he then drew off, and talked with columbus from a distance. he told him that he was sent by the governor to express his great concern at his misfortunes, and his regret at not having in port a vessel of sufficient size to bring off himself and his people, but that he would send one as soon as possible. escobar gave the admiral assurances likewise, that his concerns in hispaniola had been faithfully attended to. he requested him, if he had any letter to write to the governor in reply, to give it to him as soon as possible, as he wished to return immediately. there was something extremely singular in this mission, but there was no time for comments; escobar was urgent to depart. columbus hastened, therefore, to write a reply to ovando, depicting the dangers and distresses of his situation, increased as they were by the rebellion of porras, but expressing his reliance on his promise to send him relief, confiding in which he should remain patiently on board of his wreck. he recommended diego mendez and bartholomew fiesco to his favor, assuring him that they were not sent to san domingo with any artful design, but simply to represent his perilous situation, and to apply for succor. when escobar received this letter, he returned immediately on board of his vessel, which made all sail, and soon disappeared in the gathering gloom of the night. if the spaniards had hailed the arrival of this vessel with transport, its sudden departure and the mysterious conduct of escobar inspired no less wonder and consternation. he had kept aloof from all communication with them, as if he felt no interest in their welfare, or sympathy in their misfortunes. columbus saw the gloom that had gathered in their countenances, and feared the consequences. he eagerly sought, therefore, to dispel their suspicions, professing himself satisfied with the communications received from ovando, and assuring them that vessels would soon arrive to take them all away. in confidence of this, he said, he had declined to depart with escobar, because his vessel was too small to take the whole, preferring to remain with them and share their lot, and had dispatched the caravel in such haste that no time might be lost in expediting the necessary ships. these assurances, and the certainty that their situation was known in san domingo, cheered the hearts of the people. their hopes again revived, and the conspiracy, which had been on the point of breaking forth, was completely disconcerted. in secret, however, columbus was exceedingly indignant at the conduct of ovando. he had left him for many months in a state of the utmost danger, and most distressing uncertainty, exposed to the hostilities of the natives, the seditions of his men, and the suggestions of his own despair. he had, at length, sent a mere tantalizing message, by a man known to be one of his bitterest enemies, with a present of food, which, from its scantiness, seemed intended to mock their necessities. columbus believed that ovando had purposely neglected him, hoping that he might perish on the island, being apprehensive that, should he return in safety, he would be reinstated in the government of hispaniola; and he considered escobar merely as a spy sent to ascertain the state of himself and his crew, and whether they were yet in existence. las casas, who was then at san domingo, expresses similar suspicions. he says that escobar was chosen because ovando was certain that, from ancient enmity, he would have no sympathy for the admiral. that he was ordered not to go on board of the vessels, nor to land, neither was he to hold conversation with any of the crew, nor to receive any letters, except those of the admiral. in a word, that he was a mere scout to collect information. [193] others have ascribed the long neglect of ovando to extreme caution. there was a rumor prevalent that columbus, irritated at the suspension of his dignities by the court of spain, intended to transfer his newly-discovered countries into the hands of his native republic genoa, or of some other power. such rumors had long been current, and to their recent circulation columbus himself alludes in his letter sent to the sovereigns by diego mendez. the most plausible apology given, is, that ovando was absent for several months in the interior, occupied in wars with the natives, and that there were no ships at san domingo of sufficient burden to take columbus and his crew to spain. he may have feared that, should they come to reside for any length of time on the island, either the admiral would interfere in public affairs, or endeavor to make a party in his favor; or that, in consequence of the number of his old enemies still resident there, former scenes of faction and turbulence might be revived. [194] in the meantime the situation of columbus in jamaica, while it disposed of him quietly until vessels should arrive from spain, could not, he may have thought, be hazardous. he had sufficient force and arms for defence, and he had made amicable arrangements with the natives for the supply of provisions, as diego mendez, who had made those arrangements, had no doubt informed him. such may have been the reasoning by which ovando, under the real influence of his interest, may have reconciled his conscience to a measure which excited the strong reprobation of his contemporaries, and has continued to draw upon him the suspicions of mankind. chapter v. voyage of diego mendez and bartholomew fiesco in a canoe to hispaniola. [1504.] it is proper to give here some account of the mission of diego mendez and bartholomew fiesco, and of the circumstances which prevented the latter from returning to jamaica. having taken leave of the adelantado at the east end of the island, they continued all day in a direct course, animating the indians who navigated their canoes, and who frequently paused at their labor. there was no wind, the sky was without a cloud, and the sea perfectly calm; the heat was intolerable, and the rays of the sun, reflected from the surface of the ocean, seemed to scorch their very eyes. the indians, exhausted by heat and toil, would often leap into the water to cool and refresh themselves, and, after remaining there a short time, would return with new vigor to their labors. at the going down of the sun they lost sight of land. during the night the indians took turns, one half to row while the others slept. the spaniards, in like manner, divided their forces: while one half took repose, the others kept guard with their weapons in hand, ready to defend themselves in case of any perfidy on the part of their savage companions. watching and toiling in this way through the night, they were exceedingly fatigued at the return of day. nothing was to be seen but sea and sky. their frail canoes, heaving up and down with the swelling and sinking of the ocean, seemed scarcely capable of sustaining the broad undulations of a calm; how would they be able to live amid waves and surges, should the wind arise? the commanders did all they could to keep up the flagging spirits of the men. sometimes they permitted them a respite; at other times they took the paddles and shared their toils. but labor and fatigue were soon forgotten in a new source of suffering. during the preceding sultry day and night, the indians, parched and fatigued, had drunk up all the water. they now began to experience the torments of thirst. in proportion as the day advanced, their thirst increased; the calm, which favored the navigation of the canoes, rendered this misery the more intense. there was not a breeze to fan the air, nor counteract the ardent rays of a tropical sun. their sufferings were irritated by the prospect around them--nothing but water, while they were perishing with thirst. at mid-day their strength failed them, and they could work no longer. fortunately, at this time the commanders of the canoes found, or pretended to find, two small kegs of water, which they had perhaps secretly reserved for such an extremity. administering the precious contents from time to time, in sparing mouthfuls, to their companions, and particularly to the laboring indians, they enabled them to resume their toils. they cheered them with the hopes of soon arriving at a small island called navasa, which lay directly in their way, and was only eight leagues from hispaniola. here they would be able to procure water, and might take repose. for the rest of the day they continued faintly and wearily laboring forward, and keeping an anxious look-out for the island. the day passed away, the sun went down, yet there was no sign of land, not even a cloud on the horizon that might deceive them into a hope. according to their calculations, they had certainly come the distance from jamaica at which navasa lay. they began to fear that they had deviated from their course. if so, they should miss the island entirely, and perish with thirst before they could reach hispaniola. the night closed upon them without any sight of the island. they now despaired of touching at it, for it was so small and low that, even if they were to pass near, they would scarcely be able to perceive it in the dark. one of the indians sank and died, under the accumulated sufferings of labor, heat, and raging thirst. his body was thrown into the sea. others lay panting and gasping at the bottom of the canoes. their companions, troubled in spirit, and exhausted in strength, feebly continued their toils. sometimes they endeavored to cool their parched palates by taking sea-water in their mouths, but its briny acrimony rather increased their thirst. now and then, but very sparingly, they were allowed a drop of water from the kegs; but this was only in cases of the utmost extremity, and principally to those who were employed in rowing. the night had far advanced, but those whose turn it was to take repose were unable to sleep, from the intensity of their thirst; or if they slept, it was but to be tantalized with dreams of cool fountains and running brooks, and to awaken in redoubled torment. the last drop of water had been dealt out to the indian rowers, but it only served to irritate their sufferings. they scarce could move their paddles; one after another gave up, and it seemed impossible they should live to reach hispaniola. the commanders, by admirable management, had hitherto kept up this weary struggle with suffering and despair: they now, too, began to despond. diego mendez sat watching the horizon, which was gradually lighting up with those faint rays which precede the rising of the moon. as that planet rose, he perceived it to emerge from behind some dark mass elevated above the level of the ocean. he immediately gave the animating cry of "land!" his almost expiring companions were roused by it to new life. it proved to be the island of navasa, but so small, and low, and distant, that had it not been thus revealed by the rising of the moon, they would never have discovered it. the error in their reckoning with respect to the island had arisen from miscalculating the rate of sailing of the canoes, and from not making sufficient allowance for the fatigue of the rowers and the opposition of the current. new vigor was now diffused throughout the crews. they exerted themselves with feverish impatience; by the dawn of day they reached the land, and, springing on shore, returned thanks to god for such signal deliverance. the island was a mere mass of rocks half a league in circuit. there was neither tree, nor shrub, nor herbage, nor stream, nor fountain. hurrying about, however, with anxious search, they found to their joy abundance of rain-water in the hollows of the rocks. eagerly scooping it up with their calabashes, they quenched their burning thirst by immoderate draughts. in vain the more prudent warned the others of their danger. the spaniards were in some degree restrained; but the poor indians, whose toils had increased the fever of their thirst, gave way to a kind of frantic indulgence. several died upon the spot, and others fell dangerously ill. [195] having allayed their thirst, they now looked about in search of food. a few shell-fish were found along the shore, and diego mendez, striking a light, and gathering drift-wood, they were enabled to boil them, and to make a delicious banquet. all day they remained reposing in the shade of the rocks, refreshing themselves after their intolerable sufferings, and gazing upon hispaniola, whose mountains rose above the horizon, at eight leagues distance. in the cool of the evening they once more embarked, invigorated by repose, and arrived safely at cape tiburon on the following day, the fourth since their departure from jamaica. here they landed on the banks of a beautiful river, where they were kindly received and treated by the natives. such are the particulars, collected from different sources, of this adventurous and interesting voyage, on the precarious success of which depended the deliverance of columbus and his crews. [196] the voyagers remained for two days among the hospitable natives on the banks of the river to refresh themselves. fiesco would have returned to jamaica, according to promise, to give assurance to the admiral and his companions of the safe arrival of their messenger; but both spaniards and indians had suffered so much during the voyage, that nothing could induce them to encounter the perils of a return in the canoes. parting with his companions, diego mendez took six indians of the island, and set off resolutely to coast in his canoe one hundred and thirty leagues to san domingo. after proceeding for eighty leagues, with infinite toil, always against the currents, and subject to perils from the native tribes, he was informed that the governor had departed for xaragua, fifty leagues distant. still undaunted by fatigues and difficulties, he abandoned his canoe, and proceeded alone and on foot through forests and over mountains, until he arrived at xaragua, achieving one of the most perilous expeditions ever undertaken by a devoted follower for the safety of his commander. ovando received him with great kindness, expressing the utmost concern at the unfortunate situation of columbus. he made many promises of sending immediate relief, but suffered day after day, week after week, and even month after month to elapse, without carrying his promises into effect. he was at that time completely engrossed by wars with the natives, and had a ready plea that there were no ships of sufficient burden at san domingo. had he felt a proper zeal, however, for the safety of a man like columbus, it would have been easy, within eight months, to have devised some means, if not of delivering him from his situation, at least of conveying to him ample reinforcements and supplies. the faithful mendez remained for seven months in xaragua, detained there under various pretexts by ovando, who was unwilling that he should proceed to san domingo; partly, as is intimated, from his having some jealousy of his being employed in secret agency for the admiral, and partly from a desire to throw impediments in the way of his obtaining the required relief. at length, by daily importunity, he obtained permission to go to san domingo, and await the arrival of certain ships which were expected, of which he proposed to purchase one on account of the admiral. he immediately set out on foot a distance of seventy leagues, part of his toilsome journey lying through forests and among mountains infested by hostile and exasperated indians. it was after his departure that ovando dispatched the caravel commanded by the pardoned rebel escobar, on that singular and equivocal visit, which, in the eyes of columbus, had the air of a mere scouting expedition to spy into the camp of an enemy. chapter vi. overtures of columbus to the mutineers.--battle of the adelantado with porras and his followers. [1503.] when columbus had soothed the disappointment of his men at the brief and unsatisfactory visit and sudden departure of escobar he endeavored to turn the event to some advantage with the rebels. he knew them to be disheartened by the inevitable miseries attending a lawless and dissolute life; that many longed to return to the safe and quiet path of duty; and that the most malignant, seeing how he had foiled all their intrigues among the natives to produce a famine, began to fear his ultimate triumph and consequent vengeance. a favorable opportunity, he thought, now presented to take advantage of these feelings, and by gentle means to bring them back to their allegiance. he sent two of his people, therefore, who were most intimate with the rebels, to inform them of the recent arrival of escobar with letters from the governor of hispaniola, promising him a speedy deliverance from the island. he now offered a free pardon, kind treatment, and a passage with him in the expected ships, on condition of their immediate return to obedience. to convince them of the arrival of the vessel, he sent them a part of the bacon which had been brought by escobar. on the approach of these ambassadors, francisco de porras came forth to meet them, accompanied solely by a few of the ringleaders of his party. he imagined that there might be some propositions from the admiral, and he was fearful of their being heard by the mass of his people, who, in their dissatisfied and repentant mood, would be likely to desert him on the least prospect of pardon. having listened to the tidings and overtures brought by the messengers, he and his confidential confederates consulted for some time together. perfidious in their own nature, thev suspected the sincerity of the admiral; and conscious of the extent of their offences, doubted his having the magnanimity to pardon them. determined, therefore, not to confide in his proffered amnesty, they replied to the messengers, that they had no wish to return to the ships, but preferred living at large about the island. they offered to engage, however, to conduct themselves peaceably and amicably, on receiving a solemn promise from the admiral, that should two vessels arrive, they should have one to depart in: should but one arrive, that half of it should be granted to them; and that, moreover, the admiral should share with them the stores and articles of indian traffic remaining in the ships, having lost all that they had, in the sea. these demands were pronounced extravagant and inadmissible, upon which they replied insolently that, if they were not peaceably conceded, they would take them by force; and with this menace they dismissed the ambassadors. [197] this conference was not conducted so privately, but that the rest of the rebels learnt the purport of the mission; and the offer of pardon and deliverance occasioned great tumult and agitation. porras, fearful of their desertion, assured them that these offers of the admiral were all deceitful; that he was naturally cruel and vindictive, and only sought to get them into his power to wreak on them his vengeance. he exhorted them to persist in their opposition to his tyranny; reminding them, that those who had formerly done so in hispaniola, had eventually triumphed, and sent him home in irons; he assured them that they might do the same; and again made vaunting promises of protection in spain, through the influence of his relatives. but the boldest of his assertions was with respect to the caravel of escobar. it shows the ignorance of the age, and the superstitious awe which the common people entertained with respect to columbus and his astronomical knowledge. porras assured them that no real caravel had arrived, but a mere phantasm conjured up by the admiral, who was deeply versed in necromancy. in proof of this, he adverted to its arriving in the dusk of the evening; its holding communication 'with no one but the admiral, and its sudden disappearance in the night. had it been a real caravel, the crew would have sought to talk with their countrymen; the admiral, his son and brother, would have eagerly embarked on board, and it would at any rate have remained a little while in port, and not have vanished so suddenly and mysteriously. [198] by these, and similar delusions, porras succeeded in working upon the feelings and credulity of his followers. fearful, however, that they might yield to after reflection, and to further offers from the admiral, he determined to involve them in some act of violence which would commit them beyond all hopes of forgiveness. he marched them, therefore, to an indian village called maima, [199] about a quarter of a league from the ships, intending to plunder the stores remaining on board the wreck, and to take the admiral prisoner. [200] columbus had notice of the designs of the rebels, and of their approach. being confined by his infirmities, he sent his brother to endeavor with mild words to persuade them from their purpose, and win them to obedience; but with sufficient force to resist any violence. the adelantado, who was a man rather of deeds than of words, took with him fifty followers, men of tried resolution, and ready to fight in any cause. they were well armed and full of courage, though many were pale and debilitated from recent sickness, and from long confinement to the ships. arriving on the side of a hill, within a bow-shot of the village, the adelantado discovered the rebels, and dispatched the same two messengers to treat with them, who had already carried them the offer of pardon. porras and his fellow-leaders, however, would not permit them to approach. they confided in the superiority of their numbers, and in their men being, for the most part, hardy sailors, rendered robust and vigorous by the roving life they had been leading in the forests and the open air. they knew that many of those who were with the adelantado were men brought up in a softer mode of life. they pointed to their pale countenances, and persuaded their followers that they were mere household men, fair-weather troops, who could never stand before them. they did not reflect that, with such men, pride and lofty spirit often more than supply the place of bodily force, and they forgot that their adversaries had the incalculable advantage of justice and law upon their side. deluded by their words, their followers were excited to a transient glow of courage, and, brandishing their weapons, refused to listen to the messengers. six of the stoutest rebels made a league to stand by one another and attack the adelantado; for, he being killed, the rest would be easily defeated. the main body formed themselves into a squadron, drawing their swords and shaking their lances. they did not wait to be assailed, but, uttering shouts and menaces, rushed upon the enemy. they were so well received, however, that at the first shock four or five were killed, most of them the confederates who had leagued to attack the adelantado. the latter, with his own hand, killed juan sanchez, the same powerful mariner who had carried off the cacique quibian; and juan barber also, who had first drawn a sword against the admiral in this rebellion. the adelantado with his usual vigor and courage was dealing his blows about him in the thickest of the affray, where several lay killed and wounded, when he was assailed by francisco de porras. the rebel with a blow of his sword cleft the buckler of don bartholomew, and wounded the hand which grasped it. the sword remained wedged in the shield, and before porras could withdraw it, the adelantado closed upon him, grappled him, and, being assisted by others, after a severe struggle, took him prisoner. [201] when the rebels beheld their leader a captive, their transient courage was at an end, and they fled in confusion. the adelantado would have pursued them, but was persuaded to let them escape with the punishment they had received; especially as it was necessary to guard against the possibility of an attack from the indians. the latter had taken arms and drawn up in battle array, gazing with astonishment at this fight between white men, but without taking part on either side. when the battle was over, they approached the field, gazing upon the dead bodies of the beings they had once fancied immortal. they were curious in examining the wounds made by the christian weapons. among the wounded insurgents was pedro ledesma, the same pilot who so bravely swam ashore at veragua, to procure tidings of the colony. he was a man of prodigious muscular force and a hoarse deep voice. as the indians, who thought him dead, were inspecting the wounds with which he was literally covered, he suddenly uttered an ejaculation in his tremendous voice, at the sound of which the savages fled in dismay. this man, having fallen into a cleft or ravine, was not discovered by the white men until the dawning of the following day, having remained all that time without a drop of water. the number and severity of the wounds he is said to have received would seem incredible, but they are mentioned by fernando columbus, who was an eye-witness, and by las casas, who had the account from ledesma himself. for want of proper remedies, his wounds were treated in the roughest manner, yet, through the aid of a vigorous constitution, he completely recovered. las casas conversed with him several years afterwards at seville, when he obtained from him various particulars concerning this voyage of columbus. some few days after this conversation, however, he heard that ledesma had fallen under the knife of an assassin. [202] the adelantado returned in triumph to the ships, where he was received by the admiral in the most affectionate manner; thanking him as his deliverer. he brought porras and several of his followers prisoners. of his own party only two had been wounded; himself in the hand, and the admiral's steward, who had received an apparently slight wound with a lance, equal to one of the most insignificant of those with which ledesma was covered; yet, in spite of careful treatment, he died. on the next day, the 20th of may, the fugitives sent a petition to the admiral, signed with all their names, in which, says las casas, they confessed all their misdeeds, and cruelties, and evil intentions, supplicating the admiral to have pity on them and pardon them for their rebellion, for which god had already punished them. they offered to return to their obedience and to serve him faithfully in future, making an oath to that effect upon a cross and a missal, accompanied by an imprecation worthy of being recorded: "they hoped, should they break their oath, that no priest nor other christian might ever confess them; that repentance might be of no avail; that they might be deprived of the holy sacraments of the church; that at their death they might receive no benefit from bulls nor indulgences; that their bodies might be cast out into the fields like those of heretics and renegadoes, instead of being buried in holy ground; and that they might not receive absolution from the pope, nor from cardinals, nor archbishops, nor bishops, nor any other christian priests." [203] such were the awful imprecations by which these men endeavored to add validity to an oath. the worthlessness of a man's word may always be known by the extravagant means he uses to enforce it. the admiral saw, by the abject nature of this petition, how completely the spirit of these misguided men was broken; with his wonted magnanimity, he readily granted their prayer, and pardoned their offences; but on one condition, that their ringleader, francisco porras, should remain a prisoner. as it was difficult to maintain so many persons on board of the ships, and as quarrels might take place between persons who had so recently been at blows, columbus put the late followers of porras under the command of a discreet and faithful man; and giving in his charge a quantity of european articles for the purpose of purchasing food of the natives, directed him to forage about the island until the expected vessels should arrive. at length, after a long year of alternate hope and despondency, the doubts of the spaniards were joyfully dispelled by the sight of two vessels standing into the harbor. one proved to be a ship hired and well victualed, at the expense of the admiral, by the faithful and indefatigable diego mendez; the other had been subsequently fitted out by ovando, and put under the command of diego de salcedo, the admiral's agent employed to collect his rents in san domingo. the long neglect of ovando to attend to the relief of columbus had, it seems, roused the public indignation, insomuch that animadversions had been made upon his conduct even in the pulpits. this is affirmed by las casas, who was at san domingo at the time. if the governor had really entertained hopes that, during the delay of relief, columbus might perish in the island, the report brought back by escobar must have completely disappointed him. no time was to be lost if he wished to claim any merit in his deliverance, or to avoid the disgrace of having totally neglected him. he exerted himself, therefore, at the eleventh hour, and dispatched a caravel at the same time with the ship sent by diego mendez. the latter, having faithfully discharged this part of his mission, and seen the ships depart, proceeded to spain on the further concerns of the admiral. [204] book xvii. chapter i. administration of ovando in hispaniola.--oppression of the natives. [1503.] before relating the return of columbus to hispaniola, it is proper to notice some of the principal occurrences which took place in that island under the government of ovando. a great crowd of adventurers of various ranks had thronged his fleet--eager speculators, credulous dreamers, and broken-down gentlemen of desperate fortunes; all expecting to enrich themselves suddenly in an island where gold was to be picked up from the surface of the soil, or gathered from the mountain-brooks. they had scarcely landed, says las casas, who accompanied the expedition, when they all hurried off to the mines, about eight leagues distant. the roads swarmed like ant-hills, with adventurers of all classes. every one had his knapsack stored with biscuit or flour, and his mining implements on his shoulders. those hidalgos, or gentlemen, who had no servants to carry their burdens, bore them on their own backs, and lucky was he who had a horse for the journey; he would be able to bring back the greater load of treasure. they all set out in high spirits, eager who should first reach the golden land; thinking they had but to arrive at the mines, and collect riches; "for they fancied," says las casas, "that gold was to be gathered as easily and readily as fruit from the trees." when they arrived, however, they discovered, to their dismay, that it was necessary to dig painfully into the bowels of the earth--a labor to which most of them had never been accustomed; that it required experience and sagacity to detect the veins of ore; that, in fact, the whole process of mining was exceedingly toilsome, demanded vast patience and much experience, and, after all, was full of uncertainty. they digged eagerly for a time, but found no ore. they grew hungry, threw by their implements, sat down to eat, and then returned to work. it was all in vain. "their labor," says las casas, "gave them a keen appetite and quick digestion, but no gold." they soon consumed their provisions, exhausted their patience, cursed their infatuation, and in eight days set off drearily on their return along the roads they had lately trod so exultingly. they arrived at san domingo without an ounce of gold, half-famished, downcast, and despairing. [205] such is too often the case of those who ignorantly engage in mining--of all speculations the most brilliant, promising, and fallacious. poverty soon fell upon these misguided men. they exhausted the little property brought from spain. many suffered extremely from hunger, and were obliged to exchange even their apparel for bread. some formed connections with the old settlers of the island; but the greater part were like men lost and bewildered, and just awakened from a dream. the miseries of the mind, as usual, heightened the sufferings of the body. some wasted away and died broken-hearted; others were hurried off by raging fevers, so that there soon perished upwards of a thousand men. ovando was reputed a man of great prudence and sagacity, and he certainly took several judicious measures for the regulation of the island, and the relief of the colonists. he made arrangements for distributing the married persons and the families which had come out in his fleet, in four towns in the interior, granting them important privileges. he revived the drooping zeal for mining, by reducing the royal share of the product from one-half to a third, and shortly after to a fifth; but he empowered the spaniards to avail themselves, in the most oppressive manner, of the labor of the unhappy natives in working the mines. the charge of treating the natives with severity had been one of those chiefly urged against columbus. it is proper, therefore, to notice, in this respect, the conduct of his successor, a man chosen for his prudence, and his supposed capacity to govern. it will be recollected, that when columbus was in a manner compelled to assign lands to the rebellious followers of francisco roldan, in 1499, he had made an arrangement that the caciques in their vicinity should, in lieu of tribute, furnish a number of their subjects to assist them in cultivating their estates. this, as has been observed, was the commencement of the disastrous system of repartimientos, or distributions of indians. when bobadilla administered the government, he constrained the caciques to furnish a certain number of indians to each spaniard, for the purpose of working the mines; where they were employed like beasts of burden. he made an enumeration of the natives, to prevent evasion; reduced them into classes, and distributed them among the spanish inhabitants. the enormous oppressions which ensued have been noticed. they roused the indignation of isabella; and when ovando was sent out to supersede bobadilla, in 1502, the natives were pronounced free; they immediately refused to labor in the mines. ovando represented to the spanish sovereigns, in 1503, that ruinous consequences resulted to the colony from this entire liberty granted to the indians. he stated that the tribute could not be collected, for the indians were lazy and improvident; that they could only be kept from vices and irregularities by occupation; that they now kept aloof from the spaniards, and from all instruction in the christian faith. the last representation had an influence with isabella, and drew a letter from the sovereigns to ovando, in 1503, in which he was ordered to spare no pains to attach the natives to the spanish nation and the catholic religion. to make them labor moderately, if absolutely essential to their own good; but to temper authority with persuasion and kindness. to pay them regularly and fairly for their labor, and to have them instructed in religion on certain days. ovando availed himself of the powers given him by this letter, to their fullest extent. he assigned to each castilian a certain number of indians, according to the quality of the applicant, the nature of the application, or his own pleasure. it was arranged in the form of an order on a cacique for a certain number of indians, who were to be paid by their employer, and instructed in the catholic faith. the pay was so small as to be little better than nominal; the instruction was little more than the mere ceremony of baptism; and the term of labor was at first six months, and then eight months in the year. under cover of this hired labor, intended for the good both of their bodies and their souls, more intolerable toil was exacted from them, and more horrible cruelties were inflicted, than in the worst days of bobadilla. they were separated often the distance of several days' journey from their wives and children, and doomed to intolerable labor of all kinds, extorted by the cruel infliction of the lash. for food they had the cassava bread, an unsubstantial support for men obliged to labor; sometimes a scanty portion of pork was distributed among a great number of them, scarce a mouthful to each. when the spaniards who superintended the mines were at their repast, says las casas, the famished indians scrambled under the table, like dogs, for any bone thrown to them. after they had gnawed and sucked it, they pounded it between stones and mixed it with their cassava bread, that nothing of so precious a morsel might be lost. as to those who labored in the fields, they never tasted either flesh or fish; a little cassava bread and a few roots were their support. while the spaniards thus withheld the nourishment necessary to sustain their health and strength, they exacted a degree of labor sufficient to break down the most vigorous man. if the indians fled from this incessant toil and barbarous coercion, and took refuge in the mountains, they were hunted out like wild beasts, scourged in the most inhuman manner, and laden with chains to prevent a second escape. many perished long before their term of labor had expired. those who survived their term of six or eight months, were permitted to return to their homes, until the next term commenced. but their homes were often forty, sixty, and eighty leagues distant. they had nothing to sustain them through the journey but a few roots or agi peppers, or a little cassava bread. worn down by long toil and cruel hardships, which their feeble constitutions were incapable of sustaining, many had not strength to perform the journey, but sank down and died by the way; some by the side of a brook, others under the shade of a tree, where they had crawled for shelter from the sun. "i have found many dead in the road," says las casas, "others gasping under the trees, and others in the pangs of death, faintly crying, hunger! hunger!" [206] those who reached their homes most commonly found them desolate. during the eight months they had been absent, their wives and children had either perished or wandered away; the fields on which they depended for food were overrun with weeds, and nothing was left them but to lie down, exhausted and despairing, and die at the threshold of their habitations. [207] it is impossible to pursue any further the picture drawn by the venerable las casas, not of what he had heard, but of what he had seen; nature and humanity revolt at the details. suffice it to say that, so intolerable were the toils and sufferings inflicted upon this weak and unoffending race, that they sank under them, dissolving, as it were, from the face of the earth. many killed themselves in despair, and even mothers overcame the powerful instinct of nature, and destroyed the infants at their breasts, to spare them a life of wretchedness. twelve years had not elapsed since the discovery of the island, and several hundred thousand of its native inhabitants had perished, miserable victims to the grasping avarice of the white men. chapter ii. massacre at xaragua.--fate of anacaona. [1503.] the sufferings of the natives under the civil policy of ovando have been briefly shown; it remains to give a concise view of the military operations of this commander, so lauded by certain of the early historians for his prudence. by this notice a portion of the eventful history of this island will be recounted which is connected with the fortunes of columbus, and which comprises the thorough subjugation, and, it may also be said, extermination of the native inhabitants. and first, we must treat of the disasters of the beautiful province of xaragua, the seat of hospitality, the refuge of the suffering spaniards; and of the fate of the female cacique, anacaona, once the pride of the island, and the generous friend of white men. behechio, the ancient cacique of this province, being dead, anacaona, his sister, had succeeded to the government. the marked partiality which she once manifested for the spaniards had been greatly weakened by the general misery they had produced in her country; and by the brutal profligacy exhibited in her immediate dominions by the followers of roldan. the unhappy story of the loves of her beautiful daughter higuenamota, with the young spaniard hernando de guevara, had also caused her great affliction; and, finally, the various and enduring hardships inflicted on her once happy subjects by the grinding systems of labor enforced by bobadilla and ovando, had at length, it is said, converted her friendship into absolute detestation. this disgust was kept alive and aggravated by the spaniards who lived in her immediate neighborhood, and had obtained grants of land there; a remnant of the rebel faction of roldan, who retained the gross licentiousness and open profligacy in which they had been indulged under the loose misrule of that commander, and who made themselves odious to the inferior caciques, by exacting services tyrannically and capriciously under the baneful system of repartimientos. the indians of this province were uniformly represented as a more intelligent, polite, and generous-spirited race than any others of the islands. they were the more prone to feel and resent the overbearing treatment to which they were subjected. quarrels sometimes took place between the caciques and their oppressors. these were immediately reported to the governor as dangerous mutinies; and a resistance to any capricious and extortionate exaction was magnified into a rebellious resistance to the authority of government. complaints of this kind were continually pouring in upon ovando, until he was persuaded by some alarmist, or some designing mischief-maker, that there was a deep-laid conspiracy among the indians of this province to rise upon the spaniards. ovando immediately set out for xaragua at the head of three hundred foot-soldiers, armed with swords, arquebuses, and cross-bows, and seventy horsemen, with cuirasses, bucklers, and lances. he pretended that he was going on a mere visit of friendship to anacaona, and to make arrangements about the payment of tribute. when anacaona heard of the intended visit, she summoned all her tributary caciques, and principal subjects, to assemble at her chief town, that they might receive the commander of the spaniards with becoming homage and distinction. as ovando, at the head of his little army, approached, she went forth to meet him, according to the custom of her nation, attended by a great train of her most distinguished subjects, male and female; who, as has been before observed, were noted for superior grace and beauty. they received the spaniards with their popular areytos, their national songs; the young women waving palm branches and dancing before them, in the way that had so much charmed the followers of the adelantado, on his first visit to the province. anacaona treated the governor with that natural graciousness and dignity for which she was celebrated. she gave him the largest house in the place for his residence, and his people were quartered in the houses adjoining. for several days the spaniards were entertained with all the natural luxuries that the province aiforded. national songs and dances and games were performed for their amusement, and there was every outward demonstration of the same hospitality, the same amity, that anacaona had uniformly shown to white men. notwithstanding all this kindness, and notwithstanding her uniform integrity of conduct, and open generosity of character, ovando was persuaded that anacaoua was secretly meditating a massacre of himself and his followers. historians tell us nothing of the grounds for such a belief. it was too probably produced by the misrepresentations of the unprincipled adventurers who infested the province. ovando should have paused and reflected before he acted upon it. he should have considered the improbability of such an attempt by naked indians against so large a force of steel-clad troops, armed with european weapons: and he should have reflected upon the general character and conduct of anacaona. at any rate, the example set repeatedly by columbus and his brother the adelantado, should have convinced him that it was a sufficient safeguard against the machinations of the natives, to seize upon their caciques and detain them as hostages. the policy of ovando, however, was of a more rash and sanguinary nature; he acted upon suspicion as upon conviction. he determined to anticipate the alleged plot by a counter-artifice, and to overwhelm this defenceless people in an indiscriminate and bloody vengeance. as the indians had entertained their guests with various national games, ovando invited them in return to witness certain games of his country. among these was a tilting match or joust with reeds; a chivalrous game which the spaniards had learnt from the moors of granada. the spanish cavalry, in those days, were as remarkable for the skillful management, as for the ostentatious caparison of their horses. among the troops brought out from spain by ovando, one horseman had disciplined his horse to prance and curvet in time to the music of a viol. [208] the joust was appointed to take place of a sunday after dinner, in the public square, before the house where ovando was quartered. the cavalry and foot-soldiers had their secret instructions. the former were to parade, not merely with reeds or blunted tilting lances, but with weapons of a more deadly character. the foot-soldiers were to come apparently as mere spectators, but likewise armed and ready for action at a concerted signal. at the appointed time the square was crowded with the indians, waiting to see this military spectacle. the caciques were assembled in the house of ovando, which looked upon the square. none were armed; an unreserved confidence prevailed among them, totally incompatible with the dark treachery of which they were accused. to prevent all suspicion, and take off all appearance of sinister design, ovando, after dinner, was playing at quoits with some of his principal officers, when the cavalry having arrived in the square, the caciques begged the governor to order the joust to commence. [209] anacaona, and her beautiful daughter higuenamota, with several of her female attendants, were present and joined in the request. ovando left his game and came forward to a conspicuous place. when he saw that every thing was disposed according to his orders, he gave the fatal signal. some say it was by taking hold of a piece of gold which was suspended about his neck; [210] others by laying his hand on the cross of alcantara, which was embroidered on his habit. [211] a trumpet was immediately sounded. the house in which anacaona and all the principal caciques were assembled was surrounded by soldiery, commanded by diego velasquez and rodrigo mexiatrillo, and no one was permitted to escape. they entered, and seizing upon the caciques, bound them to the posts which supported the roof. anacaona was led forth a prisoner. the unhappy caciques were then put to horrible tortures, until some of them, in the extremity of anguish, were made to accuse their queen and themselves of the plot with which they were charged. when this cruel mockery of judicial form had been executed, instead of preserving them for after-examination, fire was set to the house, and all the caciques perished miserably in the flames. while these barbarities were practised upon the chieftains, a horrible massacre took place among the populace. at the signal of ovando, the horsemen rushed into the midst of the naked and defenceless throng, trampling them under the hoofs of their steeds, cutting them down with their swords, and transfixing them with their spears. no mercy was shown to age or sex; it was a savage and indiscriminate butchery. now and then a spanish horseman, either through an emotion of pity, or an impulse of avarice, caught up a child, to bear it off in safety; but it was barbarously pierced by the lances of his companions. humanity turns with horror from such atrocities, and would fain discredit them; but they are circumstantially and still more minutely recorded by the venerable bishop las casas, who was resident in the island at the time, and conversant with the principal actors in this tragedy. he may have colored the picture strongly, in his usual indignation when the wrongs of the indians are in question; yet, from all concurring accounts, and from many precise facts which speak for themselves, the scene must have been most sanguinary and atrocious. oviedo, who is loud in extolling the justice, and devotion, and charity, and meekness of ovando, and his kind treatment of the indians; and who visited the province of xaragua a few years afterwards, records several of the preceding circumstances; especially the cold-blooded game of quoits played by the governor on the verge of such a horrible scene, and the burning of the caciques, to the number, he says, of more than forty. diego mendez, who was at xaragua at the time, and doubtless present on such an important occasion, says incidentally, in his last will and testament, that there were eighty-four caciques either burnt or hanged. [212] las casas says, that there were eighty who entered the house with anacaona. the slaughter of the multitude must have been great; and this was inflicted on an unarmed and unresisting throng. several who escaped from the massacre fled in their canoes to an island about eight leagues distant, called guanabo. they were pursued and taken, and condemned to slavery. as to the princess anacaona, she was carried in chains to san domingo. the mockery of a trial was given her, in which she was found guilty on the confessions wrung by tortures from her subjects, and on the testimony of their butchers; and she was ignominiously hanged in the presence of the people whom she had so long and so signally befriended. [213] oviedo has sought to throw a stigma on the character of this unfortunate princess, accusing her of great licentiousness; but he was prone to criminate the character of the native princes, who fell victims to the ingratitude and injustice of his countrymen. contemporary writers of greater authority have concurred in representing anacaona as remarkable for her native propriety and dignity. she was adored by her subjects, so as to hold a kind of dominion over them even during the lifetime of her brother; she is said to have been skilled in composing the areytos, or legendary ballads of her nation, and may have conduced much towards producing that superior degree of refinement remarked among her people. her grace and beauty had made her renowned throughout the island, and had excited the admiration both of the savage and the spaniard. her magnanimous spirit was evinced in her amicable treatment of the white men, although her husband, the brave caonabo, had perished a prisoner in their hands; and defenceless parties of them had been repeatedly in her power, and lived at large in her dominions. after having, for several years, neglected all safe opportunities of vengeance, she fell a victim to the absurd charge of having conspired against an armed body of nearly four hundred men, seventy of them horsemen; a force sufficient to have subjugated large armies of naked indians. after the massacre of xaragua, the destruction of its inhabitants still continued. the favorite nephew of anacaona, the cacique guaora, who had fled to the mountains, was hunted like a wild beast, until he was taken, and likewise hanged. for six months the spaniards continued ravaging the country with horse and foot, under pretext of quelling insurrections; for, wherever the affrighted natives took refuge in their despair, herding in dismal caverns and in the fastnesses of the mountains, they were represented as assembling in arms to make a head of rebellion. having at length hunted them out of their retreats, destroyed many, and reduced the survivors to the most deplorable misery and abject submission, the whole of that part of the island was considered as restored to good order; and in commemoration of this great triumph, ovando founded a town near to the lake, which he called santa maria de la verdadera paz (st. mary of the true peace). [214] such is the tragical history of the delightful region of xaragua, and of its amiable and hospitable people. a place which the europeans, by their own account, found a perfect paradise, but which, by their vile passions, they filled with horror and desolation. chapter iii. war with the natives of higuey. [1504.] the subjugation of four of the indian sovereignties of hispaniola, and the disastrous fate of their caciques, have been already related. under the administration of ovando, was also accomplished the downfall of higuey, the last of those independent districts; a fertile province which comprised the eastern extremity of the island. the people of higuey were of a more warlike spirit than those of the other provinces, having learned the effectual use of their weapons, from frequent contests with their carib invaders. they were governed by a cacique named cotabanama. las casas describes this chieftain from actual observation, and draws the picture of a native hero. he was, he says, the strongest of his tribe, and more perfectly formed than one man in a thousand of any nation whatever. he was taller in stature than the tallest of his countrymen, a yard in breadth from shoulder to shoulder, and the rest of his body in admirable proportion. his aspect was not handsome, but grave and courageous. his bow was not easily bent by a common man; his arrows were three-pronged, tipped with the bones of fishes, and his weapons appeared to be intended for a giant. in a word, he was so nobly proportioned, as to be the admiration even of the spaniards. while cloumbus was engaged in his fourth voyage, and shortly after the accession of ovando to office, there was an insurrection of this cacique and his people. a shallop, with eight spaniards, was surprised at the small island of saona, adjacent to higuey, and all the crew slaughtered. this was in revenge for the death of a cacique, torn to pieces by a dog wantonly set upon him by a spaniard, and for which the natives had in vain sued for redress. ovando immediately dispatched juan de esquibel, a courageous officer, at the head of four hundred men, to quell the insurrection, and punish the massacre. cotabanama assembled his warriors, and prepared for vigorous resistance. distrustful of the mercy of the spaniards, the chieftain rejected all overtures of peace, and the war was prosecuted with some advantage to the natives. the indians had now overcome their superstitious awe of the white men as supernatural beings, and though they could ill withstand the superiority of european arms, they manifested a courage and dexterity that rendered them enemies not to be despised. las casas and other historians relate a bold and romantic encounter between a single indian and two mounted cavaliers named valtenebro and portevedra, in which the indian, though pierced through the body by the lances and swords of both his assailants, retained his fierceness, and continued the combat, until he fell dead in the possession of all their weapons. [215] this gallant action, says las casas, was public and notorious. the indians were soon defeated and driven to their mountain retreats. the spaniards pursued them into their recesses, discovered their wives and children, wreaked on them the most indiscriminate slaughter, and committed their chieftains to the flames. an aged female cacique of great distinction, named higuanama, being taken prisoner, was hanged. a detachment was sent in a caravel to the island of saona, to take particular vengeance for the destruction of the shallop and its crew. the natives made a desperate defence and fled. the island was mountainous, and full of caverns, in which the indians vainly sought for refuge. six or seven hundred were imprisoned in a dwelling, and all put to the sword or poniarded. those of the inhabitants who were spared were carried off as slaves; and the island was left desolate and deserted. the natives of higuey were driven to despair, seeing that there was no escape for them even in the bowels of the earth: [216] they sued for peace, which was granted them, and protection promised on condition of their cultivating a large tract of land, and paying a great quantity of bread in tribute. the peace being concluded, cotabanama visited the spanish camp, where his gigantic proportions and martial demeanor made him an object of curiosity and admiration. he was received with great distinction by esquibel, and they exchanged names; an indian league of fraternity and perpetual friendship. the natives thenceforward called the cacique juan de esquibel, and the spanish commander cotabanama. esquibel then built a wooden fortress in an indian village near the sea, and left in it nine men, with a captain named martin de villaman. after this, the troops dispersed, every man returning home, with his proportion of slaves gained in this expedition. the pacification was not of long continuance, about the time that succors were sent to columbus, to rescue him from the wrecks of his vessels at jamaica, a new revolt broke out in higuey, in consequence of the oppressions of the spaniards, and a violation of the treaty made by esquibel. martin de villaman demanded that the natives should not only raise the grain stipulated for by the treaty, but convey it to san domingo, and he treated them with the greatest severity on their refusal. he connived also at the licentious conduct of his men towards the indian women; the spaniards often taking from the natives their daughters and sisters, and even their wives. [217] the indians, roused at last to fury, rose on their tyrants, slaughtered them, and burnt their wooden fortress to the ground. only one of the spaniards escaped, and bore the tidings of this catastrophe to the city of san domingo. ovando gave immediate orders to carry fire and sword into the province of higuey. the spanish troops mustered from various quarters on the confines of that province, when juan de esquibel took the command, and had a great number of indians with him as allies. the towns of higuey were generally built among the mountains. those mountains rose in terraces, from ten to fifteeen leagues in length and breadth; rough and rocky, interspersed with glens of a red soil, remarkably fertile, where they raised their cassava bread. the ascent from terrace to terrace was about fifty feet; steep and precipitous, formed of the living rock, and resembling a wall wrought with tools into rough diamond points. each village had four wide streets, a stone's throw in length, forming a cross, the trees being cleared away from them, and from a public square in the centre. when the spanish troops arrived on the frontiers, alarm-fires along the mountains and columns of smoke spread the intelligence by night and day. the old men, the women, and children, were sent off to the forests and caverns, and the warriors prepared for battle. the castilians paused in one of the plains clear of forests, where their horses could be of use. they made prisoners of several of the natives, and tried to learn from them the plans and forces of the enemy. they applied tortures for the purpose, but in vain, so devoted was the loyalty of these people to their caciques. the spaniards penetrated into the interior. they found the warriors of several towns assembled in one, and drawn up in the streets with their bows and arrows, but perfectly naked, and without defensive armor. they uttered tremendous yells, and discharged a shower of arrows; but from such a distance, that they fell short of their foe. the spaniards replied with their cross-bows, and with two or three arquebuses, for at this time they had but few firearms. when the indians saw several of their comrades fall dead, they took to flight, rarely waiting for the attack with swords: some of the wounded, in whose bodies the arrows from the cross-bows had penetrated to the very feather, drew them out with their hands, broke them with their teeth, and hurling them at the spaniards with impotent fury, fell dead upon the spot. the whole force of the indians was routed and dispersed, each family, or band of neighbors, fled in its own direction, and concealed itself in the fastness of the mountains. the spaniards pursued them, but found the chase difficult amidst the close forests, and the broken and stony heights. they took several prisoners as guides, and inflicted incredible torments on them, to compel them to betray their countrymen. they drove them before them, secured by cords fastened round their necks; and some of them, as they passed along the brinks of precipices, suddenly threw themselves headlong down, in hopes of dragging after them the spaniards. when at length the pursuers came upon the unhappy indians in their concealments, they spared neither age nor sex; even pregnant women, and mothers with infants in their arms, fell beneath their merciless swords. the cold-blooded acts of cruelty which followed this first slaughter would be shocking to relate. hence esquibel marched to attack the town where cotabanama resided, and where that cacique had collected a great force to resist him. he proceeded direct for the place along the sea-coast, and came to where two roads led up the mountain to the town. one of the roads was open and inviting; the branches of the trees being lopped, and all the underwood cleared away. here the indians had stationed an ambuscade to take the spaniards in the rear. the other road was almost closed up by trees and bushes cut down and thrown across each other. esquibel was wary and distrustful; he suspected the stratagem, and chose the encumbered road. the town was about a league and a half from the sea. the spaniards made their way with great difficulty for the first half league. the rest of the road was free from all embarrassment, which confirmed their suspicion of a stratagem. they now advanced with great rapidity, and, having arrived near the village, suddenly turned into the other road, took the party in ambush by surprise, and made great havoc among them with their cross-bows. the warriors now sallied from their concealment, others rushed out of the houses into the streets, and discharged flights of arrows, but from such a distance as generally to fall harmless. they then approached nearer, and hurled stones with their hands, being unacquainted with the use of slings. instead of being dismayed at seeing their companions fall, it rather increased their fury. an irregular battle, probably little else than wild skirmishing and bush-fighting, was kept up from two o'clock in the afternoon until night. las casas was present on the occasion, and, from his account, the indians must have shown instances of great personal bravery, though the inferiority of their weapons, and the want of all defensive armor, rendered their valor totally ineffectual. as the evening shut in, their hostilities gradually ceased, and they disappeared in the profound gloom and close thickets of the surrounding forest. a deep silence succeeded to their yells and war-whoops, and throughout the night the spaniards remained in undisturbed possession of the village. chapter iv. close of the war with higuey.--fate of cotabanama. [1504.] on the morning after the battle, not an indian was to be seen. finding that even their great chief, cotabanama, was incapable of vying with the prowess of the white men, they had given up the contest in despair, and fled to the mountains. the spaniards, separating into small parties, hunted them with the utmost diligence; their object was to seize the caciques, and, above all, cotabanama. they explored all the glens and concealed paths leading into the wild recesses where the fugitives had taken refuge. the indians were cautious and stealthy in their mode of retreating, treading in each other's foot-prints, so that twenty would make no more track than one, and stepping so lightly as scarce to disturb the herbage; yet there were spaniards so skilled in hunting indians, that they could trace them even by the turn of a withered leaf, and among the confused tracks of a thousand animals. they could scent afar off, also, the smoke of the fires which the indians made whenever they halted, and thus they would come upon them in their most secret haunts. sometimes they would hunt down a straggling indian, and compel him, by torments, to betray the hiding-place of his companions, binding him and driving him before them as a guide. wherever they discovered one of these places of refuge, filled with the aged and the infirm, with feeble women and helpless children, they massacred them without mercy. they wished to inspire terror throughout the land, and to frighten the whole tribe into submission. they cut off the hands of those whom they took roving at large, and sent them, as they said, to deliver them as letters to their friends, demanding their surrender. numberless were those, says las casas, whose hands were amputated in this manner, and many of them sank down and died by the way, through anguish and loss of blood. the conquerors delighted in exercising strange and ingenious cruelties. they mingled horrible levity with their blood-thirstiness. they erected gibbets long and low, so that the feet of the sufferers might reach the ground, and their death be lingering. they hanged thirteen together, in reverence, says the indignant las casas, of our blessed saviour and the twelve apostles. while their victims were suspended, and still living, they hacked them with their swords, to prove the strength of their arms and the edge of their weapons. they wrapped them in dry straw, and setting fire to it, terminated their existence by the fiercest agony. these are horrible details, yet a veil is drawn over others still more detestable. they are related circumstantially by las casas, who was an eye-witness. he was young at the time, but records them in his advanced years. "all these things," says the venerable bishop, "and others revolting to human nature, did my own eyes behold; and now i almost fear to repeat them, scarce believing myself, or whether i have not dreamt them." [218] these details would have been withheld from the present work as disgraceful to human nature, and from an unwillingness to advance any thing which might convey a stigma upon a brave and generous nation. but it would be a departure from historical veracity, having the documents before my eyes, to pass silently over transactions so atrocious, and vouched for by witnesses beyond all suspicion of falsehood. such occurrences show the extremity to which human cruelty may extend, when stimulated by avidity of gain; by a thirst of vengeance; or even by a perverted zeal in the holy cause of religion. every nation has in turn furnished proofs of this disgraceful truth. as in the present instance, they are commonly the crimes of individuals rather than of the nation. yet it behooves governments to keep a vigilant eye upon those to whom they delegate power in remote and helpless colonies. it is the imperious duty of the historian to place these matters upon record, that they may serve as warning beacons to future generations. juan de esquibel found that, with all his severities, it would be impossible to subjugate the tribe of higuey, as long as the cacique cotabanama was at large. that chieftain had retired to the little island of saona, about two leagues from the coast of higuey, in the centre of which, amidst a labyrinth of rocks and forests, he had taken shelter with his wife and children in a vast cavern. a caravel, recently arrived from the city of san domingo with supplies for the camp, was employed by esquibel to entrap the cacique. he knew that the latter kept a vigilant look-out, stationing scouts upon the lofty rocks of his island to watch the movements of the caravel. esquibel departed by night, therefore, in the vessel, with fifty followers, and keeping under the deep shadows cast by the land, arrived at saona unperceived, at the dawn of morning. here he anchored close in with the shore, hid by its cliffs and forests, and landed forty men, before the spies of cotabanama had taken their station. two of these were surprised and brought to esquibel, who, having learnt from them that the cacique was at hand, poniarded one of the spies, and bound the other, making him serve as guide. a number of spaniards ran in advance, each anxious to signalize himself by the capture of the cacique. they came to two roads, and the whole party pursued that to the right, excepting one juan lopez, a powerful man, skillful in indian warfare. he proceeded in a footpath to the left, winding among little hills, so thickly wooded that it was impossible to see any one at the distance of half a bow-shot. suddenly, in a narrow pass, overshadowed by rocks and trees, he encountered twelve indian warriors, armed with bows and arrows, and following each other in single file according to their custom. the indians were confounded at the sight of lopez, imagining that there must be a party of soldiers behind him. they might readily have transfixed him with their arrows, but they had lost all presence of mind. he demanded their chieftain. they replied that he was behind, and, opening to let him pass, lopez beheld the cacique in the rear. at sight of the spaniard, cotabanama bent his gigantic bow, and was on the point of launching one of his three-pronged arrows, but lopez rushed upon him and wounded him with his sword. the other indians, struck with panic, had already fled. cotabanama, dismayed at the keenness of the sword, cried out that he was juan de esquibel, claiming respect as having exchanged names with the spanish commander. lopez seized him with one hand by the hair, and with the other aimed a thrust at his body; but the cacique struck down the sword with his hand, and, grappling with his antagonist, threw him with his back upon the rocks. as they were both men of great power, the struggle was long and violent. the sword was beneath them, but cotabanama, seizing the spaniard by the throat with his mighty hand, attempted to strangle him. the sound of the contest brought the other spaniards to the spot. they found their companion writhing and gasping, and almost dead, in the gripe of the gigantic indian. they seized the cacique, bound him, and carried him captive to a deserted indian village in the vicinity. they found the way to his secret cave, but his wife and children, having received notice of his capture by the fugitive indians, had taken refuge in another part of the island. in the cavern was found the chain with which a number of indian captives had been bound, who had risen upon and slain three spaniards who had them in charge, and had made their escape to this island. there were also the swords of the same spaniards, which they had brought off as trophies to their cacique. the chain was now employed to manacle cotabanama. the spaniards prepared to execute the chieftain on the spot, in the centre of the deserted village. for this purpose a pyre was built of logs of wood laid crossways, in form of a gridiron, on which he was to be slowly broiled to death. on further consultation, however, they were induced to forego the pleasure of this horrible sacrifice. perhaps they thought the cacique too important a personage to be executed thus obscurely. granting him, therefore, a transient reprieve, they conveyed him to the caravel, and sent him, bound with heavy chains, to san domingo. ovando saw him in his power, and incapable of doing further harm; but he had not the magnanimity to forgive a fallen enemy, whose only crime was the defence of his native soil and lawful territority. he ordered him to be publicly hanged like a common culprit. [219] in this ignominious manner was the cacique cotabanama executed, the last of the five sovereign princes of hayti. his death was followed by the complete subjugation of his people, and sealed the last struggle of the natives against their oppressors. the island was almost unpeopled of its original inhabitants, and meek and mournful submission and mute despair settled upon the scanty remnant that survived. such was the ruthless system which had been pursued, during the absence of the admiral, by the commander ovando; this man of boasted prudence and moderation, who was sent to reform the abuses of the island, and above all, to redress the wrongs of the natives. the system of columbus may have borne hard upon the indians, born and brought up in untasked freedom, but it was never cruel nor sanguinary. he inflicted no wanton massacres nor vindictive punishments; his desire was to cherish and civilize the indians, and to render them useful subjects; not to oppress, and persecute, and destroy them. when he beheld the desolation that had swept them from the land during his suspension from authority, he could not restrain the strong expression of his feelings. in a letter written to the king after his return to spain, he thus expresses himself on the subject: "the indians of hispaniola were and are the riches of the island; for it is they who cultivate and make the bread and the provisions for the christians; who dig the gold from the mines, and perform all the offices and labors both of men and beasts. i am informed that, since i left this island, six parts out of seven of the natives are dead; all through ill treatment and inhumanity; some by the sword, others by blows and cruel usage, others through hunger. the greater part have perished in the mountains and glens, whither they had fled, from not being able to support the labor imposed upon them." for his own part, he added, although he had sent many indians to spain to be sold, it was always with a view to their being instructed in the christian faith, and in civilized arts and usages, and afterwards sent back to their island to assist in civilizing their countrymen. [220] the brief view that has been given of the policy of ovando, on certain points on which columbus was censured, may enable the reader to judge more correctly of the conduct of the latter. it is not to be measured by the standard of right and wrong established in the present more enlightened age. we must consider him in connection with the era in which he lived. by comparing his measures with those men of his own times praised for their virtues and abilities, placed in precisely his own situation, and placed there expressly to correct his faults, we shall be the better able to judge how virtuously and wisely, under the peculiar circumstances of the case, he may be considered to have governed. book xviii. chapter i. departure of columbus for san domingo.--his return to spain. the arrival at jamaica of the two vessels under the command of salcedo had caused a joyful reverse in the situation of columbus. he hastened to leave the wreck in which he had been so long immured, and hoisting his flag on board of one of the ships, felt as if the career of enterprise and glory were once more open to him. the late partisans of porras, when they heard of the arrival of the ships, came wistful and abject to the harbor, doubting how far they might trust to the magnanimity of a man whom they had so greatly injured, and who had now an opportunity of vengeance. the generous mind, however, never harbors revenge in the hour of returning prosperity; but feels noble satisfaction in sharing its happiness even with its enemies. columbus forgot, in his present felicity, all that he had suffered from these men; he ceased to consider them enemies, now that they had lost the power to injure; and he not only fulfilled all that he had promised them, by taking them on board the ships, but relieved their necessities from his own purse, until their return to spain; and afterwards took unwearied pains to recommend them to the bounty of the sovereigns. francisco porras alone continued a prisoner, to be tried by the tribunals of his country. oviedo assures us that the indians wept when they beheld the departure of the spaniards; still considering them as beings from the skies. from the admiral, it is true, they had experienced nothing but just and gentle treatment, and continual benefits; and the idea of his immediate influence with the deity, manifested on the memorable occasion of the eclipse, may have made them consider him as more than human, and his presence as propitious to their island; but it is not easy to believe that a lawless gang like that of porras, could have been ranging for months among their villages, without giving cause for the greatest joy at their departure. on the 28th of june the vessels set sail for san domingo. the adverse winds and currents which had opposed columbus throughout this ill-starred expedition, still continued to harass him. after a weary struggle of several weeks, he reached, on the 3d of august, the little island of beata, on the coast of hispaniola. between this place and san domingo the currents are so violent, that vessels are often detained months, waiting for sufficient wind to enable them to stem the stream. hence columbus dispatched a letter by land to ovando, to inform him of his approach, and to remove certain absurd suspicions of his views, which he had learnt from salcedo were still entertained by the governor; who feared his arrival in the island might produce factions and disturbances. in this letter he expresses, with his usual warmth and simplicity, the joy he felt at his, deliverance, which was so great, he says, that, since the arrival of diego de salcedo with succor, he had scarcely been able to sleep. the letter had barely time to precede the writer, for, a favorable wind springing up, the vessels again made sail, and, on the 13th of august, anchored in the harbor of san domingo. if it is the lot of prosperity to awaken envy and excite detraction, it is certainly the lot of misfortune to atone for a multitude of faults. san domingo had been the very hot-bed of sedition against columbus in the day of his power; he had been hurried from it in ignominious chains, amidst the shouts and taunts of the triumphant rabble; he had been excluded from its harbor, when, as commander of a squadron, he craved shelter from an impending tempest; but now that he arrived in its waters, a broken-down and shipwrecked man, all past hostility was overpowered by the popular sense of his late disasters. there was a momentary burst of enthusiasm in his favor; what had been denied to his merits was granted to his misfortunes; and even the envious, appeased by his present reverses, seemed to forgive him for having once been so triumphant. the governor and principal inhabitants came forth to meet him, and received him with signal distinction. he was lodged as a guest in the house of ovando, who treated him with the utmost courtesy and attention. the governor was a shrewd and discreet man, and much of a courtier; but there were causes of jealousy and distrust between him and columbus too deep to permit of cordial intercourse. the admiral and his son fernando always pronounced the civility of ovando overstrained and hypocritical; intended to obliterate the remembrance of past neglect, and to conceal lurking enmity. while he professed the utmost friendship and sympathy for the admiral, he set at liberty the traitor porras, who was still a prisoner, to be taken to spain for trial. he also talked of punishing those of the admiral's people who had taken arms in his defence, and in the affray at jamaica had killed several of the mutineers. these circumstances were loudly complained of by columbus; but, in fact, they rose out of a question of jurisdiction between him and the governor. their powers were so undefined as to clash with each other, and they were both disposed to be extremely punctilious. ovando assumed a right to take cognizance of all transactions at jamaica; as happening within the limits of his government, which included all the islands and terra firma. columbus, on the other hand, asserted the absolute command, and the jurisdiction both civil and criminal given to him by the sovereigns, over all persons who sailed in his expedition, from the time of departure until their return to spain. to prove this, he produced his letter of instructions. the governor heard him with great courtesy and a smiling countenance; but observed, that the letter of instructions gave him no authority within the bounds of his government. [221] he relinquished the idea, however, of investigating the conduct of the followers of columbus, and sent porras to spain, to be examined by the board which had charge of the affairs of the indies. the sojourn of columbus at san domingo was but little calculated to yield him satisfaction. he was grieved at the desolation of the island by the oppressive treatment of the natives, and the horrible massacre which had been perpetrated by ovando and his agents. he had fondly hoped, at one time, to render the natives civilized, industrious, and tributary subjects to the crown, and to derive from their well-regulated labor a great and steady revenue. how different had been the event! the five great tribes which peopled the mountains and the valleys at the time of the discovery, and rendered, by their mingled towns and villages and tracts of cultivation, the rich levels of the vegas so many "painted gardens," had almost all passed away, and the native princes had perished chiefly by violent or ignominious deaths. columbus regarded the affairs of the island with a different eye from ovando. he had a paternal feeling for its prosperity, and his fortunes were implicated in its judicious management. he complained, in subsequent letters to the sovereigns, that all the public affairs were ill conducted; that the ore collected lay unguarded in large quantities in houses slightly built and thatched, inviting depredation; that ovando was unpopular, the people were dissolute, and the property of the crown and the security of the island in continual risk from mutiny and sedition. [222] while he saw all this, he had no power to interfere, and any observation or remonstrance on his part was ill received by the governor. he found his own immediate concerns in great confusion. his rents and dues were either uncollected, or he could not obtain a clear account and a full liquidation of them. whatever he could collect was appropriated to the fitting out of the vessels which were to convey himself and his crews to spain. he accuses ovando, in his subsequent letters, of having neglected, if not sacrificed, his interests during his long absence, and of having impeded those who were appointed to attend to his concerns. that he had some grounds for these complaints would appear from two letters still extant, [223] written by queen isabella to ovando, on the 27th of november, 1503, in which she informs him of the complaint of alonzo sanchez de carvajal, that he was impeded in collecting the rents of the admiral; and expressly commands ovando to observe the capitulations granted to columbus; to respect his agents, and to facilitate, instead of obstructing, his concerns. these letters, while they imply ungenerous conduct on the part of the governor towards his illustrious predecessor, evince likewise the personal interest taken by isabella in the affairs of columbus, during his absence. she had, in fact, signified her displeasure at his being excluded from the port of san domingo, when he applied there for succor for his squadron, and for shelter from a storm; and had censured ovando for not taking his advice and detaining the fleet of bobadilla, by which it would have escaped its disastrous fate. [224] and here it may be observed, that the sanguinary acts of ovando towards the natives, in particular the massacre at xaragua, and the execution of the unfortunate anacaona, awakened equal horror and indignation in isabella; she was languishing on her death-bed when she received the intelligence, and with her dying breath she exacted a promise from king ferdinand that ovando should immediately be recalled from his government. the promise was tardily and reluctantly fulfilled, after an interval of about four years, and not until induced by other circumstances; for ovando contrived to propitiate the monarch, by forcing a revenue from the island. the continual misunderstandings between the admiral and the governor, though always qualified on the part of the latter with great complaisance, induced columbus to hasten as much as possible his departure from the island. the ship in which he had returned from jamaica was repaired and fitted out, and put under the command of the adelantado; another vessel was freighted, in which columbus embarked with his son and his domestics. the greater part of his late crews remained at san domingo; as they were in great poverty, he relieved their necessities from his own purse, and advanced the funds necessary for the voyage home of those who chose to return. many thus relieved by his generosity had been among the most violent of the rebels. on the 12th of september, he set sail; but had scarcely left the harbor when, in a sudden squall, the mast of his ship was carried away. he immediately went with his family on board of the vessel commanded by the adelantado, and, sending back the damaged ship to port, continued on his course. throughout the voyage he experienced the most tempestuous weather. in one storm the mainmast was sprung in four places. he was confined to his bed at the time by the gout; by his advice, however, and the activity of the adelantado, the damage was skillfully repaired; the mast was shortened; the weak parts were fortified by wood taken from the castles or cabins which the vessels in those days carried on the prow and stern; and the whole was well secured by cords. they were still more damaged in a succeeding tempest; in which the ship sprung her foremast. in this crippled state they had to traverse seven hundred leagues of a stormy ocean. fortune continued to persecute columbus to the end of this, his last and most disastrous expedition. for several weeks he was tempest-tossed--suffering at the same time the most excruciating pains from his malady--until, on the seventh day of november, his crazy and shattered bark anchored in the harbor of san lucar. hence he had himself conveyed to seville, where he hoped to enjoy repose of mind and body, and to recruit his health after such a long series of fatigues, anxieties, and hardships. [225] chapter ii. illness of columbus at seville.--application to the crown for a restitution of his honors.--death of isabella. [1504.] broken by age and infirmities, and worn down by the toils and hardships of his recent expedition, columbus had looked forward to seville as to a haven of rest, where he might repose awhile from his troubles. care and sorrow, however, followed him by sea and land. in varying the scene he but varied the nature of his distress. "wearisome days and nights" were appointed to him for the remainder of his life; and the very margin of his grave was destined to be strewed with thorns. on arriving at seville, he found all his affairs in confusion. ever since he had been sent home in chains from san domingo, when his house and effects had been taken possession of by bobadilla, his rents and dues had never been properly collected; and such as had been gathered had been retained in the hands of the governor ovando. "i have much vexation from the governor," says he, in a letter to his son diego. [226] "all tell me that i have there eleven or twelve thousand castellanos; and i have not received a quarto. ... i know well, that, since my departure, he must have received upwards of five thousand castellanos." he entreated that a letter might be written by the king, commanding the payment of these arrears without delay; for his agents would not venture even to speak to ovando on the subject, unless empowered by a letter from the sovereign. columbus was not of a mercenary spirit; but his rank and situation required large expenditure. the world thought him in the possession of sources of inexhaustible wealth; but, as yet, those sources had furnished him but precarious and scanty streams. his last voyage had exhausted his finances, and involved him in perplexities. all that he had been able to collect of the money due to him in hispaniola, to the amount of twelve hundred castellanos, had been expended in bringing home many of his late crew, who were in distress; and for the greater part of the sum the crown remained his debtor. while struggling to obtain his mere pecuniary dues, he was absolutely suffering a degree of penury. he repeatedly urges the necessity of economy to his son diego, until he can obtain a restitution of his property, and the payment of his arrears. "i receive nothing of the revenue due to me," says he, in one letter; "i live by borrowing." "little have i profited," he adds, in another, "by twenty years of service, with such toils and perils; since, at present, i do not own a roof in spain. if i desire to eat or sleep, i have no resort but an inn; and, for the most times, have not wherewithal to pay my bill." yet in the midst of these personal distresses, he was more solicitous for the payment of his seamen than of himself. he wrote strongly and repeatedly to the sovereigns, entreating the discharge of their arrears, and urged his son diego, who was at court, to exert himself in their behalf. "they are poor," said he, "and it is now nearly three years since they left their homes. they have endured infinite toils and perils, and they bring invaluable tidings, for which their majesties ought to give thanks to god and rejoice." notwithstanding his generous solicitude for these men, he knew several of them to have been his enemies; nay, that some of them were at this very time disposed to do him harm rather than good; such was the magnanimity of his spirit and his forgiving disposition. the same zeal, also, for the interests of his sovereigns, which had ever actuated his loyal mind, mingled with his other causes of solicitude. he represented in his letter to the king, the mismanagement of the royal rents in hispaniola, under the administration of ovando. immense quantities of ore lay unprotected in slightly-built houses, and liable to depredations. it required a person of vigor, and one who had an individual interest in the property of the island, to restore its affairs to order, and draw from it the immense revenues which it was capable of yielding; and columbus plainly intimated that he was the proper person. in fact, as to himself, it was not so much pecuniary indemnification that he sought, as the restoration of his offices and dignities. he regarded them as the trophies of his illustrious achievements; he had received the royal promise that he should be reinstated in them; and he felt that as long as they were withheld, a tacit censure rested upon his name. had he not been proudly impatient on this subject, he would have belied the loftiest part of his character; for he who can be indifferent to the wreath of triumph, is deficient in the noble ambition which incites to glorious deeds. the unsatisfactory replies received to his letters disquieted his mind. he knew that he had active enemies at court ready to turn all things to his disadvantage, and felt the importance of being there in person to defeat their machinations: but his infirmities detained him at seville. he made an attempt to set forth on the journey, but the severity of the winter and the virulence of his malady obliged him to relinquish it in despair. all that he could do was to reiterate his letters to the sovereigns, and to entreat the intervention of his few but faithful friends. he feared the disastrous occurrences of the last voyage might be represented to his prejudice. the great object of the expedition, the discovery of a strait opening from the caribbean to a southern sea, had failed. the secondary object, the acquisition of gold, had not been completed. he had discovered the gold mines of veragua, it is true; but he had brought home no treasure; because, as he said, in one of his letters, "i would not rob nor outrage the country; since reason requires that it should be settled, and then the gold may be procured without violence." he was especially apprehensive that the violent scenes in the island of jamaica might, by the perversity of his enemies, and the effrontery of the delinquents, be wrested into matters of accusation against him, as had been the case with the rebellion of roldan. porras, the ringleader of the late faction, had been sent home by ovando, to appear before the board of the indies; but without any written process, setting forth the offences charged against him. while at jamaica, columbus had ordered an inquest of the affair to be taken; but the notary of the squadron who took it, and the papers which he drew up, were on board of the ship in which the admiral had sailed from hispaniola, but which had put back dismasted. no cognizance of the case, therefore, was taken by the council of the indies; and porras went at large, armed with the power and the disposition to do mischief. being related to morales, the royal treasurer, he had access to people in place, and an opportunity of enlisting their opinions and prejudices on his side. columbus wrote to morales, inclosing a copy of the petition which the rebels had sent to him when in jamaica, in which they acknowledged their culpability, and implored his forgiveness; and he entreated the treasurer not to be swayed by the representations of his relative, nor to pronounce an opinion unfavorable to him, until he had an opportunity of being heard. the faithful and indefatigable diego mendez was at this time at the court, as well as alonzo sanchez de carvajal, and an active friend of columbus named geronimo. they could bear the most important testimony as to his conduct, and he wrote to his son diego to call upon them for their good offices. "i trust," said he, "that the truth and diligence of diego mendez will be of as much avail as the lies of porras." nothing can surpass the affecting earnestness and simplicity of the general declaration of loyalty, contained in one of his letters. "i have served their majesties," says he, "with as much zeal and diligence as if it had been to gain paradise; and if i have failed in any thing, it has been because my knowledge and powers went no further." while reading these touching appeals, we can scarcely realize the fact, that the dejected individual thus wearily and vainly applying for unquestionable rights, and pleading almost like a culprit, in cases wherein he had been flagrantly injured, was the same who but a few years previously had been received at this very court with almost regal honors, and idolized as a national benefactor; that this, in a word, was columbus, the discoverer of the new world; broken in health, and impoverished in his old days by his very discoveries. at length the caravel bringing the official proceedings relative to the brothers porras arrived at the algarves, in portugal, and columbus looked forward with hope that all matters would soon be placed in a proper light. his anxiety to get to court became every day more intense. a litter was provided to convey him thither, and was actually at the door, but the inclemency of the weather and his increasing infirmities obliged him again to abandon the journey. his resource of letter-writing began to fail him: he could only write at night, for in the daytime the severity of his malady deprived him of the use of his hands. the tidings from the court were every day more and more adverse to his hopes; the intrigues of his enemies were prevailing; the cold-hearted ferdinand treated all his applications with indifference; the generous isabella lay dangerously ill. on her justice and magnanimity he still relied for the full restoration of his rights, and the redress of all his grievances. "may it please the holy trinity," says he, "to restore our sovereign queen to health; for by her will every thing be adjusted which is now in confusion." alas! while writing that letter, his noble benefactress was a corpse! the health of isabella had long been undermined by the shocks of repeated domestic calamities. the death of her only son, the prince juan; of her beloved daughter and bosom friend, the princess isabella; and of her grandson and prospective heir, the prince miguel, had been three cruel wounds to a heart full of the tenderest sensibility. to these was added the constant grief caused by the evident infirmity of intellect of her daughter juana, and the domestic unhappiness of that princess with her husband, the archduke philip. the desolation which walks through palaces admits not the familiar sympathies and sweet consolations which alleviate the sorrows of common life. isabella pined in state, amidst the obsequious homages of a court, surrounded by the trophies of a glorious and successful reign, and placed at the summit of earthly grandeur. a deep and incurable melancholy settled upon her, which undermined her constitution, and gave a fatal acuteness to her bodily maladies. after four months of illness, she died on the 2eth of november, 1504, at medina del campo, in the fifty-fourth year of her age; but long before her eyes closed upon the world, her heart had closed on all its pomps and vanities. "let my body," said she in her will, "be interred in the monastery of san francisco, which is in the alhambra of the city of granada, in a low sepulchre, without any monument except a plain stone, with the inscription cut on it. but i desire and command, that if the king, my lord, should choose a sepulchre in any church or monastery in any other part or place of these my kingdoms, my body be transported thither, and buried beside the body of his highness; so that the union we have enjoyed while living, and which, through the mercy of god, we hope our souls will experience in heaven, may be represented by our bodies in the earth." [227] such was one of several passages in the will of this admirable woman, which bespoke the chastened humility of her heart; and in which, as has been well observed, the affections of conjugal love were delicately entwined with piety, and with the most tender melancholy. [228] she was one of the purest spirits that ever ruled over the destinies of a nation. had she been spared, her benignant vigilance would have prevented many a scene of horror in the colonization of the new world, and might have softened the lot of its native inhabitants. as it is, her fair name will ever shine with celestial radiance in the dawning of its history. the news of the death of isabella reached columbus when he was writing a letter to his son diego. he notices it in a postscript or memorandum, written in the haste and brevity of the moment, but in beautifully touching and mournful terms. "a memorial," he writes, "for thee, my dear son diego, of what is at present to be done. the principal thing is to commend affectionately, and with great devotion, the soul of the queen our sovereign to god. her life was always catholic and holy, and prompt to all things in his holy service: for this reason we may rest assured that she is received into his glory, and beyond the cares of this rough and weary world. the next thing is to watch and labor in all matters for the service of our sovereign the king, and to endeavor to alleviate his grief. his majesty is the head of christendom. remember the proverb which says, when the head suffers all the members suffer. therefore all good christians should pray for his health and long life; and we, who are in his employ, ought more than others to do this with all study and diligence." [229] it is impossible to read this mournful letter without being moved by the simply eloquent yet artless language in which columbus expresses his tenderness for the memory of his benefactress, his weariness under the gathering cares and ills of life, and his persevering and enduring loyalty towards the sovereign who was so ungratefully neglecting him. it is in these unstudied and confidential letters that we read the heart of columbus. chapter iii. columbus arrives at court.--fruitless application to the king for redress. [1505.] the death of isabella was a fatal blow to the fortunes of columbus. while she lived, he had every thing to anticipate from her high sense of justice, her regard for her royal word, her gratitude for his services, and her admiration of his character. with her illness, however, his interests had languished, and when she died, he was left to the justice and generosity of ferdinand! during the remainder of the winter and a part of the spring, he continued at seville, detained by painful illness, and endeavoring to obtain redress from the government by ineffectual letters. his brother the adelantado, who supported him with his accustomed fondness and devotion through all his trials, proceeded to court to attend to his interests, taking with him the admiral's younger son fernando, then aged about seventeen. the latter, the affectionate father repeatedly represents to his son diego as a man in understanding and conduct, though but a stripling in years; and inculcates the strongest fraternal attachment, alluding to his own brethren with one of those simply eloquent and affecting expressions which stamp his heart upon his letters. "to thy brother conduct thyself as the elder brother should unto the younger. thou hast no other, and i praise god that this is such a one as thou dost need. ten brothers would not be too many for thee. never have i found a better friend to right or left, than my brothers." among the persons whom columbus employed at this time in his missions to the court, was amerigo vespucci. he describes him as a worthy but unfortunate man, who had not profited as much as he deserved by his undertakings, and who had always been disposed to render him service. his object in employing him appears to have been to prove the value of his last voyage, and that he had been in the most opulent parts of the new world; vespucci having since touched upon the same coast, in a voyage with alonzo de ojeda. one circumstance occured at this time which shed a gleam of hope and consolation over his gloomy prospects. diego de deza, who had been for some time bishop of palencia, was expected at court. this was the same worthy friar who had aided him to advocate his theory before the board of learned men at salamanca, and had assisted him with his purse when making his proposals to the spanish court. he had just been promoted and made archbishop of seville, but had not yet been installed in office. columbus directs his son diego to intrust his interests to this worthy prelate. "two things," says he, "require particular attention. ascertain whether the queen, who is now with god, has said any thing concerning me in her testament, and stimulate the bishop of palencia, he who was the cause that their highnesses obtained possession of the indies, who induced me to remain in castile when i was on the road to leave it." [230] in another letter he says, "if the bishop of palencia has arrived, or should arrive, tell him how much i have been gratified by his prosperity, and that if i come, i shall lodge with his grace, even though he should not invite me, for we must return to our ancient fraternal affection." the incessant applications of columbus, both by letter and by the intervention of friends, appear to have been listened to with cool indifference. no compliance was yielded to his requests, and no deference was paid to his opinions, on various points concerning which he interested himself. new instructions were sent out to ovando, but not a word of their purport was mentioned to the admiral. it was proposed to send out three bishops, and he entreated in vain to be heard previous to their election. in short, he was not in any way consulted in the affairs of the new world. he felt deeply this neglect, and became every day more impatient of his absence from court. to enable himself to perform the journey with more ease, he applied for permission to use a mule, a royal ordinance having prohibited the employment of those animals under the saddle, in consequence of their universal use having occasioned a decline in the breed of horses. a royal permission was accordingly granted to columbus, in consideration that his age and infirmities incapacitated him from riding on horse-back; but it was a considerable time before the state of his health would permit him to avail himself of that privilege. the foregoing particulars, gleaned from letters of columbus recently discovered, show the real state of his affairs, and the mental and bodily affliction sustained by him during his winter's residence at seville, on his return from his last disastrous voyage. he has generally been represented as reposing there from his toils and troubles. never was honorable repose more merited, more desired, and less enjoyed. it was not until the month of may that he was able, in company with his brother the adelantado, to accomplish his journey to court, at that time held at segovia. he, who but a few years before had entered the city of barcelona in triumph, attended by the nobility and chivalry of spain, and hailed with rapture by the multitude, now arrived within the gates of segovia, a wayworn, melancholy, and neglected man; oppressed more by sorrow than even by his years and infirmities. when he presented himself at court, he met with none of that distinguished attention, that cordial kindness, that cherishing sympathy, which his unparalleled services and his recent sufferings had merited. [231] the selfish ferdinand had lost sight of his past services, in what appeared to him the inconvenience of his present demands. he received him with many professions of kindness: but with those cold ineffectual smiles, which pass like wintry sunshine over the countenance, and convey no warmth to the heart. the admiral now gave a particular account of his late voyage; describing the great tract of terra firma, which he had explored, and the riches of the province of veragua. he related also the disasters sustained in the island of jamaica; the insurrection of the porras and their band; and all the other griefs and troubles of this unfortunate expedition. he had but a cold-hearted auditor in the king; and the benignant isabella was no more at hand to soothe him with a smile of kindness, or a tear of sympathy. "i know not," gays the venerable las casas, "what could cause this dislike and this want of princely countenance in the king, towards one who had rendered him such pre-eminent benefits; unless it was that his mind was swayed by the false testimonies which had been brought against the admiral; of which i have been enabled to learn something from persons much in favor with the sovereign." [232] after a few days had elapsed, columbus urged his suit in form; reminding the king of all that he had done, and all that had been promised him under the royal word and seal, and supplicating that the restitutions and indemnifications which had been so frequently solicited, might be awarded to him; offering in return to serve his majesty devotedly for the short time he had yet to live; and trusting, from what he felt within him, and from what he thought he knew with certainty, to render services which should surpass all that he had yet performed a hundred-fold. the king, in reply, acknowledged the greatness of his merits, and the importance of his services, but observed, that, for the more satisfactory adjustment of his claims, it would be advisable to refer all points in dispute to the decision of some discreet and able person. the admiral immediately proposed as arbiter his friend the archbishop of seville, don diego de deza, one of the most able and upright men about the court, devotedly loyal, high in the confidence of the king, and one who had always taken great interest in the affairs of the new world. the king consented to the arbitration, but artfully extended it to questions which he knew would never be put at issue by columbus; among these was his claim to the restoration of his office of viceroy. to this columbus objected with becoming spirit, as compromising a right which was too clearly defined and solemnly established to be put for a moment in dispute. it was the question of rents and revenues alone, he observed, which he was willing to submit to the decision of a learned man, not that of the government of the indies. as the monarch persisted, however, in embracing both questions in the arbitration, the proposed measure was never carried into effect. it was, in fact, on the subject of his dignities alone that columbus was tenacious; all other matters he considered of minor importance. in a conversation with the king he absolutely disavowed all wish of entering into any suit or pleading as to his pecuniary dues; on the contrary, he offered to put all his privileges and writings into the hands of his sovereign, and to receive out of the dues arising from them, whatever his majesty might think proper to award. all that he claimed without qualification or reserve, were his official dignities, assured to him under the royal seal with all the solemnity of a treaty. he entreated, at all events, that these matters might speedily be decided, so that he might be released from a state of miserable suspense, and enabled to retire to some quiet corner, in search of that tranquillity and repose necessary to his fatigues and his infirmities. to this frank appeal to his justice and generosity, ferdinand replied with many courteous expressions, and with those general evasive promises, which beguile the ear of the court applicant, but convey no comfort to his heart. "as far as actions went," observes las casas, "the king not merely showed him no signs of favor, but, on the contrary, discountenanced him as much as possible; yet he was never wanting in complimentary expressions." many months were passed by columbus in unavailing solicitation, during which he continued to receive outward demonstrations of respect from the king, and due attention from cardinal ximenes, archbishop of toledo, and other principal personages; but he had learned to appreciate and distrust the hollow civilities of a court. his claims were referred to a tribunal, called "the council of the discharges of the conscience of the deceased queen, and of the king." this is a kind of tribunal, commonly known by the name of the junta de descargos, composed of persons nominated by the sovereign, to superintend the accomplishment of the last will of his predecessor, and the discharge of his debts. two consultations were held by this body, but nothing was determined. the wishes of the king were too well known to be thwarted. "it was believed," says las casas, "that if the king could have done so with a safe conscience, and without detriment to his fame, he would have respected few or none of the privileges which he and the queen had conceded to the admiral, and which had been so justly merited." [footonte: las caaas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 37.] columbus still flattered himself that, his claims being of such importance, and touching a question of sovereignty, the adjustment of them might be only postponed by the king until he could consult with his daughter juana, who had succeeded to her mother as queen of castile, and who, was daily expected from flanders, with her husband, king philip. he endeavored, therefore, to bear his delays with patience; but he had no longer the physical strength and glorious anticipations which once sustained him through his long application at this court. life itself was drawing to a close. he was once more confined to his bed by a tormenting attack of the gout, aggravated by the sorrows and disappointments which preyed upon his heart. from this couch of anguish he addressed one more appeal to the justice of the king. he no longer petitioned for himself: it was for his son diego. nor did he dwell upon his pecuniary dues; it was the honorable trophies of his services which he wished to secure and perpetuate in his family. he entreated that his son diego might be appointed, in his place, to the government of which he had been so wrongfully deprived. "this," he said, "is a matter which concerns my honor; as to all the rest, do as your majesty may think proper; give or withhold, as may be most for your interest, and i shall be content. i believe the anxiety caused by the delay of this affair is the principal cause of my ill health." a petition to the same purpose was presented at the same time by his son diego, offering to take with him such persons for counselors as the king should appoint, and to be guided by their advice. these petitions were treated by ferdinand with his usual professions and evasions. "the more applications were made to him," observes las casas, "the more favorably did he reply; but still he delayed, hoping, by exhausting their patience, to induce them to wave their privileges, and accept in place thereof titles and estates in castile." columbus rejected all propositions of the kind with indignation, as calculated to compromise those titles which were the trophies of his achievements. he saw, however, that all further hope of redress from ferdinand was vain. from the bed to which he was confined, he addressed a letter to his constant friend diego de deza, expressive of his despair. "it appears that his majesty does not think fit to fulfill that which he, with the queen, who is now in glory, promised me by word and seal. for me to contend for the contrary, would be to contend with the wind. i have done all that i could do. i leave the rest to god, whom i have ever found propitious to me in my necessities." [233] the cold and calculating ferdinand beheld this illustrious man sinking under infirmity of body, heightened by that deferred hope which "maketh the heart sick." a little more delay, a little more disappointment, and a little longer infliction of ingratitude, and this loyal and generous heart would cease to beat: he should then be delivered from the just claims of a well-tried servant, who, in ceasing to be useful, was considered by him to have become importunate. chapter iv. death of columbus. in the midst of illness and despondency, when both life and hope were expiring in the bosom of columbus, a new gleam was awakened and blazed up for the moment with characteristic fervor. he heard with joy of the landing of king philip and queen juana, who had just arrived from flanders to take possession of their throne of castile. in the daughter of isabella he trusted once more to find a patroness and a friend. king ferdinand and all the court repaired to laredo to receive the youthful sovereigns. columbus would gladly have done the same, but he was confined to his bed by a severe return of his malady; neither in his painful and helpless situation could he dispense with the aid and ministry of his son diego. his brother, the adelantado, therefore, his main dependence in all emergencies, was sent to represent him, and to present his homage and congratulations. columbus wrote by him to the new king and queen, expressing his grief at being prevented by illness from coming in person to manifest his devotion, but begging to be considered among the most faithful of their subjects. he expressed a hope that he should receive at their hands the restitution of his honors and estates, and assured them, that, though cruelly tortured at present by disease, he would yet be able to render them services, the like of which had never been witnessed. such was the last sally of his sanguine and unconquerable spirit; which, disregarding age and infirmities, and all past sorrows and disappointments, spoke from his dying bed with all the confidence of youthful hope; and talked of still greater enterprises, as if he had a long and vigorous life before him. the adelantado took leave of his brother, whom he was never to behold again, and set out on his mission to the new sovereigns. he experienced the most gracious reception. the claims of the admiral were treated with great attention by the young king and queen, and flattering hopes were given of a speedy and prosperous termination to his suit. in the meantime the cares and troubles of columbus were drawing to a close. the momentary fire which had reanimated him was soon quenched by accumulating infirmities. immediately after the departure of the adelantado, his illness increased in violence. his last voyage had shattered beyond repair a frame already worn and wasted by a life of hardship; and continual anxieties robbed him of that sweet repose so necessary to recruit the weariness and debility of age. the cold ingratitude of his sovereign chilled his heart. the continued suspension of his honors, and the enmity and defamation experienced at every turn, seemed to throw a shadow over that glory which had been the great object of his ambition. this shadow, it is true, could be but of transient duration; but it is difficult for the most illustrious man to look beyond the present cloud which may obscure his fame, and anticipate its permanent lustre in the admiration of posterity. being admonished by failing strength and increasing sufferings that his end was approaching, he prepared to leave his affairs in order for the benefit of his successors. it is said that on the 4th of may he wrote an informal testamentary codicil on the blank page of a little breviary, given him by pope alexander vi. in this he bequeathed that book to the republic of genoa, which he also appointed successor to his privileges and dignities, on the extinction of his male line. he directed likewise the erection of an hospital in that city with the produce of his possessions in italy. the authenticity of this document is questioned, and has become a point of warm contest among commentators. it is not, however, of much importance. the paper is such as might readily have been written by a person like columbus in the paroxysm of disease, when he imagined his end suddenly approaching, and shows the affection with which his thoughts were bent on his native city. it is termed among commentators a military codicil, because testamentary dispositions of this kind are executed by the soldier at the point of death, without the usual formalities required by the civil law. about two weeks afterwards, on the eve of his death, he executed a final and regularly authenticated codicil, in which he bequeathed his dignities and estates with better judgment. in these last and awful moments, when the soul has but a brief space in which to make up its accounts between heaven and earth, all dissimulation is at an end, and we read unequivocal evidences of character. the last codicil of columbus, made at the very verge of the grave, is stamped with his ruling passion and his benignant virtues. he repeats and enforces several clauses of his original testament, constituting his sou diego his universal heir. the entailed inheritance, or mayorazgo, in case he died without male issue, was to go to his brother don fernando, and from him, in like case, to pass to his uncle don bartholomew, descending always to the nearest male heir; in failure of which it was to pass to the female nearest in lineage to the admiral. he enjoined upon whoever should inherit his estate never to alienate or diminish it, but to endeavor by all means to augment its prosperity and importance. he likewise enjoined upon his heirs to be prompt and devoted at all times, with person and estate, to serve their sovereign and promote the christian faith. he ordered that don diego should devote one tenth of the revenues which might arise from his estate, when it came to be productive, to the relief of indigent relatives and of other persons in necessity; that, out of the remainder, he should yield certain yearly proportions to his brother don fernando, and his uncles don bartholomew and don diego; and that the part allotted to don fernando should be settled upon him and his male heirs in an entailed and unalienable inheritance. having thus provided for the maintenance and perpetuity of his family and dignities, he ordered that don diego, when his estates should be sufficiently productive, should erect a chapel in the island of hispaniola, which god had given to him so marvelously, at the town of conception, in the vega, where masses should be daily performed for the repose of the souls of himself, his father, his mother, his wife, and of all who died in the faith. another clause recommends to the care of don diego, beatrix enriquez, the mother of his natural son fernando. his connection with her had never been sanctioned by matrimony, and either this circumstance, or some neglect of her, seems to have awakened deep compunction in his dying moments. he orders don diego to provide for her respectable maintenance; "and let this be done," he adds, "for the discharge of my conscience, for it weighs heavy on my soul." [234] finally, he noted with his own hand several minute sums, to be paid to persons at different and distant places, without their being told whence they received them. these appear to have been trivial debts of conscience, or rewards for petty services received in times long past. among them is one of half a mark of silver to a poor jew, who lived at the gate of the jewry, in the city of lisbon. these minute provisions evince the scrupulous attention to justice in all his dealings, and that love of punctuality in the fulfillment of duties, for which he was remarked. in the same spirit, he gave much advice to his son diego, as to the conduct of his affairs, enjoining upon him to take every month an account with his own hand of the expenses of his household, and to sign it with his name; for a want of regularity in this, he observed, lost both property and servants, and turned the last into enemies. his dying bequests were made in presence of a few faithful followers and servants, and among them we find the name of bartholomeo fiesco, who had accompanied diego mendez in the perilous voyage in a canoe from jamaica to hispaniola. having thus scrupulously attended to all the claims of affection, loyalty, and justice upon earth, columbus turned his thoughts to heaven; and having received the holy sacrament, and performed all the pious offices of a devout christian, he expired with great resignation, on the day of ascension, the 20th of may, 1506, being about seventy years of age. [235] his last words were, "_in manus tuas domine, commendo spiritum meum:_" into thy hands, o lord, i commend my spirit. [236] his body was deposited in the convent of st. francisco, and his obsequies were celebrated with funereal pomp at valladolid, in the parochial church of santa maria de la antigua. his remains were transported afterwards, in 1513, to the carthusian monastery of las cuevas of seville, to the chapel of st. ann or of santo christo, in which chapel were likewise deposited those of his son don diego, who died in the village of montalban, on the 23d of february, 1526. in the year 1536 the bodies of columbus and his son diego were removed to hispaniola, and interred in the principal chapel of the cathedral of the city of san domingo; but even here they did not rest in quiet, having since been again disinterred and conveyed to the havanna, in the island of cuba. we are told that ferdinand, after the death of columbus, showed a sense of his merits by ordering a monument to be erected to his memory, on which was inscribed the motto already cited, which had formerly been granted to him by the sovereigns: a castilla y a leon nuevo mundo dio colon (_to castile and leon columbus gave a new world_). however great an honor a monument may be for a subject to receive, it is certainly but a cheap reward for a sovereign to bestow. as to the motto inscribed upon it, it remains engraved in the memory of mankind, more indelibly than in brass or marble; a record of the great debt of gratitude due to the discoverer, which the monarch had so faithlessly neglected to discharge. attempts have been made in recent days, by loyal spanish writers, to vindicate the conduct of ferdinand towards columbus. they were doubtless well intended, but they have been futile, nor is their failure to be regretted. to screen such injustice in so eminent a character from the reprobation of mankind, is to deprive history of one of its most important uses. let the ingratitude of ferdinand stand recorded in its full extent, and endure throughout all time. the dark shadow which it casts upon his brilliant renown, will be a lesson to all rulers, teaching thein what is important to their own fame in their treatment of illustrious men. chapter v. observations on the character of columbus. in narrating the story of columbus, it has been the endeavor of the author to place him in a clear and familiar point of view; for this purpose he has rejected no circumstance, however trivial, which appeared to evolve some point of character; and he has sought all kinds of collateral facts which might throw light upon his views and motives. with this view also he has detailed many facts hitherto passed over in silence, or vaguely noticed by historians, probably because they might be deemed instances of error or misconduct on the part of columbus; but he who paints a great man merely in great and heroic traits, though he may produce a fine picture, will never present a faithful portrait. great men are compounds of great and little qualities. indeed, much of their greatness arises from their mastery over the imperfections of their nature, and, their noblest actions are sometimes struck forth by the collision of their merits and their defects. in columbus was singularly combined the practical and the poetical. his mind had grasped all kinds of knowledge, whether procured by study or observation, which bore upon his theories; impatient of the scanty aliment of the day, "his impetuous ardor," as has well been observed, "threw him into the study of the fathers of the church; the arabian jews, and the ancient geographers;" while his daring but irregular genius, bursting from the limits of imperfect science, bore him to conclusions far beyond the intellectual vision of his contemporaries. if some of his conclusions were erroneous, they were at least ingenious and splendid; and their error resulted from the clouds which still hung over his peculiar path of enterprise. his own discoveries enlightened the ignorance of the age; guided conjecture to certainty, and dispelled that very darkness with which he had been obliged to struggle. in the progress of his discoveries he has been remarked for the extreme sagacity and the admirable justness with which he seized upon the phenomena of the exterior world. the variations, for instance, of terrestrial magnetism, the direction of currents, the groupings of marine plants, fixing one of the grand climacteric divisions of the ocean, the temperatures changing not solely with the distance to the equator, but also with the difference of meridians: these and similar phenomena, as they broke upon him, were discerned with wonderful quickness of perception, and made to contribute important principles to the stock of general knowledge. this lucidity of spirit, this quick convertibility of facts to principles, distinguish him from the dawn to the close of his sublime enterprise, insomuch that, with all the sallying ardor of his imagination, his ultimate success has been admirably characterized as a "conquest of reflection." [237] it has been said that mercenary views mingled with the ambition of columbus, and that his stipulations with the spanish court were selfish and avaricious. the charge is inconsiderate and unjust. he aimed at dignity and wealth in the same lofty spirit in which he sought renown; they were to be part and parcel of his achievement, and palpable evidence of its success; they were to arise from the territories he should discover, and be commensurate in importance. no condition could be more just. he asked nothing of the sovereigns but a command of the countries he hoped to give them, and a share of the profits to support the dignity of his command. if there should be no country discovered, his stipulated viceroyalty would be of no avail; and if no revenues should be produced, his labor and peril would produce no gain. if his command and revenues ultimately proved magnificent, it was from the magnificence of the regions he had attached to the castilian crown. what monarch would not rejoice to gain empire on such conditions? but he did not risk merely a loss of labor, and a disappointment of ambition, in the enterprise;--on his motives being questioned, he voluntarily undertook, and, with the assistance of his coadjutors, actually defrayed, one-eighth of the whole charge of the first expedition. it was, in fact, this rare union already noticed, of the practical man of business with the poetical projector, which enabled him to carry his grand enterprises into effect through so many difficulties; but the pecuniary calculations and cares, which gave feasibility to his schemes, were never suffered to chill the glowing aspirations of his soul. the gains that promised to arise from his discoveries, he intended to appropriate in the same princely and pious spirit in which they were demanded. he contemplated works and achievements of benevolence and religion; vast contributions for the relief of the poor of his native city; the foundation of churches, where masses should be said for the souls of the departed; and armies for the recovery of the holy sepulchre in palestine. thus his ambition was truly noble and lofty; instinct with high thought and prone to generous deed. in the discharge of his office he maintained the state and ceremonial of a viceroy, and was tenacious of his rank and privileges; not from a mere vulgar love of titles, but because he prized them as testimonials and trophies of his achievements: these he jealously cherished as his great rewards. in his repeated applications to the king, he insisted merely on the restitution of his dignities. as to his pecuniary dues and all questions relative to mere revenue, he offered to leave them to arbitration or even to the absolute disposition of the monarch; but not so his official dignities; "these things," said he nobly, "affect my honor." in his testament, he enjoined on his son diego, and whoever after him should inherit his estates, whatever dignities and titles might afterwards be granted by the king, always to sign himself simply "the admiral," by way of perpetuating in the family its real source of greatness. his conduct was characterized by the grandeur of his views, and the magnanimity of his spirit. instead of scouring the newly-found countries, like a grasping adventurer eager only for immediate gain, as was too generally the case with contemporary discoverers, he sought to ascertain their soil and productions, their rivers and harbors: he was desirous of colonizing and cultivating them; of conciliating and civilizing the natives; of building cities; introducing the useful arts; subjecting every thing to the control of law, order, and religion; and thus of founding regular and prosperous empires. in this glorious plan he was constantly defeated by the dissolute rabble which it was his misfortune to command; with whom all law was tyranny, and all order restraint. they interrupted all useful works by their seditions; provoked the peaceful indians to hostility; and after they had thus drawn down misery and warfare upon their own heads, and overwhelmed columbus with the ruins of the edifice he was building, they charged him with being the cause of the confusion. well would it have been for spain had those who followed in the track of columbus possessed his sound policy and liberal views. the new world, in such cases, would have been settled by pacific colonists, and civilized by enlightened legislators; instead of being overrun by desperate adventurers, and desolated by avaricious conquerors. columbus was a man of quick sensibility, liable to great excitement, to sudden and strong impressions, and powerful impulses. he was naturally irritable and impetuous, and keenly sensible to injury and injustice; yet the quickness of his temper was counteracted by the benevolence and generosity of his heart. the magnanimity of his nature shone forth through all the troubles of his stormy career. though continually outraged in his dignity, and braved in the exercise of his command; though foiled in his plans, and endangered in his person by the seditions of turbulent and worthless men, and that too at times when suffering under anxiety of mind and anguish of body sufficient to exasperate the most patient, yet he restrained his valiant and indignant spirit, by the strong powers of his mind, and brought himself to forbear, and reason, and even to supplicate: nor should we fail to notice how free he was from all feeling of revenge, how ready to forgive and forget, on the least signs of repentance and atonement. he has been extolled for his skill in controlling others; but far greater praise is due to him for his firmness in governing himself. his natural benignity made him accessible to all kinds of pleasurable sensations from external objects. in his letters and journals, instead of detailing circumstances with the technical precision of a mere navigator, he notices the beauties of nature with the enthusiasm of a poet or a painter. as he coasts the shores of the new world, the reader participates in the enjoyment with which he describes, in his imperfect but picturesque spanish, the varied objects around him; the blandness of the temperature, the purity of the atmosphere, the fragrance of the air, "full of dew and sweetness," the verdure of the forests, the magnificence of the trees, the grandeur of the mountains, and the limpidity and freshness of the running streams. new delight springs up for him in every scene. he extols each new discovery as more beautiful than the last, and each as the most beautiful in the world; until, with his simple earnestness, he tells the sovereigns, that, having spoken so highly of the preceding islands, he fears that they will not credit him, when he declares that the one he is actually describing surpasses them all in excellence. in the same ardent and unstudied way he expresses his emotions on various occasions, readily affected by impulses of joy or grief, of pleasure or indignation. when surrounded and overwhelmed by the ingratitude and violence of worthless men, he often, in the retirement of his cabin, gave way to bursts of sorrow, and relieved his overladen heart by sighs and groans. when he returned in chains to spain, and came into the presence of isabella, instead of continuing the lofty pride with which he had hitherto sustained his injuries, he was touched with grief and tenderness at her sympathy, and burst forth into sobs and tears. he was devoutly pious; religion mingled with the whole course of his thoughts and actions, and shone forth in his most private and unstudied writings. whenever he made any great discovery, he celebrated it by solemn thanks to god. the voice of prayer and melody of praise rose from his ships when they first beheld the new world, and his first action on landing was to prostrate himself upon the earth and return thanksgivings. every evening, the _salve regina_, and other vesper hymns, were chanted by his crew and masses were performed in the beautiful groves bordering the wild shores of this heathen land. all his great enterprises were undertaken in the name of the holy trinity, and he partook of the communion previous to embarkation. he was a firm believer in the efficacy of vows and penances and pilgrimages, and resorted to them in times of difficulty and danger. the religion thus deeply seated in his soul diffused a sober dignity and benign composure over his whole demeanor. his language was pure and guarded, and free from all imprecations, oaths, and other irreverent expressions. it cannot be denied, however, that his piety was mingled with superstition, and darkened by the bigotry of the age. he evidently concurred in the opinion, that all nations which did not acknowledge the christian faith were destitute of natural rights; that the sternest measures might be used for their conversion, and the severest punishments inflicted upon their obstinacy in unbelief. in this spirit of bigotry he considered himself justified in making captives of the indians, and transporting them to spain to have them taught the doctrines of christianity, and in selling them for slaves if they pretended to resist his invasions. in so doing he sinned against the natural goodness of his character, and against the feelings which he had originally entertained and expressed towards this gentle hospitable people; but he was goaded on by the mercenary impatience of the crown, and by the sneers of his enemies at the unprofitable result of his enterprises. it is but justice to his character to observe, that the enslavement of the indians thus taken in battle was at first openly countenanced by the crown, and that, when the question of right came to be discussed at the entreaty of the queen, several of the most distinguished jurists and theologians advocated the practice; so that the question was finally settled in favor of the indians solely by the humanity of isabella. as the venerable bishop las casas observes, where the most learned men have doubted, it is not surprising that an unlearned mariner should err. these remarks, in palliation of the conduct of columbus, are required by candor. it is proper to show him in connection with the age in which he lived, lest the errors of the times should be considered as his individual faults. it is not the intention of the author, however, to justify columbus on a point where it is inexcusable to err. let it remain a blot on his illustrious name, and let others derive a lesson from it. we have already hinted at a peculiar trait in his rich and varied character; that ardent and enthusiastic imagination which threw a magnificence over his whole course of thought. herrera intimates that he had a talent for poetry, and some slight traces of it are on record in the book of prophecies which he presented to the catholic sovereigns. but his poetical temperament is discernible throughout all his writings and in all his actions. it spread a golden and glorious world around him, and tinged every thing with its own gorgeous colors. it betrayed him into visionary speculations, which subjected him to the sneers and cavilings of men of cooler and safer but more groveling minds. such were the conjectures formed on the coast of paria about the form of the earth, and the situation of the terrestrial paradise; about the mines of ophir in hispaniola, and the aurea chersonesus in veragua; and such was the heroic scheme of a crusade for the recovery of the holy sepulchre. it mingled with his religion, and filled his mind with solemn and visionary meditations on mystic passages of the scriptures, and the shadowy portents of the prophecies. it exalted his office in his eyes, and made him conceive himself an agent sent forth upon a sublime and awful mission, subject to impulses and supernatural intimations from the deity; such as the voice which he imagined spoke to him in comfort amidst the troubles of hispaniola, and in the silence of the night on the disastrous coast of veragua. he was decidedly a visionary, but a visionary of an uncommon and successful kind. the manner in which his ardent, imaginative, and mercurial nature was controlled by a powerful judgment, and directed by an acute sagacity, is the most extraordinary feature in his character. thus governed, his imagination, instead of exhausting itself in idle flights, lent aid to his judgment, and enabled him to form conclusions at which common minds could never have arrived, nay, which they could not perceive when pointed out. to his intellectual vision it was given to read the signs of the times, and to trace, in the conjectures and reveries of past ages, the indications of an unknown world; as soothsayers were said to read predictions in the stars, and to foretell events from the visions of the night. "his soul," observes a spanish writer, "was superior to the age in which he lived. for him was reserved the great enterprise of traversing that sea which had given rise to so many fables, and of deciphering the mystery of his time." [238] with all the visionary fervor of his imagination, its fondest dreams fell short of the reality. he died in ignorance of the real grandeur of his discovery. until his last breath he entertained the idea that he had merely opened a new way to the old resorts of opulent commerce, and had discovered some of the wild regions of the east. he supposed hispaniola to be the ancient ophir which had been visited by the ships of solomon, and that cuba and terra firma were but remote parts of asia. what visions of glory would have broken upon his mind could he have known that he had indeed discovered a new continent, equal to the whole of the old world in magnitude, and separated by two vast oceans from all the earth hitherto known by civilized man! and how would his magnanimous spirit have been consoled, amidst the afflictions of age and the cares of penury, the neglect of a fickle public, and the injustice of an ungrateful king, could he have anticipated the splendid empires which were to spread over the beautiful world he had discovered; and the nations, and tongues, and languages which were to fill its lands with his renown, and revere and bless his name to the latest posterity! appendix: containing illustrations and documents. no. i. transportation of the remains of columbus from st. domingo to the havana. at the termination of a war between france and spain, in 1795, all the spanish possessions in the island of hispaniola were ceded to france, by the 9th article of the treaty of peace. to assist in the accomplishment of this cession, a spanish squadron was dispatched to the island at the appointed time, commanded by don gabriel de aristizabal, lieutenant-general of the royal armada. on the 11th december, 1795, that commander wrote to the field-marshal and governor, don joaquin garcia, resident at st. domingo, that, being informed that the remains of the celebrated admiral don christopher columbus lay in the cathedral of that city, he felt it incumbent on him as a spaniard, and as commander-in-chief of his majesty's squadron of operations, to solicit the translation of the ashes of that hero to the island of cuba, which had likewise been discovered by him, and where he had first planted the standard of the cross. he expressed a desire that this should be done officially, and with great care and formality, that it might not remain in the power of any one, by a careless transportation of these honored remains, to lose a relic, connected with an event which formed the most glorious epoch of spanish history, and that it might be manifested to all nations, that spaniards, notwithstanding the lapse of ages, never ceased to pay all honors to the remains of that "worthy and adventurous general of the seas;" nor abandoned them, when the various public bodies, representing the spanish dominion, emigrated from the island. as he had not time, without great inconvenience, to consult the sovereign on this subject, he had recourse to the governor, as royal vice-patron of the island, hoping that his solicitation might be granted, and the remains of the admiral exhumed and conveyed to the island of cuba, in the ship san lorenzo. the generous wishes of this high-minded spaniard met with warm concurrence on the part of the governor. he informed him in reply, that the duke of veraguas, lineal successor of columbus, had manifested the same solicitude, and had sent directions that the necessary measures should be taken at his expense; and had at the same time expressed a wish that the bones of the adelantado, don bartholomew columbus, should likewise be exhumed; transmitting inscriptions to be put upon the sepulchres of both. he added, that although the king had given no orders on the subject, yet the proposition being so accordant with the grateful feelings of the spanish nation, and meeting with the concurrence of all the authorities of the island, he was ready on his part to carry it into execution. the commandant-general aristizabal then made a similar communication to the archbishop of cuba, don fernando portillo y torres, whose metropolis was then the city of st. domingo, hoping to receive his countenance and aid in this pious undertaking. the reply of the archbishop was couched in terms of high courtesy towards the gallant commander, and deep reverence for the memory of columbus, and expressed a zeal in rendering this tribute of gratitude and respect to the remains of one who had done so much for the glory of the nation. the persons empowered to act for the duke of veraguas, the venerable dean and chapter of the cathedral, and all the other persons and authorities to whom don gabriel de aristizabal made similar communications, manifested the same eagerness to assist in the performance of this solemn and affecting rite. the worthy commander aristizabal, having taken all these preparatory steps with great form and punctilio, so as that the ceremony should be performed in a public and striking manner, suitable to the fame of columbus, the whole was carried into eflect with becoming pomp and solemnity. on the 20th december, 1795, the most distinguished persons of the place, the dignitaries of the church, and civil and military officers, assembled in the metropolitan cathedral. in the presence of this august assemblage, a small vault was opened above the chancel, in the principal wall on the right side of the high altar. within were found the fragments of a leaden coffin, a number of bones, and a quantity of mould, evidently the remains of a human body. these were carefully collected and put into a case of gilded lead, about half an ell in length and breadth, and a third in height, secured by an iron lock, the key of which was delivered to the archbishop. the case was inclosed in a coffin covered with black velvet, and ornamented with lace and fringe of gold. the whole was then placed in a temporary tomb or mansoleum. on the following day, there was another grand convocation at the cathedral, when the vigils and masses for the dead were solemnly chanted by the archbishop, accompanied by the commandant-general of the armada, the dominican and franciscan friars, and the friars of the order of mercy, together with the rest of the distinguished assemblage. after this a funeral sermon was preached, by the archbishop. on the same day, at four o'clock in the afternoon, the coffin was transported to the ship with the utmost state and ceremony, with a civil, religious, add military procession, banners wrapped in mourning, chants and responses, and discharges of artillery. the most distinguished persons of the several orders took turn to support the coffin. the key was taken with great formality from the hands of the archbishop by the governor, and given into the hands of the commander of the armada, to be delivered by him to the governor of the havana, to be held in deposit until the pleasure of the king should be known. the coffin was received on board of a brigantine called the discoverer, which, with all the other shipping, displayed mourning signals, and saluted the remains with the honors paid to an admiral. from the port of st. domingo the coffin was conveyed to the bay of ocoa and there transferred to the ship san lorenzo. it was accompanied by a portrait of columbus, sent from spain by the duke of veraguas, to be suspended close by the place where the remains of his illustrious ancestor should be deposited. the ship immediately made sail and arrived at havana in cuba, on the 15th of january, 1796. here the same deep feeling of reverence to the memory of the discoverer was evinced. the principal authorities repaired on board of the ship, accompanied by the superior naval and military officers. every thing was conducted with the same circumstantial and solemn ceremonial. the remains were removed with great reverence, and placed in a felucca, in which they were conveyed to land in the midst of a procession of three columns of feluccas and boats in the royal service, all properly decorated, containing distinguished military and ministerial officers. two feluccas followed, in one of which was a marine guard of honor, with mourning banners and muffled drums; and in the other were the commandant-general, the principal minister of marine, and the military staff. in passing the vessels of war in the harbor, they all paid the honors due to an admiral and captain-general of the navy. on arriving at the mole, the remains were met by the governor of the island, accompanied by the generals and the military staff. the coffin was then conveyed between files of soldiery which lined the streets to the obelisk, in the place of arms, where it was received in a hearse prepared for the purpose. here the remains were formally delivered to the governor and captain-general of the island, the key given up to him, the coffin opened and examined, and the safe transportation of its contents authenticated. this ceremony being concluded, it was conveyed in grand procession and with the utmost pomp to the cathedral. masses and the solemn ceremonies of the dead were performed by the bishop, and the mortal remains of columbus deposited with great reverence in the wall on the right side of the grand altar. "all these honors and ceremonies," says the document, from whence this notice is digested, [239] "were attended by the ecclesiastical and secular dignitaries, the public bodies and all the nobility and gentry of havana, in proof of the high estimation and respectful remembrance in which they held the hero who had discovered the new world, and had been the first to plant the standard of the cross on that island." this is the last occasion that the spanish nation has had to testify its feelings towards the memory of columbus, and it is with deep satisfaction that the author of this work has been able to cite at large a ceremonial so solemn, affecting, and noble in its details, and so honorable to the national character. when we read of the remains of columbus, thus conveyed from the port of st. domingo, after an interval of nearly three hundred years, as sacred national relics, with civic and military pomp, and high religious ceremonial; the most dignified and illustrious men striving who most should pay them reverence; we cannot but reflect that it was from this very port lie was carried off loaded with ignominious chains, blasted apparently in fame and fortune, and followed by the revilings of the rabble. such honors, it is true, are nothing to the dead, nor can they atone to the heart, now dust and ashes, for all the wrongs and sorrows it may have suffered; but they speak volumes of comfort to the illustrious, yet slandered and persecuted living, encouraging them bravely to bear with present injuries, by showing them how true merit outlives all calumny, and receives its glorious reward in the admiration of after ages. no. ii. notice of the descendants of columbus. on the death of columbus his son diego succeeded to his rights, as viceroy and governor of the new world, according to the express capitulations between the sovereigns and his father. he appears by the general consent of historians to have been a man of great integrity, of respectable talents, and of a frank and generous nature. herrera speaks repeatedly of the gentleness and urbanity of his manners, and pronounces him of a noble disposition and without deceit. this absence of all guile frequently laid him open to the stratagems of crafty men, grown old in deception, who rendered his life a continued series of embarrassments; but the probity of his character, with the irresistible power of truth, bore him through difficulties in which more politic and subtle men would have been entangled and completely lost. immediately after the death of the admiral, don diego came forward as lineal successor, and urged the restitution of the family offices and privileges, which had been suspended during the latter years of his father's life. if the cold and wary ferdinand, however, could forget his obligations of gratitude and justice to columbus, he had less difficulty in turning a deaf ear to the solicitations of his son. for two years don diego pressed his suit with fruitless diligence. he felt the apparent distrust of the monarch the more sensibly, from having been brought up under his eye, as a page in the royal household, where his character ought to be well known and appreciated. at length, on the return of ferdinand from naples in 1508, he put to him a direct question, with the frankness attributed to his character. he demanded "why his majesty would not grant to him as a favor, that which was his right, and why he hesitated to confide in the fidelity of one who had been reared in his house." ferdinand replied that he could fully confide in him, but could not repose so great a trust at a venture in his children and successors. to this don diego rejoined, that it was contrary to all justice and reason to make him suffer for the sins of his children who might never be born. [240] still, though he had reason and justice on his side, the young admiral found it impossible to bring the wary monarch to a compliance. finding all appeal to all his ideas of equity or sentiments of generosity in vain, he solicited permission to pursue his claim in the ordinary course of law. the king could not refuse so reasonable a request, and don diego commenced a process against king ferdinand before the council of the indies, founded on the repeated capitulations between the crown and his father, and embracing all the dignities and immunities ceded by them. one ground of opposition to these claims was, that if the capitulation, made by the sovereigns in 1492, had granted a perpetual viceroyalty to the admiral and his heirs, such grant could not stand; being contrary to the interest of the state, and to an express law promulgated in toledo in 1480; wherein it was ordained that no office, involving the administration of justice, should be given in perpetuity; that therefore, the viceroyalty granted to the admiral could only have been for his life; and that even during that term it had justly been taken from him for his misconduct. that such concessions were contrary to the inherent prerogatives of the crown, of which the government could not divest itself. to this don diego replied, that as to the validity of the capitulation, it was a binding contract, and none of its privileges ought to be restricted. that as by royal schedules dated in villa franca, june 2d, 1506, and almazan, aug. 28, 1507, it had been ordered that he, don diego, should receive the tenths, so equally ought the other privileges to be accorded to him. as to the allegation that his lather had been deprived of his viceroyalty for his demerits, it was contrary to all truth. it had been audacity on the part of bobadilla to send him a prisoner to spain in 1500, and contrary to the will and command of the sovereigns, as was proved by their letter, dated from valencia de la torre in 1502, in which they expressed grief at his arrest, and assured him that it should be redressed, and his privileges guarded entire to himself and his children. [241] this memorable suit was commenced in 1508, and continued for several years. in the course of it the claims of don diego were disputed, likewise, on the plea that his father was not the original discoverer of terra firma, but only subsequently of certain portions of it. this, however, was completely controverted by overwhelming testimony. the claims of don diego were minutely discussed and rigidly examined; and the unanimous decision of the council of the indies in his favor, while it reflected honor on the justice and independence of that body, silenced many petty cavilers at the fair fame of columbus. [242] notwithstanding this decision, the wily monarch wanted neither means nor pretexts to delay the ceding of such vast powers, so repugnant to his cautious policy. the young admiral was finally indebted for his success in this suit to previous success attained in a suit of a different nature. he had become enamored of doña maria de toledo, daughter of fernando de toledo, grand commander of leon, and niece to don fadrique de toledo, the celebrated duke of alva, chief favorite of the king. this was aspiring to a high connection. the father and uncle of the lady were the most powerful grandees of the proud kingdom of spain, and cousins german to ferdinand. the glory, however, which columbus had left behind, rested upon his children, and the claims of don diego, recently confirmed by the council, involved dignities and wealth sufficient to raise him to a level with the loftiest alliance. he found no difficulty in obtaining the hand of the lady, and thus was the foreign family of columbus ingrafted on one of the proudest races of spain. the natural consequences followed. diego had secured that magical power called "connections;" and the favor of ferdinand, which had been so long withheld from him, as the son of columbus, shone upon him, though coldly, as the nephew of the duke of alva. the father and uncle of his bride succeeded, though with great difficulty, in conquering the repugnance of the monarch, and after all he but granted in part the justice they required. he ceded to don diego merely the dignities and powers enjoyed by nicholas de ovando, who was recalled; and he cautiously withheld the title of viceroy. the recall of ovando was not merely a measure to make room for don diego; it was the tardy performance of a promise made to isabella on her death-bed. the expiring queen had demanded it as a punishment for the massacre of her poor indian subjects at xaragua, and the cruel and ignominious execution of the female cacique anacaona. thus retribution was continually going its rounds in the checkered destinies of this island, which has ever presented a little epitome of human history; its errors and crimes, and consequent disasters. in complying with the request of the queen, however, ferdinand was favorable towards ovando. he did not feel the same generous sympathies with his late consort, and, however ovando had sinned against humanity in his treatment of the indians, he had been a vigilant officer, and his very oppressions had in general proved profitable to the crown. ferdinand directed that the fleet which took out the new governor should return under the command of ovando, and that he should retain undisturbed enjoyment of any property or indian slaves that might be found in his possession. some have represented ovando as a man far from mercenary; that the wealth wrung from the miseries of the natives was for his sovereign, not for himself; and it is intimated that one secret cause of his disgrace was his having made an enemy of the all-powerful and unforgiving fonseca. [243] the new admiral embarked at st. lucar, june 9, 1509, with his wife, his brother don fernando, who was now grown to man's estate, and had been well educated, and his two uncles, don bartholomew and don diego. they were accompanied by a numerous retinue of cavaliers, with their wives, and of young ladies of rank and family, more distinguished, it is hinted, for high blood than large fortune, and who were sent out to find wealthy husbands in the new world. [244] though the king had not granted don diego the dignity of viceroy, the title was generally given to him by courtesy, and his wife was universally addressed by that of vice-queen. don diego commenced his rule with a degree of splendor hitherto unknown in the colony. the vice-queen, who was a lady of great desert, surrounded by the noble cavaliers and the young ladies of family who had come in her retinue, established a sort of court, which threw a degree of lustre over the half savage island. the young ladies were soon married to the wealthiest colonists, and contributed greatly to soften those rude manners which had grown up in a state of society hitherto destitute of the salutary restraint and pleasing decorum produced by female influence. don diego had considered his appointment in the light of a vice-royalty, but the king soon took measures which showed that he admitted of no such pretension. without any reference to don diego, he divided the coast of darien into two great provinces, separated by an imaginary line running through the gulf of uraba, appointing alonzo de ojeda governor of the eastern province, which he called new andalusia, and diego de nicuessa governor of the western province, which included the rich coast of veragua, and which he called castilla del oro, or golden castile. had the monarch been swayed by principles of justice and gratitude, the settlement of this coast would have been given to the adelantado, don bartholomew columbus, who had assisted in the discovery of the country, and, together with his brother the admiral, had suffered so greatly in the enterprise. even his superior abilities for the task should have pointed him out to the policy of the monarch; but the cautious and [245] calculating ferdinand knew the lofty spirit of the adelantado, and that he would be disposed to demand high and dignified terms. he passed him by, therefore, and preferred more eager and accommodating adventurers. don diego was greatly aggrieved at this measure, thus adopted without his participation or knowledge. he justly considered it an infringement of the capitulations granted and repeatedly confirmed to his father and his heirs. he had further vexations and difficulties with respect to the government of the island of st. juan, or porto rico, which was conquered and settled about this time; but after a variety of cross purposes, the officers whom he appointed were ultimately recognized by the crown. like his father, he had to contend with malignant factions in his government; for the enemies of the father transferred their enmity to the son. there was one miguel pasamonte, the king's treasurer, who became his avowed enemy, under the support and chiefly at the instigation of the bishop fonseca, who continued to the son the implacable hostility which he had manifested to the father. a variety of trivial circumstances contributed to embroil him with some of the petty officers of the colony, and there was a remnant of the followers of bohian who arrayed themselves against him. [246] two factions soon arose in the island; one of the admiral, the other of the treasurer pasamonte. the latter affected to call themselves the party of the king. they gave all possible molestation to don diego, and sent home the most virulent and absurd misrepresentations of his conduct. among others, they represented a large house with many windows which he was building, as intended for a fortress, and asserted that he had a design to make himself sovereign of the island. king ferdinand, who was now advancing in years, had devolved the affairs of the indies in a great measure on fonseca,[247] who had superintended them from the first, and he was greatly guided by the advice of that prelate, which was not likely to be favorable to the descendants of columbus. the complaints from the colonies were so artfully enforced, therefore, that he established in 1510 a sovereign court at st. domingo, called the royal audience, to which an appeal might be made from all sentences of the admiral, even in cases reserved hitherto exclusively for the crown. don diego considered this a suspicious and injurious measure intended to demolish his authority. frank, open, and unsuspicious, the young admiral was not formed for a contest with the crafty politicians arrayed against him, who were ready and adroit in seizing upon his slightest errors, and magnifying them into crimes. difficulties were multiplied in his path which it was out of his power to overcome. he had entered upon office full of magnanimous intentions; determined to put an end to oppression, and correct all abuses; all good men therefore had rejoiced at his appointment; but he soon found that he had overrated his strength, and undervalued the difficulties awaiting him. he calculated from his own good heart, but he had no idea of the wicked hearts of others. he was opposed to the repartimientos of indians, that source of all kinds of inhumanity; but he found all the men of wealth in the colony, and most of the important persons of the court, interested in maintaining them. he perceived that the attempt to abolish them would be dangerous, and the result questionable: at the same time this abuse was a source of immense profit to himself. self-interest, therefore, combined with other considerations, and what at first appeared difficult, seemed presently impracticable. the repartimientos continued in the state in which he found them, excepting that he removed such of the superintendents as had been cruel and oppressive, and substituted men of his own appointment, who probably proved equally worthless. his friends were disappointed, his enemies encouraged; a hue and cry was raised against him by the friends of those he had displaced; and it was even said that if ovando had not died about this time, he would have been sent out to supplant don diego. the subjugation and settlement of the island of cuba in 1510, was a fortunate event in the administration of the present admiral. he congratulated king ferdinand on having acquired the largest and most beautiful island in the world without losing a single man. the intelligence was highly acceptable to the king; but it was accompanied by a great number of complaints against the admiral. little affection as ferdinand felt for don diego, he was still aware that most of these representations were false, and had their origin in the jealousy and envy of his enemies. he judged it expedient, however, in 1512, to send out don bartholomew columbus with minute instructions to his nephew the admiral. don bartholomew still retained the office of adelantado of the indies; although ferdinand, through selfish motives, detained him in spain, while he employed inferior men in voyages of discovery. he now added to his appointments the property and government of the little island of mona during life, and assigned him a repartimiento of two hundred indians, with the superintendence of the mines which might be discovered in cuba; an office which proved very lucrative. [248] among the instructions given by the king to don diego, he directed that, in consequence of the representations of the dominican friars, the labor of the natives should be reduced to one-third; that negro slaves should be procured from guinea as a relief to the indians; [249] and that carib slaves should be branded on the leg, to prevent other indians from being confounded with them and subjected to harsh treatment. [250] the two governors, ojeda and nicuessa, whom the king had appointed to colonize and command at the isthmus of darien, in terra firma, having failed in their undertaking, the sovereign, in 1514, wrote to hispaniola, permitting the adelantado, don bartholomew, if so inclined, to take charge of settling the coast of veragua, and to govern that country under the admiral don diego, conformably to his privileges. had the king consulted his own interest, and the deference due to the talents and services of the adelantado, this measure would have been taken at an earlier date. it was now too late: illness prevented don bartholomew from executing the enterprise; and his active and toilsome life was drawing to a close. many calumnies having been sent home to spain by pasamonte and other enemies of don diego, and various measures being taken by government, which he conceived derogatory to his dignity, and injurious to his privileges, he requested and obtained permission to repair to court, that he might explain and vindicate his conduct. he departed, accordingly, on april 9th, 1515, leaving the adelantado with the vice-queen, dofia maria. he was received with great honor by the king; and he merited such a reception. he had succeeded in every enterprise he had undertaken or directed. the pearl fishery had been successfully established on the coast of cubagua; the islands of cuba and of jamaica had been subjected and brought under cultivation without bloodshed; his conduct as governor had been upright; and he had only excited the representations made against him, by endeavoring to lessen the oppression of the natives. the king ordered that all processes against him in the court of appeal and elsewhere, for damages done to individuals in regulating the repartimientos, should be discontinued, and the cases sent to himself for consideration. but with all these favors, as the admiral claimed a share of the profits of the provinces of castilla del oro, saying that it was discovered by his father, as the names of its places, such as nombre de dios, porto bello, and el retrete, plainly proved, the king ordered that interrogatories should be made among the mariners who had sailed with christopher columbus, in the hope of proving that he had not discovered the coast of darien nor the gulf of uraba. "thus," adds herrera, "don diego was always involved in litigations with the fiscal, so that he might truly say that he was heir to the troubles of his father." [251] not long after the departure of don diego from st. domingo, his uncle, don bartholomew, ended his active and laborious life. no particulars are given of his death, nor is there mention made of his age, which must have been advanced. king ferdinand is said to have expressed great concern at the event, for he had a high opinion of the character and talents of the adelantado: "a man," says herrera, "of not less worth than his brother the admiral, and who, if he had been employed, would have given great proofs of it; for he was an excellent seaman, valiant and of great heart." [252] charlevoix attributes the inaction in which don bartholomew had been suffered to remain for several years, to the jealousy and parsimony of the king. he found the house already too powerful, and the adelantado, had he discovered mexico, was a man to make as good conditions as had been made by the admiral his brother. [253] it was said, observed herrera, that the king rather preferred to employ him in his european affairs, though it could only have been to divert him from other objects. on his death the king resumed to himself the island of mona, which he had given to him for life, and transferred his repartimiento of two hundred indians to the vice-queen doña maria. while the admiral don diego was pressing for an audience in his vindication at court, king ferdinand died on the 23d january, 1516. his grandson and successor, prince charles, afterwards the emperor charles v., was in flanders. the government rested for a time with cardinal ximenes, who would not undertake to decide on the representations and claims of the admiral. it was not until 1520 that he obtained from the emperor charles v. a recognition of his innocence of all the charges against him. the emperor, finding that what pasamonte and his party had written were notorious calumnies, ordered don diego to resume his charge, although the process with the fiscal was still pending, and that pasamonte should be written to, requesting him to forget all past passions and differences and to enter into amicable relations with don diego. among other acts of indemnification he acknowledged his right to exercise his office of viceroy and governor in the island of hispaniola, and in all parts discovered by his father. [254] his authority was, however, much diminished by new regulations, and a supervisor appointed over him with the right to give information to the council against him, but with no other powers. don diego sailed in the beginning of september, 1520, and on his arrival at st. domingo, finding that several of the governors, presuming on his long absence, had arrogated to themselves independence, and had abused their powers, he immediately sent persons to supersede them, and demanded an account of their administration. this made him a host of active and powerful enemies both in the colonies and in spain. considerable changes had taken place in the island of hispaniola, during the absence of the admiral. the mines had fallen into neglect, the cultivation of the sugar-cane having been found a more certain source of wealth. it became a by-word in spain that the magnificent palaces erected by charles v. at madrid and toledo were built of the sugar of hispaniola. slaves had been imported in great numbers from africa, being found more serviceable in the culture of the cane than the feeble indians. the treatment of the poor negroes was cruel in the extreme; and they seem to have had no advocates even among the humane. the slavery of the indians had been founded on the right of the strong; but it was thought that the negroes, from their color, were born to slavery; and that from being bought and sold in their own country, it was their natural condition. though a patient and enduring race, the barbarities inflated on them at length roused them to revenge, and on the 27th december, 1522, there was the first african revolt in hispaniola. it began in a sugar plantation of the admiral don diego, where about twenty slaves, joined by an equal number from a neighboring plantation, got possession of arms, rose on their superintendents, massacred them, and sallied forth upon the country. it was their intention to pillage certain plantations, to kill the whites, reinforce themselves by freeing their countrymen, and either to possess themselves of the town of agua, or to escape to the mountains. don diego set out from st. domingo in search of the rebels, followed by several of the principal inhabitants. on the second day he stopped on the banks of the river nizao to rest his party and suffer reinforcements to overtake him. here one melchor de castro, who accompanied the admiral, learnt that the negroes had ravaged his plantation, sacked his house, killed one of his men, and carried off his indian slaves. without asking leave of the admiral, he departed in the night with two companions, visited his plantation, found all in confusion, and, pursuing the negroes, sent to the admiral for aid. eight horsemen were hastily dispatched to his assistance, armed with bucklers and lances, and having six of the infantry mounted behind them. de castro had three horsemen beside this reinforcement, and at the head of this little band overtook the negroes at break of day. the insurgents put themselves in battle array, armed with stones and indian spears, and uttering loud shouts and outcries. the spanish horsemen braced their bucklers, couched their lances, and charged them at full speed. the negroes were soon routed, and fled to the rocks, leaving six dead and several wounded. de castro also was wounded in the arm. the admiral coming up, assisted in the pursuit of the fugitives. as fast as they were taken they were hanged on the nearest trees, and remained suspended as spectacles of terror to their countrymen. this prompt severity checked all further attempts at revolt among the african slaves. [255] in the meantime the various enemies whom don diego had created, both in the colonies and in spain, were actively and successfully employed. his old antagonist, the treasurer pasnmonte, had charged him with usurping almost all the powers of the royal audience, and with having given to the royal declaration, re-establishing him in his office of viceroy, an extent never intended by the sovereign. these representations had weight at court, and in 1523 don diego received a most severe letter from the council of the indies, charging him with the various abuses and excesses alleged against him, and commanding him, on pain of forfeiting all his privileges and titles, to revoke the innovations he had made, and restore things to their former state. to prevent any plea of ignorance of this mandate, the royal audience was enjoined to promulgate it and to call upon all persons to conform to it, and to see that it was properly obeyed. the admiral received also a letter from the council, informing him that jus presence was necessary in spain, to give information of the foregoing matters, and advice relative to the reformation of various abuses, and to the treatment and preservation of the indians; he was requested, therefore, to repair to court without waiting for further orders. [256] don diego understood this to be a peremptory recall, and obeyed accordingly. on his arrival in spain, he immediately presented himself before the court at victoria, with the frank and fearless spirit of an upright man, and pleaded his cause so well, that the sovereign and council acknowledged his innocence on all the points of accusation. he convinced them, moreover, of the exactitude with which he had discharged his duties; of his zeal for the public good, and the glory of the crown; and that all the representations against him rose from the jealousy and enmity of pasaraonte and other royal oflicers in the colonies, who were impatient of any superior authority in the island to restrain them. having completely established his innocence, and exposed the calumnies of his enemies, don diego trusted that he would soon obtain justice as to all his claims. as these, however, involved a participation in the profits of vast and richly productive provinces, he experienced the delays and difficulties usual with such demands, for it is only when justice costs nothing that it is readily rendered. his earnest solicitations at length obtained an order from the emperor, that a commission should be formed, composed of the grand chancellor, the friar loyasa, confessor to the emperor, and president of the royal council of the indies, and a number of other distinguished personages. they were to inquire into the various points in dispute between the admiral and the fiscal, and into the proceedings which had taken place in the council of the indies, with the power of determining what justice required in the case. the affair, however, was protracted to such a length, and accompanied by so many toils, vexations, and disappointments, that the unfortunate diego, like his father, died in the pursuit. for two years he had followed the court from city to city, during its migrations from victoria to burgos, valladolid, madrid, and toledo. in the winter of 1525, the emperor set out from toledo for seville. the admiral undertook to follow him, though his constitution was broken by fatigue and vexation, and he was wasting under the attack of a slow fever. oviedo, the historian, saw him at toledo two days before his departure, and joined with his friends in endeavoring to dissuade him from a journey in such a state of health, and at such a season. their persuasions were in vain. don diego was not aware of the extent of his malady: he told them that he should repair to seville by the church of our lady of guadaloupe, to offer up his devotions at that shrine; and he trusted, through the intercession of the mother of god, soon to be restored to health. [257] he accordingly left toledo in a litter on the 21st of february, 1526, having previously confessed and taken the communion, and arrived the same day at montalvan, distant about six leagues. there his illness increased to such a degree that he saw his end approaching. he employed the following day in arranging the affairs of his conscience, and expired on february 23d, being little more than fifty years of age, his premature death having been hastened by the griefs and troubles he had experienced. "he was worn out," says herrera, "by following up his claims, and defending himself from the calumnies of his competitors, who, with many stratagems and devices, sought to obscure the glory of the father and the virtue of the son." [258] we have seen how the discovery of the new world rendered the residue of the life of columbus a tissue of wrongs, hardships, and afflictions, and how the jealousy and enmity he had awakened were inherited by his son. it remains to show briefly in what degree the anticipations of perpetuity, wealth, and honor to his family were fulfilled. when don diego columbus died, his wife and family were at st. domingo. he left two sons, luis and christopher, and three daughters, maria, who afterwards married don sancho de cardono; juana, who married don luis de cneva; and isabella, who married don george of portugal, count of gelves. he had also a natural son named christopher. [259] after the death of don diego, his noble-spirited vice queen, left with a number of young children, endeavored to assert and maintain the rights of the family. understanding that, according to the privileges accorded to christopher columbus, they had a just claim to the vice-royalty of the province of veragua, as having been discovered by him, she demanded a license from the royal audience of hispaniola, to recruit men and fit out an armada to colonize that country. this the audience refused, and sent information of the demand to the emperor. he replied, that the vice-queen should be kept in suspense until the justice of her claim could be ascertained; as, although he had at various times given commissions to different persons to examine the doubts and objections which had been opposed by the fiscal, no decision had ever been made.[260] the enterprise thus contemplated by the vice-queen was never carried into effect. shortly afterwards she sailed for spain, to protect the claim of her eldest son, don luis, then six years of age. charles v. was absent, but she was most graciously received by the empress. the title of admiral of the indies was immediately conferred on her son, don luis, and the emperor augmented his revenues, and conferred other favors on the family. charles v., however, could never be prevailed on to give don luis the title of viceroy, although that dignity had been decreed to his father, a few years previous to his death, as an hereditary right.[261] in 1538, the young admiral, don luis, then about eighteen years of age, was at court, having instituted proceedings before the proper tribunals, for the recovery of the viceroyalty. two years afterwards the suit was settled by arbitration, his uncle don fernando, and cardinal loyasa, president of the council of the indies, being umpires. by a compromise don luis was declared captain-general of hispaniola, but with such limitations that it was little better than a bare title. don luis sailed for hispaniola, but did not remain there long. he found his dignities and privileges mere sources of vexation, and finally entered into a compromise, which relieved himself and gratified the emperor. he gave up all pretensions to the viceroyalty of the new world, receiving in its stead the titles of duke of veragua and marquis of jamaica. [262] he commuted also the claim to the tenth of the produce of the indies for a pension of one thousand doubloons of gold.[263] don luis did not long enjoy the substitution of a certain, though moderate, revenue for a magnificent but unproductive claim. he died shortly afterwards, leaving no other male issue than an illegitimate son, named christopher. he left two daughters by his wife, doña maria de mosquera, one named phillippa, and the other maria, which last became a nun in the convent of st. quirce, at valladolid. don luis, having no legitimate son, was succeeded by his nephew diego, son to his brother christopher. a litigation took place between this young heir and his cousin phillippa, daughter of the late don luis. the convent of st. quirce also put in a claim, on behalf of its inmate, doña maria, who had taken the veil. christopher, natural son to don luis, likewise became a prosecutor in the suit, but was set aside on account of his illegitimacy. don diego and his cousin phillippa soon thought it better to join claims and persons in wedlock, than to pursue a tedious contest. they were married, and their union was happy, though not fruitful. diego died without issue in 1578, and with him the legitimate male line of columbus became extinct. one of the most important lawsuits that the world has ever witnessed now arose for the estates and dignities descended from the great discoverer. don diego had two sisters, francisca and maria, the former of whom, and the children of the latter, advanced their several claims. to these parties was added bernard colombo of cogoleto, who claimed as lineal descendant from bartholomew columbus, the adelantado, brother to the discoverer. he was, however, pronounced ineligible, as the adelantado had no acknowledged, and certainly no legitimate, offspring. baldassar, or balthazar, colombo, of the house of cuccaro and conzano, in the dukedom of montferrat, in piedmont, was an active and persevering claimant. he came from italy into spain, where he devoted himself for many years to the prosecution of this suit. he produced a genealogical tree of his family, in which was contained one domenico colombo, lord of cuccaro, whom he maintained to be the identical father of christopher columbus, the admiral. he proved that this domenico was living at the requisite era, and produced many witnesses who had heard that the navigator was born in the castle of cuccaro; whence, it was added, he and his two brothers had eloped at an early age, and had never returned. [264] a monk is also mentioned among the witnesses, who made oath that christopher and his brothers were born in that castle of cuccaro. this testimony was afterwards withdrawn by the prosecutor; as it was found that the monk's recollection must have extended back considerably upward of a century. [265] the claim of balthazar was negatived. his proofs that christopher columbus was a native of cuccaro were rejected, as only hearsay, or traditionary evidence. his ancestor domenico, it appeared from his own showing, died in 1456; whereas it was established that domenico, the father of the admiral, was living upwards of thirty years after that date. the cause was finally decided by the council of the indies, on the 2d december, 1608. the male line was declared to be extinct. don nuño or nugno gelves de portugallo was put in possession, and became duke of veragua. he was grandson to isabella, third daughter of don diego (son of the discoverer) by his vice-queen, doña maria de toledo. the descendants of the two elder sisters of isabella had a prior claim, but their lines became extinct previous to this decision of the suit. the isabella just named had married don george of portugal, count of gelves. "thus," says charlevoix, "the dignities and wealth of columbus passed into a branch of the portuguese house of braganza, established in spain, of which the heirs are entitled _de portugallo, colon, duke de veragua, marques de la jamaica, y almirante de las indias_." [charlevoix, hist. st. doming., tom. i. lib. vi. p. 447.] the suit of balthazar colombo of cuccaro was rejected under three different forms, by the council of the indies; and his application for an allowance of support, under the legacy of columbus, in favor of poor relations, was also refused; although the other parties had assented to the demand. [266] he died in spain, where he had resided many years in prosecution of this suit. his son returned to italy, persisting in the validity of his claim: he said that it was in vain to seek justice in spain; they were too much interested to keep those dignities and estates among themselves; but he gave out that he had received twelve thousand doubloons of gold in compromise from the other parties. spotorno, under sanction of ignazio de giovanni, a learned canon, treats this assertion as a bravado, to cover his defeat, being contradicted by his evident poverty. [267] the family of cuccaro, however, still maintain their right, and express great veneration for the memory of their illustrious ancestor, the admiral; and travelers occasionally visit their old castle in piedmont with great reverence, as the birthplace of the discoverer of the new world. no. iii. fernando columbus. fernando columbus (or colon, as he is called in spain), the natural son and historian of the admiral, was born in cordova. there is an uncertainty about the exact time of his birth. according to his epitaph, it must have been on the 28th september, 1488; but according to his original papers preserved in the library of the cathedral of seville, and which were examined by don diego ortiz de zuñiga, historian of that city, it would appear to have been on the 29th of august, 1487. his mother, doña beatrix enriquez, was of a respectable family, but was never married to the admiral, as has been stated by some of his biographers. early in 1494, fernando was carried to court, together with his elder brother diego, by his uncle don bartholomew, to enter the royal household in quality of page to the prince don juan, son and heir to ferdinand and isabella. he and his brother remained in this situation until the death of the prince; when they were taken by queen isabella as pages into her own service. their education, of course, was well attended to, and fernando in after-life gave proofs of being a learned man. in the year 1502, at the tender age of thirteen or fourteen years, fernando accompanied his father in his fourth voyage of discovery, and encountered all its singular and varied hardships with a fortitude that is mentioned with praise and admiration by the admiral. after the death of his father, it would appear that fernando made two voyages to the new world. he accompanied the emperor charles v. also, to italy, flanders, and germany; and according to zuffiga (anales de seville de 1539, no. 3), traveled over all europe and a part of africa and asia. possessing talents, judgment, and industry, these opportunities were not lost upon him, and he acquired much information in geography, navigation, and natural history. being of a studious habit, and fond of books, he formed a select, yet copious, library, of more than twenty thousand volumes, in print and in manuscript. with the sanction of the emperor charles v., he undertook to establish an academy and college of mathematics at seville; and for this purpose commenced the construction of a sumptuous edifice, without the walls of the city, facing the guadalquiver, in the place where the monastery of san laureano is now situated. his constitution, however, had been broken by the sufferings he had experienced in his travels and voyages, and a premature death prevented the completion of his plan of the academy, and broke off other useful labors. he died in seville on the 12th of july, 1539, at the age, according to his epitaph, of fifty years, nine months, and fourteen days. he left no issue, and was never married. his body was interred, according to his request, in the cathedral of seville. he bequeathed his valuable library to the same establishment. don fernando devoted himself much to letters. according to the inscription on his tomb, he composed a work in four books, or volumes, the title of which is defaced on the monument, and the work itself is lost. this is much to be regretted, as, according to zuñiga, the fragments of the inscription specify it to have contained, among a variety of matter, historical, moral, and geographical notices of the countries he had visited, but especially of the new world, and of the voyages and discoveries of his father. his most important and permanent work, however, was a history of the admiral, composed in spanish. it was translated into italian by alonzo de ulloa, and from this italian translation have proceeded the editions which have since appeared in various languages. it is singular that the work only exists in spanish, in the form of a retranslation from that of ulloa, and full of errors in the orthography of proper names, and in dates and distances. don fernando was an eye-witness of some of the facts which he relates, particularly of the fourth voyage, wherein he accompanied his father. he had also the papers and charts of his father, and recent documents of all kinds to extract from, as well as familiar acquaintance with the principal personages who were concerned in the events which he records. he was a man of probity and discernment, and writes more dispassionately than could be expected, when treating of matters which affected the honor, the interests, and happiness of his father. it is to be regretted, however, that he should have suffered the whole of his father's life, previous to his discoveries (a period of about fifty-six years), to remain in obscurity. he appears to have wished to cast a cloud over it, and only to have presented his father to the reader after he had rendered himself illustrious by his actions, and his history had become in a manner identified with the history of the world. his work, however, is an invaluable document, entitled to great faith, and is the corner-stone of the history of the american continent. [illustration: galley, from the tomb of fernando columbus, at seville.] no. iv. age of columbus. as the date i have assigned for the birth of columbus makes him about ten years older than he is generally represented, at the time of his discoveries, it is proper to state precisely my authority. in the valuable manuscript chronicle of the reign of the catholic sovereigns, written by andres bernaldes, the curate of los palacios, there is a long tract on the subject of the discoveries of columbus: it concludes with these words: _murió en valladolid, el año de 1506, en el mes de mayo, in senectute bona, de edad 70 años, poco mas ó menos_. (he died in valladolid in the year 1506, in the month of may, in a good old age, being seventy years old, a little more or less.) the curate of los palacios was a contemporary, and an intimate friend of columbus, who was occasionally a guest in his house; no one was more competent, therefore, to form a correct idea of his age. it is singular, that, while the biographers of columbus have been seeking to establish the epoch of his birth by various calculations and conjectures, this direct testimony of honest andres bernaldes has entirely escaped their notice, though some of them had his manuscript in their hands. it was first observed by my accurate friend don antonio uguina in the course of his exact investigations, and has been pointed out and ably supported by don martin fernandez de navarrete, in the introduction to his valuable collection of voyages. various circumstances in the life of columbus will be found to corroborate the statement of the curate; such, for example, as the increasing infirmities with which he struggled during his voyages, and which at last rendered him a cripple and confined him to his bed. the allusion to his advanced age in one of his letters to the sovereigns, wherein he relates the consolation he had received from a secret voice in the night season: _tu vejez no impedira a toda cosa grande. abraham pasaba cien años cuando engendro a isaac, &c_. (thy old age shall be no impediment to any great undertaking. abraham was above a hundred years old, when he begat isaac, &c.) the permission granted him by the king the year previous to his death to travel on a mule, instead of a horse, on account of his _age_ and infirmities; and the assertion of oviedo that at the time of his death he was quite old. (_era ya viejo._) this fact of the advanced age of columbus throws quite a new coloring over his character and history. how much more extraordinary is the ardent enthusiasm which sustained him through his long career of solicitation, and the noble pride with which he refused to descend from his dignified demands, and to bargain about his proposition, though life was rapidly wasting in delays. how much more extraordinary is the hardihood with which he undertook repeated voyages into unknown seas, amidst all kinds of perils and hardships; the fortitude with which he bore up against an accumulation of mental and bodily afflictions, enough to have disheartened and destroyed the most youthful and robust, and the irrepressible buoyancy of spirit with which to the last he still rose from under the ruined concerns and disappointed hopes and blasted projects of one enterprise, to launch into another, still more difficult and perilous. we have been accustomed to admire all these things in columbus when we considered him in the full vigor of his life; how much more are they entitled to our wonder as the achievements of a man whom the weight of years and infirmities was pressing into the grave. no. v. lineage of columbus. the ancestry of christopher columbus has formed a point of zealous controversy, which is not yet satisfactorily settled. several honorable families, possessing domains in placentia, montferrat, and the different parts of the genoese territories, claim him as belonging to their houses; and to these has recently been added the noble family of colombo in modena. [spotorno, hist. mem., p. 5.] the natural desire to prove consanguinity with a man of distinguished renown has excited this rivalry; but it has been heightened, in particular instances, by the hope of succeeding to titles and situations of wealth and honor, when his male line of descendants became extinct. the investigation is involved in particular obscurity, as even his immediate relatives appear to have been in ignorance on the subject. fernando columbus, in his biography of the admiral, after a pompous prelude, in which he attempts to throw a vague and cloudy magnificence about the origin of his father, notices slightly the attempts of some to obscure his fame, by making him a native of various small and insignificant villages; and dwells with more complacency upon others who make him a native of places in which there were persons of much honor of the name, and many sepulchral monuments with arms and epitaphs of the colombos. he relates his having himself gone to the castle of cucureo, to visit two brothers of the family of colombo, who were rich and noble, the youngest of whom was above one hundred years of age, and who he had heard were relatives of his father; but they could give him no information upon the subject; whereupon he breaks forth into his professed contempt for these adventitious claims, declaring, that he thinks it better to content himself with dating from the glory of the admiral, than to go about inquiring whether his father "were a merchant, or one who kept his hawks;" [268] since, adds he, of persons of similar pursuits, there are thousands who die every day, whose memory, even among their own neighbors and relatives, perishes immediately, without its being possible afterwards to ascertain even whether they existed. after this, and a few more expressions of similar disdain for these empty distinctions, he indulges in vehement abuse of agostino guistiniani, whom he calls a false historian, an inconsiderate, partial, or malignant compatriot, for having, in his psalter, traduced his father, by saying, that in his youth he had been employed in mechanical occupations. as, after all this discussion, fernando leaves the question of his father's parentage in all its original obscurity, yet appears irritably sensitive to any derogatory suggestions of others, his whole evidence tends to the conviction that he really knew nothing to boast of in his ancestry. of the nobility and antiquity of the colombo family, of which the admiral probably was a remote descendant, we have some account in herrera, "we learn," he says, "that the emperor otto the second, in 940, confirmed to the counts pietro, giovanni, and alexandro colombo, brothers, the feudatory possessions which they held within the jurisdiction of the cities of ayqui, savona, aste, montferrato, turin, viceli, parma, cremona, and bergamo, and all others which they held in italy. it appears that the colombos of cuccaro, cucureo, and placentia, were the same, and that the emperor in the same year, 940, made donation to the said three brothers of the castles of cuccaro, conzano, rosignano, and others, and of the fourth part of bistanio, which appertained to the empire." [269] one of the boldest attempts of those biographers, bent on ennobling columbus, has been to make him son of the lord of cuccaro, a burgh of montferrat, in piedmont, and to prove that he was born in his father's castle at that place; whence he and his brothers eloped at an early age, and never returned. this was asserted in the course of a process brought by a certain baldasser, or balthazar, colombo, resident in genoa, but originally of cuccaro, claiming the title and estates, on the death of diego colon, duke of veragua, in 1578, the great-grandson, and last legitimate male descendant of the admiral. the council of the indies decided against this claim to relationship. some account of the lawsuit will be found in another part of the work. this romantic story, like all others of the nobility of his parentage, is at utter variance with the subsequent events of his life, his long struggles with indigence and obscurity, and the difficulties he endured from the want of family connections. how can it be believed, says bossi, that this same man, who, in his most cruel adversities was incessantly taunted by his enemies with the obscurity of his birth, should not reply to this reproach, by declaring his origin, if he were really descended from the lords of cuccaro, conzano, and rosignano? a circumstance which would have obtained him the highest credit with the spanish nobility. [270] the different families of colombo which lay claim to the great navigator, seem to be various branches of one tree, and there is little doubt of his appertaining remotely to the same respectable stock. it appears evident, however, that columbus sprang immediately from a line of humble but industrious citizens, which had existed in genoa, even from the time of giacomo colombo the wool-carder, in 1311, mentioned by spotorno; nor is this in any wise incompatible with the intimation of fernando columbus, that the family had been reduced from high estate to great poverty, by the wars of lombardy. the feuds of italy, in those ages, had broken down and scattered many of the noblest families; and while some branches remained in the lordly heritage of castles and domains, others were confounded with the humblest population of the cities. no. vi. birthplace of columbus. there has been much controversy about the birthplace of columbus. the greatness of his renown has induced various places to lay claim to him as a native, and from motives of laudable pride, for nothing reflects greater lustre upon a city than to have given birth to distinguished men. the original and long established opinion was in favor of genoa; but such strenuous claims were asserted by the states of placentia, and in particular of piedmont, that the academy of sciences and letters of genoa was induced, in 1812, to nominate three of its members, signors serra, carrega, and piaggio, commissioners to examine into these pretensions. the claims of placentia had been first advanced in 1662, by pietro maria campi, in the ecclesiastical history of that place, who maintained that columbus was a native of the village of pradello, in that vicinity. it appeared probable, on investigation, that bertolino colombo, great-grandfather to the admiral, had owned a small property in pradello, the rent of which had been received by domenico colombo of genoa, and after his death by his sons christopher and bartholomew. admitting this assertion to be correct, there was no proof that either the admiral, his father, or grandfather, had ever resided on that estate. the very circumstances of the case indicated, on the contrary, that their home was in genoa. the claim of piedmont was maintained with more plausibility. it was shown that a domenico colombo was lord of the castle of cuccaro in montferrat, at the time of the birth of christopher columbus, who, it was asserted, was his son, and born in his castle. balthazar colombo, a descendant of this person, instituted a lawsuit before the council of the indies for the inheritance of the admiral, when his male line became extinct. the council of the indies decided against him, as is shown in an account of that process given among the illustrations of this history. it was proved that domenico colombo, father of the admiral, was resident in genoa both before and many years after the death of this lord of cuccaro, who bore the same name. the three commissioners appointed by the academy of sciences and letters of genoa to examine into these pretensions, after a long and diligent investigation, gave a voluminous and circumstantial report in favor of genoa. an ample digest of their inquest may be found in the history of columbus by signer bossi, who, in an able dissertation on the question, confirms their opinion. it may be added, in farther corroboration, that peter martyr and bartholomew las casas, who were contemporaries and acquaintances of columbus, and juan de barros, the portuguese historian, all make columbus a native of the genoese territories. there has been a question fruitful of discussion among the genoese themselves, whether columbus was born in the city of genoa, or in some other part of the territory. finale, and oneglia, and savona, towns on the ligurian coast to the west, boggiasco, cogoleto, and several other towns and villages, claim him as their own. his family possessed a small property at a village or hamlet between quinto and nervi, called terra rossa; in latin, terra kubra; which has induced some writers to assign his birth to one of those places. bossi says that there is still a tower between quinto and nervi which bears the title of torre dei colombi. [271] bartholomew columbus, brother to the admiral, styled himself of terra rubra, in a latin inscription on a map which he presented to henry vii of england, and fernando columbus states, in his history of the admiral, that he was accustomed to subscribe himself in the same manner before he attained to his dignities. cogoleto at one time bore away the palm. the families there claim the discoverer and preserve a portrait of him. one or both of the two admirals named colombo, with whom he sailed, are stated to have come from that place, and to have been confounded with him so as to have given support to this idea. [272] savona, a city in the genoese territories, has claimed the same honor, and this claim has recently been very strongly brought forward. signer giovanni battista belloro, an advocate of savona, has strenuously maintained this claim in an ingenious disputation, dated may 12th, 1826, in form of a letter to the baron du zach, editor of a valuable astronomical and geographical journal, published monthly at genoa. [273] signor belloro claims it as an admitted fact, that domenico colombo was for many years a resident and citizen of savona, in which place one christopher columbus is shown to have signed a document in 1472. he states that a public square in that city bore the name of platea columbi, toward the end of the 14th century; that the ligurian government gave the name of jurisdizione di colombi to that district of the republic, under the persuasion that the great navigator was a native of savona; and that columbus gave the name of saona to a little island adjacent to hispaniola, among his earliest discoveries. he quotes many savonese writers, principally poets, and various historians and poets of other countries, and thus establishes the point that columbus was held to be a native of savona by persons of respectable authority. he lays particular stress on the testimony of the magnifico francisco spinola, as related by the learned prelate felippo alberto pollero, stating that he had seen the sepulchre of christopher columbus in the cathedral at seville, and that the epitaph states him expressly to be a native of savona: "hic jacet christophorus columbus savonensis." [274] the prooft advanced by signor belloro show his zeal for the honor of his native city, but do not authenticate the fact he undertakes to establish. he shows clearly that many respectable writers believed columbus to be a native of savona; but a far greater number can be adduced, and many of them contemporary with the admiral, some of them his intimate friends, others his fellow-citizens, who state him to have been born in the city of genoa. among the savonese writers, giulio salinorio, who investigated the subject, comes expressly to the same conclusion: "_geneva cittá nobilissima era la patria de colombo_." signor belloro appears to be correct in stating that domenico, the father of the admiral, was several years resident in savona. but it appears from his own dissertation, that the christopher who witnessed the testament in 1472, styled himself of genoa: "_christophorus columbus lancrius de janua._" this incident is stated by other writers, who presume this christopher to have been the navigator on a visit to his father, in the interval of his early voyages. in as far as the circumstance bears on the point, it supports the idea that he was born at genoa. the epitaph on which signor belloro places his principal reliance, entirely fails. christopher columbus was not interred in the cathedral of seville, nor was any monument erected to him in that edifice. the tomb to which the learned prelate felippo alberto pollero alludes, may have been that of fernando columbus, son of the admiral, who, as has been already observed, was buried in the cathedral of seville, to which he bequeathed his noble library. the place of his sepulture is designated by a broad slab of white marble, inserted in the pavement, with an inscription, partly in spanish, partly in latin, recording the merits of fernando, and the achievements of his father. on either side of the epitaph is engraved an ancient spanish galley. the inscription quoted by signor belloro may have been erroneously written from memory by the magnifico francisco spinola, under the mistaken idea that he had beheld the sepulchre of the great discoverer. as fernando was born at cordova, the term savouensis must have been another error of memory in the magnifico; no such word is to be found in the inscription. this question of birthplace has also been investigated with considerable minuteness, and a decision given in favor of genoa, by d. gio battista spotorno, of the royal university in that city, in his historical memoir of columbus. he shows that the family of the columbi had long been resident in genoa. by'an extract from the notarial register, it appeared that one giacomo colombo, a woolcarder, resided without the gate of st. andria, in the year 1311. an agreement, also published by the academy of genoa, proved, that in 1489, domenico colombo possessed a house and shop, and a garden with a well, in the street of st. andrew's gate, anciently without the walls, presumed to have been the same residence with that of giacomo colombo. he rented also another house from the monks of st. stephen, in the via mulcento, leading from the street of st. andrew to the strada giulia. [275] signor bossi states, that documents lately found in the archives of the monastery of st. stephen, present the name of domenico colombo several times, from 1456 to 1459, and designate him as son of giovanni colombo, husband of susanna fontanarossa, and father of christopher, bartholomew, and giacomo [276] (or diego). he states also that the receipts of the canons show that the last payment of rent was made by domenico colombo for his dwelling in 1489. he surmises that the admiral was born in the before-mentioned house belonging to those monks, in via mulcento, and that he was baptized in the church of st. stephen. he adds that an ancient manuscript was submitted to the commissioners of the genoese academy, in the margin of which the notary had stated that the name of christopher was on the register of the parish as having been baptized in that church. [277] andres bernaldez, the curate of los palacios, who was an intimate friend of columbus, says that he was of genoa. [278] agostino giustiniani, a contemporary of columbus, likewise asserts it in his polyglot psalter, published in genoa, in 1516. antonio de herrera, an author of great accuracy, who, though not a contemporary, had access to the best documents, asserts decidedly that he was born in the city of genoa. to these names may be added that of alexander geraldini, brother to the nuncio, and instructor to the children of ferdinand and isadella, a most intimate friend of columbus. [279] also antonio gallo, [280] bartolomeo senarega, [281] and uberto foglieta, [282] all contemporaries with the admiral, and natives of genoa, together with an anonymous writer, who published an account of his voyage of discovery at venice in 1509. [283] it is unnecessary to mention historians of later date agreeing in the same fact, as they must have derived their information from some of these authorities. the question in regard to the birthplace of columbus has been treated thus minutely, because it has been, and still continues to be, a point of warm controversy. it may be considered, however, as conclusively decided by the highest authority, the evidence of columbus himself. in a testament executed in 1498, which has been admitted in evidence before the spanish tribunals in certain lawsuits among his descendants, he twice declares that he was a native of the city of genoa: "_siendo yo nacido en genova._" ("i being born in genoa.") and again, he repeats the assertion, as a reason for enjoining certain conditions on his heirs, which manifest the interest he takes in his native place. "i command the said diego, my son, or the person who inherits the said mayorazgo (or entailed estate), that he maintain always in the city of genoa a person of our lineage, who shall have a house and a wife there, and to furnish him with an income on which he can live decently, as a person connected with onr family, and hold footing and root in that city as a native of it, so that he may have aid and favor in that city in case of need, _for from thence i came and there was born_." [284] in another part of his testament he expresses himself with a filial fondness in respect to genoa. "i command the said don diego, or whoever shall possess the said mayorazgo, that he labor and strive always for the honor, and welfare, and increase of the city of genoa, and employ all his abilities and means in defending and augmenting the welfare and honor of her republic, in all matters which are not contrary to the service of the church of god, and the state of the king and queen our sovereigns, and their successors." an informal codicil, executed by columbus at valladolid, may 4th, 1506, sixteen days before his death, was discovered about 1785, in the corsini library at rome. it is termed a military codicil, from being made in the manner which the civil law allows to the soldier who executes such an instrument on the eve of battle, or in expectation of death. it was written on the blank page of a little breviary presented to columbus by pope alexander vii. columbus leaves the book "to his beloved country, the republic of genoa." he directs the erection of a hospital in that city for the poor, with provision for its support, and he declares that republic his successor in the admiralty of the indies, in the event of his male line becoming extinct. the authenticity of this paper has been questioned. it has been said, that there was no probability of columbus having resort to a usage with which he was, most likely, unacquainted. the objections are not cogent. columbus was accustomed to the peculiarities of a military life, and he repeatedly wrote letters, in critical moments, as a precaution against some fatal occurrence that seemed to impend. the present codicil, from its date, must have been written a few days previous to his death, perhaps at a moment when he imagined himself at extremity. this may account for any difference in the handwriting, especially as he was, at times, so affected by the gout in his hands as not to be able to write except at night. particular stress has been laid on the signature; but it does not appear that he was uniform in regard to that, and it is a point to which any one who attempted a forgery would be attentive. it does not appear, likewise, that any advantage could have been obtained by forging the paper, or that any such was attempted. in 1502, when columbus was about to depart on his fourth and last voyage, he wrote to his friend, doctor nicolo oderigo, formerly ambassador from genoa to spain, and forwarded to him copies of all his grants and commissions from the spanish sovereigns, authenticated before the alcaldes of seville. he, at the same time, wrote to the bank of san giorgio, at genoa, assigning a tenth of his revenues to be paid to that city, in diminution of the duties on corn, wine, and other provisions. why should colnmbus feel this strong interest in genoa, had he been born in any of the other italian states which have laid claim to him? he was under no obligation to genoa. he had resided there but a brief portion of his early life; and his proposition for discovery, according to some writers, had been scornfully rejected by that republic. there is nothing to warrant so strong an interest in genoa, but the filial tie which links the heart of a man to his native place, however he may be separated from it by time or distance, and however little he may be indebted to it for favors. again, had columbus been born in any of the towns and villages of the genoese coast which have claimed him for a native, why should he have made these bequests in favor of the _city_ of genoa, and not of his native town or village? these bequests were evidently dictated by a mingled sentiment of pride and affection, which would be without all object if not directed to his native place. he was at this time elevated above all petty pride on the subject. his renown was so brilliant, that it would have shed a lustre on any hamlet, however obscure: and the strong love of country here manifested would never have felt satisfied until it had singled out the spot, and nestled down, in the very cradle of his infancy. these appear to be powerful reasons, drawn from natural feeling, for deciding in favor of genoa. no. vii. the colombos. during the early part of the life of columbus, there were two other navigators, bearing the same name, of some rank and celebrity, with whom he occasionally sailed; their names occurring vaguely from time to time, during the obscure part of his career, have caused much perplexity to some of his biographers, who have supposed that they designated the discoverer. fernando columbus affirms them to have been family connections,[285] and his father says, in one of his letters, "i am not the first admiral of our family." these two were uncle and nephew; the latter being termed by historians colombo the younger, (by the spanish historians colombo el mozo.) they were in the genoese service, but are mentioned, occasionally, in old chronicles, as french commanders, because genoa, during a great part of their time, was under the protection, or rather the sovereignty, of france, and her ships and captains, being engaged in the expeditions of that power, were identified with the french marine. mention is made of the elder colombo in zurita's annals of arragon, (l. xix. p. 261,) in the war between spain and portugal, on the subject of the claim of the princess juana to the crown of castile. in 1476, the king of portugal determined to go to the mediterranean coast of france, to incite his ally, louis xi, to prosecute the war in the province of guipuzcoa. the king left toro, says zurita, on the 13th june, and went by the river to the city of porto, in order to await the armada of the king of france, the captain of which was colon, (colombo,) who was to navigate by the straits of gibraltar to pass to marseilles. after some delays colombo arrived in the latter part of july with the french armada at bermeo, on the coast of biscay, where he encountered a violent storm, lost his principal ship, and ran to the coast of galicia, with an intention of attacking kibaldo, and lost a great many of his men. thence he went to lisbon to receive the king of portugal, who embarked in the fleet in august, with a number of his noblemen, and took two thousand two hundred foot soldiers, and four hundred and seventy horse, to strengthen the portuguese garrisons along the barbary coast. there were in the squadron twelve ships and five caravels. after touching at ceuta the fleet proceeded to colibre, where the king disembarked in the middle of september, the weather not permitting them to proceed to marseilles. (zurita, l. xix. ch. 51.) this colombo is evidently the naval commander of whom the following mention is made by jaques george de chaufepie, in his supplement to bayle, (vol. 2, p. 126 of letter c.) "i do not know what dependence," says chaufepie, "is to be placed on a fact reported in the _ducatiana_, (part 1, p. 143,) that columbus was in 1474 captain of several ships for louis xi, and that, as the spaniards had made at that time an irruption into roussillon, he thought that, for reprisal, and without contravening the peace between the two crowns, he could run down spanish vessels. he attacked, therefore, and took two galleys of that nation, freighted on the account of various individuals. on complaints of this action being made to king ferdinand, he wrote on the subject to louis xi; his letter is dated the 9th december, 1474. ferdinand terms christopher columbus a subject of louis; it was because, as is known, columbus was a genoese, and louis was sovereign of genoa; although that city and savona were held of him in fief by the duke of milan." it is highly probable that it was the squadron of this same colombo of whom the circumstance is related by bossi, and after him by spotorno on the authority of a letter found in the archives of milan, and written in 1476 by two illustrious milanese gentlemen, on their return from jerusalem. the letter states that in the previous year 1475, as the venetian fleet was stationed off cyprus to guard the island, a genoese squadron, commanded by one colombo, sailed by them with an air of defiance, shouting "viva san giorgia!" as the republics were then at peace, they were permitted to pass unmolested. bossi supposes that the colombo here mentioned was christopher columbus the discoverer; but it appears rather to have been the old genoese admiral of that name, who according to zurita was about that time cruising in the mediterranean; and who, in all probability, was the hero of both the preceding occurrences. the nephew of this colombo, called by the spaniards colombo el mozo, commanded a few years afterwards a squadron in the french service, as will appear in a subsequent illustration, and columbus may at various times have held an inferior command under both uncle and nephew, and been present on the above cited occasions. no. viii. expedition of john of anjou. about the time that columbus attained his twenty-fourth year, his native city was in a state of great alarm and peril from the threatened invasion of alphonso v of aragon, king of naples. finding itself too weak to contend singly with such a foe, and having in vain looked for assistance from italy, it placed itself under the protection of charles the viith of france. that monarch sent to its assistance john of anjou, son of rené or renato, king of naples, who had been dispossessed of his crown by alphonso. john of anjou, otherwise called the duke of calabria, [286] immediately took upon himself the command of the place, repaired its fortifications, and defended the entrance of the harbor with strong chains. in the meantime, alplionso had prepared a large land force, and assembled an armament of twenty ships and ten galleys at ancona, on the frontiers of genoa. the situation of the latter was considered eminently perilous, when alphonso suddenly fell ill of a calenture and died; leaving the kingdoms of anjou and sicily to his brother john, and the kingdom of naples to his son ferdinand. the death of alphonso, and the subsequent division of his dominions, while they relieved the fears of the genoese, gave rise to new hopes on the part of the house of anjou; and the duke john, encouraged by emissaries from various powerful partisans among the neapolitan nobility, determined to make a bold attempt upon naples for the recovery of the crown. the genoese entered into his cause with spirit, furnishing him with ships, galleys, and money. his father, rené or renato, fitted out twelve galleys for the expedition in the harbor of marseilles, and sent him assurance of an abundant supply of money, and of the assistance of the king of france. the brilliant nature of the enterprise attracted the attention of the daring and restless spirits of the times. the chivalrous nobleman, the soldier of fortune, the hardy corsair, the bold adventurer, or the military partisan, enlisted under the banners of the duke of calabria. it is stated by historians, that columbus served in the armament from genoa, in a squadron commanded by one of the colombos, his relations. the expedition sailed in october, 1459, and arrived at sessa, between the mouths of the garigliano and the volturno. the news of its arrival was the signal of universal revolt; the factious barons, and their vassals, hastened to join the standard of anjou, and the duke soon saw the finest provinces of the neapolitan dominions at his command, and with his army and squadron menaced the city of naples itself. in the history of this expedition we meet with one hazardous action of the fleet in which columbus had embarked. the army of john of anjou, being closely invested by a superior force, was in a perilous predicament at the mouth of the sarno. in this conjuncture, the captain of the armada landed with his men, and scoured the neighborhood, hoping to awaken in the populace their former enthusiasm for the banner of anjou; and perhaps to take naples by surprise. a chosen company of neapolitan infantry was sent against them. the troops from the fleet having little of the discipline of regular soldiery, and much of the freebooting disposition of maritime rovers, had scattered themselves about the country, intent chiefly upon spoil. they were attacked by the infantry and put to rout, with the loss of many killed and wounded. endeavoring to make their way back to the ships, they found the passes seized and blocked up by the people of sorento, who assailed them with dreadful havoc. their flight now became desperate and headlong; many threw themselves from rocks and precipices into the sea, and but a small portion regained the ships. the contest of john of anjou for the crown of naples lasted four years. for a time fortune favored him, and the prize seemed almost within his grasp, but reverses succeeded: he was defeated at various points; the factious nobles, one by one, deserted him, and returned to their allegiance to alfonso, and the duke was finally compelled to retire to the island of ischia. here he remained for some time, guarded by eight galleys, which likewise harassed the bay of naples. [287] in this squadron, which loyally adhered to him until he ultimately abandoned this unfortunate enterprise, columbus is stated to have served. no. ix. capture of the venetian galleys, by colombo the younger. as the account of the sea-fight by which fernando columbus asserts that his father was first thrown upon the shores of portugal, has been adopted by various respectable historians, it is proper to give particular reasons for discrediting it. fernando expressly says, that it was in an action mentioned by marco antonio sabelico, in the eighth book of his tenth decade; that the squadron in which columbus served was commanded by a famous corsair, called columbus the younger, (colombo el mozo,) and that an embassy was sent from venice to thank the king of portugal for the succor he afforded to the venetian captains and crews. all this is certainly recorded in sabellicus, but the battle took place in 1485, after columbus had _left_ portugal. zurita, in his annals of aragon, under the date of 1685, mentions this same action. he says, "at this time four venetian galleys sailed from the island of cadiz and took the route for flanders; they were laden with merchandise from the levant, especially from the island of sicily, and, passing by cape st. vincent, they were attacked by a french corsair, son of captain colon, (colombo,) who had seven vessels in his armada; and the galleys were captured the twenty-first of august." [288] a much fuller account is given in the life of king john ii of portugal, by garcia de resende, who likewise records it as happening in 1485. he says the venetian galleys were taken and robbed by the french, and the captains and crews, wounded, plundered, and maltreated, were turned on shore at cascoes. here they were succored by doña maria de meneses, countess of monsanto. when king john ii heard of the circumstance, being much grieved that such an event should have happened on his coast, and being disposed to show his friendship for the republic of venice, he ordered that the venetian captains should be furnished with rich raiment of silks and costly cloths, and provided with horses and mules, that they might make their appearance before him in a style befitting themselves and their country. he received them with great kindness and distinction, expressing himself with princely courtesy, both as to themselves and the republic of venice; and having heard their account of the battle, and of their destitute situation, he assisted them with a large sum of money to ransom their galleys from the french cruisers. the latter took all the merchandises on board of their ships, but king john prohibited any of the spoil from being purchased within his dominions. having thus generously relieved and assisted the captains, and administered to the necessities of their crews, he enabled them all to return in their own galleys to venice. the dignitaries of the republic were so highly sensible of this munificence, on the part of king john, that they sent a stately embassy to that monarch, with rich presents and warm expressions of gratitude. geronimo donate was charged with this mission, a man eminent for learning and eloquence; he was honorably received and entertained by king john, and dismissed with royal presents, among which were jenets, and mules with sumptuous trappings and caparisons, and many negro slaves richly clad. [289] the following is the account of this action as given by sabellicus, in his history of venice: [290] erano andate quatro galee delle quali bartolommeo minio era capitano. queste navigando per l'iberico mare, colombo il piu giovane, nipote di quel colombo famoso corsale, fecesi incontro a' veniziani di notte, appresso il sacro promontorio, che chiamasi ora capo di san vincenzo, con sette navi guernite da combattere. egli quantunque nel primo incontro avesse seco disposto d'opprimere le navi veniziane, si ritenne però del combattere sin al giorno: tuttavia per esser alia battaglia più acconcio così le seguia, che le prode del corsale toccavano le poppe de veniziani. venuto il giorno incontanente i barbari diedero 1' assalto. sostennero i veniziani allora 1' empito del nemico, per numero di navi e di combattenti superiore, e durò il conflitto atroce per molte ore. rare fiate fu combattuto contro simili nemici con tanta uccisione, perchè a pena si costuina d'attaccarsi contro di loro, se non per occasione. affermano alcuni, che vi furono presenti, esser morte deile ciurme veniziane da trecento uomini. altri dicono che fu meno: morì in quella zuffa lorenzo michele capitano d'una galera e giovanni delfino, d'altro capitano fratello. era durata la zuffa dal fare del giorno fin' ad ore venti, e erano le genti veneziane mal initiate. era gia la nave delfina in potere de' nemici quando le altre ad una ad una si renderono. narrano alcuni, che furono di quel aspro conflitto participi, aver numerato nelle loro navi da prode a poppe ottanta valorosi uomini estinti, i quali dal nemico veduti lo mossero a gemere e dire con sdegno, che cosi avevano voluto, i veniziani. i corpi morti furono gettati nel mare, e i feriti posti nel lido. quei che rimasero vivi seguirono con le navi il capitano vittorioso sin' a lisbona e ivi furono tutti licenziati.... quivi furono i veniziaui benignamente ricevuti dal re, gli infermi furono medicati, gli altri ebbero abiti e denari secondo la loro condizione.... oltre cio vietd in tutto il regno, che alcuno non comprasse della preda veniziana, portata dai corsali. la nuova dell' avuta rovina non poco afflisse la città, erano perduti in quella mercatanzia da ducento mila ducati; ma il danno particolare degldi nomini uccisi diede maggior afflizione. _marc. ant. sabelico, hist, venet., decad. iv. lib. iii._ no. x. amerigo vespucci. among the earliest and most intelligent of the voyagers who followed the track of columbus, was amerigo vespucci. he has been considered by many as the first discoverer of the southern continent, and by a singular caprice of fortune, his name has been given to the whole of the new world. it has been strenuously insisted, however, that he had no claim to the title of a discoverer; that he merely sailed in a subordinate capacity in a squadron commanded by others; that the account of his first voyage is a fabrication; and that he did not visit the main-land until after it had been discovered and coasted by columbus. as this question has been made a matter of warm and voluminous controversy, it is proper to take a summary view of it in the present work. amerigo vespucci was born in florence, march 9th, 1451, of a noble, but not at that time a wealthy, family; his father's name was anastatio; his mother's was elizabetta mini. he was the third of their sons, and received an excellent education under his uncle, georgio antonio vespucci, a learned friar of the fraternity of san marco, who was instructor to several illustrious personages of that period. amerigo vespucci visited spain, and took up his residence in seville, to attend to some commercial transactions on account of the family of the medici of florence, and to repair, by his ingenuity, the losses and misfortunes of an unskillful brother. [291] the date of his arrival in spain is uncertain, but from comparing dates and circumstances mentioned in his letters, he must have been at seville when columbus returned from his first voyage. padre stanislaus canovai, professor of mathematics at florence, who has published the life and voyages of amerigo vespucci, says that he was commissioned by king ferdinand, and sent with columbus in his second voyage in 1493. he states this on the authority of a passage in the cosmography of sebastian munster, published at basle in 1550;[292] but munster mentions vespucci as having accompanied columbus in his first voyage; the reference of canovai is therefore incorrect; and the suggestion of munster is disproved by the letters of vespucci, in which he states his having been stimulated by the accounts brought of the newly-discovered regions. he never mentions such a voyage in any of his letters; which he most probably would have done, or rather would have made it the subject of a copious letter, had he actually performed it. the first notice of a positive form which we have of vespucci, as resident in spain, is early in 1496. he appears, from documents in the royal archives at seville, to have acted as agent or factor for the house of juanoto berardi, a rich florentine merchant, resident in seville; who had contracted to furnish the spanish sovereigns with three several armaments, of four vessels each, for the service of the newly-discovered countries. he may have been one of the principals in this affair, which was transacted in the name of this established house. berardi died in december, 1495, and in the following january we find amerigo vespucci attending to the concerns of the expeditions, and settling with the masters of the ships for their pay and maintenance, according to the agreements made between them and the late juanoto berardi. on the 12th january, 1496, he received on this account 10,000 maravedis from bernardo pinelo, the royal treasurer. he went on preparing all things for the dispatch of four caravels to sail under the same contract between the sovereigns and the house of berardi, and sent them to sea on the 3d february, 1496; but on the 8th they met with a storm and were wrecked; the crews were saved with the loss of only three men. [293] while thus employed, amerigo vespucci, of course, had occasional opportunity of conversing with columbus, with whom, according to the expression of the admiral himself, in one of his letters to his son diego, he appears to have been always on friendly terms. from these conversations, and from his agency in these expeditions, he soon became excited to visit the newly-discovered countries, and to participate in enterprises, which were the theme of every tongue. having made himself well acquainted with geographical and nautical science, he prepared to launch into the career of discovery. it was not very long before he carried this design into execution. in 1498, columbus, in his third voyage, discovered the coast of paria, on terra firma; which he at that time imagined to be a great island, but that a vast continent lay immediately adjacent. he sent to spain specimens of pearls found on this coast, and gave the most sanguine accounts of the supposed riches of the country. in 1499, an expedition of four vessels, under command of alonzo de ojeda, was fitted out from spain, and sailed for paria, guided by charts and letters sent to the government by columbus. these were communicated to ojeda, by his patron, the bishop fonseca, who had the superintendence of india affairs, and who furnished him also with a warrant to undertake the voyage. it is presumed that vespucci aided in fitting, out the armament, and sailed in a vessel belonging to the house of berardi, and in this way was enabled to take a share in the gains and losses of the expedition; for isabella, as queen of castile, had rigorously forbidden all strangers to trade with her transatlantic possessions, not even excepting the natives of the kingdom of aragon. this squadron visited paria and several hundred miles of the coast, which they ascertained to be terra firma. they returned in june, 1500; and on the 18th of july, in that year, amerigo vespucci wrote an account of his voyage to lorenzo de pier francisco de medici of florence, which remained concealed in manuscript, until brought to light and published by bandini in 1745. in his account of this voyage, and in every other narrative of his different expeditions, vespucci never mentions any other person concerned in the enterprise. he gives the time of his sailing, and states that he went with two caravels, which were probably his share of the expedition, or rather vessels sent by the house of berardi. he gives an interesting narrative of the voyage, and of the various transactions with the natives, which corresponds, in many substantial points, with the accounts furnished by ojeda and his mariners of their voyage, in a lawsuit hereafter mentioned. in may, 1501, vespucci, having suddenly left spain, sailed in the service of emanuel, king of portugal; in the course of which expedition he visited the coast of brazil. he gives an account of this voyage in a second letter to lorenzo de pier francisco de medici, which also remained in manuscript until published by bartolozzi in 1789. [294] no record nor notice of any such voyage undertaken by amerigo vespucci, at the command of emanuel, is to be found in the archives of the torre do tombo, the general archives of portugal, which have been repeatedly and diligently searched for the purpose. it is singular also that his name is not to be found in any of the portuguese historians, who in general were very particular in naming all navigators who held any important station among them, or rendered any distinguished services. that vespucci did sail along the coasts, however, is not questioned. his nephew, after his death, in the course of evidence on some points in dispute, gave the correct latitude of cape st. augustine, which he said he had extracted from his uncle's journal. in 1504, vespucci wrote a third letter to the same lorenzo de medici, containing a more extended account of the voyage just alluded to in the service of portugal. this was the first of his narratives that appeared in print. it appears to have been published in latin, at strasburgh, as early as 1505, under the title "americus vesputius de orbe antarctica per regem portugalliæ pridem inventa." [295] an edition of this letter was printed in vicenza in 1507, in an anonymous collection of voyages edited by francanzio di monte alboddo, an inhabitant of vicenza. it was re-printed in italian in 1508, at milan, and also in latin, in a book entitled "itinerarium portugalensium." in making the present illustration, the milan edition in italian [296] has been consulted, and also a latin translation of it by simon grinæus, in his novus orbis, published at basle in 1532. it relates entirely the first voyage of vespucci from lisbon to the brazils in 1501. it is from this voyage to the brazils that amerigo vespucci was first considered the discoverer of terra firma; and his name was at first applied to these southern regions, though afterwards extended to the whole continent. the merits of his voyage were, however, greatly exaggerated. the brazils had been previously discovered, and formally taken possession of for spain in 1500, by vincente yañez pinzon; and also in the same year, by pedro alvarez cabral, on the part of portugal; circumstances unknown, however, by vespucci and his associates. the country remained in possession of portugal, in conformity to the line of demarcation agreed on between the two nations. vespucci made a second voyage in the service of portugal. he says that he commanded a caravel in a squadron of six vessels destined for the discovery of malacca, which they had heard to be the great depot and magazine of all the trade between the ganges and the indian sea. such an expedition did sail about this time, under the command of gonzalo coelho. the squadron sailed, according to vespucci, on the 10th of may, 1503. it stopped at the cape de verd islands for refreshments, and afterwards sailed by the coast of sierra leone, but was prevented from landing by contrary winds and a turbulent sea. standing to the southwest, they ran three hundred leagues until they were three degrees to the southward of the equinoctial line, where they discovered an uninhabited island, about two leagues in length and one in breadth. here, on the 10th of august, by mismanagement, the commander of the squadron ran his vessel on a rock and lost her. while the other vessels were assisting to save the crew and property from the wreck, amerigo vespucci was dispatched in his caravel to search for a safe harbor in the island. he departed in his vessel without his long-boat, and with less than half of his crew, the rest having gone in the boat to the assistance of the wreck. vespucci found a harbor, but waited in vain for several days for the arrival of the ships. standing out to sea, he met with a solitary vessel, and learnt that the ship of the commander had sunk, and the rest had proceeded onwards. in company with this vessel he stood for the brazils, according to the command of the king, in case that any vessel should be parted from the fleet. arriving on the coast, he discovered the famous bay of all saints, where he remained upwards of two months, in hopes of being joined by the rest of the fleet. he at length ran 260 leagues farther south, where he remained five months building a fort and taking in cargo of brazil-wood. then, leaving in the fortress a garrison of 24 men with arms and ammunition, he set sail for lisbon, where he arrived in june, 1504. [297] the commander of the squadron and the other four ships were never heard of afterwards. vespucci does not appear to have received the reward from the king of portugal that his services merited, for we find him at seville early in 1505, on his way to the spanish court, in quest of employment: and he was bearer of a letter from columbus to his son diego, dated february 5, which, while it speaks warmly of him as a friend, intimates his having been unfortunate. the following is the letter: my dear son,--diego mendez departed hence on monday, the third of this month. after his departure i conversed with amerigo vespucci, the bearer of this, who goes there (to court) summoned on affairs of navigation. fortune has been adverse to him as to many others. his labors have not profited him as much as they reasonably should have done. he goes on my account, and with much desire to do something that may result to my advantage, if within his power. i cannot ascertain here in what i can employ him, that will be serviceable to me, for i do not know what may be there required. he goes with the determination to do all that is possible for me; see in what he may be of advantage, and co-operate with him, that he may say and do every thing, and put his plans in operation; and let all be done secretly, that he may not be suspected. i have said every thing to him that i can say touching the business, and have informed him of the pay i have received, and what is due, &c. [298] about this time amerigo vespucci received letters of naturalization from king ferdinand, and shortly afterwards he and vincente yafiez pinzon were named captains of an armada about to be sent out in the spice trade and to make discoveries. there is a royal order, dated toro, 11th april, 1507, for 12,000 maravedis for an outfit for "americo de vespuche, resident of seville." preparations were made for this voyage, and vessels procured and fitted out, but it was eventually abandoned. there are memoranda existing concerning it, dated in 1506, 1507, and 1508, from which it appears that amerigo vespucci remained at seville, attending to the fluctuating concerns of this squadron, until the destination of the vessels was changed, their equipments were sold, and the accounts settled. during this time he had a salary of 30,000 maravedis. on the 22d of march, 1508, he received the appointment of principal pilot, with a salary of 70,000 maravedis. his chief duties were to prepare charts, examine pilots, superintend the fitting out of expeditions, and prescribe the route that vessels were to pursue in their voyages to the new world. he appears to have remained at seville, and to have retained this office until his death, on the 22d of february, 1512. his widow, maria corezo, enjoyed a pension of 10,000 maravedis. after his death, his nephew, juan vespucci, was nominated pilot, with a salary of 20,000 maravedis, commencing on the 22d of may, 1512. peter martyr speaks with high commendation of this young man. "young vesputius is one to whom americus vesputius his uncle left the exact knowledge of the mariner's faculties, as it were by inheritance, after his death; for he was a very expert master in the knowledge of his carde, his compasse and the elevation of the pole starre by the quadrant.... vesputius is my very familiar friend, and a wittie young man, in whose company i take great pleasure, and therefore use him oftentymes for my guest. he hath also made many voyages into these coasts, and diligently noted such things as he hath seen." [299] vespucci, the nephew, continued in this situation during the lifetime of fonseca, who had been the patron of his uncle and his family. he was divested of his pay and his employ by a letter of the council, dated the 18th of march, 1525, shortly after the death of the bishop. no further notice of vespucci is to be found in the archives of the indies. such is a brief view of the career of amerigo vespucci; it remains to notice the points of controversy. shortly after his return from his last expedition to the brazils, he wrote a letter dated lisbon, 4th september, 1504, containing a summary account of all his voyages. this letter is of special importance to the matters under investigatiod, as it is the only one known that relates to the disputed voyage, which would establish him as the discoverer of terra firma. it is presumed to have been written in latin, and was addressed to rené, duke of lorraine, who assumed the title of king of sicily and jerusalem. the earliest known edition of this letter was published in latin, in 1507, at st. diez in lorraine. a copy of it has been found in the library of the vatican (no. 9688) by the abbe cancellieri. in preparing the present illustration, a reprint of this letter in latin has been consulted, inserted in the novus orbis of grinæus, published at bath in 1532. the letter contains a spirited narrative of four voyages which he asserts to have made to the new world. in the prologue he excuses the liberty of addressing king rené by calling to his recollection the ancient intimacy of their youth, when studying the rudiments of science together, under the paternal uncle of the voyager; and adds that if the present narrative should not altogether please his majesty, he must plead to him as pliny said to mæcenas, that he used formerly to be amused with his triflings. in the prologue to this letter, he informs king rené that affairs of commerce had brought him to spain, where he had experienced the various changes of fortune attendant on such transactions, and was induced to abandon that pursuit and direct his labors to objects of a more elevated and stable nature. he therefore purposed to contemplate various parts of the world, and to behold the marvels which it contains. to this object both time and place were favorable; for king ferdinand was then preparing four vessels for the discovery of new lands in the west, and appointed him among the number of those who went in the expedition. "we departed," he adds, "from the port of cadiz, may 20, 1497, taking our course on the great gulf of ocean; in which voyage we employed eighteen months, discovering many lands and innumerable islands, chiefly inhabited, of which our ancestors make no mention." a duplicate of this letter appears to have been sent at the same time (written, it is said, in italian) to piere soderini, afterwards gonfalonier of florence, which was some years subsequently published in italy, not earlier than 1510, and entitled "lettera de amerigo vespucci delle isole nuovamente trovate in quatro suoi viaggi." we have consulted the edition of this letter in italian, inserted in the publication of padre stanislaus canovai, already referred to. it has been suggested by an italian writer, that this letter was written by vespucci to soderini only, and the address altered to king rené through the flattery or mistake of the lorraine editor, without perceiving how unsuitable the reference to former intimacy, intended for soderini, was, when applied to a sovereign. the person making this remark can hardly have read the prologue to the latin edition, in which the title of "your majesty" is frequently repeated, and the term "illustrious king" employed. it was first published also in lorraine, the domains of rené, and the publisher would not probably have presumed to take such a liberty with his sovereign's name. it becomes a question, whether vespucci addressed the same letter to king rené and to piere soderini, both of them having been educated with him, or whether he sent a copy of this letter to soderini, which subsequently found its way into print. the address to soderini may have been substituted, through mistake, by the italian publisher. neither of the publications could have been made under the supervision of vespucci. the voyage specified in this letter as having taken place in 1497, is the great point in controversy. it is strenuously asserted that no such voyage took place; and that the first expedition of vespucci to the coast of paria was in the enterprise commanded by ojeda, in 1499. the books of the armadas existing in the archives of the indies at seville, have been diligently examined, but no record of such voyage has been found, nor any official documents relating to it. those most experienced in spanish colonial regulations insist that no command like that pretended by vespucci could have been given to a stranger, till he had first received letters of naturalization from the sovereigns for the kingdom of castile, and he did not obtain such till 1505, when they were granted to him as preparatory to giving him the command in conjunction with pinzon. his account of a voyage made by him in 1497, therefore, is alleged to be a fabrication for the purpose of claiming the discovery of paria; or rather it is affirmed that he has divided the voyage which he actually made with ojeda, in 1499, into two; taking a number of incidents from his real voyage, altering them a little, and enlarging them with descriptions of the countries and people, so as to make a plausible narrative, which he gives as a distinct voyage; and antedating his departure to 1497, so as to make himself appear the first discoverer of paria. in support of this charge various coincidences have been pointed out between his voyage said to have taken place in 1497, and that described in his first letter to lorenzo de medici in 1499. these coincidences are with respect to places visited, transactions and battles with the natives, and the number of indians carried to spain and sold as slaves. but the credibility of this voyage has been put to a stronger test. about 1508 a suit was instituted against the crown of spain by don diego, son and heir of columbus, for the government of certain parts of terra firma, and for a share in the revenue arising from them, conformably to the capitulations made between the sovereigns and his father. it was the object of the crown to disprove the discovery of the coast of paria and the pearl islands by columbus; as it was maintained, that unless he had discovered them, the claim of his heir with respect to them would be of no validity. in the course of this suit, a particular examination of witnesses took place in 1512-13 in the fiscal court. alonzo de ojeda, and nearly a hundred other persons, were interrogated on oath; that voyager having been the first to visit the coast of paria after columbus had left it, and that within a very few months. the interrogatories of these witnesses, and their replies, are still extant, in the archives of the indies at seville, in a packet of papers entitled "papers belonging to the admiral don luis colon, about the conservation of his privileges, from ann. 1515 to 1564." the author of the present work has two several copies of these interrogatories lying before him. one made by the late historian muñoz, and the other made in 1826, and signed by don jose de la higuera y lara, keeper of the general archives of the indies in seville. in the course of this testimony, the fact that amerigo vespucci accompanied ojeda in this voyage of 1499, appears manifest, first from the deposition of ojeda himself. the following are the words of the record: "in this voyage which this said witness made, he took with him juan de la cosa and morego vespuche [amerigo vespucci] and other pilots." [300] secondly, from the coincidence of many parts of the narrative of vespucci with events in this voyage of ojeda. among these coincidences, one is particularly striking. vespucci, in his letter to lorenzo de medici, and also in that to rené or soderini, says, that his ships, after leaving the coast of terra firma, stopped at hispaniola, where they remained about two months and a half, procuring provisions, during which time, he adds, "we had many perils and troubles with the very christians who were in that island with columbus, and i believe through envy." [301] now it is well known that ojeda passed some time on the western end of the island victualing his ships; and that serious dissensions took place between him and the spaniards in those parts, and the party sent by columbus under roldan to keep a watch upon his movements. if then vespucci, as is stated upon oath, really accompanied ojeda in this voyage, the inference appears almost irresistible, that he had not made the previous voyage of 1497, for the fact would have been well known to ojeda; he would have considered vespucci as the original discoverer, and would have had no motive for depriving him of the merit of it, to give it to columbus, with whom ojeda was not upon friendly terms. ojeda, however, expressly declares that the coast had been discovered by columbus. on being asked how he knew the fact, he replied, because he saw the chart of the country discovered, which columbus sent at the time to the king and queen, and that he came off immediately on a voyage of discovery, and found what was therein set down as discovered by the admiral was correct. [302] another witness, bernaldo de haro, states that he had been with the admiral, and had written (or rather copied) a letter for the admiral to the king and queen, designating, in an accompanying sea-chart, the courses and steerings and winds by which he had arrived at paria; and that this witness had heard that from this chart others had been made, and that pedro alonzo niño and ojeda, and others, who had since, visited these countries, had been guided by the same. [303] francisco de molares, one of the best and most credible of all the pilots, testified that he saw a sea-chart which columbus had made of the coast of paria, _and he believed that all governed themselves by it_. [304] numerous witnesses in this process testify to the fact that paria was first discovered by columbus. las casas, who has been at the pains of counting them, says that the fact was established by twenty-five eye-witnesses and sixty ear-witnesses. many of them testify also that the coast south of paria, and that extending west of the island of margarita, away to venezuela, which vespucci states to have been discovered by himself, in 1497, was now first discovered by ojeda, and had never before been visited either by the admiral "or any other christian whatever." alonzo sanchez de carvajal says that all the voyages of discovery which were made to the terra firma, were made by persons who had sailed with the admiral, or been benefited by his instructions and directions, following the course he had laid down;[305] and the same is testified by many other pilots and mariners of reputation and experience. it would be a singular circumstance, if none of these witnesses, many of whom must have sailed in the same squadron with vespucci along this coast in 1499, should have known that he had discovered and explored it two years previously. if that had really been the case, what motive could he have for concealing the fact? and why, if they knew it, should they not proclaim it? vespucci states his voyage in 1497 to have been made with four caravels; that they returned in october, 1498, and that he sailed again with two caravels in may, 1499, (the date of ojeda's departure.) many of the mariners would therefore have been present in both voyages. why, too, should ojeda and the other pilots guide themselves by the charts of columbus, when they had a man on board so learned in nautical science, and who, from his own recent observations, was practically acquainted with the coast? not a word, however, is mentioned of the voyage and discovery of vespucci by any of the pilots, though every other voyage and discovery is cited; nor does there even a seaman appear who has accompanied him in his asserted voyage. another strong circumstance against the reality of this voyage is, that it was not brought forward in this trial to defeat the claims of the heirs of columbus. vespucci states the voyage to have been undertaken with the knowledge and countenance of king ferdinand; it must, therefore, have been avowed and notorious. vespucci was living at seville in 1508, at the time of the commencement of this suit, and, for four years afterward, a salaried servant of the crown. many of the pilots and mariners must have been at hand, who sailed with him in his pretended enterprise. if this voyage had once been proved, it would completely have settled the question, as far as concerned the coast of paria, in favor of the crown. yet no testimony appears ever to have been taken from vespucci while living; and when the interrogatories were made in the fiscal court in 1512-13, not one of his seamen is brought up to give evidence. a voyage so important in its nature, and so essential to the question in dispute, is not even alluded to, while useless pains are taken to wrest evidence from the voyage of ojeda, undertaken at a subsequent period. it is a circumstance worthy of notice, that vespucci commences his first letter to lorenzo de medici in 1500, within a month after his return from the voyage he had actually made to paria, and apologizes for his long silence, by saying that nothing had occurred worthy of mention, ("e gran tempo che non ho scritto à vostra magnifizensa, e non lo ha causato altra cosa ne nessuna salvo non mi essere occorso cosa degna di memoria,") and proceeds eagerly to tell him the wonders he had witnessed in the expedition from which he had but just returned. it would be a singular forgetfulness to say that nothing had occurred of importance, if he had made a previous voyage of eighteen months in 1497-8 to this newly-discovered world; and it would be almost equally strange that he should not make the slightest allusion to it in this letter. it has been the endeavor of the author to examine this question dispassionately; and after considering the statements and arguments advanced on either side, he cannot resist a conviction, that the voyage stated to have been made in 1497 did not take place, and that vespucci has no title to the first discovery of the coast of paria. the question is extremely perplexing from the difficulty of assigning sufficient motives for so gross a deception. when vespucci wrote his letters there was no doubt entertained but that columbus had discovered the main-land in his first voyage; cuba being always considered the extremity of asia, until circumnavigated in 1508. vespucci may have supposed brazil, paria, and the rest of that coast, part of a distinct continent, and have been anxious to arrogate to himself the fame of its discovery. it has been asserted, that, on his return from his voyage to the brazils, he prepared a maritime chart, in which he gave his name to that part of the mainland; but this assertion does not appear to be well substantiated. it would rather seem that his name was given to that part of the continent by others, as a tribute paid to his supposed merit, in consequence of having read his own account of his voyages. [306] it is singular that fernando, the son of columbus, in his biography of his father, should bring no charge against vespucci of endeavoring to supplant the admiral in this discovery. herrera has been cited as the first to bring the accusation, in his history of the indies, first published in 1601, and has been much criticized in consequence, by the advocates of vespucci, as making the charge on his mere assertion. but, in fact, herrera did but copy what he found written by las casas, who had the proceedings of the fiscal court lying before him, and was moved to indignation against vespucci, by what he considered proofs of great imposture. it has been suggested that vespucci was instigated to this deception at the time when he was seeking employment in the colonial service of spain; and that he did it to conciliate the bishop fonseca, who was desirous of any thing that might injure the interests of columbus. in corroboration of this opinion, the patronage is cited which was ever shown by fonseca to vespucci and his family. this is not, however, a satisfactory reason, since it does not appear that the bishop ever made any use of the fabrication. perhaps some other means might be found of accounting for this spurious narration, without implicating the veracity of vespucci. it may have been the blunder of some editor, or the interpolation of some book-maker, eager, as in the case of trivigiani with the manuscripts of peter martyr, to gather together disjointed materials, and fabricate a work to gratify the prevalent passion of the day. in the various editions of the letters of vespucci, the grossest variations and inconsistencies in dates will be found, evidently the errors of hasty and careless publishers. several of these have been corrected by the modern authors who have inserted these letters in their works. [307] the same disregard to exactness which led to these blunders, may have produced the interpolation of this voyage, garbled out of the letters of vespucci and the accounts of other voyagers. this is merely suggested as a possible mode of accounting for what appears so decidedly to be a fabrication, yet which we are loath to attribute to a man of the good sense, the character, and the reputed merit of vespucci. after all, this is a question more of curiosity than of real moment, although it is one of those perplexing points about which grave men will continue to write weary volumes, until the subject acquires a fictitious importance from the mountain of controversy heaped upon it. it has become a question of local pride with the literati of florence; and they emulate each other with patriotic zeal, to vindicate the fame of their distinguished countryman. this zeal is laudable when kept within proper limits; but it is to be regretted that some of them have so far been heated by controversy as to become irascible against the very memory of columbus, and to seek to disparage his general fame, as if the ruin of it would add any thing to the reputation of vespucci. this is discreditable to their discernment and their liberality; it injures their cause, and shocks the feelings of mankind, who will not willingly see a name like that of columbus lightly or petulantly assailed in the course of these literary contests. it is a name consecrated in history, and is no longer the property of a city, or a state, or a nation, but of the whole world. neither should those who have a proper sense of the merit of columbus put any part of his great renown at issue upon this minor dispute. whether or not he was the discoverer of paria, was a question of interest to his heirs, as a share of the government and revenues of that country depended upon it; but it is of no importance to his fame. in fact, the european who first reached the mainland of the new world was most probably sebastian cabot, a native of venice, sailing in the employ of england. in 1497 he coasted its shores from labrador to florida; yet the english have never set up any pretensions on his account. the glory of columbus does not depend upon the parts of the country he visited or the extent of coast along which he sailed; it embraces the discovery of the whole western world. with respect to him, vespucci is as yañez pinzon, bastides, ojeda, cabot, and the crowd of secondary discoverers, who followed in his track, and explored the realms to which he had led the way. when columbus first touched a shore of the new world, even though a frontier island, he had achieved his enterprises; he had accomplished all that was necessary to his fame: the great problem of the ocean was solved; the world which lay beyond its western waters was discovered. no. xi. martin alonzo pinzon. in the course of the trial in the fiscal court, between don diego and the crown, an attempt was made to depreciate the merit of columbus, and to ascribe the success of the great enterprise of discovery to the intelligence and spirit of martin alonzo pinzon. it was the interest of the crown to do so, to justify itself in withholding from the heirs of columbus the extent of his stipulated reward. the examinations of witnesses in this trial were made at various times and places, and upon a set of interrogatories formally drawn up by order of the fiscal. they took place upwards of twenty years after the first voyage of columbus, and the witnesses testified from recollection. in reply to one of the interrogatories, arias perez pinzon, son of martin alonzo, declared, that, being once in rome with his father on commercial affairs, before the time of the discovery, they had frequent conversations with a person learned in cosmography who was in the service of pope innocent viii, and that being in the library of the pope, this person showed them many manuscripts, from one of which his father gathered intimation of these new lands; for there was a passage by an historian as old as the time of solomon, which said, "navigate the mediterranean sea to the end of spain and thence towards the setting sun, in a direction between north and south, until ninety-five degrees of longitude, and you will find the land of cipango, fertile and abundant, and equal in greatness to africa and europe." a copy of this writing, he added, his father brought from rome with an intention of going in search of that land, and frequently expressed such determination; and that, when columbus came to palos with his project of discovery, martin alonzo pinzon showed him the manuscript, and ultimately gave it to him just before they sailed. it is extremely probable that this manuscript, of which arias perez gives so vague an account from recollection, but which he appears to think the main thing that prompted columbus to his undertaking, was no other than the work of marco polo, which, at that time, existed in manuscript in most of the italian libraries. martin alonzo was evidently acquainted with the work of the venetian, and it would appear, from various circumstances, that columbus had a copy of it with him in his voyages, which may have been the manuscript above mentioned. columbus had long before, however, had a knowledge of the work, if not by actual inspection, at least through his correspondence with toscanelli in 1474, and had derived from it all the light it was capable of furnishing, before he ever came to palos. it is questionable, also, whether the visit of martin alonzo to rome, was not after his mind had been heated by conversations with columbus in the convent of la rabida. the testimony of arias perez is so worded as to leave it in doubt whether the visit was not in the very year prior to the discovery: "fue el dicho su padre á roma aquel dicho año antes que fuese a descubrir." arias perez always mentions the manuscript as having been imparted to columbus, after he had come to palos with an intention of proceeding on the discovery. certain witnesses who were examined on behalf of the crown, and to whom specific interrogatories were put, asserted, as has already been mentioned in a note to this work, that had it not been for martin alonzo pinzon and his brothers, columbus would have turned back for spain, after having run seven or eight hundred leagues; being disheartened at not finding land, and dismayed by the mutiny and menaces of his crew. this is stated by two or three as from personal knowledge, and by others from hearsay. it is said especially to have occurred on the 6th of october. on this day, according to the journal of columbus, he had some conversation with martin alonzo, who was anxious that they should stand more to the southwest. the admiral refused to do so, and it is very probable that some angry words may have passed between them. various disputes appear to have taken place between columbus and his colleagues respecting their route, previous to the discovery of land; in one or two instances he acceded to their wishes, and altered his course, but in general he was inflexible in standing to the west. the pinzons also, in all probability, exerted their influence in quelling the murmurs of their townsmen and encouraging them to proceed, when ready to rebel against columbus. these circumstances may have become mixed up in the vague recollections of the seamen who gave the foregoing extravagant testimony, and who were evidently disposed to exalt the merits of the pinzons at the expense of columbus. they were in some measure prompted also in their replies by the written interrogatories put by order of the fiscal, which specified the conversations said to have passed between columbus and the pizons, and notwithstanding these guides, they differed widely in their statements, and ran into many absurdities. in a manuscript record in possession of the pinzon family, i have even read the assertion of an old seaman, that columbus, in his eagerness to compel the pinzons to turn back to spain, _fired upon_ _their ships_, but, they continuing on, he was obliged to follow, and within two days afterwards discovered the island of hispaniola. it is evident the old sailor, if he really spoke conscientiously, mingled in his cloudy remembrance the disputes in the early part of the voyage about altering their course to the southwest, and the desertion of martin alonzo, subsequent to the discovery of the lucayos and cuba, when after parting company with the admiral, he made the island of hispaniola. the witness most to be depended upon as to these points of inquiry is the physician of palos, garcia fernandez, a man of education, who sailed with martin alonzo pinzon as steward of his ship, and of course was present at all the conversations which passed between the commanders. he testifies that martin alonzo urged columbus to stand more to the southwest, and that the admiral at length complied, but, finding no land in that direction, they turned again to the west; a statement which completely coincides with the journal of columbus. he adds that the admiral continually comforted and animated martin alonzo, and all others in his company. (siempre los consolaba el dicho almirante esforzandolos al dicho martin alonzo e â todos los que en su compania iban.) when the physician was specifically questioned as to the conversations pretended to have passed between the commanders, in which columbus expressed a desire to turn back to spain, he referred to the preceding statement, as the only answer he had to make to these interrogatories. the extravagant testimony before mentioned appears never to have had any weight with the fiscal; and the accurate historian muñoz, who extracted all these points of evidence from the papers of the lawsuit, has not deemed them worthy of mention in his work. as these matters, however, remain on record in the archives of the indies, and in the archives of the pinzon family, in both of which i have had a full opportunity of inspecting them, i have thought it advisable to make these few observations on the subject; lest, in the rage for research, they might hereafter be drawn forth as a new discovery, on the strength of which to impugn the merits of columbus. no. xii. rumor of the pilot said to have died in the house of columbus. among the various attempts to injure columbus by those who were envious of his fame, was one intended to destroy all his merit as an original discoverer. it was said that he had received information of the existence of land in the western parts of the ocean from a tempest-tossed pilot, who had been driven there by violent easterly winds, and who on his return to europe, had died in the house of columbus, leaving in his possession the chart and journal of his voyage, by which he was guided to his discovery. this story was first noticed by oviedo, a contemporary of columbus, in his history of the indies, published in 1535. he mentions it as a rumor circulating among the vulgar, without foundation in truth. fernando lopez de gomara first brought it forward against columbus. in his history of the indies, published in 1552, he repeats the rumor in the vaguest terms, manifestly from oviedo, but without the contradiction given to it by that author. he says that the name and country of the pilot were unknown, some terming him an andalusian, sailing between the canaries and madeira, others a biscayan, trading to england and france; and others a portuguese, voyaging between lisbon and mina, on the coast of guinea. he expresses equal uncertainty whether the pilot brought the caravel to portugal, to madeira, or to one of the azores. the only point on which the circulators of the rumor agreed was, that he died in the house of columbus. gomara adds that by this event columbus was led to undertake his voyage to the new countries. [308] the other early historians who mention columbus and his voyages, and were his contemporaries, viz. sabellicus, peter martyr, giustiniani, bernaldez, commonly called the curate of los palacios, las casas, fernando, the son of the admiral, and the anonymous author of a voyage of columbus, translated from the italian into latin by madrignano, [309] are all silent in regard to this report. benzoni, whose history of the new world was published in 1565, repeats the story from gomara, with whom he was contemporary; but decidedly expresses his opinion, that gomara had mingled up much falsehood with some truth, for the purpose of detracting from the fame of columbus, through jealousy that any one but a spaniard should enjoy the honor of the discovery. [310] acosta notices the circumstance slightly in his natural and moral history of the indies, published in 1591, and takes it evidently from gomara. [311] mariana, in his history of spain, published in 1592, also mentions it, but expresses a doubt of its truth, and derives his information manifestly from gomara. [312] herrera, who published his history of the indies in 1601, takes no notice of the story. in not noticing it, he may be considered as rejecting it; for he is distinguished for his minuteness, and was well acquainted with gomara's history, which he expressly contradicts on a point of considerable interest. [313] garcilasso de la vega, a native of cusco in peru, revived the tale with very minute particulars, in his commentaries of the incas, published in 1609. he tells it smoothly and circumstantially; fixes the date of the occurrence 1484, "one year more or less;" states the name of the unfortunate pilot, alonzo sanchez de huelva; the destination of his vessel, from the canaries to madeira; and the unknown land to which they were driven, the island of hispaniola. the pilot, he says, landed, took an altitude, and wrote an account of all he saw, and all that had occurred in the voyage. he then took in wood and water, and set out to seek his way home. he succeeded in returning, but the voyage was long and tempestuous, and twelve died of hunger and fatigue, out of seventeen, the original number of the crew. the five survivors arrived at tercera, where they were hospitably entertained by columbus, but all died in his house in consequence of the hardships they had sustained; the pilot was the last that died, leaving his host heir to his papers. columbus kept them profoundly secret, and by pursuing the route therein prescribed, obtained the credit of discovering the new world. [314] such are the material points of the circumstantial relation furnished by garcilasso de la vega, one hundred and twenty years after the event. in regard to authority, he recollects to have heard the story when he was a child, as a subject of conversation between his father and the neighbors, and he refers to the histories of the indies, by acosta and gomara, for confirmation. as the conversations to which he listened must have taken place sixty or seventy years after the date of the report, there had been sufficient time for the vague rumors to become arranged into a regular narrative, and thus we have not only the name, country, and destination of the pilot, but also the name of the unknown land to which his vessel was driven. this account, given by garcilasso de la vega, has been adopted by many old historians, who have felt a confidence in the peremptory manner in which he relates it, and in the authorities to whom he refers. [315] these have been echoed by others of more recent date; and thus a weighty charge of fraud and imposture has been accumulated against columbus, apparently supported by a crowd of respectable accusers. the whole charge is to be traced to gomara, who loosely repeated a vague rumor, without noticing the pointed contradiction given to it seventeen years before, by oviedo, an ear-witness, from whose book he appears to have actually gathered the report. it is to be remarked that goinara bears the character, among historians, of inaccuracy, and of great credulity in adopting unfounded stories. [316] it is unnecessary to give further refutation to this charge, especially as it is clear that columbus communicated his idea of discovery to paulo toscanelli of florence, in 1474, ten years previous to the date assigned by garcilasso de la vega for this occurrence. no. xiii. martin behem. this able geographer was born in nuremburg, in germany, about the commencement of the year 1430. his ancestors were from the circle of pilsner, in bohemia, hence he is called by some writers martin of bohemia, and the resemblance of his own name to that of the country of his ancestors frequently occasions a confusion in the appellation. it has been said by some that he studied under philip bervalde the elder, and by others under john muller, otherwise called regiomontanus, though de murr, who has made diligent inquiry into his history, discredits both assertions. according to a correspondence between behem and his uncle discovered of late years by de murr, it appears that the early part of his life was devoted to commerce. some have given him the credit of discovering the island of fayal, but this is an error, arising probably from the circumstance that job de huertar, father-in-law of behem, colonized that island in 1466. he is supposed to have arrived at portugal in 1481, while alphonso v was still on the throne; it is certain that shortly afterwards he was in high repute for his science in the court of lisbon, insomuch that he was one of the council appointed by king john ii to improve the art of navigation, and by some he has received the whole credit of the memorable service rendered to commerce by that council, in the introduction of the astrolabe into nautical use. in 1484 king john sent an expedition under diego cam, as barros calls him, cano according to others, to prosecute discoveries along the coast of africa. in this expedition behem sailed as cosmographer. they crossed the equinoctial line, discovered the coast of congo, advanced to twenty-two degrees forty-five minutes of south latitude, [317] and erected two columns, on which were engraved the arms of portugal, in the mouth of the river zagra, in africa, which thence, for some time, took the name of the river of columns. [318] for the services rendered on this and on previous occasions, it is said that behem was knighted by king john in 1485, though no mention is made of such a circumstance in any of the contemporary historians. the principal proof of his having received this mark of distinction, is his having given himself the title on his own globe of _eques lusitanus_. in 1486 he married at fayal the daughter of job de huerter, and is supposed to have remained there for some few years, where he had a son named martin, born in 1489. during his residence at lisbon and fayal, it is probable the acquaintance took place between him and columbus, to which herrera and others allude; and the admiral may have heard from him some of the rumors circulating in the islands, of indications of western lands floating to their shores. in 1491 he returned to nuremburg to see his family, and while there, in 1492, he finished a terrestrial globe, considered a masterpiece in those days, which he had undertaken at the request of the principal magistrates of his native city. in 1493 he returned to portugal, and from thence proceeded to fayal. in 1494 king john ii, who had a high opinion of him, sent him to flanders to his natural son prince george, the intended heir of his crown. in the course of his voyage behem was captured and carried to england, where he remained for three months detained by illness. having recovered, he again put to sea, but was captured by a corsair and carried to france. having ransomed himself, he proceeded to antwerp and bruges, but returned almost immediately to portugal. nothing more is known of him for several years, during which time it is supposed he remained with his family in fayal, too old to make further voyages. in 1506 he went from fayal to lisbon, where he died. the assertion that behem had discovered the western world previous to columbus, in the course of the voyage with cam, was founded on a misinterpretation of a passage interpolated in the chronicle of hartmann schedel, a contemporary writer. this passage mentions, that when the voyagers were in the southern ocean not far from the coast, and had passed the line, they came into another hemisphere, where, when they looked towards the east, their shadows fell towards the south, on their right hand; that here they discovered a new world, unknown until then, and which for many years had never been sought except by the genoese, and by them unsuccessfully. "hii duo, bono deorum auspicio, mare meridionale sulcantes, a littore non longe evagantes, superato circulo equinoctiali, in alterum orbem excepti stint. ubi ipsis stantibus orientem versus, umbra ad meridiem et dextram projiciebatur. aperuêre igitur sua industria, alium orbem hactenus nobis incognitum et multis annis, a nullis quam januensibus, licet frustra temptatum." these lines are part of a passage which it is said is interpolated by a different hand, in the original manuscript of the chronicle of schedel. de murr assures us that they are not to be found in the german translation of the book by george alt, which was finished the 5th october, 1493. but even if they were, they relate merely to the discovery which diego cam made of the southern hemisphere, previously unknown, and of the coast of africa beyond the equator, all which appeared like a new world, and as such was talked of at the time. the genoese alluded to, who had made an unsuccessful attempt were antonio de nolle with bartholomeo his brother, and raphael de nolle his nephew. antonio was of a noble family, and, for some disgust, left his country and went to lisbon with his before-mentioned relatives in two caravels; sailing whence in the employ of portugal, they discovered the island of st. jago, &c. [319] this interpolated passage of schedel was likewise inserted into the work de europa sub frederico iii of æneas silvius, afterwards pope pius ii, who died in 1464, long before the voyage in question. the misinterpretation of the passage first gave rise to the incorrect assertion that behem had discovered the new world prior to columbus; as if it were possible such a circumstance could have happened without behem's laying claim to the glory of the discovery, and without the world immediately resounding with so important an event. this error had been adopted by various authors without due examination, some of whom had likewise taken from magellan the credit of having discovered the strait which goes by his name, and had given it to behem. the error was too palpable to be generally prevalent, but was suddenly revived in the year 1786 by a french gentleman of highly respectable character of the name of otto, then resident in new york, who addressed a letter to dr. franklin, to be submitted to the philosophical society of philadelphia, in which he undertook to establish the title of behem to the discovery of the new world. his memoir was published in the transactions of the american philosophical society, vol. ii., for 1786, article no. 35, and has been copied into the journals of most of the nations of europe. the authorities cited by m. otto in support of his assertion are generally fallacious, and for the most part given without particular specification. his assertion has been diligently and satisfactorily refuted by don christoval cladera. [320] the grand proof of m. otto is a globe which behem made during his residence in nuremburg, in 1492, the very year that columbus set out on his first voyage of discovery. this globe, according to m. otto, is still preserved in the library of nuremburg, and on it are painted all the discoveries of behem, which are so situated that they can be no other than the coast of brazil and the straits of magellan. this authority staggered many, and, if supported, would demolish the claims of columbus. unluckily for m. otto, in his description of the globe, he depended on the inspection of a correspondent. the globe in the library of nuremburg was made in 1520, by john schoener, professor of mathematics, [321] long after the discoveries and death of columbus and behem. the real globe of behem, made in 1492, does not contain any of the islands or shores of the new world, and thus proves that he was totally unacquainted with them. a copy, or planisphere, of behem's globe is given by cladera in his investigations. no. xiv. voyages of the scandinavians. many elaborate dissertations have been written to prove that discoveries were made by the scandinavians on the northern coast of america long before the era of columbus; but the subject appears still to be wrapped in much doubt and obscurity. it has been asserted that the norwegians, as early as the ninth century, discovered a great tract of land to the west of iceland, which they called grand iceland; but this has been pronounced a fabulous tradition. the most plausible account is one given by snorro sturleson, in his saga or chronicle of king olaus. according to this writer, one biorn of iceland, sailing to greenland in search of his father, from whom he had been separated by a storm, was driven by tempestuous weather far to the southwest, until he came in sight of a low country, covered with wood, with an island in its vicinity. the weather becoming favorable, he turned to the northeast without landing, and arrived safe at greenland. his account of the country he had beheld, it is said, excited the enterprise of leif, son of eric rauda (or redhead), the first settler of greenland. a vessel was fitted out, and leif and biorn departed alone in quest of this unknown land. they found a rocky and sterile island, to which they gave the name of helleland; also a low sandy country covered with wood, to which they gave the name of markland; and, two days afterwards, they observed a continuance of the coast, with an island to the north of it. this last they described as fertile, well wooded, producing agreeable fruits, and particularly grapes, a fruit with which they were unacquainted. on being informed by one of their companions, a german, of its qualities and name, they called the country, from it, vinland. they ascended a river, well stored with fish, particularly salmon, and came to a lake from which the river took its origin, where they passed the winter. the climate appeared to them mild and pleasant; being accustomed to the rigorous climates of the north. on the shortest day, the sun was eight hours above the horizon. hence it has been concluded that the country was about the 49th degree of north latitude, and was either newfoundland, or some part of the coast of north america, about the gulf of st. lawrence. [322] it is added that the relatives of leif made several voyages to vinland; that they traded with the natives for furs; and that, in 1121, a bishop named eric went from greenland to vinland to convert the inhabitants to christianity. from this time, says forster, we know nothing of vinland, and there is every appearance that the tribe which still exists in the interior of newfoundland, and which is so different from the other savages of north america, both in their appearance and mode of living, and always in a state of warfare with the esquimaux of the northern coast, are descendants of the ancient normans. the author of the present work has not had the means of tracing this story to its original sources. he gives it on the authority of m. malte-brun, and mr. forster. the latter extracts it from the saga or chronicle of snorro, who was born in 1179, and wrote in 1215; so that his account was formed long after the event is said to have taken place. forster says, "the facts which we report have been collected from a great number of icelandic manuscripts, and transmitted to us by torfreus in his two works entitled veleris groenlandiae descriptio, hafnia, 1706, and historia winlandiae antiquae, hafnia, 1705." forster appears to have no doubt of the authenticity of the facts. as far as the author of the present work has had experience in tracing these stories of early discoveries of portions of the new world, he has generally found them very confident deductions drawn from very vague and questionable facts. learned men are too prone to give substance to mere shadows, when they assist some reconceived theory. most of these accounts, when divested of the erudite comments of their editors, have proved little better than the traditionary fables, noticed in another part of this work, respecting the imaginary islands of st. borondon, and of the seven cities. there is no great improbability, however, that such enterprising and roving voyagers as the scandinavians, may have wandered to the northern shores of america, about the coast of labrador, or the shores of newfoundland; and if the icelandic manuscripts said to be of the thirteenth century can be relied upon as genuine, free from modern interpolation, and correctly quoted, they would appear to prove the fact. but granting the truth of the alleged discoveries, they led to no more result than would the interchange of communication between the natives of greenland and the esquimaux. the knowledge of them appears not to have extended beyond their own nation, and to have been soon neglected and forgotten by themselves. another pretension to an early discovery of the american continent has been set up, founded on an alleged map and narrative of two brothers of the name of zeno, of venice; but it seems more invalid than those just mentioned. the following is the substance of this claim. nicolo zeno, a noble venetian, is said to have made a voyage to the north in 1380, in a vessel fitted out at his own cost, intending to visit england and flanders; but meeting with a terrible tempest, was driven for many days he knew not whither, until he was cast away upon friseland, an island much in dispute among geographers, but supposed to be the archipelago of the ferroe islands. the shipwrecked voyagers were assailed by the natives; but rescued by zichmni, a prince of the islands, lying on the south side of friseland, and duke of another district lying over against scotland. zeno entered into the service of this prince, and aided him in conquering friseland, and other northern islands. he was soon joined by his brother antonio zeno, who remained fourteen years in those countries. during his residence in friseland, antonio zeno wrote to his brother carlo, in venice, giving an account of a report brought by a certain fisherman, about a land to the westward. according to the tale of this mariner, he had been one of a party who sailed from friseland about twenty-six years before, in four fishing-boats. being overtaken by a mighty tempest, they were driven about the sea for many days, until the boat containing himself and six companions was cast upon an island called estotiland, about one thousand miles from friseland. they were taken by the inhabitants, and carried to a fair and populous city, where the king sent for many interpreters to converse with them, but none that they could understand, until a man was found who had likewise been cast away upon the coast, and who spoke latin. they remained several days upon the island, which was rich and fruitful, abounding with all kinds of metals, and especially gold. [323] there was a high mountain in the centre, from which flowed four rivers which watered the whole country. the inhabitants were intelligent and acquainted with the mechanical arts of europe. they cultivated grain, made beer, and lived in houses built of stone. there were latin books in the king's library, though the inhabitants had no knowledge of that language. they had many cities and castles, and carried on a trade with greenland for pitch, sulphur, and peltry. though much given to navigation, they were ignorant of the use of the compass, and finding the friselanders acquainted with it, held them in great esteem; and the king sent them with twelve barks to visit a country to the south, called drogeo. they had nearly perished in a storm, but were cast away upon the coast of drogeo. they found the people to be cannibals, and were on the point of being killed and devoured, but were spared on account of their great skill in fishing. the fisherman described this drogeo as being a country of vast extent, or rather a new world; that the inhabitants were naked and barbarous; but that far to the southwest there was a more civilized region, and temperate climate, where the inhabitants had a knowledge of gold and silver, lived in cities, erected splendid temples to idols, and sacrificed human victims to them, which they afterwards devoured. after the fisherman had resided many years on this continent, during which time he had passed from the service of one chieftain to another, and traversed various parts of it, certain boats of estotiland arrived on the coast of drogeo. the fisherman went on board of them, acted as interpreter, and followed the trade between the main-land and estotiland for some time, until he became very rich: then he fitted out a bark of his own, and with the assistance of some of the people of the island, made his way back, across the thousand intervening miles of ocean, and arrived safe at friseland. the account he gave of these countries, determined zichmni, the prince of friseland, to send an expedition thither, and antonio zeno was to command it. just before sailing, the fisherman, who was to have acted as guide, died; but certain mariners, who had accompanied him from estotiland, were taken in his place. the expedition sailed under command of zichmni; the venetian, zeno, merely accompanied it. it was unsuccessful. after having discovered an island called icaria, where they met with a rough reception from the inhabitants, and were obliged to withdraw, the ships were driven by a storm to greenland. no record remains of any further prosecution of the enterprise. the countries mentioned in the account of zeno, were laid down on a map originally engraved on wood. the island of estotiland has been supposed by m. malte-brun to be newfoundland; its partially civilized inhabitants the descendants of the scandinavian colonists of vinland; and the latin books in the king's library to be the remains of the library of the greenland bishop, who emigrated thither in 1121. drogeo, according to the same conjecture, was nova scotia and new england. the civilized people to the southwest, who sacrificed human victims in rich temples, he surmises to have been the mexicans, or some ancient nation of florida or louisiana. the premises do not appear to warrant this deduction. the whole story abounds with improbabilities; not the least of which is the civilization prevalent among the inhabitants; their houses of stone, their european arts, the library of their king; no traces of which were to be found on their subsequent discovery. not to mention the information about mexico penetrating through the numerous savage tribes of a vast continent. it is proper to observe that this account was not published until 1558, long after the discovery of mexico. it was given to the world by francisco marcolini, a descendant of the zeni, from the fragments of letters said to have been written by antonio zeno to carlo his brother. "it grieves me," says the editor, "that the book, and divers other writings concerning these matters, are miserably lost; for being but a child when they came to my hands, and not knowing what they were, i tore them and rent them in pieces, which now i cannot call to remembrance but to my exceeding great grief." [324] this garbled statement by marcolini derived considerable authority by being introduced by abraham ortelius, an able geographer, in his theatrum orbis; but the whole story has been condemned by able commentators as a gross fabrication. mr. forster resents this, as an instance of obstinate incredulity, saying that it is impossible to doubt the existence of the country of which carlo, nicolo and antonio zeno talk; as original acts in the archives of venice prove that the chevalier undertook a voyage to the north; that his brother antonio followed him; that antonio traced a map, which he brought back and hung up in his house, where it remained subject to public examination, until the time of marcolini, as an incontestable proof of the truth of what he advanced. granting all this, it merely proves that antonio and his brother were at friseland and greenland. their letters never assert that zeno made the voyage to estotiland. the fleet was carried by a tempest to greenland, after which we hear no more of him; and his account of estotiland and drogeo rests simply on the tale of the fisherman, after whose descriptions his map must have been conjecturally projected. the whole story resembles much the fables circulated shortly after the discovery of columbus, to arrogate to other nations and individuals the credit of the achievement. m. malte-brun intimates that the alleged discovery of vinland may have been known to columbus when he made a voyage in the north sea in 1477,[325] and that the map of zeno, being in the national library at london, in a danish work, at the time when bartholomew columbus was in that city, employed in making maps, he may have known something of it, and have communicated it to his brother. [326] had m. malte-brun examined the history of columbus with his usual accuracy, he would have perceived, that, in his correspondence with paulo toscanelli in 1474, he had expressed his intention of seeking india by a route directly to the west. his voyage to the north did not take place until three years afterwards. as to the residence of bartholomew in london, it was not until after columbus had made his propositions of discovery to portugal, if not to the courts of other powers. granting, therefore, that he had subsequently heard the dubious stories of vinland, and of the fisherman's adventures, as related by zeno, or at least by marcolini, they evidently could not have influenced him in his great enterprise. his route had no reference to them, but was a direct western course, not toward vinland, and estotiland, and drogeo, but in search of cipango, and cathay, and the other countries described by marco polo, as lying at the extremity of india. no. xv. circumnavigation of africa by the ancients. the knowledge of the ancients with respect to the atlantic coast of africa is considered by modern investigators much less extensive than had been imagined; and it is doubted whether they had any practical authority for the belief that africa was circumnavigable. the alleged voyage of endoxns of cyzicus, from the red sea to gibraltar, though recorded by pliny, pomponius mela, and others, is given entirely on the assertion of cornelius nepos, who does not tell from whence he derived his information. posidonius (cited by strabo) gives an entirely different account of this voyage, and rejects it with contempt. [327] the famous voyage of hanno, the carthaginian, is supposed to have taken place about a thousand years before the christian era. the periplus hannonis remains, a brief and obscure record of this expedition, and a subject of great comment and controversy. by some it has been pronounced a fictitious work, fabricated among the greeks, but its authenticity has been ably vindicated. it appears to be satisfactorily proved, however, that the voyage of this navigator has been greatly exaggerated, and that he never circumnavigated the extreme end of africa. mons. de bougainville [328] traces his route to a promontory which he named the west horn, supposed to be cape palmas, about five or six degrees north of the equinoctial line, whence he proceeded to another promontory, under the same parallel, which he called the south horn, supposed to be cape de tres puntas. mons. gosselin, however, in his researches into the geography of the ancients (tome 1, p. 162, etc.), after a rigid examination of the periplus of hanno, determines that he had not sailed farther south than cape non. pliny, who makes hanno range the whole coast of africa, from the straits to the confines of arabia, had never seen his periplus, but took his idea from the works of xenophon of lampsaco. the greeks surcharged the narration of the voyager with all kinds of fables, and on their unfaithful copies strabo founded many of his assertions. according to m. gosselin, the itineraries of hanno, of scylax, polybius, statius, sebosus, and juba; the recitals of plato, of aristotle, of pliny, of plutarch, and the tables of ptolemy, all bring us to the same results, and, notwithstanding their apparent contradictions, fix the limit of southern navigation about the neighborhood of cape non, or cape bojador. the opinion that africa was a peninsula, which existed among the persians, the egyptians, and perhaps the greeks, several centuries prior to the christian era, was not, in his opinion, founded upon any known facts; but merely on conjecture, from considering the immensity and unity of the ocean; or perhaps on more ancient traditions; or on ideas produced by the carthaginian discoveries, beyond the straits of gibraltar, and those of the egyptians beyond the gulf of arabia. he thinks that there was a very remote period when geography was much more perfect than in the time of the phenicians and the greeks, whose knowledge was but confused traces of what had previously been better known. the opinion that the indian sea joined the ocean was admitted among the greeks, and in the school of alexandria, until the time of hipparchus. it seemed authorized by the direction which the coast of africa took after cape aromata, always tending westward, as far as it had been explored by navigators. it was supposed that the western coast of africa rounded off to meet the eastern, and that the whole was bounded by the ocean, much to the northward of the equator. such was the opinion of crates, who lived in the time of alexander; of aratus, of cleanthes, of cleomedes, of strabo, of pomponius mela, of macrobius, and many others. hipparchus proposed a different system, and led the world into an error, which for a long time retarded the maritime communication of europe and india. he supposed that the seas were separated into distinct basins, and that the eastern shores of africa made a circuit round the indian sea, so as to join those of asia beyond the mouth of the ganges. subsequent discoveries, instead of refuting this error, only placed the junction of the continents at a greater distance. marinus of tyre, and ptolemy, adopted this opinion in their works, and illustrated it in their maps, which for centuries controlled the general belief of mankind, and perpetuated the idea that africa extended onward to the south pole, and that it was impossible to arrive by sea at the coasts of india. still there were geographers who leaned to the more ancient idea of a communication between the indian sea and the atlantic ocean. it had its advocates in spain, and was maintained by pomponius mela and by isidore of seville. it was believed also by some of the learned in italy, in the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries; and thus was kept alive until it was acted upon so vigorously by prince henry of portugal, and at length triumphantly demonstrated by vasco de gama, in his circumnavigation of the cape of good hope. no. xvi. of the ships of columbus. in remarking on the smallness of the vessels with which columbus made his first voyage, dr. bobertson observes, that, "in the fifteenth century, the bulk and construction of vessels were accommodated to the short and easy voyages along the coast, which they were accustomed to perform." we have many proofs, however, that even anterior to the fifteenth century, there were large ships employed by the spaniards, as well as by other nations. in an edict published in barcelona, in 1354, by pedro iv, enforcing various regulations for the security of commerce, mention is made of catalonian merchant ships of two and three decks and from 8000 to 12,000 quintals burden. in 1419, alonzo of aragon hired several merchant ships to transport artillery, horses, etc., from barcelona to italy, among which were two, each carrying one hundred and twenty horses, which it is computed would require a vessel of at least 600 tons. in 1463, mention is made of a venetian ship of 700 tons which arrived at barcelona from england, laden with wheat. in 1497, a castilian vessel arrived there being of 12,000 quintals burden. these arrivals, incidentally mentioned among others of similar size, as happening at one port, show that large ships were in use in those days. [329] indeed, at the time of fitting out the second expedition of columbus, there were prepared in the port of bermeo, a caracca of 1250 tons, and four ships, of from 150 to 450 tons burden. their destination, however, was altered, and they were sent to convoy muley boabdil, the last moorish king of granada, from the coast of his conquered territory to africa. [330] it was not for want of large vessels in the spanish ports, therefore, that those of columbus were of so small a size. he considered them best adapted to voyages of discovery, as they required but little depth of water, and therefore could more easily and safely coast unknown shores, and explore bays and rivers. he had some purposely constructed of a very small size for this service; such was the caravel, which in his third voyage he dispatched to look out for an opening to the sea at the upper part of the gulf of paria, when the water grew too shallow for his vessel of one hundred tons burden. the most singular circumstance with respect to the ships of columbus is that they should be open vessels; for it seems difficult to believe that a voyage of such extent and peril should be attempted in barks of so frail a construction. this, however, is expressly mentioned by peter martyr, in his decades written at the time; and mention is made occasionally, in the memoirs relative to the voyages written by columbus and his son, of certain of his vessels being without decks. he sometimes speaks of the same vessel as a ship, and a caravel. there has been some discussion of late as to the precise meaning of the term caravel. the chevalier bossi, in his dissertations on columbus, observes, that in the mediterranean, caravel designates the largest class of ships of war among the mussulmans, and that in portugal, it means a small vessel of from 120 to 140 tons burden; but columbus sometimes applies it to a vessel of forty tons. du cange, in his glossary, considers it a word of italian origin. bossi thinks it either turkish or arabic, and probably introduced into the european languages by the moors. mr. edward everett, in a note to his plymouth oration, considers that the true origin of the word is given in "ferrarii origines linguæ italicæ," as follows: "caravela, navigii minoris genus. lat. carabus: grsece karabron." that the word caravel was intended to signify a vessel of a small size is evident from a naval classification made by king alonzo in the middle of the thirteenth century. in the first class he enumerates naos, or large ships which go only with sails, some of which have two masts, and others but one. in the second class smaller vessels, as carracas, fustas, ballenares, pinazas, carabelas, &c. in the third class vessels with sails and oars, as galleys, galeots, tardantes, and saetias. [331] bossi gives a copy of a letter written by columbus to don raphael xansis, treasurer of the king of spain; an edition of whicli exists in the public library at milan. with this letter he gives several woodcuts of sketches made with a pen, which accompanied this letter, and which he supposes to have been from the hand of columbus. in these are represented vessels which are probably caravels. they have high bows and sterns, with castles on the latter. they have short masts with large square sails. one of them, besides sails, has benches of oars, and is probably intended to represent a galley. they are all evidently vessels of small size, and light construction. in a work called "kecherches sur le commerce," published in amsterdam, 1779, is a plate representing a vessel of the latter part of the fifteenth century. it is taken from a picture in the church of st. giovanni e paolo in venice. the vessel bears much resemblance to those said to have been sketched by columbus; it has two masts, one of which is extremely small with a latine sail. the mainmast has a large square sail. the vessel has a high poop and prow, is decked at each end, and is open in the centre. it appears to be the fact, therefore, that most of the vessels with which columbus undertook his long and perilous voyages, were of this light and frail construction; and little superior to the small craft which ply on rivers and along coasts in modern days. no. xvii. route of columbus in his first voyage. [332] it has hitherto been supposed that one of the bahama islands, at present bearing the name of san salvador, and which is also known as cat island, was the first point where columbus came in contact with the new world. navarrete, however, in his introduction to the "collection of spanish voyages and discoveries," recently published at madrid, has endeavored to show that it must have been turk's island, one of the same group, situated about 100 leagues (of 20 to the degree) s.e. of san salvador. great care has been taken to examine candidly the opinion of navarrete, comparing it with the journal of columbus, as published in the above-mentioned work, and with the personal observations of the writer of this article, who has been much among these islands. columbus describes guanahani, on which he landed, and to which he gave the name of san salvador, as being a beautiful island, and very large; as being level, and covered with forests, many of the trees of which bore fruit; as having abundance of fresh water, and a large lake in the centre; that it was inhabited by a numerous population; that he proceeded for a considerable distance in his boats along the shore, which trended to the n.n.e., and as he passed, was visited by the inhabitants of several villages. turk's island does not answer to this description. turk's island is a low key composed of sand and rocks, and lying north and south, less than two leagues in extent. it is utterly destitute of wood, and has not a single tree of native growth. it has no fresh water, the inhabitants depending entirely on cisterns and casks in which they preserve the rain; neither has it any lake, but several salt ponds, which furnish the sole production of the island. turk's island cannot be approached on the east or northeast side, in consequence of the reef that surrounds it. it has no harbor, but has an open road on the west side, which vessels at anchor there have to leave and put to sea whenever the wind comes from any other quarter than that of the usual trade breeze of n.e. which blows over the island; for the shore is so bold that there is no anchorage except close to it; and when the wind ceases to blow from the laud, vessels remaining at their anchors would be swung against the rocks, or forced high upon the shore, by the terrible surf that then prevails. the unfrequented road of the hawk's nest, at the south end of the island, is even more dangerous. this island, which is not susceptible of the slightest cultivation, furnishes a scanty subsistence to a few sheep and horses. the inhabitants draw all their consumption from abroad, with the exception of fish and turtle, which are taken in abundance, and supply the principal food of the slaves employed in the salt-works. the whole wealth of the island consists in the produce of the salt-ponds, and in the salvage and plunder of the many wrecks which take place in the neighborhood. turk's island, therefore, would never be inhabited in a savage state of society, where commerce does not exist, and where men are obliged to draw their subsistence from the spot which they people. again: when about to leave guanahani, columbus was at a loss to choose which to visit of a great number of islands in sight. now there is no land visible from turk's island, excepting the two salt keys which lie south of it, and with it form the group known as turk's islands. the journal of columbus does not tell us what course he steered in going from guanahani to concepcion, but he states, that it was five leagues distant from the former, and that the current was against him in sailing to it: whereas the distance from turk's island to the gran caico, supposed by navarrete to be the concepcion of columbus, is nearly double, and the current sets constantly to the w.n.w. among these islands, which would be favorable in going from turk's island to the caicos. from concepcion columbus went next to an island which he saw nine leagues off in a westerly direction, to which he gave the name of fernaudina. this navarrete takes to be little inagua, distant no less than twenty-two leagues from gran caico. besides, in going to little inagua, it would be necessary to pass quite close to three islands, each larger than turk's island, none of which are mentioned in the journal. columbus describes fernandina as stretching twenty-eight leagues s.e. and n. w.: whereas little inagua has its greatest length of four leagues in a s. w. direction. in a word, the description of fernandina has nothing in common with little inagua. from fernandina columbus sailed s.e. to isabella, which navarrete takes to be great inagua: whereas this latter bears s. w. from little inagua, a course differing 90° from the one followed by columbus. again: columbus, on the 20th of november, takes occasion to say that guanahani was distant eight leagues from isabella: whereas turk's island is thirty-five leagues from great inagua. leaving isabella, columbus stood w. s. w. for the island of cuba, and fell in with the islas arenas. this course drawn from great inagua, would meet the coast of cuba about port nipe; whereas navarrete supposes that columbus next fell in with the keys south of the jumentos, and which bear w.n.w. from inagua: a course differing 45° from the one steered by the ships. after sailing for some time in the neighborhood of cuba, columbus finds himself, on the 14th of november, in the sea of nuestra señora, surrounded by so many islands that it was impossible to count them: whereas, on the same day, navarrete places him off cape moa, where there is but one small island, and more than fifty leagues distant from any group that can possibly answer the description. columbus informs us that san salvador was distant from port principe forty-five leagues: whereas turk's island is distant from the point, supposed by navarrete to be the same, eighty leagues. on taking leave of cuba, columbus remarks that he had followed its coast for an extent of 120 leagues. deducting twenty leagues for his having followed its windings, there still remain 100. now, navarrete only supposes him to have coasted this island an extent of seventy leagues. such are the most important difficulties which the theory of navarrete offers, and which appear insurmountable. let us now take up the route of columbus as recorded in his journal, and, with the best charts before us, examine how it agrees with the popular and traditional opinion, that he first landed on the island of san salvador. we learn from the journal of columbus that, on the 11th of october, 1492, he continued steering w. s. w. until sunset, when he returned to his old course of west, the vessels running at the rate of three leagues an hour. at ten o'clock he and several of his crew saw a light, which seemed like a torch carried about on land. he continued running on four hours longer, and had made a distance of twelve leagues farther west, when at two in the morning land was discovered ahead, distant two leagues. the twelve leagues which, they ran since ten o'clock, with the two leagues distance from the land, form a total corresponding essentially with the distance and situation of waiting's island from san salvador; and it is thence presumed, that the light seen at that hour was on watling's island, which they were then passing. had the light been seen on land ahead, and they had kept running on four hours, at the rate of three leagues an hour, they must have run high and dry on shore. as the admiral himself received the royal reward for having seen this light, as the first discovery of land, watling's island is believed to be the point for which this premium was granted. on making land, the vessels were hove to until daylight of the same 12th of october; they then anchored off an island of great beauty, covered with forests, and extremely populous. it was called guanahani by the natives, but columbus gave it the name of san salvador. exploring its coast, where it ran to the n.n.e. he found a harbor capable of sheltering any number of ships. this description corresponds minutely with the s.e. part of the island known as san salvador, or cat island, which lies east and west, bending at its eastern extremity to the n.n.e., and has the same verdant and fertile appearance. the vessels had probably drifted into this bay at the s.e. side of san salvador, on the morning of the 12th, while lying to for daylight; nor did columbus, while remaining at the island, or when sailing from it, open the land so as to discover that what he had taken for its whole length was but a bend at one end of it, and that the main body of the island lay behind, stretching far to the n. w. from guanahani, columbus saw so many other islands that he was at a loss which next to visit. the indians signified that they were innumerable, and mentioned the names of above a hundred. he determined to go to the largest in sight, which appeared to be about five leagues distant; some of the others were nearer, and some further off. the island thus selected, it is presumed, was the present island of concepcion; and that the others were that singular belt of small islands, known as la cadena (or the chain), stretching past the island of san salvador in a s.e. and n. w. direction: the nearest of the group being nearer than concepcion, while the rest are more distant. leaving san salvador in the afternoon of the 14th for the island thus selected, the ships lay by during the night, and did not reach it until late in the following day, being retarded by adverse currents. columbus gave this island the name of santa maria de la coucepcion: he does not mention either its bearings from san salvador, or the course which he steered in going to it. we know that in all this neighborhood the current sets strongly and constantly to the w.n.w.; and since columbus had the current against him, he must have been sailing in an opposite direction, or to the e.s.e. besides, when near conception, columbus sees another island to the westward, the largest he had yet seen; but he tells us that he anchored off concepcion, and did not stand for this larger island, because he could not have sailed to the west. hence it is rendered certain that columbus did not sail westward in going from san salvador to conception; for, from the opposition of the wind, as there could be no other cause, he could not sail towards that quarter. now, on reference to the chart, we find the island at present known as coucepcion situated e. s.e. from san salvador, and at a corresponding distance of five leagues. leaving concepcion on the 16th october, columbus steered for a very large island seen to the westward nine leagues off, and which extended itself twenty-eight leagues in a s.e. and n. w. direction. he was becalmed the whole day, and did not reach the island until the following morning, 17th october. he named it fernandina. at noon he made sail again, with a view to run round it, and reach another island called samoet; but the wind being at s.e. by s., the course he wished to steer, the natives signified that it would be easier to sail round this island by running to the n. w. with a fair wind. he therefore bore up to the n. w., and having run two leagues, found a marvelous port, with a narrow entrance, or rather with two entrances, for there was an island which shut it in completely, forming a noble basin within. sailing out of this harbor by the opposite entrance at the n. w., he discovered that part of the island which runs east and west. the natives signified to him that this island was smaller than samoet, and that it would be better to return towards the latter. it had now become calm, but shortly after there sprung up a breeze from w. n. w., which was ahead for the course they had been steering; so they bore up and stood to the e.s.e. in order to get an offing; for the weather threatened a storm, which however dissipated itself in rain. the next day, being the 18th october, they anchored opposite the extremity of fernandina. the whole of this description answers most accurately to the island of exuma, which lies south from san salvador, and s. w. by s. from concepcion. the only inconsistency is, that columbus states that fernandina bore nearly west from concepcion, and was twenty-eight leagues in extent. this mistake must have proceeded from his having taken the long chain of keys called la cadena for part of the same exuma; which continuous appearance they naturally assume when seen from concepcion, for they run in the same s.e. and n. w. direction. their bearings, when seen from the same point, are likewise westerly as well as southwesterly. as a proof that such was the case, it may be observed, that, after having approached these islands, instead of the extent of fernandina being increased to his eye, he now remarks that it was twenty leagues long, whereas before it was estimated by him at twenty-eight; he now discovers that instead of one island there were many, and alters his course southerly to reach the one that was most conspicuous. the identity of the island here described with exuma is irresistibly forced upon the mind. the distance from concepcion, the remarkable port with an island in front of it, and farther on its coast turning off to the westward, are all so accurately delineated, that it would seem as though the chart had been drawn from the description of columbus. on the 19th october, the ships left fernandina, steering s.e. with the wind at north. sailing three hours on this course, they discovered samoet to the east, and steered for it, arriving at its north point before noon. here they found a little island surrounded by rocks, with another reef of rocks lying between it and samoet. to samoet columbus gave the name of isabella, and to the point of it opposite the little island, that of cabo del isleo; the cape at the s. w. point of samoet columbus called cabo de laguna, and off this last his ships were brought to anchor. the little island lay in the direction from fernandina to isabella, east and west. the coast from the small island lay westerly twelve leagues to a cape, which columbus called fermosa from its beauty; this he believed to be an island apart from samoet or isabella, with another one between them. leaving cabo laguna, where he remained until the 20th october, columbus steered to the n.e. towards cabo del isleo, but meeting with shoals inside the small island, he did not come to anchor until the day following. near this extremity of isabella they found a lake, from which the ships were supplied with water. this island of isabella, or samoet, agrees so accurately in its description with isla larga, which lies east of exuma, that it is only necessary to read it with the chart unfolded to become convinced of the identity. having resolved to visit the island which the natives called cuba, and described as bearing w. s. w. from isabella, columbus left cabo del isleo at midnight, the commencement of the 24th october, and shaped his course accordingly to the w. s. w. the wind continued light, with rain, until noon, when it freshened up, and in the evening cape verde, the s. w. point of fernandina, bore n. w. distant seven leagues. as the night became tempestuous, he lay to until morning, drifting according to the reckoning two leagues. on the morning of the 25th he made sail again to w.s.w., until nine o'clock, when he had run five leagues; he then steered west until three, when he had run eleven leagues, at which hour land was discovered, consisting of seven or eight keys lying north and south, and distant five leagues from the ships. here he anchored the next day, south of these islands, which he called islas de arena; they were low, and five or six leagues in extent. the distances run by columbus, added to the departure taken from fernandina and the distance from these islands of arena at the time of discovering, give a sum of thirty leagues. this sum of thirty leagues is about three less than the distance from the s.w. point of fernandina or exuma, whence columbus took his departure, to the group of mucaras, which lie east of cayo lobo on the grand bank of bahama, and which correspond to the description of columbus. if it were necessary to account for the difference of three leagues in a reckoning, where so much is given on conjecture, it would readily occur to a seaman, that an allowance of two leagues for drift, during a long night of blowy weather, is but a small one. the course from exuma to the mucaras is about s.w. by w. the course followed by columbus differs a little from this, but as it was his intention, on setting sail from isabella, to steer w.s.w., and since he afterwards altered it to west, we may conclude that he did so in consequence of having been run out of his course to the southward, while lying to the night previous. oct. 27.--at sunrise columbus set sail from the isles arenas or mucaras, for an island called cuba, steering s.s.w. at dark, having made seventeen leagues on that course, he saw the land, and hove his ships to until morning. on the 28th he made sail again at s.s.w., and entered a beautiful river with a fine harbor, which he named san salvador. the journal in this part does not describe the localities with the minuteness with which every thing has hitherto been noted; the text also is in several places obscure. this port of san salvador we take to be the one now known as caravelas grandes, situated eight leagues west of nuevitas del principe. its bearings and distance from the mucaras coincide exactly with those run by columbus; and its description agrees, as far as can be ascertained by charts, with the port which he visited. oct. 29.--leaving this port, columbus stood to the west, and having sailed six leagues, he came to a point of the island running n.w., which we take to be the punta gorda; and, ten leagues farther, another stretching easterly, which will be punta curiana. one league farther he discovered a small river, and beyond this another very large one, to which he gave the name of rio de mares. this river emptied into a fine basin resembling a lake, and having a bold entrance: it had for landmarks two round mountains at the s. w., and to the w.n.w. a bold promontory, suitable for a fortification, which projected far into the sea. this we take to be the fine harbor and river situated west of point curiana; its distance corresponds with that run by columbus from caravelas grandes, which we have supposed identical with port san salvador. leaving rio de mares the 30th of october, columbus stood to the n. w. for fifteen leagues, when he saw a cape, to which he gave the name of cabode palmas. this, we believe, is the one which forms the eastern entrance to laguna de moron. beyond this cape was a river, distant, according to the natives, four days' journey from the town of cuba; columbus determined therefore to make for it. having lain to all night, he reached the river on the 31st of october, but found that it was too shallow to admit his ships. this is supposed to be what is now known as laguna de moron. beyond this was a cape surrounded by shoals, and another projected still farther out. between these two capes was a bay capable of receiving small vessels. the identity here of the description with the coast near laguna de moron seems very clear. the cape east of laguna de moron coincides with cape palmas, the laguna de moron with the shoal river described by columbus; and in the western point of entrance, with the island of cabrion opposite it, we recognize the two projecting capes he speaks of, with what appeared to be a bay between them. this all is a remarkable combination, difficult to be found any where but in the same spot which columbus visited and described. further, the coast from the port of san salvador had run west to rio de mares, a distance of seventeen leagues, and from rio de mares it had extended n. w. fifteen leagues to cabo de palmos; all of which agrees fully with what has been here supposed. the wind having shifted to north, which was contrary to the course they had been steering, the vessels bore up and returned to rio de mares. on the 12th of november the ships sailed out of rio de mares to go in quest of babeque, an island believed to abound in gold, and to lie e. by s. from that port. having sailed eight leagues with a fair wind, they came to a river, in which may be recognized the one which lies just west of punta gorda. four leagues farther they saw another, which they called rio del sol. it appeared very large, but they did not stop to examine it, as the wind was fair to advance. this we take to be the river now known as sabana. columbus was now retracing his steps, and had made twelve leagues from riode mares, but in going west from port san salvador to rio de mares, he had run seventeen leagues. san salvador, therefore, remains five leagues east of rio del sol; and, accordingly, on reference to the chart, we find caravelas grandes situated a corresponding distance from sabana. having run six leagues from rio del sol, which makes in all eighteen leagues from rio de mares, columbus came to a cape which he called cabo de cuba, probably from supposing it to be the extremity of that island. this corresponds precisely in distance from punta curiana with the lesser island of guajava, situated near cuba, and between which and the greater guajava columbus must have passed in running in for port san salvador. either he did not notice it, from his attention being engrossed by the magnificent island before him, or, as is also possible, his vessels may have been drifted through the passage, which is two leagues wide, while lying to the night previous to their arrival at port san salvador. on the 13th of november, having hove to all night, in the morning the ships passed a point two leagues in extent, and then entered into a gulf that made into the s.s.w., and which columbus thought separated cuba from bohio. at the bottom of the gulf was a large basin between two mountains. he could not determine whether or not this was an arm of the sea; for not finding shelter from the north wind, he put to sea again. hence it would appear that columbus must have partly sailed round the smaller guajava, which he took to be the extremity of cuba, without being aware that a few hours' sail would have taken him, by this channel, to port san salvador, his first discovery in cuba, and so back to the same rio del sol which he had passed the day previous. of the two mountains seen on both sides of this entrance, the principal one corresponds with the peak called alto de juan daune which lies seven leagues west of punta de maternillos. the wind continuing north, he stood east fourteen leagues from cape cuba, which we have supposed the lesser island of guajava. it is here rendered sure that the point of little guajava was believed by him to be the extremity of cuba; for he speaks of the land mentioned as lying to leeward of the above-mentioned gulf as being the island of bohio, and says that he discovered twenty leagues of it running e.s.e. and w.n.w. on the 14th november, having lain to all night with a n.e. wind, he determined to seek a port, and, if he found none, to return to those which he had left in the island of cuba; for it will be remembered that all east of little guajava he supposed to be bohio. he steered e. by s. therefore six leagues, and then stood in for the land. here he saw many ports and islands; but as it blew fresh, with a heavy sea, he dared not enter, but ran the coast down n.w. by w. for a distance of eighteen leagues, where he saw a clear entrance and a port, in which he stood s.s.w. and afterwards s.e., the navigation being all clear and open. here columbus beheld so many islands that it was impossible to count them. they were very lofty, and covered with trees. columbus called the neighboring sea mar de nuestra señora, and to the harbor near the entrance to these islands he gave the name of puerto del principe. this harbor he says he did not enter until the sunday following, which was four days after. this part of the text of columbus's journal is confused, and there are also anticipations, as if it had been written subsequently, or mixed together in copying. it appears evident, that while lying to the night previous, with the wind at n.e., the ships had drifted to the n.w., and been carried by the powerful current of the bahama channel far in the same direction. when they bore up, therefore, to return to the ports which they had left in the island of cuba, they fell in to leeward of them, and now first discovered the numerous group of islands of which cayo romano is the principal. the current of this channel is of itself sufficient to have carried the vessels to the westward a distance of 20 leagues, which is what they had run easterly since leaving cape cuba, or guajava, for it had acted upon them during a period of thirty hours. there can be no doubt as to the identity of these keys with those about cayo romano; for they are the only ones in the neighborhood of cuba that are not of a low and swampy nature, but large and lofty. they inclose a free, open navigation, and abundance of fine harbors, in late years the resort of pirates, who found security and concealment for themselves and their prizes in the recesses of these lofty keys. from the description of columbus, the vessels must have entered between the islands of baril and pacedon, and, sailing along cayo romano on a s.e. course, have reached in another day their old cruising ground in the neighborhood of lesser guajava. not only columbus does not tell us here of his having changed his anchorage amongst these keys, but his journal does not even mention his having anchored at all, until the return from the ineffectual search after babeque. it is clear, from what has been said, that it was not in port principe that the vessels anchored on this occasion; but it could not have been very distant, since columbus went from the ships in his boats on the 18th november, to place a cross at its entrance. he had probably seen the entrance from without, when sailing east from guajava on the 13th of november. the identity of this port with the one now known as neuvitas el principe seems certain, from the description of its entrance, columbus, it appears, did not visit its interior. on the 19th november the ships sailed again, in quest of babeque. at sunset port principe bore s. s. w. distant seven leagues, and, having sailed all night at n.e. by n. and until ten o'clock of the next day (20th november), they had run a distance of fifteen leagues on that course. the wind blowing from e.s.e., which was the direction in which babeqne was supposed to lie, and the weather being foul, columbus determined to return to port principe, which was then distant twenty-five leagues. he did not wish to go to isabella, distant only twelve leagues, lest the indians whom he had brought from san salvador, which lay eight leagues from isabella, should make their escape. thus, in sailing n.e. by n. from near port principe, columbus had approached within a short distance of isabella. that island was then, according to his calculations, thirty-seven leagues from port principe; and san salvador was forty-five leagues from the same point. the first differs but eight leagues from the truth, the latter nine; or from the actual distance of neuvitas el principe from isla larga and san salvador. again, let us now call to mind the course made by columbus in going from isabella to cuba; it was first w. s. w., then west, and afterwards s. s. w. having consideration for the different distances run on each, these yield a medium course not materially different from s. w. sailing then s. w. from isabella, columbus had reached port san salvador, on the coast of cuba. making afterwards a course of n.e. by n. from off port principe, he was going in the direction of isabella. hence we deduce that port san salvador, on the coast of cuba, lay west of port principe, and the whole combination is thus bound together and established. the two islands seen by columbus at ten o'clock of the same 20th november, must have been some of the keys which lie west of the jumentos. running back towards port principe, columbus made it at dark, but found that he had been carried to the westward by the currents. this furnishes a sufficient proof of the strength of the current in the bahama channel; for it will be remembered that he ran over to cuba with a fair wind. after contending for four days, until the 24th november, with light winds against the force of these currents, he arrived at length opposite the level island whence he had set out the week before when going to babeque. we are thus accidentally informed that the point from which columbus started in search of babeque was the same bland of guajava the lesser, which lies west of neuvitas el principe. farther: at first he dared not enter into the opening between the two mountains, for it seemed as though the sea broke upon them; but having sent the boat ahead, the vessels followed in at s. w. and then w. into a fine harbor. the level island lay north of it, and with another island formed a secure basin capable of sheltering all the navy of spain. this level island resolves itself then into our late cape cuba, which we have supposed to be little guajava, and the entrance east of it becom'es identical with the gulf above mentioned which lay between two mountains, one of which we have supposed the alto de juan daune, and which gulf appeared to divide cuba from bohio. our course now becomes a plain one. on the 26th of november, columbus sailed from santa catalina (the name given by him to the port last described) at sunrise, and stood for the cape at the s.e. which he called cabo de pico. in this it is easy to recognize the high peak already spoken of as the alto de juan daune. arrived off this, he saw another cape, distant fifteen leagues, and still farther another five leagues beyond it, which he called cabo de campana. the first must be that now known as point padre, the second point mulas: their distances from alto de juan daune are underrated; but it requires no little experience to estimate correctly the distances of the bold headlands of cuba, as seen through the pure atmosphere that surrounds the island. having passed point mulas in the night, on the 27th columbus looked into the deep bay that lies s.e. of it, and seeing the bold projecting headland that makes out between port hipe and port banes, with those deep bays on each side of it, he supposed it to be an arm of the sea dividing one land from another with an island between them. having landed at taco for a short time, columbus arrived in the evening of the 27th at baracoa, to which he gave the name of puerto santo. from cabo del pico to puerto santo, a distance of sixty leagues, he had passed no fewer than nine good ports and five rivers to cape campana, and thence to puerto santo eight more rivers, each with a good port; all of which may be found on the chart between alto de juan daune and baracoa. by keeping near the coast he had been assisted to the s.e. by the eddy current of the bahama channel. sailing from puerto santo or baracoa on the 4th of december, he reached the extremity of cuba the following day, and striking off upon a wind to the s.e. in search of babeque, which lay to the n.e., he came in sight of bohio, to which he gave the name of hispaniola. on taking leave of cuba, columbus tells us that he had coasted it a distance of 120 leagues. allowing twenty leagues of this distance for his having followed the undulations of the coast, the remaining 100 measured from point maysi fall exactly upon cabrion key, which we have supposed the western boundary of his discoveries. the astronomical observations of columbus form no objection to what has been here advanced; for he tells us that the instrument which he made use of to measure the meridian altitudes of the heavenly bodies was out of order and not to be depended upon. he places his first discovery, guanahani, in the latitude of ferro, which is about 27° 30' north. san salvador we find in 24° 30', and turk's island in 21° 30': both are very wide of the truth, but it is certainly easier to conceive an error of three than one of six degrees. laying aside geographical demonstration, let us now examine how historical records agree with the opinion here supported, that the island of san salvador was the first point where columbus came in contact with the new world. herrera, who is considered the most faithful and authentic of spanish historians, wrote his history of the indies towards the year 1600. in describing the voyage of juan ponce de leon, made to florida in 1512, he makes the following remarks: [333] "leaving agnada in porto rico, they steered to the n. w. by n., and in five days arrived at an island called el viejo, in latitude 22° 30' north. the next day they arrived at a small island of the lucayos, called caycos. on the eighth day they anchored at another island called yaguna in 24°, on the eighth day out from porto kico. thence they passed to the island of mannega, in 24° 30', and on the eleventh day they reached guanahani, which is in 25° 40' north. this island of guanahani was the first discovered by columbus on his first voyage, and which he called san salvador." this is the substance of the remarks of herrera, and is entirely conclusive as to the location of san salvador. the latitudes, it is true, are all placed higher than we now know them to be; that of san salvador being such as to correspond with no other land than that now known as the berry islands, which are seventy leagues distant from the nearest coast of cuba: whereas columbus tells us that san salvador was only forty-five leagues from port principe. but in those infant days of navigation, the instruments for measuring the altitudes of the heavenly bodies, and the tables of declinations for deducing the latitude, must have been so imperfect as to place the most scientific navigator of the time below the most mechanical one of the present. the second island arrived at by ponce de leon, in his northwestern course, was one of the caycos; the first one, then, called el viejo, must have been turk's island, which lies s.e. of the caycos. the third island they came to was probably mariguana; the fourth, crooked island; and the fifth, isla larga. lastly they came to guanahani, the san salvador of columbus. if this be supposed identical with turk's island, where do we find the succession of islands touched at by ponce de leon on his way from porto rico to san salvador? [334] no stress has been laid, in these remarks, on the identity of name which has been preserved to san salvador, concepcion, and port principe, with those given by columbus, though traditional usage is of vast weight in such matters. geographical proof, of a conclusive kind it is thought, has been advanced, to enable the world to remain in its old hereditary belief that the present island of san salvador is the spot where columbus first set foot upon the new world. established opinions of the kind should not be lightly molested. it is a good old rule, that ought to be kept in mind in curious research as well as territorial dealings, "do not disturb the ancient landmarks." _note to the revised edition of 1848_.--the paron de humboldt, in his "examen critique de l'histoire de la geographie du nouveau continent," published in 1837, speaks repeatedly in high terms of the ability displayed in the above examination of the route of columbus, and argues at great length and quite conclusively in support of the opinion contained in it. above all, he produces a document hitherto unknown, and the great importance of which had been discovered by m. valeknaer and himself in 1832. this is a map made in 1500 by that able mariner juan de la cosa, who accompanied columbus in his second voyage and sailed with other of the discoverers. in this map, of which the baron de humboldt gives an engraving, the islands as laid down agree completely with the bearings and distances given in the journal of columbus, and establishes the identity of san salvador, or cat island, and guanahani. "i feel happy," says m. de humboldt, "to be enabled to destroy the incertitudes (which rested on this subject) by a document as ancient as it is unknown; a document which confirms irrevocably the arguments which mr. washington irving has given in his work against the hypotheses of the turk's island." in the present revised edition the author feels at liberty to give the merit of the very masterly paper on the route of columbus, where it is justly due. it was furnished him at madrid by the late commander alexander slidell mackenzie, of the united states navy, whose modesty shrunk from affixing his name to an article so calculated to do him credit, and which has since challenged the high eulogiums of men of nautical science. no. xviii. principles upon which the sums mentioned in this work have been reduced into modern currency. in the reign of ferdinand and isabella the mark of silver, which was equal to 8 ounces or to 50 castellanos, was divided into 65 reals, and each real into 34 maravedis; so that there were 2210 maravedis in the mark of silver. among other silver coins there was the real of 8, which consisting of 8 reals, was, within a small fraction, the eighth part of a mark of silver, or one ounce. of the gold coins then in circulation the castellano or _dobla de la vanda_ was worth 490 maravedis, and the ducado 383 maravedis. if the value of the maravedi had remained unchanged in spain down to the present day, it would be easy to reduce a sum of the time of ferdinand and isabella into a correspondent sum of current money; but by the successive depreciations of the coin of vellon, or mixed metals, issued since that period, the _real_ and maravedi of vellon, which had replaced the ancient currency, were reduced, towards the year 1700, to about a third of the old _real_ and maravedi, now known as the _real_ and maravedi of silver. as, however, the ancient piece of 8 reals was equal approximately to the ounce of silver, and the duro, or dollar of the present day, is likewise equal to an ounce, they may be considered identical. indeed, in spanish america, the dollar, instead of being divided into 20 reals, as in spain, is divided into only 8 parts called reals, which evidently represent the real of the time of ferdinand and isabella, as the dollar does the real of 8. but the ounce of silver was anciently worth 276-1/4 maravedis; the dollar, therefore, is likewise equal to 276 1/4 maravedis. by converting then the sums mentioned in this work into maravedis, they have been afterwards reduced into dollars by dividing by 276 1/4. there is still, however, another calculation to be made, before we can arrive at the actual value of any sum of gold and silver mentioned in former times. it is necessary to notice the variation which has taken place in the value of the metals themselves. in europe, previous to the discovery of the new world, an ounce of gold commanded an amount of food or labor which would cost three ounces at the present day; hence an ounce of gold was then estimated at three times its present value. at the same time an ounce of silver commanded an amount which at present costs 4 ounces of silver. it appears from this, that the value of gold and silver varied with respect to each other, as well as with respect to all other commodities. this is owing to there having been much more silver brought from the new world, with respect to the quantity previously in circulation, than there has been of gold. in the 15th century one ounce of gold was equal to about 12 of silver; and now, in the year 1827, it is exchanged against 16. hence giving an idea of the relative value of the sums mentioned in this work, it has been found necessary to multiply them by three when in gold, and by four when expressed in silver. [335] it is expedient to add that the dollar is reckoned in this work at 100 cents of the united states of north america, and four shillings and sixpence of england. no. xix. prester john: said to be derived from the persian _prestegani_ or _perestigani_, which signifies apostolique; or _preschtak-geham_, angel of the world. it is the name of a potent christian monarch of shadowy renown, whose dominions were placed by writers of the middle ages sometimes in the remote parts of asia and sometimes in africa, and of whom such contradictory accounts were given by the travelers of those days that the very existence either of him or his kingdom came to be considered doubtful. it now appears to be admitted, that there really was such a potentate in a remote part of asia. he was of the nestorian christians, a sect spread throughout asia, and taking its name and origin from nestorius, a christian patriarch of constantinople. the first vague reports of a christian potentate in the interior of asia, or, as it was then called, india, were brought to europe by the crusaders, who it is supposed gathered them from the syrian merchants who traded to the very confines of china. in subsequent ages, when the portuguese in their travels and voyages discovered a christian king among the abyssinians, called baleel-gian, they confounded him with the potentate already spoken of. nor was the blunder extraordinary, since the original prester john was said to reign over a remote part of india; and the ancients included in that name ethiopia and all the regions of africa and asia bordering on the red sea and on the commercial route from egypt to india. of the prester john of india we have reports furnished by william ruysbrook, commonly called rubruquis, a franciscan friar sent by louis ix, about the middle of the thirteenth century, to convert the grand khan. according to him, prester john was originally a nestorian priest, who on the death of the sovereign made himself king of the naymans, all nestorian christians. carpini, a franciscan friar, sent by pope innocent in 1245 to convert the mongols of persia, says, that ocoday, one of the sons of ghengis khan of tartary, marched with an army against the christians of grand india. the king of that country, who was called prester john, came to their succor. having had figures of men made of bronze, he had them fastened on the saddles of horses, and put fire within, with a man behind with a bellows. when they came to battle these horses were put in the advance, and the men who were seated behind the figures threw something into the fire, and blowing with their bellows, made such a smoke that the tartars were quite covered with it. they then fell on them, dispatched many with their arrows, and put the rest to flight. marco polo (1271) places prester john near the great wall of china, to the north of chan-si, in teudich, a populous region full of cities and castles. mandeville (1332) makes prester sovereign of upper india (asia), with four thousand islands tributary to him. when john ii, of portugal, was pushing his discoveries along the african coast, he was informed that 350 leagues to the east of the kingdom of benin, in the profound depths of africa, there was a puissant monarch, called ogave, who had spiritual and temporal jurisdiction over all the surrounding kings. an african prince assured him, also, that to the east of timbuctoo there was a sovereign who professed a religion similar to that of the christians, and was king of a mosaic people. king john now supposed he had found traces of the real prester john, with whom he was eager to form an alliance religious as well as commercial. in 1487 he sent envoys by land in quest of him. one was a gentleman of his household, pedro de covilham; the other, alphonso de paiva. they went by naples to rhodes, thence to cairo, thence to aden on the arabian gulf above the mouth of the red sea. here they separated with an agreement to rendezvous at cairo. alphonso de paiva sailed direct for ethiopia; pedro de covilham for the indies. the latter passed to calicut and goa, where he embarked for sofala on the eastern coast of africa, thence returned to aden, and made his way back to cairo. here he learned that his coadjutor, alphonso de paiva, had died in that city. he found two portuguese jews waiting for him with fresh orders from king john not to give up his researches after prester john until he found him. one of the jews he sent back with a journal and verbal accounts of his travels. with the other he set off again for aden; thence to ormuz, at the entrance of the gulf of persia, where all the rich merchandise of the east was brought to be transported thence by syria and egypt into europe. having taken note of every thing here, he embarked on the red sea, and arrived at the court of an abyssinian prince named escander, (the arabic version of alexander,) whom he considered the real prester john. the prince received him graciously, and manifested a disposition to favor the object of his embassy, but died suddenly, and his successor naut refused to let covilham depart, but kept him for many years about his person, as his prime councilor, lavishing on him wealth and honors. after all, this was not the real prester john; who, as has been observed, was an asiatic potentate. no. xx. marco polo. [336] the travels of marco polo, or paolo, furnish a key to many parts of the voyages and speculations of columbus, which without it would hardly be comprehensible. marco polo was a native of venice, who, in the thirteenth century, made a journey into the remote, and, at that time, unknown regions of the east, and filled all christendom with curiosity by his account of the countries he had visited. he was preceded in his travels by his father nicholas and his uncle maffeo polo. these two brothers were of an illustrious family in venice, and embarked, about the year 1255, on a commercial voyage to the east. having traversed the mediterranean and through the bosphorus, they stopped for a short time at constantinople, which city had recently been wrested from the greeks by the joint arms of france and venice. here they disposed of their italian merchandise, and, having purchased a stock of jewelry, departed on an adventurous expedition to trade with the western tartars, who, having overrun many parts of asia and europe, were settling and forming cities in the vicinity of the wolga. after traversing the euxine to soldaia, (at present sudak,) a port in the crimea, they continued on, by land and water, until they reached the military court, or rather camp, of a tartar prince, named barkah, a descendant of ghengis khan, into whose hands they confided all their merchandise. the barbaric chieftain, while he was dazzled by their precious commodities, was flattered by the entire confidence in his justice manifested by these strangers. he repaid them with princely munificence, and loaded them with favors during a year that they remained at his court. a war breaking out between their patron and his cousin hulagu, chief of the eastern tartars, and barkah being defeated, the polos were embarrassed how to extricate themselves from the country and return home in safety. the road to constantinople being cut off by the enemy, they took a circuitous route, round the head of the caspian sea, and through the deserts of transoxiana, until they arrived in the city of bokhara, where they resided for three years. while here there arrived a tartar nobleman who was on an embassy from the victorious hulagu to his brother the grand khan. the ambassador became aquainted with the venetians, and finding them to be versed in the tartar tongue and possessed of curious and valuable knowledge, he prevailed upon them to accompany him to the court of the emperor, situated, as they supposed, at the very extremity of the east. after a march of several months, being delayed by snow-storms and inundations, they arrived at the court of cublai, otherwise called the great khan, which signifies king of kings, being the sovereign potentate of the tartars. this magnificent prince received them with great distinction; he made inquiries about the countries and princes of the west, their civil and military government, and the manners and customs of the latin nation. above all, he was curious on the subject of the christian religion. he was so much struck by their replies, that after holding a council with the chief persons of his kingdom, he entreated the two brothers to go on his part as ambassadors to the pope, to entreat him to send a hundred learned men well instructed in the christian faith, to impart a knowledge of it to the sages of his empire. he also entreated them to bring him a little oil from the lamp of our saviour, in jerusalem, which he concluded must have marvelous virtues. it has been supposed, and with great reason, that under this covert of religion, the shrewd tartar sovereign veiled motives of a political nature. the influence of the pope in promoting the crusades had caused his power to be known and respected throughout the east; it was of some moment, therefore, to conciliate his good-will. cublai khan had no bigotry nor devotion to any particular faith, and probably hoped, by adopting christianity, to make it a common cause between himself and the warlike princes of christendom, against his and their inveterate enemies, the soldan of egypt and the saracens. having written letters to the pope in the tartar language, he delivered them to the polos, and appointed one of the principal noblemen of his court to accompany them in their mission. on their taking leave he furnished them with a tablet of gold on which was engraved the royal arms; this was to serve as a passport, at sight of which the governors of the various provinces were to entertain them, to furnish them with escorts through dangerous places, and render them all other necessary services at the expense of the great khan. they had scarce proceeded twenty miles, when the nobleman who accompanied them fell ill, and they were obliged to leave him, and continue on their route. their golden passport procured them every attention and facility throughout the dominions of the great khan. they arrived safely at acre, in april, 1269. here they received news of the recent death of pope clement iv, at which they were, much grieved, fearing it would cause delay in their mission. there was at that time in acre a legate of the holy chair, tebaldo di vesconti, of placentia, to whom they gave an account of their embassy. he heard them with great attention and interest, and advised them to await the election of a new pope, which must soon take place, before they proceeded to rome on their mission. they determined in the interim to make a visit to their families, and accordingly departed for negropont, and thence to venice, where great changes had taken place in their domestic concerns, during their long absence. the wife of nicholas, whom he had left pregnant, had died, in giving birth to a son, who had been named marco. as the contested election for the new pontiff remained pending for two years, they were uneasy, lest the emperor of tartary should grow impatient at so long a postponement of the conversion of himself and his people; they determined, therefore, not to wait the election of a pope, but to proceed to acre, and get such dispatches and such ghostly ministry for the grand khan, as the legate could furnish. on the second journey, nicholas polo took with him his son marco, who afterwards wrote an account of these travels. they were again received with great favor by the legate tebaldo, who, anxious for the success of their mission, furnished them with letters to the grand khan, in which the doctrines of the christian faith were fully expounded. with these, and with a supply of the holy oil from the sepulchre, they once more set out in september, 1271, for the remote parts of tartary. they had not long departed, when missives arrived from rome, informing the legate of his own election to the holy chair. he took the name of gregory x, and decreed that in future, on the death of a pope, the cardinals should be shut up in conclave until they elected a successor; a wise regulation, which has since continued, enforcing a prompt decision, and preventing intrigue. immediately on receiving intelligence of his election, he dispatched a courier to the king of armenia, requesting that the two venetians might be sent back to him, if they had not departed. they joyfully returned, and were furnished with new letters to the khan. two eloquent friars, also, nicholas vincenti and gilbert de tripoli, were sent with them, with powers to ordain priests and bishops and to grant absolution. they had presents of crystal vases, and other costly articles, to deliver to the grand khan; and thus well provided, they once more set forth on their journey. [337] arriving in armenia, they ran great risk of their lives from the war which was raging, the soldan of babylon having invaded the country. they took refuge for some time with the superior of a monastery. here the two reverend fathers, losing all courage to prosecute so perilous an enterprise, determined to remain, and the venetians continued their journey. they were a long time on the way, and exposed to great hardships and sufferings from floods and snow-storms, it being the winter season. at length they reached a town in the dominions of the khan. that potentate sent officers to meet them at forty days' distance from the court, and to provide quarters for them during their journey. [338] he received them with great kindness, was highly gratified with the result of their mission and with the letters of the pope, and having received from them some oil from the lamp of the holy sepulchre, he had it locked up, and guarded it as a precious treasure. the three venetians, father, brother and son, were treated with such distinction by the khan, that the courtiers were filled with jealousy. marco soon, however, made himself popular, and was particularly esteemed by the emperor. he acquired the four principal languages of the country, and was of such remarkable capacity, that, notwithstanding his youth, the khan employed him in missions and services of importance, in various parts of his dominions, some to the distance of even six months' journey. on these expeditions he was industrious in gathering all kinds of information respecting that vast empire; and from notes and minutes made for the satisfaction of the grand khan, he afterwards composed the history of his travels. after about seventeen years' residence in the tartar court the venetians felt a longing to return to their native country. their patron was advanced in age and could not survive much longer, and after his death, their return might be difficult, if not impossible. they applied to the grand khan for permission to depart, but for a time met with a refusal, accompanied by friendly upbraidings. at length a singular train of events operated in their favor; an embassy arrived from a mogul tartar prince, who ruled in persia, and who was grand-nephew to the emperor. the object was to entreat, as a spouse, a princess of the imperial lineage. a granddaughter of cublai klian, seventeen years of age, and of great beauty and accomplishments, was granted to the prayer of the prince, and departed for persia with the ambassadors, and with a splendid retinue, but after traveling for some months, was obliged to return on account of the distracted state of the country. the ambassadors despaired of conveying the beautiful bride to the arms of her expecting bridegroom, when marco polo returned from a voyage to certain of the indian islands. his representations of the safety of a voyage in those seas, and his private instigations, induced the ambassadors to urge the grand khan for permission to convey the princess by sea to the gulf of persia, and that the christians might accompany them, as being best experienced in maritime affairs. cublai khan consented with great reluctance, and a splendid fleet was fitted out and victualed for two years, consisting of fourteen ships of four masts, some of which had crews of two hundred and fifty men. on parting with the venetians the munificent khan gave them rich presents of jewels, and made them promise to return to him after they had visited their families. he authorized them to act as his ambassadors to the principal courts of europe, and, as on a former occasion, furnished them with tablets of gold, to serve, not merely as passports, but as orders upon all commanders in his territories for accommodations and supplies. they set sail therefore in the fleet with the oriental princess and her attendants and the persian ambassadors. the ships swept along the coast of cochin china, stopped for three months at a port of the island of sumatra near ihe western entrance of the straits of malacca, waiting for the change of the monsoon to pass the bay of bengal. traversing this vast expanse, they touched at the island of ceylon and then crossed the strait to the southern part of the great peninsula of india. thence sailing up the pirate coast, as it is called, the fleet entered the persian gulf and arrived at the famous port of olmuz, where it is presumed the voyage terminated, after eighteen months spent in traversing the indian seas. unfortunately for the royal bride who was the object of this splendid naval expedition, the bridegroom, the mogul king, had died some time before her arrival, leaving a son named ghazan, during whose minority the government was administered by his uncle kai-khatu. according to the directions of the regent, the princess was delivered to the youthful prince, son of her intended spouse. he was at that time at the head of an army on the borders of persia. he was of a diminutive stature, but of a great soul, and, on afterwards ascending the throne, acquired renown for his talents and virtues. what became of the eastern bride, who had traveled so far in quest of a husband, is not known; but every thing favorable is to be inferred from the character of ghazan. the polos remained some time in the court of the regent, and then departed, with fresh tablets of gold given by that prince, to carry them in safety and honor through his dominions. as they had to traverse many countries where the traveler is exposed to extreme peril, they appeared on their journeys as tartars of low condition, having converted all their wealth into precious stones and sewn them up in the folds and linings of their coarse garments. they had a long, difficult, and perilous journey to trebizond, whence they proceeded to constantinople, thence to negropont, and, finally, to venice, where they arrived in 1295, in good health, and literally laden with riches. having heard during their journey of the death of their old benefactor cublai khan, they considered their diplomatic functions at an end, and also that they were absolved from their promise to return to his dominions. ramusio, in his preface to the narrative of marco polo, gives a variety of particulars concerning their arrival, which he compares to that of ulysses. when they arrived at venice, they were known by nobody. so many years had elapsed since their departure, without any tidings of them, that they were either forgotten or considered dead. besides, their foreign garb, the influence of southern suns, and the similitude which men acquire to those among whom they reside for any length of time, had given them the look of tartars rather than italians. they repaired to their own house, which was a noble palace, situated in the street of st. giovanni chrisostomo, and was afterwards known by the name of la corte de la milione. they found several of their relatives still inhabiting it; but they were slow in recollecting the travelers, not knowing of their wealth, and probably considering them, from their coarse and foreign attire, poor adventurers returned to be a charge upon their families. the polos, however, took an effectual mode of quickening the memories of their friends, and insuring themselves a loving reception. they invited them all to a grand banquet. when their guests arrived, they received them richly dressed in garments of crimson satin of oriental fashion. when water had been served for the washing of hands, and the company were summoned to table, the travelers, who had retired, appeared again in still richer robes of crimson damask. the first dresses were cut up and distributed among the servants, being of such length that they swept the ground, which, says ramusio, was the mode in those days, with dresses worn within doors. after the first course, they again retired and came in dressed in crimson velvet; the damask dresses being likewise given to the domestics, and the same was done at the end of the feast with their velvet robes, when they appeared in the venetian dress of the day. the guests were lost in astonishment, and could not comprehend the meaning of this masquerade. having dismissed all the attendants, marco polo brought forth the coarse tartar dresses in which they had arrived. slashing them in several places with a knife, and ripping open the seams and lining, there tumbled forth rubies, sapphires, emeralds, diamonds, and other precious stones, until the whole table glittered with inestimable wealth, acquired from the munificence of the grand khan, and conveyed in this portable form through the perils of their long journey. the company, observes ramusio, were out of their wits with amazement, and now clearly perceived what they had at first doubted, that these in very truth were those honored and valiant gentlemen the polos, and, accordingly, paid them great respect and reverence. the account of this curious feast is given by ramusio, on traditional authority, having heard it many times related by the illustrious gasparo malipiero, a very ancient gentleman, and a senator, of unquestionable veracity, who had it from his father, who had it from his grandfather, and so on up to the fountain-head. when the fame of this banquet and of the wealth of the travelers came to be divulged throughout venice, all the city, noble and simple, crowded to do honor to the extraordinary merit of the polos. maffeo, who was the eldest, was admitted to the dignity of the magistracy. the youth of the city came every day to visit and converse with marco polo, who was extremely amiable and communicative. they were insatiable in their inquiries about cathay and the grand khan, which he answered with great courtesy, giving details with which they were vastly delighted, and, as he always spoke of the wealth of the grand khan in round numbers, they gave him the name of messer marco milioni. some months after their return, lampa doria, commander of the genoese navy, appeared in the vicinity of the island of curzola with seventy galleys. andrea dandolo, the venetian admiral, was sent against him. marco polo commanded a galley of the fleet. his usual good fortune deserted him. advancing the first in the line with his galley, and not being properly seconded, he was taken prisoner, thrown in irons, and carried to genoa. here he was detained for a long time in prison, and all offers of ransom rejected. his imprisonment gave great uneasiness to his father and uncle, fearing that he might never return. seeing themselves in this unhappy state, with so much treasure and no heirs, they consulted together. they were both very old men; but nicolo, observes ramusio, was of a galliard complexion; it was determined he should take a wife. he did so; and, to the wonder of his friends, in four years had three children. in the meanwhile, the fame of marco polo's travels had circulated in genoa. his prison was daily crowded with nobility, and he was supplied with every thing that could cheer him in his confinement. a genoese gentleman, who visited him every day, at length prevailed upon him to write an account of what he had seen. he had his papers and journals sent to him from venice, and, with the assistance of his friend, or, as some will have it, his fellow-prisoner, produced the work which afterwards made such noise throughout the world. the merit of marco polo at length procured him his liberty. he returned to venice, where he found his father with a house full of children. he took it in good part, followed the old man's example, married, and had two daughters, moretta and fantina. the date of the death of marco polo is unknown; he is supposed to have been, at the time, about seventy years of age. on his death-bed he is said to have been exhorted by his friends to retract what he had published, or, at least, to disavow those parts commonly regarded as fictions. he replied indignantly that so far from having exaggerated, he had not told one half of the extraordinary things of which he had been an eye-witness. marco polo died without male issue. of the three sons of his father by the second marriage, one only had children, viz. five sons and one daughter. the sons died without leaving issue; the daughter inherited all her father's wealth, and married into the noble and distinguished house of trevesino. thus the male line of the polos ceased in 1417, and the family name was extinguished. such are the principal particulars known of marco polo; a man whose travels for a long time made a great noise in europe, and will be found to have had a great effect on modern discovery. his splendid account of the extent, wealth, and population of the tartar territories filled every one with admiration. the possibility of bringing all those regions under the dominion of the church, and rendering the grand khan an obedient vassal to the holy chair, was for a long time a favorite topic among the enthusiastic missionaries of christendom, and there were many saints-errant who undertook to effect the conversion of this magnificent infidel. even at the distance of two centuries, when the enterprises for the discovery of the new route to india had set all the warm heads of europe madding about these remote regions of the east, the conversion of the grand khan became again a popular theme; and it was too speculative and romantic an enterprise not to catch the vivid imagination of columbus. in all his voyages, he will be found continually to be seeking after the territories of the grand khan, and even after his last expedition, when nearly worn out by age, hardships, and infirmities, he offered, in a letter to the spanish monarchs, written from a bed of sickness, to conduct any missionary to the territories of the tartar emperor, who would undertake his conversion. no. xxi. the work of marco polo. the work of marco polo is stated by some to have been originally written in latin, [339] though the most probable opinion is that it was written in the venetian dialect of the italian. copies of it in manuscript were multiplied and rapidly circulated; translations were made into various languages, until the invention of printing enabled it to be widely diffused throughout europe. in the course of these translations and successive editions, the original text, according to purchas, has been much vitiated, and it is probable many extravagances in numbers and measurements with which marco polo is charged may be the errors of translators and printers. when the work first appeared, it was considered by some as made up of fictions and extravagances, and vossius assures us that even after the death of marco polo he continued to be a subject of ridicule among the light and unthinking, insomuch that he was frequently personated at masquerades by some wit or droll, who, in his feigned character, related all kinds of extravagant fables and adventures. his work, however, excited great attention among thinking men, containing evidently a fund of information concerning vast and splendid countries, before unknown to the european world. vossius assures us that it was at one time highly esteemed by the learned. francis pepin, author of the brandenburgh version, styles polo a man commendable for his piety, prudence, and fidelity. athanasius kircher, in his account of china, says that none of the ancients have described the kingdoms of the remote east with more exactness. various other learned men of past times have borne testimony to his character, and most of the substantial parts of his work have been authenticated by subsequent travelers. the most able and ample vindication of marco polo, however, is to be found in the english translation of his work, with copious notes and commentaries, by william marsden, f. r. s. he has diligently discriminated between what marco polo relates from his own observation, and what he relates as gathered from others; he points out the errors that have arisen from misinterpretations, omissions, or interpretations of translators, and he claims all proper allowance for the superstitious coloring of parts of the narrative from the belief, prevalent among the most wise and learned of his day, in miracles and magic. after perusing the work of mr. marsden, the character of marco polo rises in the estimation of the reader. it is evident that his narration, as far as related from his own observations, is correct, and that he had really traversed a great part of tartary and china, and navigated in the indian seas. some of the countries and many of the islands, however, are evidently described from accounts given by others, and in these accounts are generally found the fables which have excited incredulity and ridicule. as he composed his work after his return home, partly from memory and partly from memorandums, he was liable to confuse what he had heard with what he had seen, and thus to give undue weight to many fables and exaggerations which he had received from others. much had been said of a map brought from cathay by marco polo, which was conserved in the convent of san michale de murano in the vicinity of venice, and in which the cape of good hope and the island of madagascar were indicated; countries which the portuguese claim the merit of having discovered two centuries afterwards. it has been suggested also that columbus had visited the convent and examined this map, whence he derived some of his ideas concerning the coast of india. according to ramusio, however, who had been at the convent, and was well acquainted with the prior, the map preserved there was one copied by a friar from the original one of marco polo, and many alterations and additions had since been made by other hands, so that for a long time it lost all credit with judicious people, until on comparing it with the work of marco polo it was found in the main to agree with his descriptions. [340] the cape of good hope was doubtless among the additions made subsequent to the discoveries of the portuguese. [341] columbus makes no mention of this map, which he most probably would have done had he seen it. he seems to have been entirely guided by the one furnished by paulo toscanelli, and which was apparently projected after the original map, or after the descriptions of marco polo, and the maps of ptolemy. when the attention of the world was turned towards the remote parts of asia in the 15th century, and the portuguese were making their attempts to circumnavigate africa, the narration of marco polo again rose to notice. this, with the travels of nicolo le comte, the venetian, and of hieronimo da san stefano, a genoese, are said to have been the principal lights by which the portuguese guided themselves in their voyages. [342] above all, the influence which the work of marco polo had over the mind of columbus, gives it particular interest and importance. it was evidently an oracular work with him. he frequently quotes it, and on his voyages, supposing himself to be on the asiatic coast, he is continually endeavoring to discover the islands and main-lands described in it, and to find the famous cipango. it is proper, therefore, to specify some of those places, and the manner in which they are described by a venetian traveler, that the reader may more fully understand the anticipations which were haunting the mind of columbus in his voyages among the west indian islands, and along the coast of terra firma. the winter residence of the great khan, according to marco polo, was in the city of cambalu, or kanbalu, (since ascertained to be pekin,) in the province of cathay. this city, he says, was twenty-four miles square, and admirably built. it was impossible, according to marco polo, to describe the vast amount and variety of merchandise and manufactures brought there; it would seem they were enough to furnish the universe. "here are to be seen in wonderful abundance the precious stones, the pearls, the silks, and the diverse perfumes of the east; scarce a day passes that there does not arrive nearly a thousand cars laden with silk, of which they make admirable stuffs in this city." the palace of the great khan is magnificently built, and four miles in circuit. it is rather a group of palaces. in the interior it is resplendent with gold and silver; and in it are guarded the precious vases and jewels of the sovereign. all the appointments of the khan for war, for the chase, for various festivities, are described in gorgeous terms. but though marco polo is magnificent in his description of the provinces of cathay, and its imperial city of cambalu, he outdoes himself when he comes to describe the province of mangi. this province is supposed to be the southern part of china. it contains, he says, twelve hundred cities. the capital, quinsai (supposed to be the city of hang-cheu), was twenty-five miles from the sea, but communicated by a river with a port situated on the seacoast, and had great trade with india. the name quinsai, according to marco polo, signifies the city of heaven; he says he has been in it and examined it diligently, and affirms it to be the largest in the world; and so undoubtedly it is if the measurement of the traveler is to be taken literally, for he declares that it is one hundred miles in circuit. this seeming exaggeration has been explained by supposing him to mean chinese miles or _li,_ which are to the italian miles in the proportion of three to eight; and mr. marsden observes that the walls even of the modern city, the limits of which have been considerably contracted, are estimated by travelers at sixty _li_. the ancient city has evidently been of immense extent, and as marco polo could not be supposed to have measured the walls himself, he has probably taken the loose and incorrect estimates of the inhabitants. he describes it also as built upon little islands like venice, and has twelve thousand stone bridges, [343] the arches of which are so high that the largest vessels can pass under them without lowering their masts. it has, he affirms, three thousand baths, and six hundred thousand families, including domestics. it abounds with magnificent houses, and has a lake thirty miles in circuit within its walls, on the banks of which are superb palaces of people of rank. [344] the inhabitants of qninsai are very voluptuous, and indulge in all kinds of luxuries and delights, particularly the women, who are extremely beautiful. there are many merchants and artisans, but the masters do not work, they employ servants to do all their labor. the province of mangi was conquered by the great khan, who divided it into nine kingdoms, appointing to each a tributary king. he drew from it an immense revenue, for the country abounded in gold, silver, silks, sugar, spices, and perfumes. zipangu, zifangri, or cipango. fifteen hundred miles from the shores of mangi, according to marco polo, lay the great island of zipangu, by some written zipangri, and by columbus cipango. [345] marco polo describes it as abounding in gold, which, however, the king seldom permits to be transported out of the island.--the king has a magnificent palace covered with plates of gold, as in other countries the palaces are covered with sheets of lead or copper. the halls and chambers are likewise covered with gold, the windows adorned with it, sometimes in plates of the thickness of two fingers. the island also produces vast quantities of the largest and finest pearls, together with a variety of precious stones; so that, in fact, it abounds in riches. the great khan made several attempts to conquer this island, but in vain; which is not to be wondered at, if it be true what marco polo relates, that the inhabitants had certain stones of a charmed virtue inserted between the skin and the flesh of their right arms, which, through the power of diabolical enchantments, rendered them invulnerable. this island was an object of diligent search to columbus. about the island of zipangu or cipango, and between it and the coast of mangi, the sea, according to marco polo, is studded with small islands to the number of seven thousand four hundred and forty, of which the greater part are inhabited. there is not one which does not produce odoriferous trees and perfumes in abundance columbus thought himself at one time in the midst of these islands. these are the principal places described by marco polo, which occur in the letters and journals of columbus. the island of cipango was the first land he expected to make, and he intended to visit afterwards the province of mangi, and to seek the great khan in his city of cambalu, in the province of cathay. unless the reader can bear in mind these sumptuous descriptions of marco polo, of countries teeming with wealth, and cities where the very domes and palaces flamed with gold, he will have but a faint idea of the splendid anticipations which filled the imagination of columbus when he discovered, as he supposed, the extremity of asia. it was his confident expectation of soon arriving at these countries, and realizing the accounts of the venetian, that induced him to hold forth those promises of immediate wealth to the sovereigns, which caused so much disappointment, and brought upon him the frequent reproach of exciting false hopes and indulging in willful exaggeration. no. xxii. sir john mandeville. next to marco polo, the travels of sir john mandeville, and his account of the territories of the great khan along the coast of asia, seem to have been treasured up in the mind of columbus. mandeville was born in the city of st. albans. he was devoted to study from his earliest childhood, and, after finishing his general education, applied himself to medicine. having a great desire to see the remotest parts of the earth, then known, that is to say, asia and africa, and above all, to visit the holy land, he left england in 1332, and passing through france embarked at marseilles. according to his own account, he visited turkey, armenia, egypt, upper and lower lybia, syria, persia, chaldea, ethiopia, tartary, amazonia, and the indies, residing in their principal cities. but most he says he delighted in the holy land, where he remained for a long time, examining it with the greatest minuteness, and endeavoring to follow all the traces of our saviour. after an absence of thirty-four years he returned to england, but found himself forgotten and unknown by the greater part of his countrymen, and a stranger in his native place. he wrote a history of his travels in three languages, english, french, and latin, for he was master of many tongues. he addressed his work to edward iii. his wanderings do not seem to have made him either pleased with the world at large, or contented with his home. he railed at the age, saying that there was no more virtue extant; that the church was ruined; error prevalent among the clergy; simony upon the throne; and, in a word, that the devil reigned triumphant. he soon returned to the continent, and died at liege in 1372. he was buried in the abbey of the gulielmites, in the suburbs of that city, where ortelius, in his itinerarium belgiæ, says that he saw his monument, on which was the effigy, in stone, of a man with a forked beard and his hands raised towards his head (probably folded as in prayer, according to the manner of old tombs) and a lion at his feet. there was an inscription stating his name, quality, and calling, (viz. professor of medicine,) that he was very pious, very learned, and very charitable to the poor, and that after having traveled over the whole world he had died at liege. the people of the convent showed also his spurs, and the housings of the horses which he had ridden in his travels. the descriptions given by mandeville of the grand khan, of the province of cathay, and the city of cambalu, are no less splendid than those of marco polo. the royal palace was more than two leagues in circumference. the grand hall had twenty-four columns of copper and gold. there were more than three hundred thousand men occupied and living in and about the palace, of which more than one hundred thousand were employed in taking care of ten thousand elephants and of a vast variety of other animals, birds of prey, falcons, parrots, and paroquets. on days of festivals there were even twice the number of men employed. the title of this potentate in his letters was "khan, the son of god, exalted possessor of all the earth, master of those who are masters of others." on his seal was engraved, "god reigns in heaven, khan upon earth." mandeville has become proverbial for indulging in a traveler's exaggerations; yet his accounts of the countries which he visited have been found far more veracious than had been imagined. his descriptions of cathay, and the wealthy province of mangi, agreeing with those of marco polo, had great authority with columbus. no. xxiii. the zones. the zones were imaginary bands or circles in the heavens producing an effect of climate on corresponding belts on the globe of the earth. the polar circles and the tropics mark these divisions. the central region, lying beneath the track of the sun, was termed the torrid zone; the two regions between the tropics and the polar circles were termed the temperate zones, and the remaining parts, between the porlar circles and the poles, the frigid zones. the frozen regions near the poles were considered uninhabitable and unnavigable on account of the extreme cold. the burning zone, or rather the central part of it, immediately about the equator, was considered uninhabitable, unproductive, and impassable in consequence of the excessive heat. the temperate zones, lying between them, were supposed to be fertile and salubrious, and suited to the purposes of life. the globe was divided into two hemispheres by the equator, an imaginary line encircling it at equal distance from the poles. the whole of the world known to the ancients was contained in the temperate zone of the northern hemisphere. it was imagined that if there should be inhabitants in the temperate zone of the southern hemisphere, there could still be no communication with them on account of the burning zone which intervened. parmenides, according to strabo, was the inventor of this theory of the five zones, but he made the torrid zone extend on each side of the equator beyond the tropics. aristotle supported this doctrine of the zones. in his time nothing was known of the extreme northern parts of europe and asia, nor of interior ethiopia and the southern part of africa, extending beyond the tropic of capricorn to the cape of good hope. aristotle believed that there was habitable earth in the southern hemisphere, but that it was for ever divided from the part of the world already known, by the impassable zone of scorching heat at the equator. [346] pliny supported the opinion of aristotle concerning the burning zones. "the temperature of the central region of the earth," he observes, "where the sun runs his course, is burnt up as with fire. the temperate zones which lie on either side can have no communication with each other in consequence of the fervent heat of this region." [347] strabo, (lib. xi.,) in mentioning this theory, gives it likewise his support; and others of the ancient philosophers, as well as the poets, might be cited to show the general prevalence of the belief. it must be observed that, at the time when columbus defended his proposition before the learned board at salamanca, the ancient theory of the burning zone had not yet been totally disproved by modern discovery. the portuguese, it is true, had penetrated within the tropics; but, though the whole of the space between the tropic of cancer and that of capricorn, in common parlance, was termed the torrid zone, the uninhabitable and impassable part, strictly speaking, according to the doctrine of the ancients, only extended a limited number of degrees on each side of the equator; forming about a third, or, at most, the half of the zone. the proofs which columbus endeavored to draw therefore from the voyages made to st. george la mina, were not conclusive with those who were bigoted to the ancient theory, and who placed this scorching region still farther southward, and immediately about the equator. no. xxiv. of the atlantis of plato. the island atalantis is mentioned by plato in his dialogue of timæus. solon, the athenian lawgiver, is supposed to have traveled into egypt. he is in an ancient city on the delta, the fertile island formed by the nile, and is holding converse with certain learned priests on the antiquities of remote ages, when one of them gives him a description of the island of atalantis, and of its destruction, which he describes as having taken place before the conflagration of the world by phæton. this island, he was told, had been situated on the western ocean, opposite to the straits of gibraltar. there was an easy passage from it to other islands, which lay adjacent to a large continent, exceeding in size all europe and asia. neptune settled in this island, from whose son atlas its name was derived, and he divided it among his ten sons. his descendants reigned here in regular succession for many ages. they made irruptions into europe and africa, subduing all libya as far as egypt, and europe to asia minor. they were resisted, however, by the athenians, and driven back to their atlantic territories. shortly after this there was a tremendous earthquake, and an overflowing of the sea, which continued for a day and a night. in the course of this the vast island of atalantis, and all its splendid cities and warlike nations, were swallowed up, and sunk to the bottom of the sea, which, spreading its waters over the chasm, formed the atlantic ocean. for a long time, however, the sea was not navigable, on account of rocks and shelves, of mud and slime, and of the ruins of that drowned country. many, in modern times, have considered this a mere fable; others suppose that plato, while in egypt, had received some vague accounts of the canary islands, and, on his return to greece, finding those islands so entirely unknown to his countrymen, had made them the seat of his political and moral speculations. some, however, have been disposed to give greater weight to this story of plato. they imagine that such an island may really have existed filling up a great part of the atlantic, and that the continent beyond it was america, which, in such case, was not unknown to the ancients. kircher supposes it to have been an island extending from the canaries to the azores; that it was really ingulfed in one of the convulsions of the globe, and that those small islands are mere shattered fragments of it. as a farther proof that the new world was not unknown to the ancients, many have cited the singular passage in the medea of seneca, which is wonderfully apposite, and shows, at least, how nearly the warm imagination of a poet may approach to prophecy. the predictions of the ancient oracles were rarely so unequivocal. venient annis sæcula seris, quilms oceanus vincula rerum laxet, et ingens patent tellus, typhisque novos detegat orbes, nee sit terris ultima thule. gosselin in his able research into the voyages of the ancients, supposes the atalantis of plato to have been nothing more nor less than one of the nearest of the canaries, viz. fortaventura or lancerote. no. xxv. the imaginary island of st. brandan. one of the most singular geographical illusions on record is that which for a long while haunted the imaginations of the inhabitants of the canaries. they fancied they beheld a mountainous island about ninety leagues in length, lying far to the westward. it was only seen at intervals, but in perfectly clear and serene weather. to some it seemed one hundred leagues distant, to others forty, to others only fifteen or eighteen. [348]on attempting to reach it, however, it somehow or other eluded the search, and was nowhere to be found. still there were so many eye-witnesses of credibility who concurred in testifying to their having seen it, and the testimony of the inhabitants of different islands agreed so well as to its form and position, that its existence was generally believed, and geographers inserted it in their maps. it is laid down on the globe of martin behem, projected in 1492, as delineated by m. de murr, and it will be found in most of the maps of the time of columbus, placed commonly about two hundred leagues west of the canaries. during the time that columbus was making his proposition to the court of portugal, an inhabitant of the canaries applied to king john ii for a vessel to go in search of this island. in the archives of the torre do tombo [349] also, there is a record of a contract made by the crown of portugal with fernando de ulmo, cavalier of the royal household, and captain of the island of tercera, wherein he undertakes to go at his own expense, in quest of an island or islands, or terra firma, supposed to be the island of the seven cities, on condition of having jurisdiction over the same for himself and his heirs, allowing one tenth of the revenues to the king. this ulmo, finding the expedition above his capacity, associated one juan alfonso del estreito in the enterprise. they were bound to be ready to sail with two caravels in the month of march, 1487. [350] the fate of their enterprise is unknown. the name of st. brandan, or borondon, given to this imaginary island from time immemorial, is said to be derived from a scotch abbot, who flourished in the sixth century, and who is called sometimes by the foregoing appellations, sometimes st. blandano, or st. blandanus. in the martyrology of the order of st. augustine, he is said to have been the patriarch of three thousand monks. about the middle of the sixth century, he accompanied his disciple, st. maclovio, or st. malo, in search of certain islands possessing the delights of paradise, which they were told existed in the midst of the ocean, and were inhabited by infidels. these most adventurous saints-errant wandered for a long time upon the ocean, and at length landed upon an island called ima. here st. malo found the body of a giant lying in a sepulchre. he resuscitated him, and had much interesting conversation with him, the giant informing him that the inhabitants of that island had some notions of the trinity, and, moreover, giving him a gratifying account of the torments which jews and pagans suffered in the infernal regions. finding the giant so docile and reasonable, st. malo expounded to him the doctrines of the christian religion, converted him, and baptized him by the name of mildum. the giant, however, either through weariness of life, or eagerness to enjoy the benefits of his conversion, begged permission, at the end of fifteen days, to die again, which was granted him. according to another account, the giant told them he knew of an island in the ocean, defended by walls of burnished gold, so resplendent that they shone like crystal, but to which there was no entrance. at their request, he undertook to guide them to it, and taking the cable of their ship, threw himself into the sea. he had not proceeded far, however, when a tempest rose, and obliged them all to return, and shortly after the giant died. [351] a third legend makes the saint pray to heaven on easter day, that they may be permitted to find land where they may celebrate the offices of religion with becoming state. an island immediately appears, on which they land, perform a solemn mass, and the sacrament of the eucharist; after which re-embarking and making sail, they behold to their astonishment the supposed island suddenly plunge to the bottom of the sea, being nothing else than a monstrous whale. [352] when the rumor circulated of an island seen from the canaries, which always eluded the search, the legends of st. brandan were revived, and applied to this unapproachable land. we are told, also, that there was an ancient latin manuscript in the archives of the cathedral church of the grand canary, in which the adventures of these saints were recorded. through carelessness, however, this manuscript has disappeared. [353] some have maintained that this island was known to the ancients, and was the same mentioned by ptolemy among the fortunate or canary islands, by the names of aprositus, [354] or the inaccessible; and which, according to friar diego philipo, in his book on the incarnation of christ, shows that it possessed the same quality in ancient times of deluding the eye and being unattainable to the feet of mortals. [355] but whatever belief the ancients may have had on this subject, it is certain that it took a strong hold on the faith of the moderns during the prevalent rage for discovery; nor did it lack abundant testimonials. don joseph de viera y clavijo says, there never was a more difficult paradox nor problem in the science of geography; since, to affirm the existence of this island, is to trample upon sound criticism, judgment, and reason; and to deny it, one must abandon tradition and experience, and suppose that many persons of credit had not the proper use of their senses. [356] the belief in this island has continued long since the time of columbus. it was repeatedly seen, and by various persons at a time, always in the same place and of the same form. in 1526 an expedition set off for the canaries in quest of it, commanded by fernando de troya and fernando alvarez. they cruised in the wonted direction, but in vain, and their failure ought to have undeceived the public. "the phantasm of the island, however," says viera, "had such a secret enchantment for all who beheld it, that the public preferred doubting the good conduct of the explorers, than their own senses." in 1570 the appearances were so repeated and clear, that there was a universal fever of curiosity awakened among the people of the canaries, and it was determined to send forth another expedition. that they might not appear to act upon light grounds, an exact investigation was previously made of all the persons of talent and credibility who had seen these apparitions of land, or who had other proofs of its existence. alonzo de espinosa, governor of the island of ferro, accordingly made a report, in which more than one hundred witnesses, several of them persons of the highest respectability, deposed that they had beheld the unknown island about forty leagues to the northwest of ferro; that they had contemplated it with calmness and certainty, and had seen the sun set behind one of its points. testimonials of still greater force came from the islands of palma and teneriffe. there were certain portuguese who affirmed, that, being driven about by a tempest, they had come upon the island of st. borondon. pedro vello, who was the pilot of the vessel, affirmed, that having anchored in a bay, he landed with several of the crew. they drank fresh water in a brook, and beheld in the sand the print of footsteps, double the size of those of an ordinary man, and the distance between them was in proportion. they found a cross nailed to a neighboring tree; near to which were three stones placed in form of a triangle, with signs of fire having been made among them, probably to cook shell-fish. having seen much cattle and sheep grazing in the neighborhood, two of their party armed with lances went into the woods in pursuit of them. the night was approaching, the heavens began to lower, and a harsh wind arose. the people on board the ship cried out that she was dragging her anchor, whereupon vello entered the boat and hurried on board. in an instant they lost sight of land; being as it were swept away in the hurricane. when the storm had passed away, and the sea and sky were again serene, they searched in vain for the island; not a trace of it was to be seen, and they had to pursue their voyage, lamenting the loss of their two companions who had been abandoned in the wood. [357] a learned licentiate, pedro ortiz de funez, inquisitor of the grand canary, while on a visit at teneriffe, summoned several persons before him, who testified having seen the island. among them was one marcos verde, a man well known in those parts. he stated that in returning from barbary and arriving in the neighborhood of the canaries, he beheld land, which, according to his maps and calculations, could not be any of the known islands. he concluded it to be the far-famed st. borondon. overjoyed at having discovered this land of mystery, he coasted along its spell-bound shores, until he anchored in a beautiful harbor formed by the mouth of a mountain ravine. here he landed with several of his crew. it was now, he said, the hour of the ave maria, or of vespers. the sun being set, the shadows began to spread over the land. the voyagers having separated, wandered about in different directions, until out of hearing of each other's shouts. those on board, seeing the night approaching, made signal to summon back the wanderers to the ship. they re-embarked, intending to resume their investigations on the following day. scarcely were they on board, however, when a whirlwind came rushing down the ravine, with such violence as to drag the vessel from her anchor, and hurry her out to sea; and they never saw any thing more of this hidden and inhospitable island. another testimony remains on record in manuscript of one abreu galindo; but whether taken at this time does not appear. it was that of a french adventurer, who, many years before, making a voyage among the canaries, was overtaken by a violent storm which carried away his masts. at length the furious winds drove him to the shores of an unknown island covered with stately trees. here he landed with part of his crew, and choosing a tree proper for a mast, cut it down, and began to shape it for his purpose. the guardian power of the island, however, resented as usual this invasion of his forbidden shores. the heavens assumed a dark and threatening aspect; the night was approaching, and the mariners, fearing some impending evil, abandoned their labor and returned on board. they were borne away as usual from the coast, and the next day arrived at the island of palma. [358] the mass of testimony collected by official authority in 1750 seemed so satisfactory, that another expedition was fitted out in the same year in the island of palma. it was commanded by fernando de villabolos, regidor of the island; but was equally fruitless with the preceding. st. borondon seemed disposed only to tantalize the world with distant and serene glimpses of his ideal paradise; or to reveal it amidst storms to tempest-tossed mariners, but to hide it completely from the view of all who diligently sought it. still the people of palma adhered to their favorite chimera. thirty-four years afterwards, in 1605, they sent another ship on the quest, commanded by gaspar perez de acosta, an accomplished pilot, accompanied by the padre lorenzo pinedo, a holy franciscan friar, skilled in natural science. st. borondon, however, refused to reveal his island to either monk or mariner. after cruising about in every direction, sounding, observing the skies, the clouds, the winds, every thing that could furnish indications, they returned without having seen any thing to authorize a hope. upwards of a century now elapsed without any new attempt to seek this fairy island. every now and then, it is true, the public mind was agitated by fresh reports of its having been seen. lemons and other fruits, and the green branches of trees which floated to the shores of gomera and ferro, were pronounced to be from the enchanted groves of st. borondon. at length, in 1721, the public infatuation again rose to such a height that a fourth expedition was sent, commanded by don caspar dominguez, a man of probity and talent. as this was an expedition of solemn and mysterious import, he had two holy friars as apostolical chaplains. they made sail from the island of teneriffe towards the end of october, leaving the populace in an indescribable state of anxious curiosity mingled with superstition. the ship, however, returned from its cruise as unsuccessful as all its predecessors. we have no account of any expedition being since undertaken, though the island still continued to be a subject of speculation, and occasionally to reveal its shadowy mountains to the eyes of favored individuals. in a letter written from the island of gomera, 1759, by a franciscan monk, to one of his friends, he relates having seen it from the village of alaxero at six in the morning of the third of may. it appeared to consist of two lofty mountains, with a deep valley between; and on contemplating it with a telescope, the valley or ravine appeared to be filled with trees. he summoned the curate antonio joseph manrique, and upwards of forty other persons, all of whom beheld it plainly. [359] nor is this island delineated merely in ancient maps of the time of columbus. it is laid down as one of the canary islands in a french map published in 1704; and mons. gautier, in a geographical chart, annexed to his observations on natural history, published in 1755, places it five degrees to the west of the island of ferro, in the 29th deg. of n. latitude. [360] such are the principal facts existing relative to the island of st. brandan: its reality was for a long time a matter of firm belief. it was in vain that repeated voyages and investigations proved its nonexistence; the public, after trying all kinds of sophistry, took refuge in the supernatural, to defend their favorite chimera. they maintained that it was rendered inaccessible to mortals by divine providence, or by diabolical magic. most inclined to the former. all kinds of extravagant fancies were indulged concerning it; [361] some confounded it with the fabled island of the seven cities situated somewhere in the bosom of the ocean, where in old times seven bishops and their followers had taken refuge from the moors. some of the portuguese imagined it to be the abode of their lost king sebastian. the spaniards pretended that roderick, the last of their gothic kings, had fled thither from the moors after the disastrous battle of the guadalete. others suggested that it might be the seat of the terrestrial paradise, the place where enoch and elijah remained in a state of blessedness until the final day; and that it was made at times apparent to the eyes, but invisible to the search of mortals. poetry, it is said, has owed to this popular belief one of its beautiful fictions, and the garden of armida, where rinaldo was detained enchanted, and which tasso places in one of the canary islands, has been identified with the imaginary st. borondon. [362] the learned father feyjoo [363] has given a philosophical solution to this geographical problem. he attributes all these appearances, which have been so numerous and so well authenticated as not to admit of doubt, to certain atmospherical deceptions, like that of the fata morgana, seen at times, in the straits of messina, where the city of reggio and its surrounding country is reflected in the air above the neighboring sea: a phenomenon which has likewise been witnessed in front of the city of marseilles. as to the tales of the mariners who had landed on these forbidden shores, and been hurried thence in whirlwinds and tempests, he considers them as mere fabrications. as the populace, however, reluctantly give up any thing that partakes of the marvelous and mysterious, and as the same atmospherical phenomena, which first gave birth to the illusion, may still continue, it is not improbable that a belief in the island of st. brandan may still exist among the ignorant and credulous of the canaries, and that they at times behold its fairy mountains rising above the distant horizon of the atlantic. no. xxvi. the island of the seven cities. one of the popular traditions concerning the ocean, which were current during the time of columbus, was that of the island of the seven cities. it was recorded in an ancient legend, that at the time of the conquest of spain and portugal by the moors, when the inhabitants fled in every direction to escape from slavery, seven bishops, followed by a great number of their people, took shipping and abandoned themselves to their fate, on the high seas. after tossing about for some time, they landed on an unknown island in the midst of the ocean. here the bishops burnt the ships, to prevent the desertion of their followers, and founded seven cities. various pilots of portugal, it was said, had reached that island at different times, but had never returned to give any information concerning it, having been detained, according to subsequent accounts, by the successors of the bishops to prevent pursuit. at length, according to common report, at the time that prince henry of portugal was prosecuting his discoveries, several seafaring men presented themselves one day before him, and stated that they had just returned from a voyage, in the course of which they had landed upon this island. the inhabitants, they said, spoke their language, and carried them immediately to church, to ascertain whether they were catholics, and were rejoiced at finding them of the true faith. they then made earnest inquiries, to know whether the moors still retained possession of spain and portugal. while part of the crew were at church, the rest gathered sand on the shore for the use of the kitchen, and found to their surprise that one-third of it was gold. the islanders were anxious that the crew should remain with them a few days, until the return of their governor, who was absent; but the mariners, afraid of being detained, embarked and made sail. such was the story they told to prince henry, hoping to receive reward for their intelligence. the prince expressed displeasure at their hasty departure from the island, and ordered them to return and procure further information; but the men, apprehensive, no doubt, of having the falsehood of their tale discovered, made their escape, and nothing more was heard of them. [364] this story had much currency. the island of the seven cities was identified with the island mentioned by aristotle as having been discovered by the carthaginians, and was put down in the early maps about the time of columbus, under the name of antilla. at the time of the discovery of new spain, reports were brought to hispaniola of the civilization of the country; that the people wore clothing; that their houses and temples were solid, spacious, and often magnificent; and that crosses were occasionally found among them. juan de grivalja, being dispatched to explore the coast of yucatan, reported that in sailing along it he beheld, with great wonder, stately and beautiful edifices of lime and stone, and many high towers that shone at a distance. [365] for a time the old tradition of the seven cities was revived, and many thought that they were to be found in the same part of new spain. no. xxvii. discovery of the island of madeira. the discovery of madeira by macham rests principally upon the authority of francisco alcaforado, an esquire of prince henry of portugal, who composed an account of it for that prince. it does not appear to have obtained much faith among portuguese historians. no mention is made of it in barros; he attributes the first discovery of the island to juan gonzalez and tristram vaz, who he said descried it from porto santo, resembling a cloud on the horizon. [366] the abbé provost, however, in his general history of voyages, vol. 6, seems inclined to give credit to the account of alcaforado. "it was composed," he observes, "at a time when the attention of the public would have exposed the least falsities; and no one was more capable than alcaforado of giving an exact detail of this event, since he was of the number of those who assisted at the second discovery." the narrative, as originally written, was overcharged with ornaments and digressions. it was translated into french and published in paris, in 1671. the french translator had retrenched the ornaments, but scrupulously retained the facts. the story, however, is cherished in the island of madeira, where a painting in illustration of it is still to be seen. the following is the purport of the french translation: i have not been able to procure the original of alcaforado. during the reign of edward the third of england, a young man of great courage and talent, named robert macham, fell in love with a young lady of rare beauty, of the name of anne dorset. she was his superior in birth, and of a proud and aristocratic family; but the merit of macham gained him the preference over all his rivals. the family of the young lady, to prevent her making an inferior alliance, obtained an order from the king to have macham arrested and confined, until by arbitrary means they married his mistress to a man of quality. as soon as the nuptials were celebrated, the nobleman conducted his beautiful and afflicted bride to his seat near bristol. macham was now restored to liberty. indignant at the wrongs he had suffered, and certain of the affections of his mistress, he prevailed upon several friends to assist him in a project for the gratification of his love and his revenge. they followed hard on the traces of the new-married couple to bristol. one of the friends obtained an introduction into the family of the nobleman in quality of a groom. he found the young bride full of tender recollections of her lover, and of dislike to the husband thus forced upon her. through the means of this friend, macham had several communications with her, and concerted means for their escape to france, where they might enjoy their mutual love unmolested. when all things were prepared, the young lady rode out one day accompanied only by the fictitious groom, under pretence of taking the air. no sooner were they out of sight of the house, than they galloped to an appointed place on the shore of the channel, where a boat awaited them. they were conveyed on board a vessel which lay with anchor a-trip, and sails unfurled, ready to put to sea. here the lovers were once more united. fearful of pursuit, the ship immediately weighed anchor; they made their way rapidly along the coast of cornwall, and macham anticipated the triumph of soon landing with his beautiful prize on the shores of gay and gallant france. unfortunately an adverse and stormy wind arose in the night; at daybreak they found themselves out of sight of land. the mariners were ignorant and inexperienced; they knew nothing of the compass, and it was a time when men were unaccustomed to traverse the high seas. for thirteen days the lovers were driven about on a tempestuous ocean, at the mercy of wind and wave. the fugitive bride was filled with terror and remorse, and looked upon this uproar of the elements as the anger of heaven directed against her. all the efforts of her lover could not remove from her mind a dismal presage of some approaching catastrophe. at length the tempest subsided. on the fourteenth day, at dawn, the mariners perceived what appeared to be a tuft of wood rising out of the sea. they joyfully steered for it, supposing it to be an island. they were not mistaken. as they drew near, the rising sun shone upon noble forests, the trees of which were of a kind unknown to them. flights of birds also came hovering about the ship, and perched upon the yards and rigging without any signs of fear. the boat was sent on shore to reconnoitre, and soon returned with such accounts of the beauty of the country, that macham determined to take his drooping companion to the land, in hopes her health and spirits might be restored by refreshment and repose. they were accompanied on shore by the faithful friends who had assisted in their flight. the mariners remained on board to guard, the ship. the country was indeed delightful. the forests were stately and magnificent; there were trees laden with excellent fruits, others with aromatic flowers; the waters were cool and limpid, the sky was serene, and there was a balmy sweetness in the air. the animals they met with showed no signs of alarm or ferocity, from which they concluded that the island was uninhabited. on penetrating a little distance they found a sheltered meadow, the green bosom of which was bordered by laurels and refreshed by a mountain brook which ran sparkling over pebbles. in the centre was a majestic tree, the wide branches of which afforded shade from the rays of the sun. here macham had bowers constructed and determined to pass a few days, hoping that the sweetness of the country, and the serene tranquillity of this delightful solitude, would recruit the drooping health and spirits of his companion. three days, however, had scarcely passed, when a violent storm arose from the northeast, and raged all night over the island. on the succeeding morning macham repaired to the sea-side, but nothing of his ship was to be seen, and he concluded that it had foundered in the tempest. consternation fell upon the little band, thus left in an uninhabited island in the midst of the ocean. the blow fell most severely on the timid and repentant bride. she reproached herself with being the cause of all their misfortunes, and, from the first, had been haunted by dismal forebodings. she now considered them about to be accomplished, and her horror was so great as to deprive her of speech; she expired in three days without uttering a word. machnm was struck with despair at beholding the tragical end of this tender and beautiful being. he upbraided himself, in the transports of his grief, with tearing her from home, her country, and her friends, to perish upon a savage coast. all the efforts of his companions to console him were in vain. he died within five days, broken-hearted; begging, as a last request, that his body might be interred beside that of his mistress, at the foot of a rustic altar which they had erected under the great tree. they set up a large wooden cross on the spot, on which was placed an inscription written by macham himself, relating in a few words his piteous adventure, and praying any christians who might arrive there, to build a chapel in the place dedicated to jesus the saviour. after the death of their commander, his followers consulted about means to escape from the island. the ship's boat remained on the shore. they repaired it and put it in a state to bear a voyage, and then made sail, intending to return to england. ignorant of their situation, and carried about by the winds, they were cast upon the coast of morocco, where, their boat being shattered upon the rocks, they were captured by the moors and thrown into prison. here they understood that their ship had shared the same fate, having been driven from her anchorage in the tempest, and carried to the same inhospitable coast, where all her crew were made prisoners. the prisons of morocco were in those days filled with captives of all nations, taken by their cruisers. here the english prisoners met with an experienced pilot, a spaniard of seville, named juan de morales. he listened to their story with great interest; inquired into the situation and description of the island they had discovered; and, subsequently, on his redemption from prison, communicated the circumstances, it is said, to prince henry of portugal. there is a difficulty in the above narrative of alcaforado in reconciling dates. the voyage is said to have taken place during the reign of edward iii, which commenced in 1327 and ended in 1378. morales, to whom the english communicated their voyage, is said to have been in the service of the portuguese, in the second discovery of madeira, in 1418 and 1420. even if the voyage and imprisonment had taken place in the last year of king edward's reign, this leaves a space of forty years. hacluyt gives an account of the same voyage, taken from antonio galvano. he varies in certain particulars. it happened, he says, in the year 1344, in the time of peter iv of aragon. macham cast anchor in a bay since called, after him, machio. the lady being ill, he took her on shore, accompanied by some of his friends, and the ships sailed without them. after the death of the lady, macham made a canoe out of a tree, and ventured to sea in it with his companions. they were cast upon the coast of africa, where the moors, considering it a kind of miracle, carried him to the king of their country, who sent him to the king of castile. in consequence of the traditional accounts remaining of this voyage, henry ii of castile sent people, in 1395, to re-discover the island. no. xxviii. las casas. bartholomew las casas, bishop of chiapa, so often cited in all histories of the new world, was born at seville, in 1474, and was of french extraction. the family name was casaus. the first of the name who appeared in spain, served under the standard of ferdinand iii, surnamed the saint, in his wars with the moors of andalusia. he was at the taking of seville from the moors, when he was rewarded by the king, and received permission to establish himself there. his descendants enjoyed the prerogatives of nobility, and suppressed the letter u in their name, to accommodate it to the spanish tongue. antonio, the father of bartholomew, went to hispaniola with columbus in 1493, and returned rich to seville in 1498. [367] it has been stated by one of the biographers of bartholomew las casas, that he accompanied columbus in his third voyage in 1498, and returned with him in 1500. [368] this, however, is incorrect. he was, during that time, completing his education at salamanca, where he was instructed in latin, dialectics, logic, metaphysics, ethics, and physics, after the supposed method and system of aristotle. while at the university, he had, as a servant, an indian slave, given him by his father, who had received him from columbus. when isabella, in her transport of virtuous indignation, ordered the indian slaves to be sent back to their country, this one was taken from las casas. the young man was aroused by the circumstance, and, on considering the nature of the case, became inflamed with a zeal in favor of the unhappy indians, which never cooled throughout a long and active life. it was excited to tenfold fervor, when, at about the age of twenty-eight years, he accompanied the commander ovando to hispaniola in 1502, and was an eye-witness to many of the cruel scenes which took place under his administration. the whole of his future life, a space exceeding sixty years, was devoted to vindicating the cause, and endeavoring to meliorate the sufferings of the natives. as a missionary, he traversed the wilderness of the new world in various directions, seeking to convert and civilize them; as a protector and champion, he made several voyages to spain, vindicated their wrongs before courts and monarchs, wrote volumes in their behalf, and exhibited a zeal, and constancy, and intrepidity worthy of an apostle. he died at the advanced age of ninety-two years, and was buried at madrid, in the church of the dominican convent of atocha, of which fraternity he was a member. attempts have been made to decry the consistency and question the real philanthropy of las casas, in consequence of one of the expedients to which he resorted to relieve the indians from the cruel bondage imposed upon them. this occurred in 1517, when he arrived in spain, on one of his missions, to obtain measures in their favor from the government. on his arrival in spain, he found cardinal ximenes, who had been left regent on the death of king ferdinand, too ill to attend to his affairs. he repaired, therefore, to valladolid, where he awaited the coming of the new monarch charles, archduke of austria, afterwards the emperor charles v. he had strong opponents to encounter in various persons high in authority, who, holding estates and repartimientos in the colonies, were interested in the slavery of the indians. among these, and not the least animated, was the bishop fonseca, president of the council of the indies. at length the youthful sovereign arrived, accompanied by various flemings of his court, particularly his grand chancellor, doctor juan de selvagio, a learned and upright man, whom he consulted on all affairs of administration and justice. las casas soon became intimate with the chancellor, and stood high in his esteem; but so much opposition arose on every side that he found his various propositions for the relief of the natives but little attended to. in his doubt and anxiety he had now recourse to an expedient which he considered as justified by the circumstances of the case. [369] the chancellor selvagio and other flemings who had accompanied the youthful sovereign had obtained from him, before quitting flanders, licenses to import slaves from africa to the colonies; a measure which had recently in 1516 been prohibited by a decree of cardinal ximenes while acting as regent. the chancellor, who was a humane man, reconciled it to his conscience by a popular opinion that one negro could perform, without detriment to his health, the labor of several indians, and that therefore it was a great saving of human suffering. so easy is it for interest to wrap itself up in plausible argument! he might, moreover, have thought the welfare of the africans but little affected by the change. they were accustomed to slavery in their own country, and they were said to thrive in the new world. "the africans," observes herrera, "prospered so much in the island of hispaniola, that it was the opinion unless a negro should happen to be hanged, he would never die; for as yet none had been known to perish from infirmity. like oranges, they found their proper soil in hispaniola, and it seemed ever more natural to them than their native guinea." [370] las casas, finding all other means ineffectual, endeavored to turn these interested views of the grand chancellor to the benefit of the indians. he proposed that the spaniards, resident in the colonies, might be permitted to procure negroes for the labor of the farms and the mines, and other severe toils, which were above the strength and destructive of the lives of the natives. [371] he evidently considered the poor africans as little better than mere animals; and he acted like others, on an arithmetical calculation of diminishing human misery, by substituting one strong man for three or four of feebler nature. he, moreover, esteemed the indians as a nobler and more intellectual race of beings, and their preservation and welfare of higher importance to the general interests of humanity. it is this expedient of las casas which has drawn down severe censure upon his memory. he has been charged with gross inconsistency, and even with having originated this inhuman traffic in the new world. this last is a grievous charge; but historical facts and dates remove the original sin from his door, and prove that the practice existed in the colonies, and was authorized by royal decree, long before he took a part in the question. las casas did not go to the new world until 1502. by a royal ordinance passed in 1501, negro slaves were permitted to be taken there, provided they had been born among christians. [372] by a letter written by ovando, dated 1503, it appears that there were numbers in the island of hispaniola at that time, and he entreats that none more might be permitted to be brought. in 1506 the spanish government forbade the introduction of negro slaves from the levant, or those brought up with the moors; and stipulated that none should be taken to the colonies but those from seville, who had been instructed in the christian faith, that they might contribute to the conversion of the indians. [373] in 1510, king ferdinand, being informed of the physical weakness of the indians, ordered fifty africans to be sent from seville to labor in the mines. [374] in 1511, he ordered that a great number should be procured from guinea, and transported to hispaniola, understanding that one negro could perform the work of four indians. [375] in 1512 and '13 he signed further orders relative to the same subject. in 1516, charles v granted licenses to the flemings to import negroes to the colonies. it was not until the year 1517, that las casas gave his sanction of the traffic. it already existed, and he countenanced it solely with a view to having the hardy africans substituted for the feeble indians. it was advocated at the same time, and for the same reasons, by the jeronimite friars, who were missionaries in the colonies. the motives of las casas were purely benevolent, though founded on erroneous notions of justice. he thought to permit evil that good might spring out of it; to choose between two existing abuses, and to eradicate the greater by resorting to the lesser. his reasoning, however fallacious it may be, was considered satisfactory and humane by some of the most learned and benevolent men of the age, among whom was the cardinal adrian, afterwards elevated to the papal chair, and characterized by gentleness and humanity. the traffic was permitted; inquiries were made as to the number of slaves required, which was limited to four thousand, and the flemings obtained a monopoly of the trade, which they afterwards farmed out to the genoese. dr. eobertson, in noticing this affair, draws a contrast between the conduct of the cardinal ximenes and that of las casas, strongly to the disadvantage of the latter. "the cardinal," he observes, "when solicited to encourage this commerce, peremptorily rejected the proposition, because he perceived the iniquity of reducing one race of men to slavery, when he was consulting about the means of restoring liberty to another; but las casas, from the inconsistency natural to men who hurry with headlong impetuosity towards a favorite point, was incapable of making this distinction. in the warmth of his zeal to save the americans from the yoke, he pronounced it to be lawful and expedient to impose one still heavier on the africans." [376] this distribution of praise and censure is not perfectly correct. las casas had no idea that he was imposing a heavier, nor so heavy, a yoke upon the africans. the latter were considered more capable of labor, and less impatient of slavery. while the indians sunk under their tasks, and perished by thousands in hispaniola, the negroes, on the contrary, thrived there. herrera, to whom dr. robertson refers as his authority, assigns a different motive, and one of mere finance, for the measures of cardinal ximenes. he says that he ordered that no one should take negroes to the indies, because, as the natives were decreasing, and it was known that one negro did more work than four of them, there would probably be a great demand for african slaves, and a tribute might be imposed upon the trade, from which would result profit to the royal treasury. [377] this measure was presently after carried into effect, though subsequent to the death of the cardinal, and licenses were granted by the sovereign for pecuniary considerations. flechier, in his life of ximenes, assigns another but a mere political motive for this prohibition. the cardinal, he says, objected to the importation of negroes into the colonies, as he feared they would corrupt the natives, and by confederacies with them render them formidable to government. de marsolier, another biographer of ximenes, gives equally politic reasons for this prohibition. he cites a letter written by the cardinal on the subject, in which he observed that he knew the nature of the negroes; they were a people capable, it was true, of great fatigue, but extremely prolific and enterprising; and that if they had time to multiply in america, they would infallibly revolt, and impose on the spaniards the same chains which they had compelled them to wear. [378] these facts, while they take from the measure of the cardinal that credit for exclusive philanthropy which has been bestowed upon it, manifest the clear foresight of that able politician; whose predictions with respect to negro revolt have been so strikingly fulfilled in the island of hispaniola. cardinal ximenes, in fact, though a wise and upright statesman, was not troubled with scruples of conscience on these questions of natural right; nor did he possess more toleration than his contemporaries towards savage and infidel nations. he was grand inquisitor of spain, and was very efficient during the latter years of ferdinand in making slaves of the refractory moors of granada. he authorized, by express instructions, expeditions to seize and enslave the indians of the caribbee islands, whom he termed only suited to labor, enemies of the christians, and cannibals. nor will it be considered a proof of gentle or tolerant policy, that he introduced the tribunal of the inquisition into the new world. these circumstances are cited not to cast reproach upon the character of cardinal ximenes, but to show how incorrectly he has been extolled at the expense of las casas. both of them must be judged in connection with the customs and opinions of the age in which they lived. las casas was the author of many works, but few of which have been printed. the most important is a general history of the indies, from the discovery to the year 1520, in three volumes. it exists only in manuscript, but is the fountain from which herrera, and most of the other historians of the new world, have drawn large supplies. the work, though prolix, is valuable, as the author was an eye-witness of many of the facts, had others from persons who were concerned in the transactions recorded, and possessed copious documents. it displays great erudition, though somewhat crudely and diffusely introduced. his history was commenced in 1527, at fifty-three years of age, and was finished in 1559, when eighty-five. as many things are set down from memory, there is occasional inaccuracy, but the whole bears the stamp of sincerity and truth. the author of the present work, having had access to this valuable manuscript, has made great use of it, drawing forth many curious facts hitherto neglected; but he has endeavored to consult it with caution and discrimination, collating it with other authorities, and omitting whatever appeared to be dictated by prejudice or over-heated zeal. las casas has been accused of high coloring and extravagant declamation in those passages which relate to the barbarities practised on the natives; nor is the charge entirely without foundation. the same zeal in the cause of the indians is expressed in his writings that shone forth in his actions, always pure, often vehement, and occasionally unseasonable. still, however, where he errs it is on a generous and righteous side. if one-tenth part of what he says he "witnessed with his own eyes" be true, and his veracity is above all doubt, he would have been wanting in the natural feelings of humanity had he not expressed himself in terms of indignation and abhorrence. in the course of his work, when las casas mentions the original papers lying before him, from which he drew many of his facts, it makes one lament that they should be lost to the world. besides the journals and letters of columbus, he says he had numbers of the letters of the adelantado, don bartholomew, who wrote better than his brother, and whose writings must have been full of energy. above all, he had the map formed from study and conjecture, by which columbus sailed on his first voyage. what a precious document would this be for the world! these writings may still exist, neglected and forgotten among the rubbish of some convent in spain. little hope can be entertained of discovering them in the present state of degeneracy of the cloister. the monks of atocha, in a recent conversation with one of the royal princes, betrayed an ignorance that this illustrious man was buried in their convent, nor can any of the fraternity point out his place of sepulture to the stranger. [379] the publication of this work of las casas has not been permitted in spain, where every book must have the sanction of a censor before it is committed to the press. the horrible picture it exhibits of the cruelties inflicted on the indians, would, it was imagined, excite an odium against their conquerors. las casas himself seems to have doubted the expediency of publishing it; for in 1560 he made a note with his own hand, which is preserved in the two first volumes of the original, mentioning that he left them in confidence to the college of the order of predicators of st. gregorio, in valladolid, begging of its prelates that no secular person, nor even the collegians, should be permitted to read his history for the space of forty years; and that after that term it might be printed if consistent with the good of the indies and of spain. [380] for the foregoing reason the work has been cautiously used by spanish historians, passing over in silence, or with brief notice, many passages of disgraceful import. this feeling is natural, if not commendable; for the world is not prompt to discriminate between individuals and the nation of whom they are but a part. the laws and regulations for the government of the newly-discovered countries, and the decisions of the council of the indies on all contested points, though tinctured in some degree with the bigotry of the age, were distinguished for wisdom, justice, and humanity, and do honor to the spanish nation. it was only in the abuse of them by individuals to whom the execution of the laws was intrusted, that these atrocities were committed. it should be remembered, also, that the same nation which gave birth to the sanguinary and rapacious adventurers who perpetrated these cruelties, gave birth likewise to the early missionaries, like las casas, who followed the sanguinary course of discovery, binding up the wounds inflicted by their countrymen; men who in a truly evangelical spirit braved all kinds of perils and hardships, and even death itself, not through a prospect of temporal gain or glory, but through a desire to meliorate the condition and save the souls of barbarous and suffering nations. the dauntless enterprises and fearful peregrinations of many of these virtuous men, if properly appreciated, would be found to vie in romantic daring with the heroic achievements of chivalry, with motives of a purer and far more exalted nature. no. xxix. peter martyr. peter martir, or martyr, of whose writings much use has been made in this history, was born at anghierra, in the territory of milan, in italy, on the second of february, 1455. he is commonly termed peter martyr of _angleria_, from the latin name of his native place. he is one of the earliest historians that treat of columbus, and was his contemporary and intimate acquaintance. being at rome in 1487, and having acquired a distinguished reputation for learning, he was invited by the spanish ambassador, the count de tendilla, to accompany him to spain. he willingly accepted the invitation, and was presented to the sovereigns at saragossa. isabella, amidst the cares of the war with granada, was anxious for the intellectual advancement of her kingdom, and wished to employ martyr to instruct the young nobility of the royal household. with her peculiar delicacy, however, she first made her confessor, hernando de talavera, inquire of martyr in what capacity he desired to serve her. contrary to her expectation, martyr replied, "in the profession of arms." the queen complied, and he followed her in her campaigns, as one of her household and military suite, but without distinguishing himself, and perhaps without having any particular employ in a capacity so foreign to his talents. after the surrender of granada, when the war was ended, the queen, through the medium of the grand cardinal of spain, prevailed upon him to undertake the instruction of the young nobles of her court. martyr was acquainted with columbus while making his application to the sovereigns, and was present at his triumphant reception by ferdinand and isabella in barcelona, on his return from his first voyage. he was continually in the royal camp during the war with the moors, of which his letters contain many interesting particulars. he was sent ambassador extraordinary by ferdinand and isabella, in 1501, to venice, and thence to the grand soldan of egypt. the soldan, in 1490 or 1491, had sent an embassy to the spanish sovereigns, threatening that, unless they desisted from the war against granada, he would put all the christians in egypt and syria to death, overturn all their temples, and destroy the holy sepulchre at jerusalem. ferdinand and isabella pressed the war with tenfold energy, and brought it to a triumphant conclusion in the next campaign, while the soldan was still carrying on a similar negotiation with the pope. they afterwards sent peter martyr ambassador to the soldan to explain and justify their measure. martyr discharged the duties of his embassy with great ability; obtained permission from the soldan to repair the holy places at jerusalem, and an abolition of various extortions to which christian pilgrims had been subjected. while on this embassy, he wrote his work do legatione babylonica, which includes a history of egypt in those times. on his return to spain, he was rewarded with places and pensions, and in 1524 was appointed a minister of the council of the indies. his principal work is an account of the discoveries of the new world, in eight decades, each containing ten chapters. they are styled decades of the new world, or decades of the ocean, and, like all his other works, were originally written in latin, though since translated into various languages. he had familiar access to letters, papers, journals, and narratives of the early discoverers, and was personally acquainted with many of them, gathering particulars from their conversation. in writiug his decades, he took great pains to obtain information from columbus himself, and from others, his companions. in one of his epistles, (no. 153, january, 1494, to pomponius lætus,) he mentions having just received a letter from columbus, by which it appears he was in correspondence with him. las casas says that great credit is to be given to him in regard to those voyages of columbus, although his decades contain some inaccuracies relative to subsequent events in the indies. muñoz allows him great credit, as an author contemporary with his subject, grave, well cultivated, instructed in the facts of which he treats, and of entire probity. he observes, however, that his writings being composed on the spur or excitement of the moment, often related circumstances which subsequently proved to be erroneous; that they were written without method or care, often confusing dates and events, so that they must be read with some caution. martyr was in the daily habit of writing letters to distinguished persons, relating the passing occurrences of the busy court and age in which he lived. in several of these columbus is mentioned, and also some of the chief events of his voyages, as promulgated at the very moment of his return. these letters not being generally known or circulated, or frequently cited, it may be satisfactory to the reader to have a few of the main passages which relate to columbus. they have a striking effect in carrying us back to the very time of the discoveries. in one of his epistles, dated barcelona, mny 1st, 1493, and addressed to c. borromeo, he says: "within these few days a certain christopher columbus has arrived from the western antipodes; a man of liguria, whom my sovereigns reluctantly intrusted with three ships, to seek that region, for they thought that what he said was fabulous. he has returned and brought specimens of many precious things, but particularly gold, which those countries naturally produce." [381] in another letter, dated likewise from barcelona, in september following, he gives a more particular account. it is addressed to count tendilla, governor of granada, and also to hernando talavera, archbishop of that diocese, and the same to whom the propositions of columbus had been referred by the spanish sovereigns. "arouse your attention, ancient sages," says peter martyr in his epistle; "listen to a new discovery. you remember columbus the ligurian, appointed in the camp by our sovereigns to search for a new hemisphere of land at the western antipodes. you ought to recollect, for you had some agency in the transaction; nor would the enterprise, as i think, have been undertaken, without your counsel. he has returned in safety, and relates the wonders he has discovered. he exhibits gold as proofs of the mines in those regions; gossampine cotton, also, and aromatics, and pepper more pnngent than that from caucasus. all these things, together with scarlet dye-woods, the earth produces spontaneously. pursuing the western sun from gades five thousand miles, of each a thousand paces, as he relates, he fell in with sundry islands, and took possession of one of them, of greater circuit, he asserts, than the whole of spain. here he found a race of men living contented, in a state of nature, subsisting on fruits and vegetables, and bread formed from roots.... these people have kings, some greater than others, and they war occasionally among themselves, with bows and arrows, or lances sharpened and hardened in the fire. the desire of command prevails among them, though they are naked. they have wives also. what they worship except the divinity of heaven, is not ascertained." [382] in another letter, dated likewise in september, 1403, and addressed to the cardinal and vice-chancellor ascanius sforza, he says: "so great is my desire to give you satisfaction, illustrious prince, that i consider it a gratifying occurrence in the great fluctuations of events, when any thing takes place among us, in which you may take an interest. the wonders of this terrestrial globe, round which the sun makes a circuit in the space of four and twenty hours, have, until our time, as you are well aware, been known only in regard to one hemisphere, merely from the golden chersonesus to our spanish gades. the rest has been given up as unknown by cosmographers, and if any mention of it has been made, it has been slight and dubious. but now, o blessed enterprise! under the auspices of our sovereigns, what has hitherto lain hidden since the first origin of things, has at length begun to be developed. the thing has thus occurred--attend, illustrious prince! a certain christopher columbus, a ligurian, dispatched to those regions with three vessels by my sovereigns, pursuing the western sun above five thousand miles from gades, achieved his way to the antipodes. three and thirty successive days they navigated with naught but sky and water. at length from the mast-head of the largest vessel, in which columbus himself sailed, those on the look-out proclaimed the sight of land. he coasted along six islands, one of them, as all his followers declare, beguiled perchance by the novelty of the scene, is larger than spain." martyr proceeds to give the usual account of the productions of the islands, and the manners and customs of the natives, particularly the wars which occurred among them; "as if _meum_ and _tuum_ had been introduced among them as among us, and expensive luxuries, and the desire of accumulating wealth; for what, you will think, can be the wants of naked men?" "what farther may succeed," he adds, "i will hereafter signify. farewell." [383] in another letter, dated valladolid, february 1, 1494, to hernando de talavera, archbishop of granada, he observes, "the king and queen, on the return of columbus to barcelona, from his honorable enterprise, appointed him admiral of the ocean sea, and caused him, on account of his illustrious deeds, to be seated in their presence, an honor and a favor, as you know, the highest with our sovereigns. they have dispatched him again to those regions, furnished with a fleet of eighteen ships. there is prospect of great discoveries at the western antarctic antipodes." [384] in a subsequent letter to pomponius lætus, dated from alcala de henares, december 9th, 1494, he gives the first news of the success of this expedition. "spain," says he, "is spreading her wings, augmenting her empire, and extending her name and glory to the antipodes.... of eighteen vessels dispatched by my sovereigns with the admiral columbus, in his second voyage to the western hemisphere, twelve have returned and have brought gossampine cotton, huge trees of dye-wood, and many other articles held with us as precious, the natural productions of that hitherto hidden world; and besides all other things, no small quantity of gold. o wonderful, pomponius! upon the surface of that earth are found rude masses of native gold, of a weight that one is afraid to mention. some weigh two hundred and fifty ounces, and they hope to discover others of a much larger size, from what the naked natives intimate, when they extol their gold to our people. nor are the lestrigonians nor polyphemi, who feed on human flesh, any longer doubtful. attend--but beware! lest they rise in horror before thee! when he proceeded from the fortunate islands, now termed the canaries, to hispaniola, the island on which he first set foot, turning his prow a little toward the south, he arrived at innumerable islands of savage men, whom they call cannibals, or caribbees; and these, though naked, are courageous warriors. they fight skillfully with bows and clubs, and have boats hollowed from a single tree, yet very capacious, in which they make fierce descents on neighboring islands, inhabited by milder people. they attack their villages, from which they carry off the men and devour them," &c. [385] another letter to pomponius lætus, on the same subject, has been cited at large in the body of this work. it is true these extracts give nothing that has not been stated more at large in the decades of the same author, but they are curious, as the very first announcements of the discoveries of columbus, and as showing the first stamp of these extraordinary events upon the mind of one of the most learned and liberal men of the age. a collection of the letters of peter martyr was published in 1530, under the title of opus epistolarum, petri martyris anglerii; it is divided into thirty-eight books, each containing the letters of one year. the same objections have been made to his letters as to his decades, but they bear the same stamp of candor, probity, and great information. they possess peculiar value from being written at the moment, before the facts they record were distorted or discolored by prejudice or misrepresentation. his works abound in interesting particulars not to be found in any contemporary historian. they are rich in thought, but still richer in fact, and are full of urbanity, and of the liberal feeling of a scholar who has mingled with the world. he is a fountain from which others draw, and from which, with a little precaution, they may draw securely. he died in valladolid, in 1526. no. xxx. oviedo. gonzalo fernandez de oviedo y valdes, commonly known as oviedo, was born in madrid in 1478, and died in valladolid in 1557, aged seventy-nine years. he was of a noble austrian family, and in his boyhood (in 1490) was appointed one of the pages to prince juan, heir-apparent of spain, the only son of ferdinand and isabella. he was in this situation at the time of the seige and surrender of granada, was consequently at court at the time that columbus made his agreement with the catholic sovereigns, and was in the same capacity at barcelona, and witnessed the triumphant entrance of the discoverer, attended by a number of the natives of the newly-found countries. in 1513, he was sent out to the new world by ferdinand, to superintend the gold foundries. for many years he served there in various offices of trust and dignity, both under ferdinand and his grandson and successor, charles v. in 1535, he was made alcayde of the fortress of st. domingo in hispaniola, and afterwards was appointed histomgrapher of the indies. at the time of his death, he had served the crown upwards of forty years, thirty-four of which were passed in the colonies, and he had crossed the ocean eight times, as he mentions in various parts of his writings. he wrote several works; the most important is a chronicle of the indies in fifty books, divided into three parts. the first part, containing nineteen books, was printed at seville in 1535, and reprinted in 1547 at salamanca, augmented by a twentieth book containing shipwrecks. the remainder of the work exists in manuscript. the printing of it was commenced at valladolid in 1557, but was discontinued in consequence of his death. it is one of the unpublished treasures of spanish colonial history. he was an indefatigable writer, laborious in collecting and recording facts, and composed a multitude of volumes which are scattered through the spanish libraries. his writings are full of events which happened under his own eye, or were communicated to him by eyewitnesses; but he was deficient in judgment and discrimination. he took his facts without caution, and often from sources unworthy of credit. in his account of the first voyage of columbus, he falls into several egregious errors, in consequence of taking the verbal information of a pilot named hernan perez matteo, who was in the interest of the pinzons, and adverse to the admiral. his work is not much to be depended upon in matters relative to columbus. when he treats of a more advanced period of the new world, from his own actual observation, he is much more satisfactory, though he is accused of listening too readily to popular fables and misrepresentations. his account of the natural productions of the new world, and of the customs of its inhabitants, is full of curious particulars; and the best narratives of some of the minor voyages which succeeded those of columbus are to be found in the unpublished part of his work. no. xxxi. cura de los palacios. andres bernaldes, or bernal, generally known by the title of the curate of _los palacios_, from having been curate of the town of los palacios from about 1488 to 1513, was born in the town of fuentes, and was for some time chaplain to diego dora, archbishop of seville, one of the greatest friends to the application of columbus bernaldes was well acquainted with the admiral, who was occasionally his guest, and in 1496, left many of his manuscripts and journals with him, which the curate made use of in a history of the reign of ferdinand and isabella, in which he introduced an account of the voyages of columbus. in his narrative of the admiral's coasting along the southern side of cuba, the curate is more minute and accurate than any other historian. his work exists only in manuscript, but is well known to historians, who have made frequent use of it. nothing can be more simple and artless than the account which the honest curate gives of his being first moved to undertake his chronicle. "i who wrote these chapters of memoirs," he says, "being for twelve years in the habit of reading a register of my deceased grandfather, who was notary public of the town of fuentes, where i was born, i found therein several chapters recording certain events and achievements which had taken place in his time; and my grandmother his widow, who was very old, hearing me read them, said to me, 'and thou, my son, since thou art not slothful in writing, why dost thou not write, in this manner, the good things which are happening at present in thy own day, that those who come hereafter may know them, and marvelling at what they read, may render thanks to god?' "from that time," continues he, "i proposed to do so, and as i considered the matter, i said often to myself,' if god gives me life and health, i will continue to write until i behold the kingdom of granada gained by the christians;' and i always entertained a hope of seeing it, and did see it: great thanks and praises be given to our saviour jesus christ! and because it was impossible to write a complete and connected account of all things that happened in spain, during the matrimonial union of the king don ferdinand, and the queen doña isabella, i wrote only about certain of the most striking and remarkable events, of which i had correct information, and of those which i saw or which were public and notorious to all men." [386] the work of the worthy curate, as may be inferred from the foregoing statement, is deficient in regularity of plan; the style is artless and often inelegant, but it abounds in facts not to be met with elsewhere, often given in a very graphical manner, and strongly characteristic of the times. as he was contemporary with the events and familiar with many of the persons of his history, and as he was a man of probity and void of all pretension, his manuscript is a document of high authenticity. he was much respected in the limited sphere in which he moved, "yet," says one of his admirers, who wrote a short preface to his chronicle, "he had no other reward than that of the curacy of los palacios, and the place of chaplain to the archbishop don diego deza." in the possession of o. rich, esq., of madrid, is a very curious manuscript chronicle of the reign of ferdinand and isabella, already quoted in this work, made up from this history of the curate of los palacios, and from various other historians of the times, by some contemporary writer. in his account of the voyage of columbus, he differs in some trivial particulars from the regular copy of the manuscript of the curate. these variations have been carefully examined by the author of this work, and wherever they appear to be for the better, have been adopted. no. xxxii. "navigatione del re de castiglia delle isole e paese nuovamente ritrovate." "naviagatio chrisophori colombi." the above are the titles, in italian and in latin, of the earliest narratives of the first and second voyages of columbus that appeared in print. it was anonymous; and there are some curious particulars in regard to it. it was originally written in italian by montalbodo fracanzo, or fracanzano, or by francapano de montabaldo, (for writers differ in regard to the name,) and was published in vicenza, in 1507, in a collection of voyages, entitled "mondo novo, e paese nuovamente ritrovate." the collection was republished at milan, in 1508, both in italian, and in a latin translation made by archangelo madrignano, under the title of "itinerarium portugallensium;" this title being given, because the work related chiefly to the voyages of luigi cadamosto, a venetian in the service of portugal. the collection was afterwards augmented by simon grinæns with other travels, and printed in latin at basle, in 1533, [387] by hervagio, entitled "novus orbis regionum," &c. the edition of basle, 1555, and the italian edition of milan, in 1508, have been consulted in the course of this work. peter martyr (decad. 2, cap. 7,) alludes to this publication, under the first latin title of the book, "itinerarium portugallensium," and accuses the author, whom by mistake he terms cadamosto, of having stolen the materials of his book from the three first chapters of his first decade of the ocean, of which, he says, he granted copies in manuscript to several persons, and in particular to certain venetian ambassadors. martyr's decades were not published until 1516, excepting the first three, which were published in 1511, at seville. this narrative of the voyages of columbus is referred to by gio. batista spotorno, in his historical memoir of columbus, as having been written by a companion of columbus. it is manifest, from a perusal of the narrative, that though the author may have helped himself freely from the manuscript of martyr, he must have had other sources of information. his description of the person of columbus as a man tall of stature and large of frame, of a ruddy complexion and oblong visage, is not copied from martyr, nor from any other writer. no historian had, indeed, preceded him, except sabellicus, in 1504; and the portrait agrees with that subsequently given of columbus in the biography written by his son. it is probable that this narrative, which appeared only a year after the death of columbus, was a piece of literary job-work, written, for the collection of voyages published at vicenza; and that the materials were taken from oral communication, from the account given by sabellicus, and particularly from the manuscript copy of martyr's first decade. no. xxxiii. antonio de herrera. antonio herrera de tordesillas, one of the authors most frequently cited in this work, was born in 1565, of roderick tordesillas, and agnes de herrera, his wife. he received an excellent education, and entered into the employ of vespasian gonzago, brother to the duke of mantua, who was viceroy of naples for philip the second of spain. he was for some time secretary to this statesman, and intrusted with all his secrets. he was afterwards grand historiographer of the indies to philip ii, who added to that title a large pension. he wrote various books, but the most celebrated is a general history of the indies, or american colonies, in four volumes, containing eight decades. when he undertook this work, all the public archives were thrown open to him, and he had access to documents of all kinds. he has been charged with great precipitation in the production of his two first volumes, and with negligence in not making sufficient use of the indisputable sources of information thus placed within his reach. the fact was, that he met with historical tracts lying in manuscript, which embraced a great part of the first discoveries, and he contented himself with stating events as he found them therein recorded. it is certain that a great part of his work is little more than a transcript of the manuscript history of the indies by las casas, sometimes reducing and improving the language when tumid; omitting the impassioned sallies of the zealous father, when the wrongs of the indians were in question; and suppressing various circumstances degrading to the character of the spanish discoverers. the author of the present work has, therefore, frequently put aside the history of herrera, and consulted the source of his information, the manuscript history of las casas. munoz observes, that "in general herrera did little more than join together morsels and extracts, taken from various parts, in the way that a writer arranges chronologically the materials from which he intends to compose a history;" he adds, that "had not herrera been a learned and judicious man, the precipitation with which he put together these materials would have led to innumerable errors." the remark is just; yet it is to be considered, that to select and arrange such materials judiciously, and treat them learnedly, was no trifling merit in the historian. herrera has been accused also of flattering his nation; exalting the deeds of his countrymen, and softening and concealing their excesses. there is nothing very serious in this accusation. to illustrate the glory of his nation is one of the noblest offices of the historian; and it is difficult to speak too highly of the extraordinary enterprises and splendid actions of the spaniards in those days. in softening their excesses he fell into an amiable and pardonable error, if it were indeed an error for a spanish writer to endeavor to sink them in oblivion. vossius passes a high eulogium on herrera. "no one," he says, "has described with greater industry and fidelity the magnitude and boundaries of provinces, the tracts of sea, positions of capes and islands, of ports and harbors, the windings of rivers and dimensions of lakes; the situation and peculiarities of regions, with the appearance of the heavens, and the designation of places suitable for the establishment of cities." he has been called among the spaniards the prince of the historians of america, and it is added that none have risen since his time capable of disputing with him that title. much of this praise will appear exaggerated by such as examine the manuscript histories from which he transferred chapters and entire books, with very little alteration, to his volumes; and a great part of the eulogiums passed on him for his work on the indies, will be found really due to las casas, who has too long been eclipsed by his copyist. still herrera has left voluminous proofs of industrious research, extensive information, and great literary talent. his works bear the mark of candor, integrity, and a sincere desire to record the truth. he died in 1625, at sixty years of age, after having obtained from philip iv the promise of the first charge of secretary of state that should become vacant. no. xxxiv. bishop fonseca. the singular malevolence displayed by bishop juan rodriguez de fonseca towards columbus and his family, and which was one of the secret and principal causes of their misfortunes, has been frequently noticed in the course of this work. it originated, as has been shown, in some dispute between the admiral and fonseca at seville in 1493, on account of the delay in fitting out the armament for the second voyage, and in regard to the number of domestics to form the household of the admiral. fonseca received a letter from the sovereigns, tacitly reproving him, and ordering him to show all possible attention to the wishes of columbus, and to see that he was treated with honor and deference. fonseca never forgot this affront, and, what with him was the same thing, never forgave it. his spirit appears to have been of that unhealthy kind which has none of the balm of forgiveness; and in which a wound, once made, for ever rankles. the hostility thus produced continued with increasing virulence throughout the life of columbus, and at his death was transferred to his son and successor. this persevering animosity has been illustrated in the course of this work by facts and observations, cited from authors, some of them contemporary with fonseca, but who were apparently restrained by motives of prudence from giving full vent to the indignation which they evidently felt. even at the present day, a spanish historian would be cautious of expressing his feelings freely on the subject, lest they should prejudice his work in the eyes of the ecclesiastical censors of the press. in this way, bishop fonseca has in a great measure escaped the general odium his conduct merited. this prelate had the chief superintendence of spanish colonial affairs, both under ferdinand and isabella and the emperor charles v. he was an active and intrepid, but selfish, overbearing, and perfidious man. his administration bears no marks of enlarged and liberal policy; but is full of traits of arrogance and meanness. he opposed the benevolent attempts of las casas to ameliorate the condition of the indians, and to obtain the abolition of repartimientos; treating him with personal haughtiness and asperity. [388] the reason assigned is that fonseca was enriching himself by those very abuses, retaining large numbers of the miserable indians in slavery, to work on his possessions in the colonies. to show that his character has not been judged with undue severity, it is expedient to point out his invidious and persecuting conduct towards hernando cortez. the bishop, while ready to foster rambling adventurers who came forward under his patronage, had never the head or the heart to appreciate the merits of illustrious commanders like columbus and cortez. at a time when disputes arose between cortez and diego velazquez, governor of cuba, and the latter sought to arrest the conqueror of mexico in the midst of his brilliant career, fonseca, with entire disregard of the merits of the case, took a decided part in favor of velazquez. personal interest was at the bottom of this favor; for a marriage was negotiating between velazquez and a sister of the bishop. [389] complaints and misrepresentations had been sent to spain by velazquez of the conduct of cortez, who was represented as a lawless and unprincipled adventurer, attempting to usurp absolute authority in new spain. the true services of cortez had already excited admiration at court, but such was the influence of fonseca, that, as in the case of columbus, he succeeded in prejudicing the mind of the sovereign against one of the most meritorious of his subjects. one christoval de tapia, a man destitute of talent or character, but whose greatest recommendation was his having been in the employ of the bishop, [390] was invested with powers similar to those once given to bobadilla to the prejudice of columbus. he was to inquire into the conduct of cortez, and in case he thought fit, to seize him, sequestrate his property, and supersede him in command. not content with the regular official letters furnished to tapia, the bishop, shortly after his departure, sent out juan bono de quexo with blank letters signed by his own hand, and with others directed to various persons, charging them to admit tapia for governor, and assuring them that the king considered the conduct of cortez as disloyal. nothing but the sagacity and firmness of cortez prevented this measure from completely interrupting, if not defeating, his enterprises; and he afterwards declared, that he had experienced more trouble and difficulty from the menaces and affronts of the ministers of the king than it cost him to conquer mexico. [391] when the dispute between cortez and velazquez came to be decided upon in spain, in 1522, the father of cortez, and those who had come from new spain as his procurators, obtained permission from cardinal adrian, at that time governor of the realm, to prosecute a public accusation of the bishop. a regular investigation took place before the council of the indies of their allegations against its president. they charged him with having publicly declared cortez a traitor and a rebel: with having intercepted and suppressed his letters addressed to the king, keeping his majesty in ignorance of their contents and of the important services he had performed, while he diligently forwarded all letters calculated to promote the interest of velazquez: with having prevented the representations of cortez from being heard in the council of the indies, declaring that they should never be heard there while he lived: with having interdicted the forwarding of arms, merchandise, and reinforcements to new spain: and with having issued orders to the office of the india house at seville to arrest the procurators of cortez and all persons arriving from him, and to seize and detain all gold that they should bring. these and various other charges of similar nature were dispassionately investigated. enough were substantiated to convict fonseca of the most partial, oppressive, and perfidious conduct, and the cardinal consequently forbade him to interfere in the cause between cortez and velazquez, and revoked all the orders which the bishop had issued, in the matter, to the india house of seville. indeed, salazar, a spanish historian, says that fonseca was totally divested of his authority as president of the council, and of all control of the affiairs of new spain, and adds that he was so mortified at the blow, that it brought on a fit of illness, which well nigh cost him his life. [392] the suit between cortez and velazquez was referred to a special tribunal, composed of the grand chancellor and other persons of note, and was decided in 1522. the influence and intrigues of fonseca being no longer of avail, a triumphant verdict was given in favor of cortez, which was afterwards confirmed by the emperor charles v, and additional honors awarded him. this was another blow to the malignant fonseca, who retained his enmity against cortez until his last moment, rendered still more rancorous by mortification and disappointment. a charge against fonseca, of a still darker nature than any of the preceding, may be found lurking in the pages of herrera, though so obscure as to have escaped the notice of succeeding historians. he points to the bishop as the instigator of a desperate and perfidious man, who conspired against the life of hernando cortez. this was one antonio de villafana, who fomented a conspiracy to assassinate cortez, and elect francisco verdujo, brother-in-law of velazquez, in his place. while the conspirators were waiting for an opportunity to poniard cortez, one of them relenting, apprised him of his danger. villafana was arrested. he attempted to swallow a paper containing a list of the conspirators, but being seized by the throat, a part of it was forced from his mouth containing fourteen names of persons of importance, villafafia confessed his guilt, but tortures could not make him inculpate the persons whose names were on the list, who he declared were ignorant of the plot. he was hanged by order of cortez. [393] in the investigation of the disputes between cortez and velazquez, this execution of villafana was magnified into a cruel and wanton act of power; and in their eagerness to criminate cortez the witnesses on the part of alvarez declared that villafana had been instigated to what he had done by letters from bishop fonseca! (que se movió a lo que hizo con cartas del obispo de burgos. [394]) it is not probable that fonseca had recommended assassination, but it shows the character of his agents, and what must have been the malignant nature of his instructions, when these men thought that such an act would accomplish his wishes. fonseca died at burgos, on the 4th of november, 1524, and was interred at coca. no. xxxv. of the situation of the terrestrial paradise. the speculations of columbus on the situation of the terrestrial paradise, extravagant as they may appear, were such as have occupied many grave and learned men. a slight notice of their opinions on this curious subject may be acceptable to the general reader, and may take from the apparent wildness of the ideas expressed by columbus. the abode of our first parents was anciently the subject of anxious inquiry; and indeed mankind have always been prone to picture some place of perfect felicity, where the imagination, disappointed in the coarse realities of life, might revel in an elysium of its own creation. it is an idea not confined to our religion, but is found in the rude creeds of the most savage nations, and it prevailed generally among the ancients. the speculations concerning the situation of the garden of eden resemble those of the greeks concerning the garden of the hesperides; that region of delight, which they for ever placed at the most remote verge of the known world; which their poets embellished with all the charms of fiction; after which they were continually longing, and which they could never find. at one time it was in the grand oasis of arabia. the exhausted travelers, after traversing the parched and sultry desert, hailed this verdant spot with rapture; they refreshed themselves under its shady bowers, and beside its cooling streams, as the crew of a tempest-tost vessel repose on the shores of some green island in the deep; and from its being thus isolated in the midst of an ocean of sand, they gave it the name of the island of the blessed. as geographical knowledge increased, the situation of the hesperian gardens was continually removed to a greater distance. it was transferred to the borders of the great syrtis, in the neighborhood of mount atlas. here, after traversing the frightful deserts of barca, the traveler found himself in a fair and fertile country, watered by rivulets and gushing fountains. the oranges and citrons transported hence to greece, where they were as yet unknown, delighted the athenians by their golden beauty and delicious flavor, and they thought that none but the garden of the hesperides could produce such glorious fruits. in this way the happy region of the ancients was transported from place to place, still in the remote and obscure extremity of the world, until it was fabled to exist in the canaries, thence called the fortunate or the hesperian islands. here it remained, because discovery advanced no farther, and because these islands were so distant, and so little known, as to allow full latitude to the fictions of the poet. [395] in like manner the situation of the terrestrial paradise, or garden of eden, was long a subject of earnest inquiry and curious disputation, and occupied the laborious attention of the most learned theologians. some placed it in palestine or the holy land; others in mesopotamia, in that rich and beautiful tract of country embraced by the wanderings of the tigris and the euphrates; others in armenia, in a valley surrounded by precipitous and inaccessible mountains, and imagined that enoch and elijah were transported thither, out of the sight of mortals, to live in a state of terrestrial bliss until the second coming of our saviour. there were others who gave it situations widely remote, such as in the trapoban of the ancients, at present known as the island of ceylon; or in the island of sumatra; or in the fortunate or canary islands; or in one of the islands of sunda; or in some favored spot under the equinoctial line. great difficulty was encountered by these speculators to reconcile the allotted place with the description given in genesis of the garden of eden; particularly of the great fountain which watered it, and which afterwards divided itself into four rivers, the pison or phison, the gihon, the euphrates, and the hiddekel. those who were in favor of the holy land supposed that the jordan was the great river which afterwards divided itself into the phison, gihon, tigris, and euphrates, but that the sands have choked up the ancient beds by which these streams were supplied; that originally the phison traversed arabia deserta and arabia felix, whence it pursued its course to the gulf of persia; that the gihon bathed northern or stony arabia and fell into the arabian gulf or the red sea; that the euphrates and the tigris passed by eden to assyria and chaldea, whence they discharged themselves into the persian gulf. by most of the early commentators the river gihon is supposed to be the nile. the source of this river was unknown, but was evidently far distant from the spots whence the tigris and the euphrates arose. this difficulty, however, was ingeniously overcome by giving it a subterranean course of some hundreds of leagues from the common fountain, until it issued forth to daylight in abyssinia. [396] in like manner, subterranean courses were given to the tigris and the euphrates, passing under the bed sea, until they sprang forth in armenia, as if just issuing from one common source. so also those who placed the terrestrial paradise in islands, supposed that the rivers which issued from it, and formed those heretofore named, either traversed the surface of the sea, as fresh water, by its greater lightness, may float above the salt; or that they flowed through deep veins and channels of the earth, as the fountain of arethusa was said to sink into the ground in greece, and rise in the island of sicily, while the river alpheus pursuing it, but with less perseverance, rose somewhat short of it in the sea. some contended that the deluge had destroyed the garden of eden, and altered the whole face of the earth; so that the rivers had changed their beds, and had taken different directions from those mentioned in genesis; others, however, amongst whom was st. augustine, in his commentary upon the book of genesis, maintained that the terrestrial paradise still existed, with its original beauty and delights, but that it was inaccessible to mortals, being on the summit of a mountain of stupendous height, reaching into the third region of the air, and approaching the moon; being thus protected by its elevation from the ravages of the deluge. by some this mountain was placed under the equinoctial line; or under that band of the heavens metaphorically called by the ancients "the table of the sun," [397] comprising the space between the tropics of cancer and capricorn, beyond which the sun never passed in his annual course. here would reign a uniformity of nights and days and seasons, and the elevation of the mountain would raise it above the heats and storms of the lower regions. others transported the garden beyond the equinoctial line and placed it in the southern hemisphere; supposing that the torrid zone might be the flaming sword appointed to defend its entrance against mortals. they had a fanciful train of argument to support their theory. they observed that the terrestrial paradise must be in the noblest and happiest part of the globe; that part must be under the noblest part of the heavens; as the merits of a place do not so much depend upon the virtues of the earth, as upon the happy influences of the stars and the favorable and benign aspect of the heavens. now, according to philosophers, the world was divided into two hemispheres. the southern they considered the head, and the northern the feet, or under part; the right hand the east, whence commenced the movement of the primum mobile, and the left the west, towards which it moved. this supposed, they observed that as it was manifest that the head of all things, natural and artificial, is always the best and noblest part, governing the other parts of the body, so the south, being the head of the earth, ought to be superior and nobler than either east, or west, or north; and in accordance with this, they cited the opinion of various philosophers among the ancients, and more especially that of ptolemy, that the stars of the southern hemisphere were larger, more resplendent, more perfect, and of course of greater virtue and efficacy, than those of the northern: an error universally prevalent until disproved by modern discovery. hence they concluded that in this southern hemisphere, in this head of the earth, under this purer and brighter sky, and these more potent and benignant stars, was placed the terrestrial paradise. various ideas were entertained as to the magnitude of this blissful region. as adam and all his progeny were to have lived there, had he not sinned, and as there would have been no such thing as death to thin the number of mankind, it was inferred that the terrestrial paradise must be of great extent to contain them. some gave it a size equal to europe or africa; others gave it the whole southern hemisphere. st. augustine supposed that as mankind multiplied, numbers would be translated without death to heaven; the parents, perhaps, when their children had arrived at mature age; or portions of the human race at the end of certain periods, and when the population of the terrestrial paradise had attained a certain amount. [398] others supposed that mankind, remaining in a state of primitive innocence, would not have required so much space as at present. having no need of rearing animals for subsistence, no land would have been required for pasturage; and the earth not being cursed with sterility, there would have been no need of extensive tracts of country to permit of fallow land and the alternation of crops required in husbandry. the spontaneous and never-failing fruits of the garden would have been abundant for the simple wants of man. still, that the human race might not be crowded, but might have ample space for recreation and enjoyment, and the charms of variety and change, some allowed at least a hundred leagues of circumference to the garden. st. basilius, in his eloquent discourse on paradise, [399] expatiates with rapture on the joys of this sacred abode, elevated to the third region of the air, and under the happiest skies. there a pure and never-failing pleasure is furnished to every sense. the eye delights in the admirable clearness of the atmosphere, in the verdure and beauty of the trees, and the never-withering bloom of the flowers. the ear is regaled with the singing of the birds, the smell with the aromatic odors of the land. in like manner the other senses have each their peculiar enjoyments. there the vicissitudes of the seasons are unknown and the climate unites the fruitfulness of summer, the joyful abundance of autumn, and the sweet freshness and quietude of spring. there the earth is always green, the flowers are ever blooming, the waters limpid and delicate, not rushing in rude and turbid torrents, but swelling up in crystal fountains, and winding in peaceful and silver streams. there no harsh and boisterous winds are permitted to shake and disturb the air, and ravage the beauty of the groves; there prevails no melancholy, nor darksome weather, no drowning rain, nor pelting hail; no forked lightning, nor rending and resounding thunder; no wintry pinching cold, nor withering and panting summer heat; nor any thing else that can give pain or sorrow or annoyance; but all is bland and gentle and serene; a perpetual youth and joy reigns throughout all nature, and nothing decays and dies. the same idea is given by st. ambrosius, in his book on paradise, [400] an author likewise consulted and cited by columbus. he wrote in the fourth century, and his touching eloquence, and graceful yet vigorous style, insured great popularity to his writings. many of these opinions are cited by glanville, usually called bartholomeus anglicus, in his work de proprietatibus rerum; a work with which columbus was evidently acquainted. it was a species of encyclopedia of the general knowledge current at the time, and was likely to recommend itself to a curious and inquiring voyager. this author cites an assertion as made by st. basilius and st. ambrosius, that the water of the fountain which proceeds from the garden of eden falls into a great lake with such a tremendous noise that the inhabitants of the neighborhood are born deaf; and that from this lake proceed the four chief rivers mentioned in genesis. [401] this passage, however, is not to be found in the hexameron of either basilius or ambrositis, from which it is quoted; neither is it in the oration on paradise by the former, nor in the letter on the same subject written by ambrosius to ainbrosins sabinus. it must be a misquotation by glanville. columbus, however, appears to have been struck with it, and las casas is of opinion that he derived thence his idea that the vast body of fresh water which filled the gulf of la ballena or paria, flowed from the fountain of paradise, though from a remote distance; and that in this gulf, which he supposed in the extreme part of asia, originated the nile, the tigris, the euphrates, and the ganges, which might be conducted under the land and sea by subterranean channels, to the places where they spring forth on the earth and assume their proper names. i forbear to enter into various other of the voluminous speculations which have been formed relative to the terrestrial paradise, and perhaps it may be thought that i have already said too much on so fanciful a subject; but to illustrate clearly the character of columbus, it is necessary to elucidate those veins of thought passing through his mind while considering the singular phenomena of the unknown regions he was exploring, and which are often but slightly and vaguely developed in his journals and letters. these speculations, likewise, like those concerning fancied islands in the ocean, carry us back to the time, and make us feel the mystery and conjectural charm which reigned over the greatest part of the world, and have since been completely dispelled by modern discovery. enough has been cited to show, that, in his observations concerning the terrestrial paradise, columbus was not indulging in any fanciful and presumptuous chimeras, the offspring of a heated and disordered brain. however visionary his conjectures may seem, they were all grounded on written opinions held little less than oracular in his day; and they will be found on examination to be far exceeded by the speculations and theories of sages held illustrious for their wisdom and erudition in the school and cloister. no. xxxvi. will of columbus. in the name of the most holy trinity, who inspired me with the idea, and afterwards made it perfectly clear to me, that i could navigate and go to the indies from spain, by traversing the ocean westwardly; which i communicated to the king, don ferdinand, and to the queen doña isabella, our sovereigns; and they were pleased to furnish me the necessary equipment of men and ships, and to make me their admiral over the said ocean, in all parts lying to the west of an imaginary line, drawn from pole to pole, a hundred leagues west of the cape de verd and azore islands; also appointing me their viceroy and governor over all continents and islands that i might discover beyond the said line westwardly; with the right of being succeeded in the said offices by my eldest son and his heirs for ever; and a grant of the tenth part of all things found in the said jurisdiction; and of all rents and revenues arising from it; and the eighth of all the lands and every thing else, together with the salary corresponding to my rank of admiral, viceroy, and governor, and all other emoluments accruing thereto, as is more fully expressed in the title and agreement sanctioned by their highnesses. and it pleased the lord almighty, that in the year one thousand four hundred and ninety-two, i should discover the continent of the indies and many islands, among them hispaniola, which the indians called ayte, and the monicongos, cipango. i then returned to castile to their highnesses, who approved of my undertaking a second enterprise for farther discoveries and settlements; and the lord gave me victory over the island of hispaniola, which extends six hundred leagues, and i conquered it and made it tributary; and i discovered many islands inhabited by cannibals, and seven hundred to the west of hispaniola, among which is jamaica, which we call santiago; and three hundred and thirty-three leagues of continent from south to west, besides a hundred and seven to the north, which i discovered in my first voyage, together with many islands, as may more clearly be seen by my letters, memorials, and maritime charts. and as we hope in god that before long a good and great revenue will be derived from the above islands and continent, of which, for the reasons aforesaid, belong to me the tenth and the eighth, with the salaries and emoluments specified above; and considering that we are mortal, and that it is proper for every one to settle his affairs, and to leave declared to his heirs and successors the property he possesses or may have a right to: wherefore i have concluded to create an entailed estate (mayorazgo) out of the said eighth of the lands, places, and revenues, in the manner which i now proceed to state. in the first place, i am to be succeeded by don diego, my son, who in case of death without children is to be succeeded by my other son ferdinand; and should god dispose of him also without leaving children, and without my having any other son, then my brother don bartholomew is to succeed; and after him his eldest son; and if god should dispose of him without heirs, he shall be succeeded by his sons from one to another for ever; or, in the failure of a son, to be succeeded by don ferdinand, after the same manner, from son to son successively; or in their place by my brothers bartholomew and diego. and should it please the lord that the estate, after having continued for some time in the line of any of the above successors, should stand in need of an immediate and lawful male heir, the succession shall then devolve to the nearest relation, being a man of legitimate birth, and bearing the name of columbus derived from his father and his ancestors. this entailed estate shall in nowise be inherited by a woman, except in case that no male is to be found, either in this or any other quarter of the world, of my real lineage, whose name, as well as that of his ancestors, shall have always been columbus. in such an event (which may god forefend), then the female of legitimate birth, most nearly related to the preceding possessor of the estate, shall succeed to it; and this is to be under the conditions herein stipulated at foot, which must be understood to extend as well to don diego, my son, as to the aforesaid and their heirs, every one of them, to be fulfilled by them; and failing to do so, they are to be deprived of the succession, for not having complied with what shall herein be expressed; and the estate to pass to the person most nearly related to the one who held the right: and the person thus succeeding shall in like manner forfeit the estate, should he also fail to comply with said conditions; and another person, the nearest of my lineage, shall succeed, provided he abide by them, so that they may be observed for ever in the form prescribed. this forfeiture is not to be incurred for trifling matters, originating in lawsuits, but in important cases, when the glory of god, or my own, or that of my family, may be concerned, which supposes a perfect fulfillment of all the things hereby ordained; all which i recommend to the courts of justice. and i supplicate his holiness, who now is, and those that may succeed in the holy church, that if it should happen that this my will and testament has need of his holy order and command for its fulfillment, that such order be issued in virtue of obedience, and under penalty of excommunication, and that it shall not be in any wise disfigured. and i also pray the king and queen, our sovereigns, and their eldest-born, prince don juan, our lord, and their successors, for the sake of the services i have done them, and because it is just, that it may please them not to permit this my will and constitution of my entailed estate to be any way altered, but to leave it in the form and manner which i have ordained, for ever, for the greater glory of the almighty, and that it may be the root and basis of my lineage, and a memento of the services i have rendered their highnesses; that, being born in genoa, i came over to serve them in castile, and discovered to the west of terra firma, the indies and islands before mentioned. i accordingly pray their highnesses to order that this my privilege and testament be held valid, avid be executed summarily and without any opposition or demur, according to the letter. i also pray the grandees of the realm and the lords of the council, and all others having administration of justice, to be pleased not to suffer this my will and testament to be of no avail, but to cause it to be fulfilled as by me ordained; it being just that a noble, who has served the king and queen, and the kingdom, should be respected in the disposition of his estate by will, testament, institution of entail, or inheritance, and that the same be not infringed either in whole or in part. in the first place, my son don diego, and all my successors and descendants, as well as ihy brothers bartholomew and diego, shall bear my arms, such as i shall leave them after my days, without inserting any thing else in them; and they shall be their seal to seal withal. don diego my son, or any other who may inherit this estate, on coming into possession of the inheritance, shall sign with the signature which i now make vise of, which is an x with an s over it, and an m with a roman a over it, and over that an s, and then a greek y, with an s over it, with its lines and points as is my custom, as may be seen by my signatures, of which there are many, and it will be seen by the present one. he shall only write "the admiral," whatever other titles the king may have conferred on him. this is to be understood as respects his signature, but not the enumeration of his titles, which he can make at full length if agreeable, only the signature is to be "the admiral." the said don diego, or any other inheritor of this estate, shall possess my offices of admiral of the ocean, which is to the west of an imaginary line, which his highness ordered to be drawn, running from pole to pole a hundred leagues beyond the azores, and as many more beyond the cape de verd islands, over all which i was made, by their order, their admiral of the sea, with all the preeminences held by don henrique in the admiralty of castile, and they made me their governor and viceroy perpetually and for ever, over all the islands and main-land discovered, or to be discovered, for myself and heirs, as is more fully shown by my treaty and privilege as above mentioned. item: the said don diego, or any other inheritor of this estate, shall distribute the revenue which it may please our lord to grant him, in the following manner, under the above penalty: first--of the whole income of this estate, now and at all times, and of whatever may be had or collected from it, he shall give the fourth part annually to my brother don bartholomew columbus, adelantado of the indies; and this is to continue till he shall have acquired an income of a million of maravadises, for his support, and for the services he has rendered and will continue to render to this entailed estate; which million he is to receive, as stated, every year, if the said fourth amount to so much, and that he have nothing elae; but if he possess a part or the whole of that amount in rents, that thenceforth he shall not enjoy the said million, nor any part of it, except that he shall have in the said fourth part unto the said quantity of a million, if it should amount to so much; and as much as he shall have of revenue beside this fourth part, whatever sum of maravadises of known rent from property, or perpetual offices, the said quantity of rent or revenue from property or offices shall be discounted; and from the said million shall be reserved whatever marriage portion he may receive with any female he may espouse; so that whatever he may receive in marriage with his wife, no deduction shall be made on that account from said million, but only for whatever he may acquire, or may have, over and above his wife's dowry, and when it shall please god that he or his heirs and descendants shall derive from their property and offices a revenue of a million arising from rents, neither he nor his heirs shall enjoy any longer any thing from the said fourth part of the entailed estate, which shall remain with don diego, or whoever may inherit it. item: from the revenues of the said estate, or from any other fourth part of it, (should its amount be adequate to it,) shall be paid every year to my son ferdinand two millions, till such time as his revenue shall amount to two millions, in the same form and manner as in the case of bartholomew, who, as well as his heirs, are to have the million or the part that may be wanting. item: the said don diego or don bartholomew shall make, out of the said estate, for my brother diego, such provision as may enable him to live decently, as he is my brother, to whom i assign no particular sum, as he has attached himself to the church, and that will be given him which is right: and this to be given him in a mass, and before any thing shall have' been received by ferdinand my son, or bartholomew my brother, or their heirs, and also according to the amount of the income of the estate. and in case of discord, the case is to be referred to two of our relations, or other men of honor; and should they disagree among themselves, they will choose a third person as arbitrator, being virtuous and not distrusted by either party. item: all this revenue which i bequeath to bartholomew, to ferdinand, and to diego, shall be delivered to and received by them as prescribed under the obligation of being faithful and loyal to diego my son, or his heirs, they as well as their children: and should it appear that they, or any of them, had proceeded against him in any thing touching his honor, or the prosperity of the family, or of the estate, either in word or deed, whereby might come a scandal and debasement to my family, and a detriment to my estate; in that ease, nothing farther shall be given to them or him, from that time forward, inasmuch as they are always to be faithful to diego and to his successors. item: as it was my intention, when i first instituted this entailed estate, to dispose, or that my son diego should dispose for me, of the tenth part of the income in favor of necessitous persona, as a tithe, and in commemoration of the almighty and eternal god; and persisting still in this opinion, and hoping that his high majesty will assist me and those who may inherit it, in this or the new world, i have resolved that the said tithe shall be paid in the manner following: first--it is to be understood that the fourth part of the revenue of the estate which i have ordained and directed to be given to don bartholomew, till he have an income of one million, includes the tenth of the whole revenue of the estate; and that as in proportion as the income of my brother don bartholomew shall increase, as it has to be discounted from the revenue of the fourth part of the entailed estate, that the said revenue shall be calculated, to know how much the tenth part amounts to; and the part which exceeds what is necessary to make up the million for don bartholomew shall be received by such of my family as may most stand in need of it, discounting it from said tenth, if their income do not amount to fifty thousand maravadises; and should any of these come to have an income to this amount, such a part shall be awarded them as two persons, chosen for the purpose, may determine along with don diego, or his heirs. thus, it is to be understood that the million which i leave to don bartholomew comprehends the tenth of the whole revenue of the estate; which revenue is to be distributed among my nearest and most needy relations in the manner i have directed; and when don bartholomew have an income of one million, and that nothing more shall be due to him on account of said fourth part, then don diego my sou, or the person who may be in possession of the estate, along with the two other persons which i shall herein point out, shall inspect the accounts, and so direct, that the tenth of the revenue shall still continue to be paid to the most necessitous members of my family that may be found in this or any other quarter of the world, who shall be diligently sought out; and they are to be paid out of the fourth part from which don bartholomew is to derive his million; which sums are to be taken into account, and deducted from the said tenth, which, should it amount to more, the overplus, as it arises from the fourth part, shall be given to the most necessitous persons as aforesaid; and should it not be sufficient, that don bartholomew shall have it until his own estate goes on increasing, leaving the said million in part or in the whole. item: the said don diego my son, or whoever may be the inheritor, shall appoint two persons of conscience and authority, and most nearly related to the family, who are to examine the revenue and its amount carefully, and to cause the said tenth to be paid out of the fourth from which don bartholomew is to receive his million, to the most necessitated members of my family that may be found here or elsewhere, whom they shall look for diligently upon their consciences; and as it might happen that said don diego, or others after him, for reasons which may concern their own welfare, or the credit and support of the estate, may be unwilling to make known the full amount of the income; nevertheless, i charge him, on his conscience, to pay the sum aforesaid; and i charge them, on their souls and consciences, not to denounce or make it known, except with the consent of don diego, or the person that may succeed him; but let the above tithe be paid in the manner i have directed. item: in order to avoid all disputes in the choice of the two nearest relations who are to act with don diego or his heirs, i hereby elect don bartholomew my brother for one, and don fernando my son for the other; and when these two shall enter upon the business, they shall choose two other persons among the most trusty, and most nearly related, and these again shall elect two others when it shall be question of commencing the examination; and thus it shall be managed with diligence from one to the other, as well in this as in the other of government, for the service and glory of god, and the benefit of the said entailed estate. item: i also enjoin diego, or any one that may inherit the estate, to have and maintain in the city of genoa one person of our lineage, to reside there with his wife, and appoint him a sufficient revenue to enable him to live decently, as a person closely connected with the family, of which he is to be the root and basis in that city; from winch great good may accrue to him, inasmuch as i was born there, and came from thence. item: the said don diego, or whoever shall inherit the estate, must remit in bills, or in any other way, all such sums as he may be able to save out of the revenue of the estate, and direct purchases to be made in his name, or that of his heirs, in a stock in the bank of st. george, which gives an interest of six per cent, and in secure money; and this shall be devoted to the purpose i am about to explain. item: as it becomes every man of property to serve god, either personally or by means of his wealth, and as all moneys deposited with st. george are quite safe, and genoa is a noble cily, and powerful by sea, and as at the time that i undertook to set out upon the discovery of the indies, it was with the intention of supplicating the king and queen, our lords, that whatever moneys should be derived from the said indies, should be invested in the conquest of jerusalem; and as i did so supplicate them; if they do this, it will be well; if not, at all events, the said diego, or such person as may succeed him in this trust, to collect together all the money he can, and accompany the king our lord, should he go to the conquest of jerusalem, or else go there himself with all the force he can command; and in pursuing this intention, it will please the lord to assist towards the accomplishment of the plan; and should he not be able to effect the conquest of the whole, no doubt he will achieve it in part. let him therefore collect and make a fund of all his wealth in st. george of genoa, and let it multiply there till such time as it may appear to him that something of consequence may be effected as respects the project on jerusalem; for i believe that when their highnesses shall see that this is contemplated, they will wish to realize it themselves, or will afford him, as their servant and vassal, the means of doing it for them. item: i charge my son diego and my descendants, especially whoever may inherit this estate, which consists, as aforesaid, of the tenth of whatsoever may be had or found in the indies, and the eighth part of the lands and rents, all which, together with my rights and emoluments as admiral, viceroy, and governor, amount to more than twenty-five per cent.; i say, that i require of him to employ all this revenue, as well as his person and all the means in his power, in well and faithfully serving and supporting their highnesses, or their successors, even to the loss of life and property; since it was their highnesses, next to god, who first gave me the means of getting and achieving this property, although, it is true, i came over to these realms to invite them to the enterprise, and that a long time elapsed before any provision was made for carrying it into execution; which, however, is not surprising, as this was an undertaking of which all the world was ignorant, and no one had any faith in it; wherefore i am by so much the more indebted to them, as well as because they have since also much favored and promoted me. item: i also require of diego, or whomsoever may be in possession of the estate, that in the case of any schism taking place in the church of god, or that any person of whatever class or condition should attempt to despoil it of its property and honors, they hasten to offer at the feet of his holiness, that is, if they are not heretics (which god forbid!), their persons, power, and wealth, for the purpose of suppressing such schism, and preventing any spoliation of the honor and property of the church. item: i command the said diego, or whoever may possess the said estate, to labor and strive for the honor, welfare, and aggrandizement of the city of genoa, and to make use of all his power and means in defending and enhancing the good and credit of that republic, in all things not contrary to the service of the church of god, or the high dignity of our king and queen, our lords, and their successors. item: the said diego, or whoever may possess or succeed to the estate, out of the fourth part of the whole revenue, from which, as aforesaid, is to be taken the tenth, when don bartholomew or his heirs shall have saved the two millions, or part of them, and when the time shall come of making a distribution among our relations, shall apply and invest the said tenth in providing marriages for such daughters of our lineage as may require it, and in doing all the good in their power. item: when a suitable time shall arrive, he shall order a church to be built in the island of hispaniola, and in the most convenient spot, to be called santa maria de la concepcion; to which is to be annexed an hospital, upon the best possible plan, like those of italy and castile, and a chapel erected to say mass in for the good of my soul, and those of my ancestors and successors, with great devotion, since no doubt it will please the lord to give us a sufficient revenue for this and the aforementioned purposes. item: i also order diego my son, or whomsoever may inherit after him, to spare no pains in having and maintaining in the island of hispaniola, four good professors of theology, to the end and aim of their studying and laboring to convert to our holy faith the inhabitants of the indies; and in proportion as, by god's will, the revenue of the estate shall increase, in the same degree shall the number of teachers and devout increase, who are to strive to make christians of the natives; in attaining which no expense should be thought too great. and in commemoration of all that i hereby ordain, and of the foregoing, a monument of marble shall be erected in the said church of la concepcion, in the most conspicuous place, to serve as a record of what i here enjoin on the said diego, as well as to other persons who may look upon it; which marble shall contain an inscription to the same effect. item: i also require of diego my son, and whomsover may succeed him in the estate, that every time, and as often as he confesses, he first show this obligation, or a copy of it, to the confessor, praying him to read it through, that he may be enabled to inquire respecting its fulfillment; from which will redound great good and happiness to his soul. s. s. a. s. x. m. y. el almirante. no. xxxvii. signature of columbus. as every thing respecting columbus is full of interest, his signature has been a matter of some discussion. it partook of the pedantic and bigoted character of the age, and perhaps of the peculiar character of the man, who, considering himself mysteriously elected and set apart from among men for certain great purposes, adopted a correspondent formality and solemnity in all his concerns. his signature was as follows: s. s. a. s. x. m. y. el almirante. the first half of the signature, xpo, (for christo,) is in greek letters; the second, ferens, is in latin. such was the usage of those days; and even at present both greek and roman letters are used in signatures and inscriptions in spain. the ciphers or initials above the signature are supposed to represent a pious ejaculation. to read them one must begin with the lower letters, and connect them with those above. signor gio. batista spotorno conjectures them to mean either xristus (christus) sancta maria yosephus, or, salve me, xristus, maria, yosephus. the korth american review, for april, 1827, suggests the substitution of jesus for josephus, but the suggestion of spotorno is most probably correct, as a common spanish ejaculation is "jesus maria y josé." it was an ancient usage in spain, and it has not entirely gone by, to accompany the signature with some words of religious purport. one object of this practice was to show the writer to be a christian. this was of some importance in a country in which jews and mahometans were proscribed and persecuted. don fernando, son to columbus, says that his father, when he took his pen in hand, usually commenced by writing "jesus cum maria sit nobis in via;" and the book which the admiral prepared and sent to the sovereigns, containing the prophecies which he considered as referring to his discoveries, and to the rescue of the holy sepulchre, begins with the same words. this practice is akin to that of placing the initials of pious words above his signature, and gives great probability to the mode in which they have been deciphered. no. xxxviii. a visit to palos. [the following narrative was actually commenced, by the author of this work, as a letter to a friend, but unexpectedly swelled to its present size. he has been induced to insert it here from the idea, that many will feel the same curiosity to know something of the present state of falos and its inhabitants that led him to make the journey.] seville, 1828. since i last wrote to you, i have made what i may term an american pilgrimage, to visit the little port of palos in andalusia, where columbus fitted out his ships, and whence he sailed for the discovery of the new world. need i tell you how deeply interesting and gratifying it has been to me? i had long meditated this excursion, as a kind of pious, and, if i may so say, filial duty of an american, and my intention was quickened when i learnt that many of the edifices, mentioned in the history of columbus, still remained in nearly the same state in which they existed at the time of his sojourn at palos, and that the descendants of the intrepid pinzons, who aided him with ships and money, and sailed with him in the great voyage of discovery, still flourished in the neighborhood. the very evening before my departure from seville on the excursion, i heard that there was a young gentleman of the pinzon family studying law in the city. i got introduced to him, and found him of most prepossessing appearance and manners. he gave me a letter of introduction to his father, don juan fernandez pinzon, resident of moguer, and the present head of the family. as it was in the middle of august, and the weather intensely hot, i hired a calesa for the journey. this is a two-wheeled carriage, resembling a cabriolet, but of the most primitive and rude construction; the harness is profusely ornamented with brass, and the horse's hend decorated with tufts and tassels and dangling bobs of scarlet and yellow worsted. i had for calasero, a tall, long-legged andalusian, in short jacket, little round-crowned hat, breeches decorated with buttons from the hip to the knees, and a pair of russet leather bottinas or spatterdashes. he was an active fellow, though uncommonly taciturn for an andalusian, and strode along beside his horse, rousing him occasionally to greater speed by a loud malediction or a hearty thwack of his cudgel. in this style, i set off late in the day to avoid the noontide heat, and, after ascending the lofty range of hills which borders the great valley of the guadalquiver, and having a rough ride among their heights, i descended about twilight into one of those vast, silent, melancholy plains, frequent in spain, where i beheld no other signs of life than a roaming flock of bustards, and a distant herd of cattle, guarded by a solitary herdsman, who, with a long pike planted in the earth, stood motionless in the midst of the dreary landscape, resembling an arab of the desert. the night had somewhat advanced when we stopped to repose for a few hours at a solitary venta or inn, if it might so be called, being nothing more than a vast low-roofed stable, divided into several compartments for the reception of the troops of mules and arrieros (or carriers) who carry on the internal trade of spain. accommodation for the traveler there was none--not even for a traveler so easily accommodated as myself. the landlord had no food to give me, and as to a bed, he had none but a horse-cloth, on which his only child, a boy of eight years old, lay naked on the earthen floor. indeed the heat of the weather and the fumes from the stables made the interior of the hovel insupportable; so i was fain to bivouac, on my cloak, on the pavement, at the door of the venta, where, on waking, after two or three hours of sound sleep, i found a contrabandista (or smuggler) snoring beside me, with his blunderbuss on his arm. i resumed my journey before break of day, and had made several leagues by ten o'clock, when we stopped to breakfast, and to pass the sultry hours of mid-day in a large village; whence we departed about four o'clock, and after passing through the same kind of solitary country, arrived just after sunset at moguer. this little city (for at present it is a city) is situated about a league from palos, of which place it has gradually absorbed all the respectable inhabitants, and, among the number, the whole family of the pinzons. so remote is this little place from the stir and bustle of travel, and so destitute of the show and vainglory of this world, that my calesa, as it rattled and jingled along the narrow and ill-paved streets, caused a great sensation; the children shouted and scampered along by its side, admiring its splendid trappings of brass and worsted, and gazing with reverence at the important stranger who came in so gorgeous an equipage. i drove up to the principal posada, the landlord of which was at the door. he was one of the very civilest men in the world, and disposed to do every thing in his power to make me comfortable; there was only one difficulty, he had neither bed nor bed-room in his house. in fact it was a mere venta for muleteers, who are accustomed to sleep on the ground, with their mule-cloths for beds and pack-saddles for pillows. it was a hard case, but there was no better posada in the place. few people travel for pleasure or curiosity in these out-of-the-way parts of spain, and those of any note are generally received into private houses. i had traveled sufficiently in spain to find out that a bed, after all, is not an article of indispensable necessity, and was about to bespeak some quiet corner where i might spread my cloak, when fortunately the landlord's wife came forth. she could not have a more obliging disposition than her husband, but then--god bless the women!--they always know how to carry their good wishes into effect. in a little while a small room, about ten feet square, which had formed a thoroughfare between the stables and a kind of shop or bar-room, was cleared of a variety of lumber, and i was assured that a bed should be put up there for me. from the consultations i saw my hostess holding with some of her neighbor gossips, i fancied the bed was to be a kind of piecemeal contribution among them for the credit of the house. as soon as i could change my dress, i commenced the historical researches which were the object of my journey, and inquired for the abode of don juan fernandez pinzon. my obliging landlord himself volunteered to conduct me thither, and i set off full of animation at the thoughts of meeting with the lineal representative of one of the coadjutors of columbus. a short walk brought us to the house, which was most respectable in its appearance, indicating easy, if not affluent, circumstances. the door, as is customary in spanish villages during summer, stood wide open. we entered with the usual salutation or rather summons, "ave maria!" a trim andalusian handmaid answered to the call, and, on our inquiring for the master of the house, led the way across a little patio or court, in the centre of the edifice, cooled by a fountain surrounded by shrubs and flowers, to a back court or terrace, likewise set out with flowers, where don juan fernandez was seated with his family, enjoying the serene evening in the open air. i was much pleased with his appearance. he was a venerable old gentleman, tall, and somewhat thin, with fair complexion and gray hair. he received me with great urbanity, and on reading the letter from his son, appeared struck with surprise to find i had come quite to moguer, merely to visit the scene of the embarkation of columbus; and still more so on my telling him, that one of my leading objects of curiosity was his own family connection; for it would seem that the worthy cavalier had troubled his head but little about the enterprises of his ancestors. i now took my seat in the domestic circle, and soon felt myself quite at home, for there is generally a frankness in the hospitality of spaniards, that soon puts a stranger at his ease beneath their roof. the wife of don juan fernandez was extremely amiable and affable, possessing much of that natural aptness for which the spanish women are remarkable. in the course of conversation with them i learnt, that don juan fernandez, who is seventy-two years of age, is the eldest of five brothers, all of whom are married, have numerous offspring, and live in moguer and its vicinity, in nearly the same condition and rank of life as at the time of the discovery. this agreed with what i had previously heard, respecting the families of the discoverers. of columbus no lineal and direct descendant exists; his was an exotic stock which never took deep and lasting root in the country; but the race of the pinzons continues to thrive and multiply in its native soil. while i was yet conversing, a gentleman entered, who was introduced to me as don luis fernandez pinzon, the youngest of the brothers. he appeared between fifty and sixty years of age, somewhat robust, with fair complexion, gray hair, and a frank and manly deportment. he is the only one of the present generation that has followed the ancient profession of the family; having served with great applause as an officer of the royal navy, from which he retired, on his marriage, about twenty-two years since. he is the one, also, who takes the greatest interest and pride in the historical honors of his house, carefully preserving all the legends and documents of the achievements and distinctions of his family, a manuscript volume of which he lent to me for my inspection. don juan now expressed a wish that, during my residence in moguer, i would make his house my home. i endeavored to excuse myself, alleging, that the good people at the posada had been at such extraordinary trouble in preparing quarters for me, that i did not like to disappoint them. the worthy old gentleman undertook to arrange all this, and, while supper was preparing, we walked together to the posada. i found that my obliging host and hostess had indeed exerted themselves to an uncommon degree. an old rickety table had been spread out in a corner of the little room as a bedstead, on top of which was propped up a grand _cama de luxo_, or state bed, which appeared to be the admiration of the house. i could not, for the soul of me, appear to undervalue what the poor people had prepared with such hearty good-will, and considered such a triumph of art and luxury; so i again entreated don juan to dispense with my sleeping at his house, promising most faithfully to make my meals there whilst i should stay at moguer, and as the old gentleman understood my motives for declining his invitation, and felt a good-humored sympathy in them, we readily arranged the matter. i returned therefore with don juan to his house and supped with his family. during the repast a plan was agreed upon for my visit to palos, and to the convent la kabida, in which don juan volunteered to accompany me and be my guide, and the following day was allotted to the expedition. we were to breakfast at a hacienda, or country-seat, which he possessed in the vicinity of palos, in the midst of his vineyards, and were to dine there on our return from the convent. these arrangements being made, we parted for the night; i returned to the posada highly gratified with my visit, and slept soundly in the extraordinary bed which, i may almost say, had been invented for my accommodation. on the following morning, bright and early, don juan fernandez and myself set off in the caleea for palos. i felt apprehensive at first that the kind-hearted old gentleman, in his anxiety to oblige, had left his bed at too early an hour, and was exposing himself to fatigues unsuited to his age. he laughed at the idea, and assured me that he was an early riser, and accustomed to all kinds of exercise on horse and foot, being a keen sportsman, and frequently passing days together among the mountains on shooting expeditions, taking with him servants, horses, and provisions, and living in a tent. he appeared, in fact, to be of an active habit, and to possess a youthful vivacity of spirit. his cheerful disposition rendered our morning drive extremely agreeable; his urbanity was shown to every one whom we met on the road; even the common peasant was saluted by him with the appellation of _caballero_, a mark of respect ever gratifying to the poor but proud spaniard, when yielded by a superior. as the tide was out, we drove along the flat grounds bordering the tinto. the river was on our right, while on our left was a range of hills, jutting out into promontories, one beyond the other, and covered with vineyards and fig trees. the weather was serene, the air soft and balmy, and the landscape of that gentle kind calculated to put one in a quiet and happy humor. we passed close by the skirts of palos, and drove to the hacienda, which is situated some little distance from the village, between it and the river. the house is a low stone building well whitewashed, and of great length; one end being fitted up as a summer residence, with saloons, bed-rooms, and a domestic chapel; and the other as a bodega or magazine for the reception of the wine produced on the estate. the house stands on a hill, amidst vineyards, which are supposed to cover a part of the site of the ancient town of palos, now shrunk to a miserable village. beyond these vineyards, on the crest of a distant hill, are seen the white walls of the convent of la babida rising above a dark wood of pine trees. below the hacienda flows the river tinto, on which columbus embarked. it is divided by a low tongue of land, or rather the sand-bar of saltes, from the river odiel, with which it soon mingles its waters, and flows on to the ocean. beside this sand-bar, where the channel of the river runs deep, the squadron of columbus was anchored, and thence he made sail on the morning of his departure. the soft breeze that was blowing scarcely ruffled the surface of this beautiful river; two or three picturesque barks, called mystics, with long latine sails, were gliding down it. a little aid of the imagination might suffice to picture them as the light caravels of columbus, sallying forth on their eventful expedition, while the distant bells of the town of hnelva, which were ringing melodiously, might be supposed as cheering the voyagers with a farewell peal. i cannot express to you what were my feelings on treading the shore which had once been animated with the bustle of departure, and whose sands had been printed by the last footstep of columbus. the solemn and sublime nature of the event that had followed, together with the fate and fortunes of those concerned in it, filled the mind with vague yet melancholy ideas. it was like viewing the silent and empty stage of some great drama when all the actors had departed. the very aspect of the landscape, so tranquilly beautiful, had an effect upon me; and as i paced the deserted shores by the side of a descendant of one of the discoverers, i felt my heart swelling witfi emotions and my eyes filling with tears. what surprised me was, to find no semblance of a sea-port; there was neither wharf nor landing-place--nothing but a naked river bank, with the hulk of a ferry-boat, which i was told carried passengers to huelva, lying high and dry on the sands, deserted by the tide. palos, though it has doubtless dwindled away from its former size, can never have been important as to extent and population. if it possessed warehouses on the beach, they have disappeared. it is at present a mere village of the poorest kind, and lies nearly a quarter of a mile from the river, in a hollow among hills. it contains a few hundred inhabitants, who subsist principally by laboring in the fields and vineyards. its race of merchants and mariners is extinct. there are no vessels belonging to the place, nor any show of traffic, excepting at the season of fruit and wine, when a few mystics and other light barks anchor in the river to collect the produce of the neighborhood. the people are totally ignorant, and it is probable that the greater part of them scarce know even the name of america. such is the place whence sallied forth the enterprise for the discovery of the western world! we were now summoned to breakfast in a little saloon of the hacienda. the table was covered with natural luxuries produced upon the spot--fine purple and muscatel grapes from the adjacent vineyard, delicious melons from the garden, and generous wines made on the estate. the repast was heightened by the genial manners of my hospitable host, who appeared to possess the most enviable cheerfulness of spirit and simplicity of heart. after breakfast we set off in the calesa to visit the convent of la rabida, about half a league distant the road, for a part of the way, lay through the vineyards, and was deep and sandy. the calasero had been at his wit's end to conceive what motive a stranger like myself, apparently traveling for mere amusement, could have in coming so far to see so miserable a place as palos, which he set down as one of the very poorest places in the whole world; but this additional toil and struggle through deep sand to visit the old convent of la rabida completed his confusion--"hombre!" exclaimed he, "es una ruina! no hay mas que dos frailes!"--"zounds! why it's a ruin! there are only two friars there!" don juan laughed, and told him that i had come all the way from seville precisely to see that old ruin and those two friars. the calasero made the spaniard's last reply when he is perplexed--he shrugged his shoulders and crossed himself. after ascending a hill and passing through the skirts of a straggling pine wood, we arrived in front of the convent. it stands in a bleak and solitary situation, on the brow of a rocky height or promontory, overlooking to the west a wide range of sea and land, bounded by the frontier mountains of portugal, about eight leagues distant. the convent is shut out from a view of the vineyard of palos by the gloomy forest of pines already mentioned, which cover the promontory to the east, and darken the whole landscape in that direction. there is nothing remarkable in the architecture of the convent; part of it is gothic, but the edifice, having been frequently repaired, and being whitewashed, according to a universal custom in andalusia, inherited from the moors, has not that venerable aspect which might be expected from its antiquity. we alighted at the gate where columbus, when a poor pedestrian, a stranger in the land, asked bread and water for his child! as long as the convent stands, this must be a spot calculated to awaken the most thrilling interest. the gate remains apparently in nearly the same state as at the time of his visit, but there is no longer a porter at hand to administer to the wants of the wayfarer. the door stood wide open, and admitted us into a small court-yard. thence we passed through a gothic portal into the chapel, without seeing a human being. we then traversed two interior cloisters, equally vacant and silent, and bearing a look of neglect and dilapidation. from an open window we had a peep at what had once been a garden, but that had also gone to ruin; the walls were broken and thrown down; a few shrubs, and a scattered fig tree or two, were all the traces of cultivation that remained. we passed through the long dormitories, but the cells were shut up and abandoned; we saw no living thing except a solitary cat stealing across a distant corridor, which fled in a panic at the unusual sight of strangers. at length, after patrolling nearly the whole of the empty building to the echo of our own footsteps, we came to where the door of a cell, being partly open, gave us the sight of a monk within, seated at a table writing. he rose, and received us with much civility, and conducted us to the superior, who was reading in an adjacent cell. they were both rather young men, and, together with a novitiate and a lay-brother, who officiated as cook, formed the whole community of the convent. don juan fernandez communicated to them the object of my visit, and my desire also to inspect the archives of the convent, to find if there was any record of the sojourn of columbus. they informed us that the archives had been entirely destroyed by the french. the younger monk, however, who had perused them, had a vague recollection of various particulars concerning the transactions of columbus at palos, his visit to the convent, and the sailing of his expedition. from all that he cited, however, it appeared to me that all the information on the subject contained in the archives had been extracted from herrera and other well-known authors. the monk was talkative and eloquent, and soon diverged from the subject of columbus, to one which he considered of infinitely greater importance--the miraculous image of the virgin possessed by their convent, and known by the name of "our lady of la rabida." he gave us a history of the wonderful way in which the image had been found buried in the earth, where it had lain hidden for ages, since the time of the conquest of spain by the moors; the disputes between the convent and different places in the neighborhood for the possession of it; the marvelous protection it extended to the adjacent country, especially in preventing all madness, either in man or dog, for this malady was anciently so prevalent in this place as to gain it the appellation of la rabia, by which it was originally called; a name which, thanks to the beneficent influence of the virgin, it no longer merited nor retained. such are the legends and relics with which every convent in spain is enriched, which are zealously cried up by the monks, and devoutly credited by the populace. twice a year, on the festival of our lady of la rabida and on that of the patron saint of the order, the solitude and silence of the convent are interrupted by the intrusion of a swarming multitude, composed of the inhabitants of moguer, of huelva, and the neighboring plains and mountains. the open esplanade in front of the edifice resembles a fair, the adjacent forest teems with the motley throng, and the image of our lady of la rabida is borne forth in triumphant procession. while the friar was thus dilating upon the merits and renown of the image, i amused myself with those day-dreams, or conjurings of the imagination, to which i am a little given. as the internal arrangements of convents are apt to be the same from age to age, i pictured to myself this chamber as the same inhabited by the guardian, juan perez de marchena, at the time of the visit of columbus. why might not the old and ponderous table before me be the very one on which he displayed his conjectural maps, and expounded his theory of a western route to india? it required but another stretch of the imagination to assemble the little conclave around the table; juan perez the friar, garci fernandez the physician, and martin alonzo pinzon the bold navigator, all listening with rapt attention to columbus, or to the tale of some old seaman of palos, about islands seen in the western parts of the ocean. the friars, as far as their poor means and scanty knowledge extended, were disposed to do every thing to promote the object of my visit. they showed us all parts of the convent, which, however, has little to boast of, excepting the historical associations connected with it. the library was reduced to a few volumes, chiefly on ecclesiastical subjects, piled promiscuously in the corner of a vaulted chamber, and covered with dust. the chamber itself was curious, being the most ancient part of the edifice, and supposed to have formed part of a temple in the time of the romans. we ascended to the roof of the convent to enjoy the extensive prospect it commands. immediately below the promontory on which it is situated, runs a narrow but tolerably deep river, called the domingo rubio, which empties itself into the tinto. it is the opinion of don luis fernandez pinzon, that the ships of columbus were careened and fitted out in this river, as it affords better shelter than the tinto, and its shores are not so shallow. a lonely bark of a fisherman was lying in this stream, and not far off, on a sandy point, were the ruins of an ancient watchtower. from the roof of the convent, all the windings of the odiel and the tinto were to be seen, and their junction into the main stream, by which columbus sallied forth to sea. in fact the convent serves as a landmark, being, from its lofty and solitary situation, visible for a considerable distance to vessels coming on the coast. on the opposite side i looked down upon the lonely road, through the wood of pine trees, by which the zealous guardian of the convent, fray juan perez, departed at midnight on his mule, when he sought the camp of ferdinand and isabella in the vega of granada, to plead the project of columbus before the queen. having finished our inspection of the convent, we prepared to depart, and were accompanied to the outward portal by the two friars. our calasero brought his rattling and rickety vehicle for us to mount; at sight of which one of the monks exclaimed, with a smile, "santa maria! only to think! a calesa before the gate of the convent of la rabida!" and, indeed, so solitary and remote is this ancient edifice, and so simple is the mode of living of the people in this by-corner of spain, that the appearance of even a sorry calesa might well cause astonishment. it is only singular that in such a by-corner the scheme of columbus should have found intelligent listeners and coadjutors, after it had been discarded, almost with scoffing and contempt, from learned universities and splendid courts. on our way back to the hacienda, we met don rafael, a younger son of don juan fernandez, a fine young man, about twenty-one years of age, and who, his father informed me, was at present studying french and mathematics. he was well mounted on a spirited gray horse, and dressed in the andalusian style, with the little round hat and jacket. he sat his horse gracefully, and managed him well. i was pleased with the frank and easy terms on which don juan appeared to live with his children. this i was inclined to think his favorite son, as i understood he was the only one that partook of the old gentleman's fondness for the chase, and that accompanied him in his hunting excursions. a dinner had been prepared for us at the hacienda, by the wife of the capitaz, or overseer, who, with her husband, seemed to be well pleased with this visit from don juan, and to be confident of receiving a pleasant answer from the good-humored old gentleman whenever they addressed him. the dinner was served up about two o'clock, and was a most agreeable meal. the fruits and wines were from the estate, and were excellent; the rest of the provisions were from moguer, for the adjacent village of palos is too poor to furnish any thing. a gentle breeze from the sea played through the hall, and tempered the summer heat. indeed i do not know when i have seen a more enviable spot than this country retreat of the pinzons. its situation on a breezy hill, at no great distance from the sea, and in a southern climate, produces a happy temperature, neither hot in summer nor cold in winter. it commands a beautiful prospect, and is surrounded by natural luxuries. the country abounds with game, the adjacent river affords abundant sport in fishing, both by day and night, and delightful excursions for those fond of sailing. during the busy seasons of rural life, and especially at the joyous period of vintage, the family pass some time here, accompanied by numerous guests, at which times, don juan assured me, there was no lack of amusements, both by land and water. when we had dined, and taken the siesta, or afternoon nap, according to the spanish custom in summer time, we set out on our return to moguer, visiting the village of palos in the way. don gabriel had been sent in advance to procure the keys of the village church, and to apprise the curate of our wish to inspect the archives. the village consists principally of two streets of low whitewashed houses. many of the inhabitants have very dark complexions, betraying a mixture of african blood. on entering the village, we repaired to the lowly mansion of the curate. i had hoped to find him some such personage as the curate in don quixote, possessed of shrewdness and information in his limited sphere, and that i might gain some anecdotes from him concerning the parish, its worthies, its antiquities, and its historical events. perhaps i might have done so at any other time, but, unfortunately, the curate was something of a sportsman, and had heard of some game among the neighboring hills. we met him just sallying forth from his house, and, i must confess, his appearance was picturesque. he was a short, broad, sturdy little man, and had doffed his cassock and broad clerical beaver, for a short jacket and a little round andalusian hat; he had his gun in hand, and was on the point of mounting a donkey which had been led forth by an ancient withered handmaid. fearful of being detained from his foray, he accosted my companion the moment he came in sight. "god preserve you, señor don juan! i have received your message, and have but one answer to make. the archives have all been destroyed. we have no trace of any thing you seek for--nothing--nothing. don rafael has the keys of the church. you can examine it at your leisure--adios, caballero!" with these words the galliard little curate mounted his donkey, thumped his ribs with the butt end of his gun, and trotted off to the hills. in our way to the church we passed by the ruins of what had once been a fair and spacious dwelling, greatly superior to the other houses of the village. this, don juan informed me, was an old family possession, but since they had removed from palos it had fallen to decay for want of a tenant. it was probably the family residence of martin alonzo or vicente yafiez pinzon, in the time of columbus. we now arrived at the church of st. george, in the porch of which columbus first proclaimed to the inhabitants of palos the order of the sovereigns, that they should furnish him with ships for his great voyage of discovery. this edifice has lately been thoroughly repaired, and, being of solid mason-work, promises to stand for ages, a monument of the discoverers. it stands outside of the village, on the brow of a hill, looking along a little valley toward the river. the remains of a moorish arch prove it to have been a mosque in former times; just above it, on the crest of the hill, is the ruin of a moorish castle. i paused in the porch, and endeavored to recall the interesting scene that had taken place there, when columbus, accompanied by the zealous friar juan perez, caused the public notary to read the royal order in presence of the astonished alcaldes, regidors, and alguazils; but it is difficult to conceive the consternation that must have been struck into so remote a little community, by this sudden apparition of an entire stranger among them, bearing a command that they should put their persons and ships at his disposal, and sail with him away into the unknown wilderness of the ocean. the interior of the church has nothing remarkable, excepting a wooden image of st. george vanquishing the dragon, which is erected over the high altar, and is the admiration of the good people of palos, who bear it about the streets in grand procession on the anniversary of the saint. this group existed in the time of columbus, and now flourishes in renovated youth and splendor, having been newly painted and gilded, and the countenance of the saint rendered peculiarly blooming and lustrous. having finished the examination of the church, we resumed our seats in the calesa and returned to moguer. one thing only remained to fulfill the object of my pilgrimage. this was to visit the chapel of the convent of santa clara. when columbus was in danger of being lost in a tempest on his way home from his great voyage of discovery, he made a vow, that, should he be spared, he would watch and pray one whole night in this chapel; a vow which he doubtless fulfilled immediately after his arrival. my kind and attentive friend, don juan, conducted me to the convent. it is the wealthiest in moguer, and belongs to a sisterhood of franciscan nuns. the chapel is large, and ornamented with some degree of richness, particularly the part about the high altar, which, is embellished by magnificent monuments of the brave family of the puerto carreros, the ancient lords of moguer, and renowned in moorish warfare. the alabaster effigies of distinguished warriors of that house, and of their wives and sisters, lie side by side, with folded hands, on tombs immediately before the altar, while others recline in deep niches on either side. the night had closed in by the time i entered the church, which made the scene more impressive. a few votive lamps shed a dim light about the interior; their beams were feebly reflected by the gilded work of the high altar, and the frames of the surrounding paintings, and rested upon the marble figures of the warriors and dames lying in the monumental repose of ages. the solemn pile must have presented much the same appearance when the pious discoverer performed his vigil, kneeling before this very altar, and praying and watching throughout the night, and pouring forth heartfelt praises for having been spared to accomplish his sublime discovery. i had now completed the main purpose of my journey, having visited the various places connected with the story of columbus. it was highly gratifying to find some of them so little changed though so great a space of time had intervened; but in this quiet nook of spain, so far removed from the main thoroughfares, the lapse of time produces but few violent revolutions. nothing, however, had surprised and gratified me more than the contiuued stability of the pinzon family. on the morning after my excursion to palos, chance gave me an opportunity of seeing something of the interior of most of their households. having a curiosity to visit the remains of a moorish castle, once the citadel of moguer, don fernandez undertook to show me a tower which served as a magazine of wine to one of the pinzon family. in seeking for the key we were sent from house to house of nearly the whole connection. all appeared to be living in that golden mean equally removed from the wants and superfluities of life, and all to be happily interwoven by kind and cordial habits of intimacy. we found the females of the family generally seated in the patios, or central courts of their dwellings, beneath the shade of awnings and among shrubs and flowers. here the andalusian ladies are accustomed to pass their mornings at work, surrounded by their handmaids, in the primitive, or rather oriental style. in the porches of some of the houses i observed the coat-of-arms granted to the family by charles v, hung up like a picture in a frame. over the door of don luis, the naval officer, it was carved on an escutcheon of stone, and colored. i had gathered many particulars of the family also from conversation with don juan, and from the family legend lent me by don luis. from all that i could learn, it would appear that the lapse of nearly three centuries and a half has made but little change in the condition of the pinzons. from generation to generation they have retained the same fair standing and reputable name throughout the neighborhood, filling offices of public trust and dignity, and possessing great influence over their fellow-citizens by their good sense and good conduct. how rare is it to see such an instance of stability of fortune in this fluctuating world, and how truly honorable is this hereditary respectability, which has been secured by no titles nor entails, but perpetuated merely by the innate worth of the race! i declare to you that the most illustrious descents of mere titled rank could never command the sincere respect and cordial regard with which i contemplated this stanch and enduring family, which for three centuries and a half has stood merely upon its virtues. as i was to set off on my return to seville before two o'clock, i partook of a farewell repast at the house of don juan, between twelve and one, and then took leave of his household with sincere regret. the good old gentleman, with the courtesy, or rather the cordiality, of a true spaniard, accompanied me to the posada, to see me off. i had dispensed but little money in the posada--thanks to the hospitality of the pinzons--yet the spanish pride of my host and hostess seemed pleased that i had preferred their humble chamber, and the scanty bed they had provided me, to the spacious mansion of don juan; and when i expressed my thanks for their kindness and attention, and regaled mine host with a few choice segars, the heart of the poor man was overcome. he seized me by both hands and gave me a parting benediction, and then ran after the calasero, to enjoin him to take particular care of me during my journey. taking a hearty leave of my excellent friend don juan, who had been unremitting in his attentions to me to the last moment, i now set off on my wayfaring, gratified to the utmost with my visit, and full of kind and grateful feelings towards moguer and its hospitable inhabitants. index. a. acuna, don alonzo de, summons columbus to give an account of himself, on his return from the new world. address of an indian of cuba to columbus. adelantado, title of, given to christopher columbus, confirmed by the king. adrian de moxica. admiral, the, a title granted to columbus and his descendants. africa, essay on the navigation of, by the ancients. aguado, juan, recommended to the spanish government by columbus; appointed commissioner to inquire into the conduct of columbus; arrives at isabella; his insolent behavior; his interview with columbus: the caciques having preferred complaints against columbus, he determines on returning to spain. alexander vi., pope, character of; famous bulls of, relative to the new world; letter of columbus to. aliaco, pedro, work of, referred to, note. alligators, found in great numbers at puerto bello. all saints, discovery of the bay of. alonzo, don, heir-apparent of portugal, his marriage with the princess isabella. alpha and omega, the extreme point of cuba. alva, duke of, don diego columbus marries his daughter; he assists in obtaining justice for his son-in-law. alvaro, don, de portugal, attack upon, in the royal tent. amazons, an island of supposed; warlike women of the caribbee islands. amazons, river of, discovered by vicente pinzon. amber, specimens of, among the mountains of cibao. anacaona, wife to caonabo, retires with her brother behechio, after the great battle of the vega; composes legendary ballads; her admiration of the spaniards; counsels her brother to conciliate the friendship of the spaniards; her reception of the adelantado; her wonder and delight at seeing a spanish ship; her grief at the departure of the adelantado; her conduct in respect to her daughter and guevara; her admiration of the spaniards turned into detestation; receives a visit from ovando; is seized; carried in chains to st. domingo; and ignominiously hanged; her fine character. anana, or the pine-apple, first met with. angel, luis de st., his remonstrance with the queen relative to the project of columbus; succeeds. antigua, island of, discovered. antilles, the, discovered; taken possession of. apparitions, ideas of the haytiens in respect to. appendix, containing illustrations and documents. arana, diego de, left in charge of hispaniola, during the first absence of columbus, history of the disaster which occurred to him after the departure of columbus. arano, pedro de, commander of one of columbus's ships on his third voyage. areytos, or ballads, of the haytiens. aristizabal, don gabriel de, solicits the removal of the remains of columbus. arriaga, luis de, is shut up within the walls of magdalena. astrolabe, the, applied to navigation. atalantis, plato's observations on. audience, royal, court of, established. augustine, st., his arguments against the existence of antipodes. augustine, st., cape of, discovered by pinzon. aurea cheraonesus, the place whence solomon is supposed to have had gold. azores, the, when discovered; arrival at by columbus on his return from his first voyage. b. babeque, a supposed island, columbus goes in search of. bahama islands, discovery of; cruise among the. ballads of the haytiens. ballester, miguel, his conduct during the conspiracy of roldan; receives a letter from columbus; his character; interview with roman; second interview: sends advice to the admiral; is besieged in the fortress of conception; sails for spain. barbas, las, islands of, discovered. barrantes, garcia de, sails for spain. barros, joam de, his account of columbus's proposition to john ii. king of portugal. basil, st., his description of paradise. bastides, rodrigo, of seville, explores the coast of terra firma. baza, surrender of. beata, cape, sailors of columbus climb the rock of. behem, martin, his planisphere; an account of; the assertion relative to his having discovered the western world previous to columbus considered. behechio assists caonabo, and kills one of the wives of guacanagari; the only cacique who does not sue for peace; receives a visit from bartholomew columbus; his reception of him; consents to pay tribute; invites the adelantado to come and receive it; his astonishment at visiting a spanish ship. bolen, river of, discovered; abounds in fish; columbus commences a settlement on its banks. bell of isabella, the superstitious ideas of the haytiens in respect to it. belvis, pablo, sent to hayti in the place of fermin cedo. berahoma, condemned to death for having violated the wife of the cacique of the vega; is pardoned. bernaldez, andres, a short account of his life and writings. bernardo of valentia, his conspiracy at jamaica. bloodhounds, first use of in the new world; employed by columbus in his wars with the haytiens. bobadilla, don francisco de, charged with a commission to hispaniola to inquire into the conduct of columbus; his character; instructions with which he is charged; sails; arrives at st. domingo; his judgment formed before he leaves his ship; assumes power on landing; storms the fortress of st. domingo; assumes the government before he investigates the conduct of columbus; seizes his arms, gold, secret papers, etc.; summons columbus to appear before him; his baseness in collecting evidence; puts don diego in chains; also columbus; his fears in respect to the adelantado; puts him in irons; his mal-administration; a saying of his; superseded in his government by ovando; sails for spain and is lost, with all his crew, in a violent hurricane. boca del sierpe. borgonon, juan, labors to convert the haytiens. boyle, bernardo, friar, appointed apostolical vicar for the new world; his advice to columbus in respect to guacanagari; confirms the accounts sent home by columbus; consecrates the first church at isabella; his character and conduct; his hatred of columbus; encourages the misconduct of margarite; forms the plan of seizing bartholomew columbus's ships and returning to spain; sees sail; his accusations of columbus at the court of madrid. brandan, st., imaginary island of. brazils, the, discovered by vicente pinzon; a part discovered and taken possession of for the portuguese crown by cabral. breviesca, ximeno de, a worthless hireling; his conduct and punishment. bucklers, used by the natives of trinidad. bull of partition issued by pope martin v.; relative to the new world, issued by pope alexander vi.. ---of demarcation. burgos, the court held at. butios, the priests of the haytiens. butterflies, clouds of, seen on the southern coast of cuba. c. cabot, sebastian, discovers labrador, supposed to be the first that visited the main-land of the new world. cabral, pedro alvarez de, discovers part of the brazils, and takes possession of it in the name of the king of portugal. cabron, cape, or capo del enamorado. cacao, first known to the spaniards. caciques, seizure of fourteen, in the night, by bartholomew columbus and his officers. canaries, an optical delusion seen by the people of the; arrival of columbus at, in his first voyage. canoes, capable of containing 150 persons, seen at puerto santo; large size of those at jamaica. caonabo, character and conduct of; takes the fortress at la navidad; and massacres the spaniards; assembles his warriors; columbus leaves directions with margarite to surprise; besieges ojeda; gives up the siege and retires; forms a plan of exterminating the spaniards; invades the territories of guacanagari; character of; is visited by ojeda, with a design to entrap him; agrees to wait upon columbus, and sets forward; is taken by stratagem; is chained; his conduct when in the presence of columbus; embarks for spain; a guadaloupe woman falls in love with him; dies on the voyage. carocol, island of. cariari, transactions at. caribbee islands, discovered. caribs, character of the; origin of; cruelty to. caravajal, don garcia lopez de, his embassy to portugal. carvajal, alonzo de, commander of one of columbus's ships, on his third voyage; arrives at hispaniola; volunteers to endeavor to bring the rebels of xavagua to obedience; his ship strikes on a sand-bank; arrives at st. domingo by land; suspicions entertained against him; takes a letter from the admiral to roldan; takes propositions from roldan to the admiral; another interview with boldan; appointed factor to columbus; his evidence relative to the discovery of the coast of paria by columbus. carracks, description of. casas, las, his character of don diego columbus; his observations relative to hayti; his account of two spaniards; his picture of the consequences of the administration of ovando; his account of a combat between one indian and two mounted cavaliers; is present at a battle in higuey; his remark on the cold reception of columbus by the king; his remark in respect to the injustice of ferdinand; an account of; his zeal in behalf of the slaves; his dubious expedient to lessen the quantum of human misery; character of his general history of the indies. castaneda, juan de, his disgraceful reception of columbus on his return from the new world; cause of his conduct. catalina, a carib, her admiration of guacanagari; proposes to her captive companions an attempt to regain their liberty; escapes by swimming. catalina, a female cacique, falls in love with miguel diaz; imparts to him a knowledge of the gold mines of hayna. cathay, accounts of marco polo in respect to; of sir john mandeville. catherine, st., discovery of. cavern, near cape francois, description of. caymans, islands of. cedo, fermin, his opinion in respect to the gold found in hispaniola; belvis sent in ms place. ceuta, the bishop of, his arguments against the proposition of columbus; proposes to the council to keep columbus in suspense, and in the mean time to send a ship in the route proposed; this advice acted upon; and fails. chanca, dr., confirms the accounts sent home by columbus. charles viii., king of france, his kindness to bartholomew columbus. charles v. succeeds his grandfather, ferdinand; recognizes the innocence of don diego columbus; acknowledges the right of don diego to exercise the office of viceroy; his orders in respect to the claims of don diego's widow; his ordinances relative to the slave trade. charlevoix, his description of the sea of the antilles, chaufepic, jacques george, a passage from, in respect to the coloinbos. chvistoval, st., fortress of, erected by bartholomew columbus; mountains of. cibao, columbus's expedition to the mountains of; meaning of the word cibao; luxan's description of the mountains of. ciguayens, a warlike indian tribe, account of. cintra, rock of, arrival at, by columbus, on his return from the new world. cipango (or japan), marco polo's account of. cities, island of the seven. cladera, don christoval, his refutation of a letter written by m. otto, to dr. franklin. colon, diego, acts as interpreter; his speech to the natives of cuba; marries the daughter of the cacique guarionex. colombo, the old genoese admiral, conveys the king of portugal to the mediterranean coast of france. colombo, the younger (nephew of the old admiral), a famous corsair. ----, balthazar, of cuccaro, loses his cause in respect to the heirship of columbus. ----, juan, commander of one of columbus's ships on his third voyage. colombos, the navigators, an account of; capture of the venetian galleys. columbus, bartholomew, accompanies bartholomew diaz along the coast of africa; an account of his proceedings; arrives at valladolid; sent to assist his brother with three ships; character of; is invested by columbus with the title and authority of adelantado; attends his brother in his expedition against the indians of the vega; goes to the mines of ilayna; is invested with the command on the return of columbus to spain; takes porras prisoner; sails to meet his brother; account of his administration during the absence of columbus; sends 300 indians to spain to be sold as slaves; erects the fortress of san domingo; pays a visit to behechio; his reception; demands a tribute; establishes a chain of military posts; causes several indians who had broken some christian images, etc., to be burnt; marches against the caciques, who had formed a conspiracy against the spaniards; causes them to be seized; pardons most of them; again visits behechio to receive the tribute of cotton; his skill in government; a conspiracy formed against him by roldan; narrowly escapes assassination; repairs to the vega in relief of fort conception; his interview with roldan; is shut up in fort conception; relieved by the arrival of coronal; publishes an amnesty to all who return to their duty; marches against guarionex, who has rebelled; his campaign in the mountains of ciguay; releases the wife of one of the caciques whom he had taken with mayobanex; favorable consequences of this; his vigorous proceedings against the rebels engaged in the conspiracy of guevara and moxica; is put in irons by bobadilla; accompanies columbus on his fourth voyage; waits on the governor of ercilla; takes possession of cape honduras in the name of the sovereigns of castile; lands at cariari; forms a plan to seize quibian; does so, with his wives and children; quibian escapes; and attacks in return; is finally compelled to remove the settlement to another place; is in great danger; compelled to embark with his brother and all his men; sets sail from st. domingo for spain with his brother; proceeds to court to urge the justice of the king; accompanies his brother to court; goes to represent his brother on the arrival of the new king and queen of castile; is sent out to st. domingo by ferdinand to admonish his nephew, don diego; is presented with the property and government of mona for life, etc.; dies at st. domingo; his character. columbus, christopher, account of his birth, parentage, and education; early life of; his first voyage; engages in the service of reinier, king of naples; alters the point of the compass of his ship to deceive his discontented crew; engaged in the mediterranean and the levant; said to be appointed captain of several genoese ships in the service of louis xi.; his gallant conduct when sailing with colombo the younger; goes to lisbon, where he takes up his residence; picture of his person; early character; becomes enamored of doña felipa monis de palestrello, whom he marries; becomes possessed of his father-in-law's charts, journals, etc.; removes to the island of porto santo; becomes acquainted with pedro correo, a navigator of note; is animated with a wish to make discoveries; grounds on which he founds his belief of the existence of undiscovered countries in the west; correspondence of columbus with paulo toscanelli: makes a voyage to the north of europe; the astrolabe having been applied to navigation, columbus proposes a voyage of discovery to john ii. king of portugal; this proposition is referred to a junto charged with all matters relating to maritime discovery; who regard the project as visionary; the king then refers it to his council; by whom it is condemned; a ship is secretly sent in the direction proposed, but returns: columbus's indignation; loses his wife; quits portugal; goes to genoa and proposes his project to the government; it is rejected; supposed by some to have carried his plan to venice; visits his father; arrives in spain, and requests a little bread and water at a convent of franciscan friars; the prior detains him as a guest; and invites garcia fernandez to meet him; gives him letters of introduction to fernando de talavera, queen isabella's confessor; sets out for cordova; arrives there; finds it impossible to obtain a hearing; the queen's confessor regards his plan as impossible; maintains himself by designing maps and charts; is received into the house of alonzo de quintanilla; introduced to the archbishop of toledo; who gives him an attentive hearing; becomes his friend and procures him an audience of the king; who desires the prior of prado to assemble astronomers, etc. to hold conference with him; columbus appears before the assembly at salamanca; arguments against his theory; his reply; the subject experiences procrastination and neglect; is compelled to follow the movements of the court; his plan recommended by the marchioness of moya; receives an invitation to return to portugal from john ii.; receives a favorable letter from henry vii. of england; distinguishes himself in the campaign of 1489, and is impressed deeply with the arrival and message of two friars from the soldan of egypt relative to the holy land; determines to devote the profits arising from his intended discovery to the purpose of rescuing the holy sepulchre from the hands of the infidels; council of learned men again convened; who pronounce the scheme vain and impossible; receives a message from the sovereigns; has an audience of the sovereigns: leaves seville in disgust; forms a connection with beatrix enriquez; applies to the duke of medina sidonia, who rejects his plan; applies to the duke of medina celi, who is prevented from acceding to his plan from a fear of the court; returns to the convent of la rabida; alonzo pinzon offers to pay his expenses in a renewed application to the court; returns at the desire of the queen; witnesses the surrender of granada to the spanish arms; negotiation with persons appointed by the sovereigns; his propositions are considered extravagant; are pronounced inadmissible; lower terms are offered him, which he rejects; the negotiation broken off; quits santa fé; luis de st. angel reasons with the queen; who at last consents; a messenger dispatched to recall columbus; he returns to santa fé; arrangement with the spanish sovereigns; his son appointed page to prince juan; he returns to la rabida; preparations at the port of palos, and apprehensions there relative to the expedition; not a vessel can be procured; they are at last furnished; columbus hoists his flag; sails; prologue to his voyage; an account of the map he had prepared previous to sailing; difficulties begin to arise; arrives at the canaries; comes in sight of mount teneriffe; arrives at gomera; the news which reached him there; alarm of his sailors on losing all sight of land; begins to keep two reckonings; falls in with part of a mast; notices a variation of the needle; his opinion relative to that phenomenon; they are visited by two birds; terrors of the seamen; sees large patches of weeds; his situation becomes more critical; part of his crew determine, should he refuse to return, to throw him into the sea; false appearance of land; his crew become exceedingly clamorous; the assertion that he capitulated with them disproved; his address to the crew; sees a light; land discovered; the reward for land adjudged to him; lands on the island of st. salvador; which he takes possession of in the name of the castilian sovereigns; the surprise of the natives: gold first discovered; reconnoitres the island; takes seven of the inhabitants to teach them spanish that they might become interpreters; discovers santa maria de la conception; discovers exuma; discovers isabella; hears of two islands called cuba and bohio: sails in search of the former; discovers it; takes formal possession; sends two spaniards up the country; coasts along the shore; return of the spaniards with their report; goes in search of the supposed island of babeque; discovers an archipelago, to which he gives the name of the king's garden; desertion of alonzo pinzon; discovers st. catherine, in which he finds stones veined with gold; specimen of his style in description; reaches what he supposes to be the eastern extremity of asia; discovers hispaniola; its transcendent appearance; enters a harbor, to which he gives the name of st. nicholas; a female brought to him who wore an ornament of gold in her nose; coasts along the shores; is visited by a cacique; receives a message from guacanagari; his ship strikes upon a sand-bank in the night; some of his crew desert in a boat; the ship becomes a wreck, and he takes refuge on board a caravel; receives assistance from guacanagari; transactions with the natives; is invited to the residence of guacanagari; his affectionate reception of him; his people desire to have permission to remain in the island; he forms the plan of a colony and the design of constructing a fortress; and of returning to spain for reinforcements; entertained in the most hospitable manner by guacanagari; who procures for him a great quantity of gold previous to his departure; his address to the people; gives a feast to the chieftains; sails; coasts towards the eastern end of hispaniola: meets with pinzon; pinzon's apology; account of the ciguayens; the first native blood shed by the whites; account of the return voyage; encounters violent storms; the crew draw lots who shall perform pilgrimages; two lots fall to the admiral; vows made; commits an account of his voyage in a barrel to the sea; land discovered; which proves to be the azores; transactions at st. mary's; receives supplies and a message from the governor; attempted performance of the vow made during the storm; the seamen taken prisoners by the rabble, headed by the governor; the governor's disgraceful conduct; seamen liberated; cause of the governor's conduct; violent gales; lots for pilgrimages again cast; arrives off cintra, in portugal; writes to the sovereigns and the king of portugal; is summoned by a portuguese admiral to give an account of himself; effect of his return at lisbon; receives an invitation from the king of portugal; interview with the king; jealousy of the king excited; a proposition to the king by some of his courtiers to assassinate columbus and take advantage of his discoveries; rejected by the king; disgraceful plot of the king to rob spain of the newly-discovered possessions; his interview with the queen of portugal; enters the harbor of palos; account of his reception there; arrival of pinzon; receives an invitation from the sovereigns at barcelona; his reception on the road; is received in a magnificent manner by the courtiers; and the sovereigns; his vow in respect to the holy sepulchre; the manner in which his discoveries were received throughout europe; a coat of arms given him; the manner in which he receives the honors paid to him; preparations for a second voyage; agreement made with the sovereigns; powers with which he is invested; takes leave of the sovereigns at barcelona; arrives at seville; prepares for the voyage; ideas of columbus and the people relative to the new world; insolence of juan de soria; conduct of fonseca: departure on his second voyage; anchors at gornera; gives sealed instructions to the commander of each vessel; sees a swallow; encounters a storm; sees the lights of st. elmo; discovers the caribbee islands; takes possession of them; discovers guadaloupe; transactions there; cruises among the caribbees; arrives at hispaniola; at the gulf of samana; anchors at monte christi; arrives at la navidad; is visited by a cousin of the cacique; learns a disaster which had occurred at the fortress; visits guacanagari: abandons la navidad: founds the city of isabella at monte christi; falls sick; sends alonzo de ojeda to explore the interior of the island; dispatches twelve ships to spain; requests fresh supplies; recommends pedro margarite and juan aguado to the patronage of the government; recommends a curious plan in respect to an exchange of caribs for live stock; recommendation of columbus in respect to the caribs; his conduct in respect to diaz's mutiny; consequences; sets out on an expedition to the mountains of cibao; erects a fortress of wood among the mountains; returns to isabella; receives unpleasant intelligence from pedro margarite; sickness in the colony; puts his people on short allowance, sol; offends the hidalgos, by making them share the common labors of the colony; distributes his forces in the interior; gives the command of them to pedro margarite; his instructions to that officer; instructs margarite to surprise and secure caonabo; his conduct in respect to haytien thieves; sails for cuba; visits la navidad; arrives at st. nicholas; lands at guantanamo; anchors at st. jago; sails in search of bubeque; discovers jamaica; received in a hostile manner: takes possession of the island; amicable intercourse with the natives; returns to cuba; lands at cabo de la cruz; encounters a storm; becomes engaged in a most difficult navigation; discovers an archipelago, to which he gives the name of the queen's gardens; hears of a province called mangon, which greatly excites his attention; coasts along the southern side of cuba; encounters a dangerous navigation in a white pea; sends parties to explore the interior of the country; deceives himself in respect to what he wishes; fancies he has arrived on that part of asia which is beyond the boundaries of the old world, laid down by ptolemy; anticipates returning to spain by the aurea chersonesus, taprobana, the straits of babelmandel, and the red sea, or the coast of africa; returns along the southern coast of cuba, in the assurance that cuba was the extremity of the asiatic continent; discovers the island of evangelista; his ship runs aground; sails along the province of ornofay: erects crosses in conspicuous situations to denote his discoveries; is addressed by an indian; takes an indian with him: his ship leaks; reaches santa cruz; coasts along the south side of jamaica; his ship visited by a cacique and his whole family; who offer to accompany him to spain to do homage to the king and queen; he evades this offer; coasts along the south side of hispaniola; makes an error in reckoning; arrives at mona; is suddenly deprived of all his faculties; arrives at isabella; is joined by his brother bartholomew; invests him with the title and authority of adelantado; is visited by guacanagari, who informs him of a league formed against him by the haytien caciques; his measures to restore the quiet of the island; wins over guarionex, and prevails upon him to give his daughter in, marriage to diego colon; builds fort, conception in the territories of guarionex; caonabo is delivered into his hands by ojeda; he puts him in chains; his interview with him; his anxiety relieved by the arrival of antonio de torres; sends home specimens of gold, plants, etc., and five hundred indian prisoners to be sold as slaves; undertakes an expedition against the indians of the vega; a battle ensues; the indians defeated; makes a military tour through various parts of the island, and reduces is to obedience; imposes a tribute; refuses the offer of guarionex to cultivate grain, instead of paying in gold; erects forts; the natives having destroyed the crops, are hunted and compelled to return to their labors; account of the intrigues against columbus in the court of spain; charges brought against him; his popularity declines in consequence; measures taken in spain; aguado arrives at isabella to collect information relative to the state of the colony; his dignified conduct at his first interview with aguado; the caciques prefer complaints against him: he resolves on returning to spain; a violent hurricane occurs previous to his departure, which sinks six caravels; pleased with the discovery of the gold mines of hayna; orders a fort to be erected; invests his brother with the command; fails for spain; arrives at guadaloupe; his politic conduct there; leaves guadaloupe: a famine on board the ships; his magnanimous conduct; arrives in spain.; his representation of things; writes instructions for ibe conduct of bartholomew; invited to court; favorably received; proposes a third voyage of discovery; the king promises him ships; delays and their causes; refuses the title of duke or marquess, and a grant of lands in hispaniola; terms on winch he was to sail: honors bestowed upon him; his respect and love for genoa; makes his will; odium thrown upon his enterprises; plan to which he was compelled to resort to procure men for his third voyage; in consequence of delays, he almost resolves to give up all further enterprise; chastises a minion of fonseca; consequences of this chastisement; sets sail; his opinion in respect to a continent in the southern ocean; arrives at gomera; retakes a spanish ship; is seized with a fit of the gout; arrives among the cape de verde islands: sees the island bel fuego; arrives under the line; the heat becomes intolerable, and he alters his course; discovers trinidad; discovers terra firma; steers along the coast of trinidad; difficulty in respect to a rapid current; enters the gulf of paria; suffers from a complaint in the eyes; discovers the islands of margarita and cubagua; exchanges plates, etc., for pearls; his complaint in the eyes increases; arrives at hispaniola; his brother soils to meet him; his constitution seems to give way; his speculations relative to the coast of paria; polar star augmentation; doubts the received theory of the earth; accounts for variation of the needle; difference of climate, etc.; arrives at san domingo; state of his health, on arriving at hispaniola; state of the colony; negotiates with the rebels; offers free passage to all who desire to return to spain; offers a pardon to roldan, which is received with contempt; writes to spain an account of the rebellion, etc., and requires a judge and some missionaries to be sent out: writes a conciliating letter to roldan; interviews with roldan; issues a proclamation of pardon; receives proposals, which he accedes to; goes on a tour to visit the various stations; receives a cold letter from the sovereigns, written by fonseca; the former arrangement with roldan not having been carried into effect, enters into a second; grants lands to roldan's followers; considers hispaniola in the light of a conquered country; reduces the natives to the condition of villains or vassals: grants lands to roldan; determines on returning to spain; but is prevented by circumstances; writes to the sovereigns, entreating them to inquire into the truth of the late transactions; requests that his son, diego, might be sent out to him; sends roldan to alonzo de ojeda, who has arrived on the western coast on a voyage of discovery; his indignation at the breach of prerogative implied by this voyage; hears of a conspiracy entered into against him by guevara and moxica; seizes moxica; and orders him to be flung headlong from the battlements of fort conception; vigorous proceedings against the rebels; beneficial consequences; visionary fancy at night; representations at court against him; his sons insulted at granada; the queen is offended at his pertinacity in making slaves of those taken in warfare; and consents to the sending out a commission to investigate his conduct; bobadilla is sent out; and arrives at st. domingo; his judgment formed before he leaves his ship; he seizes upon the government before he investigates the conduct of columbus; columbus is summoned to appear before bobadilla; goes to st. domingo without guards or retinue, and is put in irons and confined in the fortress; his magnanimity; charges against him; jubilee of miscreants on his degradation; his colloquy with villejo, previous to their sailing; sails; arrives at cadiz; sensation in spain on his arrival in irons; sends a letter to doña juana de la torre, with an account of his treatment; indignation of the sovereigns at reading this account; is invited to court; his gracious reception there; his emotion; is promised a full restitution of his privileges and dignities; disappointed in receiving them; causes; his interests ordered to be respected in hispaniola by ovando; remembers his vow to furnish an army wherewith to recover the holy sepulchre; endeavors to incite the sovereigns to the enterprise; forms a plan for a fourth voyage, which is to eclipse all former ones; writes to pope alexander vii.; manuscript copy of, note; takes measures to secure his fame by placing it under the guardianship of his native country; sails from cadiz; arrives at ercilla; at the grand canary; at st. domingo; requests permission to shelter in the harbor, as he apprehends a storm; his request refused; a violent hurricane soon after sweeps the sea, in which he and his property are preserved, and several of his bitterest enemies overwhelmed; encounters another storm; discovers guanaga; a cacique eomes on board his ship with a multitude of articles, the produce of the country; selects some to send them to spain; is within two days' sail of yucatan; natives different from any he had yet seen; voyages along the coast of honduras; encounters violent storms of thunder and lightning; voyage along the mosquito shore; passes a cluster of islands, to which he gives the name of limonares; comes to an island, to which he gives the name of la huerta, or the garden; transactions at cariari; voyage along costa rica; speculations concerning the isthmus of veragua; discovery of puerto bello; discovery of el retrete; disorders of his men at this port, and the consequences; relinquishes the further prosecution of his voyage eastward; returns to puerto bello; encounters a furious tempest; is near being drowned by a water-spout; returns to veragua; regards gold as one of the mystic treasures, note; is nearly being wrecked in port; gives his name to the mountains of veragua; sends his brother to explore the country; which appears to be impregnated with gold; believes that he has reached one of the most favored ports of the asiatic continent; commences a settlement on the river belen; determines on returning to spain for reinforcements; is stopped by discovering a conspiracy of the natives; sends his brother to surprise quibian; who is seized; and afterwards escapes; disasters at the settlement stop his sailing; some of his prisoners escape, and others destroy themselves; his anxiety produces delirium; is comforted by a vision; the settlement is abandoned, and the spaniards embark for spain; departure from the coast of veragua; sails for hispaniola; arrives at puerto bello: at the entrance of the gulf of darien; at the queen's gardens; encounters another violent tempest; arrives at cape cruz; at jamaica; runs his ships on shore; arranges with the natives for supplies of provisions; his conversation with diego mendez to induce him to go in a canoe to st. domingo; mendez offers to go; columbus writes to ovando for a ship to take him and his crew to hispaniola; writes to the sovereigns; mendez embarks; the porras engage in a mutiny; the mutiny becomes general; is confined by the gout; rushes out to quell the mutiny, but is borne back to the cabin by the few who remain faithful; the mutineers embark on board ten indian canoes; provisions become exceedingly scarce; employs a stratagem to obtain supplies from the natives; another conspiracy is formed; arrival of diego de escobar from hispaniola on a mission from the governor, promising that a ship shall soon be sent to his relief; overtures of the admiral to the mutineers; not accepted; they send a petition for pardon; it is granted; two ships arrive from hispaniola; departure of columbus; arrives at beata; anchors in the harbor of st. domingo; is enthusiastically received by the people; is grieved at the desolation he sees everywhere around him; finds that his interests had been disregarded; sets sail for spain; encounters several tempests; anchors in the barbor of st. luear; finds all his affairs in confusion; is compelled to live by borrowing; writes to king ferdinand; but, receiving unsatisfactory replies, would have set out for seville, but is prevented by his infirmities: death of queen isabella; is left to the justice of ferdinand; employs vespucci; goes with his brother to court, then held at segovia; is received in a very cold manner; don diego de deza is appointed arbitrator between the king and the admiral; his claims are referred to the junta de descargos; is confined with a violent attack of the gout; petitions the king that his son diego may be appointed, in his place, to the government of which lie bad been so long deprived; his petition remains unattended to; writes to the new king and queen of castile; who promise a speedy and prosperous termination to his suit; his last illness; writes a testamentary codicil on the blank page of a little breviary; writes a final codicil; receives the sacrament; dies; his burial; his remains removed to hispaniola, disinterred and conveyed to the havana; epitaph; observations on his character; his remains removed with great ceremony to cuba; reflections thereon; historical account of his descendants; an important lawsuit relative to the beirship (in the female line) to the family titles and property; decided in favor of don nuno golves do portugallo; an account of his lineage; an account of his birthplace; an account of the ships he used; an examination of his route in the first voyage; the effect of the travels of marco polo on his mind; his belief in the imaginary island of st. brandan; an account of the earliest narratives of his first and second voyages; his ideas relative to the situation of the terrestrial paradise; his will; his signature. columbus, don diego, character of; intrusted with the command of the ships during the expedition of columbus to the mountains of cibao; made president of the junta; reproves pedro margarito for his irregularities; the hidalgos form a faction against him during the absence of his brother; returns to isabella; a conspiracy formed against him by roldan; left in command at st. domingo, during the tour of columbus; his conduct on the arrival of bobadilla; seized by order of bobadilla, thrown in irons, and confined on board of a caravel. ----, don diego (son to christopher), appointed page to queen isabella: embarks with his father on his second expedition; left in charge of his father's interests in spain; his ingratitude to mendez, and falsification of his promise; his character; succeeds to the rights of his father, as viceroy and governor of the new world; urges the king to give him those rights; commences a process against the king before the council of the indies; the defence set up: the suit lasts several years; becomes enamored of doña maria toledo; a decision, in respect to part of his claim, raises him to great wealth; marries doña maria, niece to the duke of aiva; through this connection he obtains the dignities and powers enjoyed by nicolas de ovando; embarks for hispaniola; keeps up great state; becomes embroiled with some of his father's enemies; the court of royal audience established as a check upon him; opposes the repartimientos; his virtues make him unpopular, subjugates and settles the island of cuba without the loss of a single man; sails for spain to vindicate his conduct; is well received; the death of ferdinand; obtains a recognition of his innocence of all charges against him from charles v.: and has his right acknowledged to exercise the office of viceroy and governor in all places discovered by his father; sails for st. domingo, where he arrives; difficulties he has to encounter; african slaves having been introduced and most cruelly used, they revolt; are subdued; is accused of usurping too much power; receives in consequence a severe letter from the council of the indies; and is desired to repair to court to vindicate himself; sails, lands, and appears before the court at victoria; clears himself; prosecutes his claims, follows the court from city to city; is attacked by a slow fever; dies; his family. columbus, fernando (son to christopher), accompanies his father on his fourth voyage; his father's encomium on him; embarks for hispaniola with don diego; an account of him; writes a history of his father. ----, don luis (son to don diego), prosecutes the claims of his father and grandfather; compromises all claims for two titles and a pension; dies. commerce, despotic influence of the spanish crown in respect to. compass, the, brought into more general use. conception, santa maria de la, discovery of. ---fort, erected by columbus; present state of, note. contradictions, the coast of. convicts who had accompanied columbus, conduct of, in hispaniola. copper hatchets seen among the indians of guanaca. coral found in veragua. cormorants, large nights of, seen on the south coast of cuba. coronel, pedro fernandez, sails for hayti with two ships; arrives at st. domingo with supplies; is sent to persuade roldan to return to his duty. correo, pedro, a navigator of note, with whom columbus becomes acquainted. cortez, hernando, conduct of fonseca to. costa rica, columbus sails along the. cotabanama, cacique of higuey; massacres eight spaniards; ovando marches against him; sues for peace; visits the spanish camp; another war ensues; cruelty to his tribe; takes shelter with his wife and children in a large cavern; his rencounter with juan lopez; is overpowered and chained; sent to st. domingo and hanged. cotton, where first seen in the western hemisphere; seen in large quantities in cuba; tribute of. cranes, flocks of large, seen in cuba. creation, ideas in respect to the, entertained by the haytiens. crocodiles found at el betrete similar to those of the nile. crosses erected by columbus to denote his discoveries. crusade to recover the holy sepulchre proposed by columbus. cruz, cabo de la, so named by columbus. cuba, island of, columbus bears of; sails in quest of it; discovery of; description of its appearance: hurricanes seldom known in; belief of the inhabitants in a future state; columbus revisits the consts of; natives of; columbus coasts along the southern side; natives; subjugated and settled by don diego columbus; the remains of columbus removed to. cubagua, isle of, discovery of; natives; pearl fisheries on the coast of, established. cubiga, a village in veragua where the country of gold was supposed to terminate. cucumbers first seen in hayti. currency, principles on which the sums mentioned in this work have been reduced to modern currency. d. dances of the haytiens. darien, gulf of. dead and dying, manner of treating the, by the haytiens. delphin, island of. deluge, universal, ideas entertained by the haytiens in respect to. 323. deza, diego de, character of; coincides with columbus at the council of salamanca; assists him with his purse; made archbishop of seville; is chosen arbitrator between the king and columbus. diaz, bartholomew, account of his discoveries. ----, miguel, his romantic history; discovers the gold mines of hayna; commands the fortress of st. domingo at the time bobadilla arrives; his conduct on being desired to give up his prisoners. ----, de pisa, mutiny of; confined on board one of the ships. disaster, river of. discovery, progress of, under prince henry of portugal. dogs, dumb, found at santa marta. domingo, san, foundation of the city of. dominica, island of, discovered. doves, stock, presented to columbus by the natives of cuba. drogeo, a vast country, fabled to have been discovered by some fishermen of friseland. drum, a species of, used by the haytiens. dying, manner of treating the. e. ear, coast of the. eden, garden of, speculation of columbus in respect to. egg, anecdote of the. egypt, soldan of, his message to ferdinand. elmo, st., electrical lights seen by columbus. enchanters, the natives of cariari taken to be. enriqueis, beatrix, her connnection with columbus; columbus's legacy to, ii. escobar, diego de, arrives at jamaica on a mission to columbus from the governor of hispaniola; returns to his ship immediately. ----, rodrigo de, chief notary to columbus's first expedition. escobedo, rodrigo de, his conduct after the departure of columbus; death of. espinal, antonio de, the first prelate sent to the new world. esquibel, juan de, employed against the natives of higuey; his atrocious conduct to his prisoners; causes the natives to be hunted like wild beasts. estotiland, a supposed island on the coast of north america, said to have been discovered by some fishermen of friseland. eudoxus, remarks on his voyage. evangelista, island of, discovered by columbus. exuma, discovery of; named fernandina by columbus. f. farol, cape, at jamaica. ferdinand, king of aragon and castile, character of; engagements of, on the arrival of columbus at cordova; lays siege to the city of loxa; grants an audience to columbus; desires the prior of prado to assemble men of science to consider his plan; attempt to assassinate him; takes malaga; forms an alliance with henry vii. of england; one of the rival kings of granada surrenders his pretensions; receives a message from the soldan of egypt; his message to columbus on learning the unfavorable decision of the council; refers his plan to persons of confidence; his reluctance to the plan after the queen has consented; his joy on learning the success of columbus; his reception of him; prepares a second expedition; his negotiations with john ii. in respect to the new discoveries; listens to the charges against columbus; his conduct; his reception of columbus on his second return; lays the foundation of the power of charles v.; promises columbus to furnish him with ships for a third voyage; disappointed that his newly-discovered possessions have not become a source of profit; assaulted by the clamors of ruffians who had returned from hispaniola; his ingratitude to columbus becomes evident; listens to the rebels who had been permitted to return to spain: sends out a commission to inquire into the conduct of columbus; reprobates the conduct pursued against columbus, and invites him to court; promises to restore him to all his rights and privileges; his jealousy awakened at the discoveries of the english and portuguese. 131; his ingratitude to columbus; listens to the project of columbus for a fourth voyage; his ingratitude more evinced on the return of columbus from his last voyage; erects a monument over columbus; his conduct to don diego columbus's son; consents that don diego should commence a process against him before the council of the indies; the defence set up; separates the isthmus of darien into two great provinces; death. fernandez, garcia, physician of palos, his account of columbus at the gate of the convent on his first arrival in spain; testimony of, relative to pinzon. ferrer, jayme, an eminent lapidary, substance of his letter to columbus, note. festival, religious, of a haytien cacique, description of. fiesco, bartholomew, embarks with mendez from jamaica to hispaniola; attends the last moments of columbus. fish, curious. fishing, curious method of. fonseca, juan rodriguez de, appointed superintendent of indian affairs; his character; his difference with columbus; impedes the affairs of columbus; writes a cold letter to columbus, by order of the sovereigns; shows columbus's letter to alonzo de ojeda; his baseness fully displayed; supposed to have instigated the violent measures of bobadilla; throws impediments in the way of columbus's fourth voyage; supposed to have been the cause of ovando's disgrace; by order of ferdinand, establishes a court, called the royal audience; becomes interested in continuing the slave trade; his opposition to las casas; an account of; character of; his conduct to cortez; accused of having fomented a conspiracy to assassinate cortez. fountain of pure water in the sea, note. franciscans, the order first introduced into the new world. fuego, del, island of, seen by columbus. g. galleys, venetian, capture of, by colombo the younger. gama, vasquez de, doubles the cape of good hope, and opens a new road for the trade of the east. garcia de barrantee, his conduct during the conspiracy of boldan. gardens, the, coast so called. ---king's islands. ---queen's, islands of. ---the hesperian, observations in respect to. gato, paulo, a species of monkey. genoa, columbus shows great respect to. gentlemen, the pass of, a road so called. geraldini, alexandria and antonio, warmly enter into the views of columbus; they introduce him to the archbishop of toledo. gold (western), discovered first in st. salvador; specimens of virgin ore found in the interior of hispaniola; particles found in the streams; and pieces. ----, tribute of. ---mine discovered in hayti; a solid mass of, which weighed 3600 castellanos: superstitious notions in respect to, note: gathered from the roots of the trees in veragua. golden river, arrival at, in second voyage. gods of the haytiens. goinarn, fernando lopez de, examination of his chargo relative to a pilot's having died in the house of columbus. gorvalan explores part of the interior of hispaniola; returns to spain gourds introduced into hayti. gracias a dios, cape of. granada, discovery of. grape-vines, very luxuriant, found in cuba. greenland, assertions relative to its discovery by the scandinavians. 379. granada, surrender of. guadaloupe, island of, discovered; houses, furniture, etc. of the natives; supposed to be cannibals; description of the island; columbus revisits it; women of. guacanagari, cacique of hispaniola, sends a message to columbus, receives the spaniards with great courtesy; sheds tears on learning the shipwreck of columbus; his assistance; and kindness; invites columbus to his residence; manners of; hospitality; procures a great quantity of gold for the admiral previous to his departure for spain; sends his cousin to greet columbus on his second arrival; his suspicious conduct during the disaster at la navidad; visits columbus's ships; admires a captive carib woman; his flight into the interior; his mysterious conduct continued; refuses to partake in the plan formed by caonabo, of exterminating the spaniards; incurs the hostility of his fellow caciques; visits columbus during his sickness, and informs him of a league formed against him: assists columbus in his expedition against the indians of the vega: is present at a battle; incurs the hatred of all the caciques; is nevertheless compelled to pay tribute; takes refuge in the mountains and dies in misery; his character. guana, regarded with disgust by the spaniards; they conquer their prejudice. guanaja, discovery of. guaora, cacique, hunted like a wild beast, and afterwards hanged. guarionex, cacique of the royal vega; visits columbus, and is prevailed on to give his daughter to diego colon, the interpreter; permits columbus to build a fortress; character of; submits to the domination of the spaniards; compelled to pay tribute; offers to cultivate grain; refused; learns the pater-noster, ave-maria, etc.: relapses, and the cause of it; becomes incensed at several indians being burnt for destroying some images; takes arms; conspires to assassinate the spaniards; is seized; is pardoned; enters into a conspiracy with roldan against the adelantado; puts a cacique to death; flies to the mountains of ciguay; is compelled to retire into the most desolate places; is seized and taken in chains to fort conception; lost in a hurricane. guatiguana, a cacique of hayti, puts ten spaniards to death, and sets fire to a house. guevara, don hernando de, falls in love with higuamota; is seized in the dwelling of anacaona; and sent to san domingo. gulf stream. gutierrez, pedro, his conduct after the departure of columbus; death of. h. hamacs, used by the natives of exuma. hanno, remarks on the periplus of. haro, bernaldo de, his evidence relative to the discovery of the coast of paria by columbus. hatchets of iron, said to be found at guadaloupe. hawk's bells, delight of the haytiens on wearing. hayna, mines of, discovered. henry, prince of portugal, progress of discovery under; account of; considers africa to be circumnavigable; conceives the idea of turning the trade of the east; establishes a naval college at sagres; death. henry vii. of england, writes a favorable letter to columbus. herbs, european, introduced in hispaniola. herrera, antonio de, a short account of his life and writings; vossius's eulogium on. herrera, don lepo de, his mission to the court of lisbon. hayti (see hispaniola), discovery of. haytiens, description of their manners, customs, religion, etc.; their character; defeated in the battle of the vega; subjugated; a tribute imposed upon them; their despair; they enter into an association to destroy the crops; the evils fall upon themselves. hidalgos, compelled at hayti to share the common labors of the settlement; character of the; form a faction against diego columbus, during the absence of his brother. higuamota, daughter of caonabo, falls in love with don hernando de guevara. higuanama, a female cacique, hanged by order of ovando. higuey, domain of: character of its inhabitants; ovando's war with the natives; martial character of the people; multitudes of them destroyed; sue for peace; again revolt; and slaughter their tyrants; situation of their towns; are defeated and compelled to conceal themselves in the fastnesses; are hunted like wild beasts. hipparchus, error of, in respect of africa, and india. hispaniola, discovery of; cause of its being so called; description of the inhabitants; of the country; transactions with the natives; form of government; alarm created by a discharge of cannon; general description of; domains into which it was divided; made the metropolis of the new world: thought to have been the ancient ophir; an account of the numbers of the natives who perished, victims to the avarice of the whites; ceded to the french. 317. honduras, cape of, discovered by columbus.; inhabitants. honey and wax found at guadaloupe. horses, fear of the haytiens of; terror inspired by them at the battle of the vega; a remarkable one which moved in curvets to the music of a viol. huelva, alonzo sanchez de, the pilot, fabled to have died in the house of columbus. huerta, la, delightful island of, h. 167; inhabitauts of. humboldt, his account of the present condition of the southern side of cuba; account of the route of columbus, note. hurricanes, seldom known in cuba; a violent one in hayti; reflections of the haytiens previous to it. i. iceland, columbus supposed to have visited; assertions relative to its discovery by the scandinavians. impressment resorted to on columbus's third voyage. indians, six taken from the new world; arrival of in spain; are baptized; an indian, of jamaica, desires columbus to take him to spain. iron, a pan of, seen at guadaloupe. isabella, discovery of the island of. ----, princess, marriage of, with the heir-apparent of portugal. ----, queen of aragon and castile, character of; engagements of, on the arrival of columbus in spain: repairs to the seat of war in granada; thence to gallicia and salamanca; an attempt to assassinate her; columbus recommended to her by the marchioness of moya; her ability in military affairs; receives a letter from the prior of la rabida; invites columbus to court; luis de st. angel reasons with her; signifies her assent; declares her resolution to pawn her jewels to defray the expenses; her enthusiasm in the cause; her motives; her joy at learning the success of columbus; her reception of him; her zeal for the welfare of the indians; her anxiety in respect to the conversion of the haytiens; humanely prevents the haytien slaves from being sold to slavery; orders them to be sent back to hayti; enters into the views of columbus in respect to a third voyage; her humane directions; death of her son, prince juan; makes columbus's two sons her pages; begins to doubt the conduct of columbus; offended at his pertinacity in making slaves of the indians taken in war; orders all those sent to spain to be restored to their country and friends; consents to the sending out a commission to investigate his conduct; filled with sympathy and indignation on reading columbus's letter to doña de la torre; invites him to court; is moved to tears at beholding him; her concern for the welfare of the indians; listens with complacency to the proposition of columbus for a fourth voyage; receives the news of the sanguinary acts of ovando with horror and indignation; exacts a promise from the king that he shall be superseded in the government; causes of the melancholy under which she labored; her death; and character. j. jamaica discovered by columbus; the natives receive columbus in a hostile manner; columbus takes possession of it; amicable intercourse with the natives; their character; their canoes; subjugated by don diego. ----, cacique of, visits columbus, and oifers to go and do homage to the king and queen of spain; this offer evaded by columbus. japan (cipango), marco polo's account of it. jasper, specimens found among the mountains of cibao. jerez, rodrigo de, sent up the island of cuba by columbus; account of his journey. jews not allowed to establish themselves in the colonies, or undertake voyages of discovery. john of anjou, an account of his expedition against naples. ---ii. king of portugal, the passion for maritime discovery revives under; sends missions in quest of prester john; receives a proposition of a voyage of discovery from columbus; refers it to a junto and his council, who report it to be visionary; consents to use an unwarrantable stratagem; desires to renew the negotiation with columbus; who refuses and quits portugal; invites columbus to portugal, and promises protection; invites columbus on his return from the new world; his jealousy excited; his armament; his negotiations with ferdinand in respect to the new discoveries; his idea in respect to a continent in the southern ocean. josephus, his opinion relative to the gold used in the temple of jerusalem. juan, prince, his nuptials; his death. juana, queen of castile, arrival of; promises a prosperous termination to the suit of columbus. junta de descargos, the claims of columbus referred to the. k. kings, moorish, of granada, one of them surrenders hie pretensions to ferdinand; the other surrenders granada. kircher, athanasius, his opinion relative to the travels of marco polo. l. labrador, discovered by sebastian cabot. lactantius, passage quoted from, to prove the impossibility of their being antipodes. lapis lazuli, specimens found among the mountains of cibao. ledesma, pedro, his gallant conduct; involves himself in porra's mutiny, and receives a multitude of wounds; is assassinated. lepe, diego de, discovers more of the southern continent than any voyager of his day. lineage of christopher columbus, an account of. lombards, the extent of their trade. lopez, juan, his rencontre with cotabanaina. lots for pilgrimages, drawing of. luxan, juan de, hie excursion among the mountains of cibao. m. macham, his discovery of madeira; an account of his adventures. madeira, an account of the discovery of the island of. magellan, electrical lights seen during his voyage on the masts of ships. maguana, domain of, an account of. mahogany, canoes made of. maize, cultivated in ilayti. maladies of the spaniards in hayti,330. malaga, eiege and capture of. maldonado, don alonzo, appointed alguazil-mayor in the place of roldan, in hispaniola. maldonado, melchor, visits guacanagari; proceeds along the coast. malte-brun, his conjecture relative to columbus considered. man, origin of, according to the haytiens. manicaotex, succeeds caonabo; commands in a battle; is conquered and sues for peace; compelled to pay half a calabash of gold every three months; assembly of the caciques at his house to prefer complaints against columbus. mandeville, sir john, a short account of his travels; held in great authority by columbus. mangon, a province of cuba. map, paulo toscanelli's, used by columbus on hia first voyage. maps, a great improvement made in. marble, masses of, found among the mountains of cibao. marcolini, his account of estotiland and drogeo. margarita, island of, discovery of. of austria, her nuptials with prince juan. margnrite, pedro, recommended to a command by columbus; made commander of the fortress of st. thomas; sends an account of the conduct of his colony, etc.; is invested with the command of the forces; disregards his instructions; his misconduct during the absence of columbus; is censured by diego columbus; forms a plan of returning to spain; sets sail; his accusations of columbus at madrid. marque, diego, missed at guadaloupe; his return; is placed under arrest. maria, santa, discovery of. marien, domain, account of. martin v., pope, concedes to the crown of portugal all the lands it might discover from cape bajador to the indies. marta, santa, discovery of. martin, san, island of, discovered. martyr, peter, his account of cuba; his description of the natives of hispaniola; sent to the soldan of egypt to make arrangements for the conservation of the holy sepulchre: short account of his life and writings; passages from his letters relative to columbus; his character of amerigo vespucci. marigalante, island of, discovery of. mateo, juan, a haytien converted to christianity. mauro, constructs a celebrated map, note. mayobanex, cacique of the cignayens; guarionex flies to him for refuge; his answer to the adelantado, when desired to give up guarionex; is deserted in his need; compelled to fly; is seized with his wife and children. medina celi, duke of, entertains columbus; application of columbus to; writes to the queen. ----, sidonia, duke of, application of columbus to; plan rejected. melons introduced into hayti. mendez, diego, his bold conduct at veragua; his reward; his meritorious conduct at jamaica; his conversation with columbus; undertakes to go in a canoe to st. domingo; departs with one spaniard and six indians; narrowly escapes being murdered by the indians of the coast and returns; account of his voyage; sails for spain; his subsequent history, note. mendoza, pedro gonzalez de. see toledo, archbishop of. meneses, don pedro de, his answer to the bishop of ceuta in respect to the propriety of maritime discoveries. mermaids, three supposed, seen by columbus. mexiatrillo, rodrigo, commands the soldiery at the massacre of xaragua. ii. 264. misa, rio de la, so called from mass performed on its banks. monis de palestrello, doña felipa, her marriage with columbus. monte christi, description of; columbus founds the city of isabella. montserrat, discovery of. moors, war against the. ----, none permitted to establish themselves in the colonies or go on voyages of discovery. morales, francisco, his evidence relative to the discovery of the coast of paria by columbus. mother-of-pearl found on the coast of paria. moxica, adrian de, conspiracy of; meditates the death of the admiral and roldan; is seized; and flung headlong froin the battlements of fort conception. moya, marchioness of, becomes a friend to columbus; and recommends his suit to the queen; also. mulatas, islands of, discovered. mules, the employment of, under the saddle, prohibited in spain. music of the haytiens. musicians sent to hayti to enliven the spirits of the colony. n. names, exchanging, an indian league of fraternity. navarrete, his opinion relative to the island first discovered by columbus. navasa, island of; fountain near. navidad, la, or the nativity, construction of the fortress of; disasters at the fortress; abandoned by columbus. needle, variation of the, first noticed; inclines a whole point; columbus's speculation in respect to. negroes of africa introduced into hispaniola; their first revolt. negotiations, diplomatic, between the courts of spain and portugal, with respect to the new discoveries. newfoundland, assertions relative to the discovery of, by the scandinavians. nicholas, st., harbor of. nicuesa, diego de, appointed governor of golden castile. niño, pedro alonzo, sails for hayti; arrives at cadiz from hispaniola, with a number of indian prisoners. noya, juan de, his escape by diving. o. ocean, line of demarkation of the, between spain and portugal. oderigo, documents in the possession of the family of, relative to columbus. ojeda, don alonzo de, goes in search of diego marque, at guadaloupe; his expedition to explore the interior of iliwpaniola; sallies from isabella; character of; his conduct in respect to some haytien thieves; character of; is besieged by caonabo; anecdote of; undertakes to seize caonabo, and deliver him alive into the hands of columbus; visits him; offers him the bell of isabella; his stratagem to take him off; conquers in an engagement with a brother of caonabo; his conduct at the battle of the vega; arrives at the western part of hispaniola on a voyage of discovery; cause of his voyage; his manoeuvres with roldan; leaves the inland with a threat; returns to spain with a drove of slaves; appointed governor of new andalusia; fails in his undertaking to colonize that country; his evidence relative to the discovery of the coast of paria by columbus. oro, rio del, or santiago, discovered. otto, mons., remarks on his letter to dr. franklin relative to martin behem. ovando, don nicholas de, chosen to supersede bobadilla; character of; great privileges granted to; his fleet; allowed to wear silk, precious stones, etc.; sails; reaches st. domingo and assumes the government; refuses to let columbus take shelter; his mysterious conduct to columbus in his distress as jamaica; an account of his administration and oppression; sufferings of the natives under the civil policy of; view of the military operations of: visits anneaona: takes it into his head that she intends to massacre him and all his attendants; seizes anacaona and burns all the caciques: massacres the populace; and causes anacaona to be ignominiously hanged; his further atrocious conduct, to the unfortunate indians; founds santa maria in commemoration of his atrocities. 267; wages war against the natives of higuey; causes many of them to be slaughtered and their chieftains to be burnt; hangs a female cacique of distinction; causes 600 indians of saona to be imprisoned in one dwelling and put to the sword; receives columbus on his arrival at st. domingo with a hypocritical politeness. oviedo, gonzalo fernandez de, a short account of his life and writings. oysters, in the gulf of paria, round the roots of the mangrove trees. ozema, river of, and the country through which it flows. p. palos, the port whence columbus sailed on his first expedition; present state of; visit to. palms, cape of, discovered. pane, roman, labors to convert the haytiens. paradise, observations on the situation of the terrestrial; of the haytiens. paria., gulf of, columbus's voyage through the; description of the coast of; manners of the natives; current of the sea. parrots, first seen in the western hemisphere; large flights of, seen; found on the coast of paria. partition, papal bull of; line of, removed. pasamonte, miguel, becomes an enemy to don diego columbus. pearls, the gulf of. ---of cubagua. pepper, agi. perez, alonzo, discovers land in columbus's third voyage. ----, pray juan, prior of the convent of la raibida, entertains columbus on his first entry into spain; gives him letters of introduction to the queen's confessor, and educates his son; reception of columbus; writes to queen isabella; invited to court; pleads the cause of columbus; receives a visit from columbus after his success. philip, king of castile, listens to the request of columbus, and promises a prosperous termination to his suit. pigeons, wood, vast numbers seen on the south side of cuba. pilgrimages, lots for, drawing of. pilot, observations on the rumor of a pilot having died in the house of columbus. pine-apple first met with. pines, island of, discovered by columbus. pinos, isla de, discovery of. pinta, desertion of. pinzons, family of, they enable columbus to offer to bear one-eighth of the charge of the expedition, and to add a third ship to the armament. 100; their activity and interest in the voyage; furnish columbus with money to defray the eighth share of the expense; account of their family, note. pinzon, martin alonzo, offers to bear the expenses of columbus in a renewed application to the court; his opinion relative to the nearness of land; begins to lose confidence in the course they are pursuing; crediting the accounts of the indians in respect to a very rich island, deserts and goes in search of it; columbus meets him; his apology: account of his proceedings; his duplicity becomes more evident: his arrival at palos; effect of his treacherous conduct; his death; reflections on; observations relative to the supposed idea of columbus owing to him the success of his great enterprise: his character. ----, vicente yanes, obtains a license for voyages of discovery; sails on a voyage of discovery; discovers the brazils; discovers the river of amazons; is allowed, as a reward, to colonize and govern the lands which he had discovered. planisphere of martin behein. pliny, his notice of electrical lights on the masts of ships. poetry of the haytiens. polo, nicholas and matteo, an account of their travels into the east; their first journey; return: their second journey: their return; invite their relatives to a splendid banquet. ----, marco, influence of his travels upon the mind of columbus; ii. 406; short account of his travels; his return; commands a galley at the battle of cuzzola: is taken prisoner and sent in chains to genoa; writes an account of his travels; is liberated and returns to venice; an account of his work. porras, francisco de, engages in a mutiny at jamaica; they embark with most of columbus's erew in ten indian canoes; are driven back; and with their companions rove about the island; refuses an offer of pardon; attacks the admiral and adelantado; taken prisoner: is set at liberty by ovando; and sent to spain to be examined by the indian board. 284. porto rico, or boriquen, discovery of. portugal and spain, diplomatic negotiations between the courts of, with respect to the new discoveries. potato in hayti. prado, prior of. see talavera. prester john, an imaginary christian king; account of. priests of the haytiens. ptolemy, difficulty at the council of salamanaca to reconcile the theory of columbus with that of. puerto de bastimento, harbor of. ---bello, discovery of, by columbus. ---santo, columbus's description of. q. queen's gardens, columlms's arrival at, in his third voyage; archipelago of, discovered. question, the territorial, how settled. quibian, cacique of veragua, interview with bartholomew columbus: second interview; determines on preventing the spaniards from obtaining a settlement in his territories; conspires to burn their houses and murder them; is seized by the adelantado with his wives and children; escapes in a very extraordinary manner 199; attacks the spaniards and is defeated. quinsai, marco polo's account of. quintanilla, alonzo de, receives columbus into his house. r. rabida, la, convent of, columbus is entertained at, on his first arrival in spain; present state. reeds, river of. ----, immense, seen on the mosquito coast. reinier, king of naples, columbus engages in his service. religion of the natives of hayti. repartimientos, origin of: opposition of don diego columbus to the. rewards and punishments, ideas of the haytiens in respect to. rio verde, or the green river. riquelme, pedro, makes his house the headquarters of the rebels at hispaniola; made alcalde by roldan: joins in a conspiracy with adrian de moxica; is taken. road, the first constructed by europeans in the new world. rodriguez, sebastian, takes a letter from the prior perez to the queen. 91. roldan, francisco, history and character of: an account of his conspiracy; takes possession of xaragua; his conduct in respect to the ships sent forward by columbus: promises to repair to st. domingo on the arrival of columbus; his interview with ballester; rejects an offer of pardon; demands his discharge; his interview with carvajal, etc.; determines on going to the admiral; correspondence with the admiral; sends propositions by carvajal; which are accepted; circumstances prevent their being acted upon; makes a second arrangement with the admiral; is permitted to resume his office of alcalde-mayor; receives a grant of lands; visits his lands; assumes new authority; is sent to meet alonzo de ojeda; his manoeuvres with him; his rivalship with guevara; seizes him in the dwelling of anacaona; treated with confidence by bobadilla; his conduct investigated by ovando; sails for spain, and is lost in a violent hurricane. roman, friar, his account of the natives of hispauiola. s. sabellicus, his account of the capture of the venetian galleys. salamanca, the learned assemble at, to consider the proposition of columbus; pronounce the plan to be vain and impossible. salcedo, diego de, arrives at jamaica with succors from ovando. salvador, st., discovery of; awe and surprise of the natives on first beholding the ships of columbus; description of them; gold first discovered in this island. samana, gulf of, discovered. san rafael, discovery of. sanchez, juan, takes charge of quibian. ii. 196; who escapes; killed in battle by the adelantado. sande, don ruy do, his mission to the spanish court. santa marta, island of, discovered. santa, la isla, discovery of. santa cruz, island of, discovery of. santa gloria, (st. ann's bay), discovered by columbus. santiago. see jamaica; letter of heneken, note. ----, river of, discovered. saometa, discovery of. saona, island of, discovered; difference of longitude between, and cadiz scandinavians, an essay relative to the voyages of. schedel, remarks on an interpolation in his chronicle. seneca, his notice of electrical lights on the masts of ships. serafin point. sharks, a multitude of, seen on the coast of veragua; curious method of taking them; superstition concerning. ships, observation relative to the size of those employed by columbus. slaves, five hundred are sent to spain; three hundred sent by bartholomew columbus; arrival in spain; queen isabella interests herself in their favor; orders them to be sent back to hayti; negroes first introduced to the new world; revolt of; hispaniola the first island to exhibit an awful retribution; regulations in respect to. solomon, the gold used in the temple of. soria, juan de, his insolence to columbus. soul, ideas of the haytiens in respect to the; the after-state of, believed by the natives of cuba. spain and portugal, diplomatic negotiations between the courts of, with respect to the new discoveries. spotorno, gio, publishes documents relative to columbus, note. sugar-cane introduced into hayti. superstition of st. elmo lights. swallow, a, encircles the ships of columbus. t. talavera, fernando de, prior of prado and confessor to queen isabella. 85; esteems columbus's plan impossible; he is desired by the king to assemble men of science to consider the matter; reports to the king that the council had pronounced the plan vain and impossible; takes a message from the king;' disgusted at the high terms insisted on by columbus. teneriffe, fears of the crew at beholding mount. territory, question of, how settled. thomas, st., fortress of, erected; see note; conduct of the colonists there; attacks of. tobacco, first seen in the island of cuba. tobago, discovery of. toledo, archbishop of, his character; gives columbus an attentive hearing; and procures him an audience of the king. toledo, doña maria de, don diego columbus becomes enamored of: their marriage; and embarkation for hispaniola; is left as vice-queen at st. domingo on the sailing of don diego for spain; becomes a widow. torre, doña juana de la, receives a letter from columbus with an account of his treatment. torres, antonio de, dispatched from hispaniola, with twelve ships, to spain; arrives at cadiz; dismissed from office. ----, luis de, sent up the island of cuba by columbus; an account of his journey. tortoises, sea covered with, on the southern coast of cuba; curious method of taking; a living one taken out of the maw of a shark. tortugas, beautiful island of, discovery of. toscanelli, paulo, his correspondence with columbus. trade of the colonies monopolized by the crown of spain; the spanish system the scoff of modern times. trasierra, juan de. triana, rodrigo de, first sees the land of the western world; account of. tribute imposed upon the haytiens. trinidad, island of, discovered; description of its appearance; curious account of the natives. tristan, diego; is killed. tudela, benjamin, travels of. turk's island, observations relative to. u. ursula, santa, island of, discovered. v. vassals, natives of hispaniola reduced to the condition of. vega, garcilasso de la, his tale relative to a pilot having died in the house of columbus. ----, river; called by the natives yagui. ----, real, the royal plain. velasco, francisco. velasquez, diego, commands the soldiery at the massacre of xaragua. veragua, coast of, discovery of; warlike spirit of the inhabitants; soil appears to be impregnated with gold; golden castile. voraguas, duke of, consents to have the remains of columbus removed to cuba. ----, the heirship to columbus decided in his favor. verde, cape de, discovery of. vespucci, amerigo, first notice of his expedition; employed by columbus at court; an account of; a summary view of his claim to the title of a discoverer; the voyage whence his name was given to the american continent; columbus's letter to his son relative to the merit and misfortunes of; peter martyr's character of: his letter to rené, duke of lorraine; observations relative to the points in controversy; author's conclusion, that the voyage asserted to have been made by amerigo vespucci never took place. vessel, stern-post of a, found in one of the houses at guadaloupe. villains, natives of hispaniola reduced to the condition of. villego, alonzo de, appointed to carry columbus to spain; character of; his colloquy with columbus previous to their sailing. vines introduced into hayti. vinland, a supposed discovery. virgins, the eleven thousand, islands of, discovered. vows made in a storm by columbus and his crew; attempt at fulfilment. w. waterspout, a remarkable, seen on the coast of veragua. wax, cake of, presented to the sovereigns by columbus. wheat, introduced into hayti. wolves, sea, several killed on the coast of hispaniola. woman, account of a very strong, of guadaloupe; taken to columbus's ship; falls in love with caonabo, and refuses to return on shore. women, origin of, according to the haytiens. writing, fear of the indians of cariari at seeing the spaniards write. x. xagua, gulf of. xaragua, domain of, an account of; description of its inhabitants; roldan takes possession of; massacre at. xerif al edrizi, his description of the atlantic. ximenes, cardinal; prohibits licenses to import slaves from africa to the colonies. y. yanique, river of. z. zemes, inferior deities of the haytiens. zipangu (japan), marco polo's account of. zones, the, observations relative to. footnotes [1]: peter martyr, decad. i. lib. iv. [2]: ibid., lib. v. [3]: peter martyr, decad. i. lib. v. [4]: charlevoix, hist. st. domingo, lib. ii. p. 147. muñoz, hist. n. mundo, lib. vi. § 6. [5]: peter martyr, decad. i. lib. v. [6]: "these serpentes are lyke unto crocodiles, saving in bygness; they call them guanas. unto that day none of owre men durste adventure to taste of them, by reason of theyre horrible deformitie and lothsomnes. yet the adelantado being entysed by the pleasantnes of the king's sister, anacaona, determined to taste the serpentes. but when he felte the flesh thereof to be so delycate to his tongue, he fel to amayne without al feare. the which thyng his companions perceiving, were not behynde hym in greedynesse: insomuche that they had now none other talke than of the sweetnesse of these serpentes, which, they affirm to be of more pleasant taste, than eyther our phesantes or partriches." peter martyr, decad. i. book v. eden's eng. trans. [7]: las casas, hist. ind., tom. i. cap. 113. [8]: ibid, lib. i. cap. 114. [9]: p. martyr, decad. i. lib. v. of the residence of guarionex, which must have been a considerable town, not the least vestige can be discovered at present. vol. ii.--2. [10]: escritura de fr. roman, hist. del almirante. [11]: peter martyr, decad. i. lib. ix. [12]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. i. cap. 121. [13]: herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 65. peter martyr, decad. vi. lib. v. [14]: herrera, hist. ind., decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 7. [15]: peter martyr, decad. i. lib. v. herrera, hist. ind., decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 6. [16]: peter martyr, decad. i. lib. v. herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 6. [17]: ramusio, vol. iii. p. 9. [18]: herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 1. [19]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. i. cap. 118. [20]: hist. del almirante, cap. 73. [21]: hist. del almirante, cap. 73. [22]: herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 7. hist, del almirante, cap. 74. _extract of a letter from t. s. heneken, esq.,_ 1847.--fort conception is situated at the foot of a hill now called santo cerro. it is constructed of bricks, and is almost as entire at the present day as when just finished. it stands in the gloom of an exuberant forest which has invaded the scene of former bustle and activity; a spot once considered of great importance and surrounded by swarms of intelligent beings. what has become of the countless multitudes this fortress was intended to awe? not a trace of them remains excepting in the records of history. the silence of the tomb prevails where their habitations responded to their songs and dances. a few indigent spaniards, living in miserable hovels, scattered widely apart in the bosom of the forest, are now the sole occupants of this once fruitful and beautiful region. a spanish town gradually grew up round the fortress; the ruins of which extend to a considerable distance. it was destroyed by an earthquake, at nine o'clock of the morning of saturday, 20th april, 1564, during the celebration of mass. part of the massive walls of a handsome church still remain, as well as those of a very large convent or hospital, supposed to have been constructed in pursuance of the testamentary dispositions of columbus. the inhabitants who survived the catastrophe retired to a small chapel, on the banks of a river, about a league distant, where the new town of la vega was afterwards built. [23]: herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 7. hist. del almirante, cap. 74. [24]: hist. del almirante, cap. 74. herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 7. [25]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. i. cap. 118. [26]: ibid., cap. 119. [27]: las casas. herrera. hist. del almirante. [28]: herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 8. [29]: las casas, hist. ind., cap. 121, ms. peter martyr, decad. i. cap. 5. [30]: the particulars of this chapter are chiefly from p. martyr, decad. i. lib. vi.; the manuscript history of las casas, lib. i. cap. 121; and herrera, hist. ind., decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 8, 9. [31]: las casas, lib. i. cap. 149,150. herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 12. hist, del almirante, cap. 77. [32]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. i. cap. 153. [33]: hist, del almirante, cap. 78. [34]: in one of these ships sailed the father of the venerable historian las casas, from whom he derived many of the facts of his history. las casas, lib. i. cap. 153. [35]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. i. cap. 157. [36]: hist. del almirante, cap. 78. [37]: ibid., cap. 79. herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap 13. [38]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. i. cap. 153. [39]: ibid., cap. 158. [40]: hist. del almirante, cap. 79. [41]: hist. del almirante, cap. 80. [42]: herrera, hist. ind., decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16. [43]: herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16. [44]: herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16. [45]: idem. hist. del almirante, cap. 38. [46]: herrera, hist. ind., decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16. [47]: herrera, hist. ind., decad. i. lib. iii cap. 16. [48]: herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16. [49]: muñoz, hist. n. mundo, lib. vi. § 50. [50]: hist. del almirante, cap. 84. [51]: herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16. [52]: herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16. hist. del almirante, cap. 83, 84. [53]: herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16. [54]: herrera, decad. i. lib. iii. cap. 16. [55]: herrera, decad. i. lib. iv. cap. 3. [56]: las casas. [57]: herrera, hist. ind., decad. i. lib. iv. cap. 4. muñoz, hist. n. mundo, part in ms. unpublished. [58]: hist. del almirante, cap. 84. [59]: hist. del almirante, ubi sup. [60]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. i. cap. 169, ms. [61]: letter of columbus to the nurse of prince juan. [62]: las casas, lib. i. cap. 169. [63]: herrera, decad. i. lib. iv. cap. 5. [64]: lag casas, hist. ind., lib. i. cap. 170, ms. herrera, decad. i. lib. iv. cap. 7. [65]: letter of columbus to the nurse of prince juan. hist, del almirante, cap. 84. [66]: hist. del almirante, cap. 85. [67]: muñoz, hist. n. mundo, part unpublished. [68]: las casas, lib. i. [69]: oviedo, cronica, lib. iii. cap. 6. [70]: herrera, decad. i. lib. iv. cap. 7. [71]: las casas, hist. ind., lib i. cap. 169. herrera, hist. ind., decad. i. lib. iv. cap. 8. [72]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. i. cap. 179. [73]: las casas, ubi sup. herrera, ubi sup. [74]: hist. del almirante, cap. 85. las casas. herrera, ubi sup. [75]: letter of columbus to the nurse of prince juan. [76]: ibid. [77]: letter of columbus to the nurse of prince juan. [78]: idem. herrera, decad. i. lib. iv. [79]: herrera, decad. i. lib. iv. cap. 9. letter to the nurse of prince juan. [80]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. i. cap. 180. [81]: idem, lib. i. cap. 180. [82]: peter martyr mentions a vulgar rumor of the day, that the admiral, not knowing what might happen, wrote a letter in cipher to the adelantado, urging him to come with arms in his hands to prevent any violence that might be contrived against him; that the adelantado advanced, in effect, with his armed force, but having the imprudence to proceed some distance ahead of it, was surprised by the governor, before his men could come to his succor, and that the letter in cipher had been sent to spain. this must have been one of the groundless rumors of the day, circulated to prejudice the public mind. nothing of the kind appears among the charges in the inquest made by bobadilla, and which was seen, and extracts made from it, by las casas, for his history. it is, in fact, in total contradiction to the statements of las casas, herrera, and fernando columbus. [83]: charlevoix, in his history of san domingo (lib. iii. p. 199), states that the suit against columbus was conducted in writing; that written charges were sent to him, to which he replied in the same way. this is contrary to the statements of las casas, herrera, and fernando columbus. the admiral himself, in his letter to the nurse of prince juan, after relating the manner in which he and his brothers had been thrown into irons, and confined separately, without being visited by bobadilla, or permitted to see any other persons, expressly adds, "i make oath that i do not know for what i am imprisoned." again, in a letter written some time afterwards from jamaica, he says, "i was taken and thrown with two of my brothers in a ship, loaded with irons, with little clothing and much ill-treatment, without being summoned or convicted by justice." [84]: herrera, decad. i. lib. iv. cap. 10. oviedo, cronica. lib. iii. cap. 6. [85]: muñoz, hist. n. mundo, part unpublished. [86]: hist. del almirante, cap. 86. [87]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. i. cap. 180, ms. [88]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. i. cap. 180, ms. [89]: hist. del almirante, cap. 86. [90]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. i. cap. 182. [91]: oviedo, cronica, lib. iii. cap. 6. [92]: las casas, lib. i. cap. 182. two thousand ducats, or two thousand eight hundred and forty-six dollars, equivalent to eight thousand five hundred and thirty-eight dollars of the present day. [93]: herrera, decad. i. lib. iv. cap. 10. [94]: peter martyr, decad. i. lib. ix. [95]: herrera, decad. i. lib. iv. cap. 12. muñoz, hist. n. mundo, part unpublished. [96]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 2. muñoz, part unpublished. [97]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 2 muñoz, part unpublished. [98]: hakluyt's collection of voyages, vol. iii. p. 7. vol. ii.-9 [99]: lafiteau, conquetes des portugais, lib. ii. [100]: robertson, hist. america, book ii. [101]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 3. [102]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 1, ms. [103]: las casas, hist. ind. lib. ii. cap. 3, ms. [104]: herrera, hist. ind., decad. i. lib. iv. cap. 12. [105]: muñoz, part inedit. las casas says the fleet consisted of thirty-two sail. he states from memory, however; muñoz from documents. [106]: muñoz, h. n. mundo, part inedit. [107]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 3, ms. [108]: garibay, hist. españa, lib. xix. cap. 6. among the collections existing in the library of the late prince sebastian, there is a folio which, among other things, contains a paper or letter, in which is a calculation of the probable expenses of an army of twenty thousand men, for the conquest of the holy land. it is dated in 1509 or 1510, and the handwriting appears to be of the same time. [109]: columbus was not singular in his belief; it was entertained by many of his zealous and learned admirers. the erudite lapidary, jayme ferrer, in the letter written to columbus in 1495, at the command of the sovereigns, observes: "i see in this a great mystery: the divine and infallible providence sent the great st. thomas from the west into the east, to manifest in india our holy and catholic faith; and you, señor, he sent in an opposite direction, from the east into the west, until you have arrived in the orient, into the extreme part of upper india, that the people may hear that which their ancestors neglected of the preaching of st. thomas. thus shall be accomplished what was written, _in omnem terram exibit sonus eorum_." ... and again, "the office which you hold, señor, places you in the light of an apostle and ambassador of god, sent by his divine judgment, to make known his holy name in unknown lands."--letra de mossen, jayme ferrer, navarrete, coleccion, tom. ii. decad. 68. see also the opinion expressed by agostino giustiniani, his contemporary, in his polyglot psalter. [110]: las casas, lib. ii. cap. 4. las casas specifics the vicinity of nombre de dios as the place. [111]: navarrete, colec. viag., tom. ii. p. 145. [112]: a manuscript volume containing a copy of this letter and of the collection of prophecies is in the columbian library, in the cathedral of seville, where the author of this work has seen and examined it since publishing the first edition. the title and some of the early pages of the work are in the handwriting of fernando columbus; the main body of the work is by a strange hand, probably by the friar gaspar gorricio, or some brother of his convent. there are trifling marginal notes or corrections, and one or two trivial additions in the handwriting of columbus, especially a passage added after his return from his fourth voyage, and shortly before his death, alluding to an eclipse of the moon which took place during his sojourn in the island of jamaica. the handwriting of this last passage, like most of the manuscript of columbus which the author has seen, is small and delicate, but wants the firmness and distinctness of his earlier writing, his hand having doubtless become unsteady by age and infirmity. this document is extremely curious as containing all the passages of scripture and of the works of the fathers which had so powerful an influence on the enthusiastic mind of columbus, and were construed by him into mysterious prophecies and revelations. the volume is in good preservation, excepting that a few pages have been cut out. the writing, though of the beginning of the fifteenth century, is very distinct and legible. the library-mark of the book is estante z. tab. 138, no. 25. [113]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 4. [114]: these documents lay unknown in the oderigo family until 1670, when lorenzo oderigo presented them to the government of genoa, and they were deposited in the archives. in the disturbances and revolutions of after times, one of these copies was taken to paris, and the other disappeared. in 1816 the latter was discovered in the library of the deceased count michel angelo cambiaso, a senator of genoa. it was procured by the king of sardinia, then sovereign of genoa, and given up by him to the city of genoa in 1821. a custodia, or monument, was erected in that city for its preservation, consisting of a marble column supporting an urn, surmounted by a bust of columbus. the documents were deposited in the urn. these papers have been published, together with an historical memoir of columbus, by d. gio. battista spotorno, professor of eloquence, etc. in the university of genoa. [115]: hist. del almirante, cap. 88. [116]: señor navarrete supposes this island to be the same at present called santa lucia. from the distance between it and dominica, as stated by fernando columbus, it was more probably the present martinica. [117]: hist. del almirante, cap. 88. [118]: letter of columbus from jamaica. journal of porras, navarrete, tom. i. [119]: hist. del almirante, cap. 88. las casas, lib. ii. cap. 5. [120]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 3. [121]: las casas, cap. 5. [122]: las casas, cap. 5. [123]: las casas ubi sup. [124]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 5. hist. del almirante, cap. 88. [125]: supposed to be the morant keys. [126]: called in some of the english maps bonacca. [127]: journal of porras, navarrete, tom. i. [128]: las casas, lib. ii. cap. 20. letter of columbus from jamaica. [129]: journal of porras, navarrete, colec., tom. i. [130]: las casas, lib. ii. cap. 21. hist. del almirante, cap. 90. [131]: hist. del almirante, cap. 80. [132]: letter from jamaica. navarrete, colec., tom. i. [133]: las casas, lib ii. cap. 21. hist. del almirante, cap. 91. [134]: p. martyr, decad. iii. lib. iv. these may have been the lime, a small and extremely acid species of the lemon. [135]: las casas, lib. ii. cap. 21. hist. del almirante, cap. 91. journal of porras. [136]: hist. del almirante, cap. 91. [137]: letter from jamaica. [138]: note.--we find instances of the same kind of superstition in the work of marco polo, and as columbus considered himself in the vicinity of the countries described by that traveler, he may have been influenced in this respect by his narrations. speaking of the island of soccotera (socotra), marco polo observes: "the inhabitants deal more in sorcery and witchcraft than any other people, although forbidden by their archbishop, who excommunicates and anathematizes them for the sin. of this, however, they make little account, and if any vessel belong to a pirate should injure one of theirs, they do not fail to lay him under a spell, so that he cannot proceed on his cruise until he has made satisfaction for the damage; and even although he should have a fair and leading wind, they have the power of causing it to change, and thereby obliging him, in spite of himself, to return to the island. they can, in like manner, cause the sea to become calm, and at their will can raise tempests, occasion ship-wrecks, and produce many other extraordinary effects that need not be particularized."--marco polo, book iii. cap. 35, eng. translation by w. marsden. [139]: las casas, lib. ii. cap. 21. hist. del almirante cap. 91. [140]: las casas, lib. ii. cap. 21. hist. del almirante, cap. 91. letter of columbus from jamaica. [141]: in some english maps this bay is called almirante, or carnabaco bay. the channel by which columbus entered is still called boca del almirante, or the mouth of the admiral. [142]: journal of porras, navarrete, tom. i. [143]: p. martyr, decad. iii. lib. v. [144]: columbus' letter from jamaica. [145]: hist. del almirante, cap. 92. [146]: idem. [147]: letter of columbus from jamaica. navarrete, colec., tom. i. vol. ii.--12. [148]: las casas, lib. ii. cap. 23. hist. del almirante. [149]: peter martyr, decad. iii. lib. iv. [150]: las casas, lib. ii. cap. 23. hist. del almirante, cap. 92. [151]: las casas. lib. ii. cap. 23. hist. del almirante, cap. 92. [152]: it appears doubtful whether columbus was acquainted with the exact particulars of that voyage, as they could scarcely have reached spain previously to his sailing. bastides had been seized in hispaniola by bobadilla, and was on board of that very fleet which was wrecked at the time that columbus arrived off san domingo. he escaped the fate that attended most of his companions, and returned to spain, where he was rewarded by the sovereigns for his enterprise. though some of his seamen had reached spain previous to the sailing of columbus, and had given a general idea of the voyage, it is doubtful whether he had transmitted his papers and charts. porras, in his journal of the voyage of columbus, states that they arrived at the place where the discoveries of bastides terminated; but this information he may have obtained subsequently at san domingo. [153]: las casas, lib. ii. cap. 24. hist. del almirante, cap. 90. [154]: hist. del almirante, cap. 94. [155]: hist. del almirante, cap. 94. [156]: a superstitious notion with respect to gold appears to have been very prevalent among the natives. the indians of hispaniola observed the same privations when they sought for it, abstaining from food and from sexual intercourse. columbus, who seemed to look upon gold as one of the sacred and mystic treasures of the earth, wished to encourage similar observances among the spaniards; exhorting them to purify themselves for the research of the mines by fasting, prayer, and chastity. it is scarcely necessary to add, that his advice was but little attended to by his rapacious and sensual followers. [157]: hist. del almirante, cap. 95. [158]: las casas, lib. ii. cap. 25. hist. del almirante, cap. 95. [159]: peter martyr, decad. iii. lib. iv. [160]: letter of the admiral from jamaica. [161]: las casas, lib. ii. cap. 25. hist. del almirante, cap. 95. [162]: letter of columbus from jamaica. [163]: hist. del almirante, cap. 96. [164]: letter from jamaica. [165]: equivalent to one thousand two hundred and eighty-one dollars at the present day. [166]: hist. del almirante, cap. 98. las casas, lib. ii. cap. 27. many of the particulars of this chapter are from a short narrative given by diego mendez, and inserted in his last will and testament. it is written in a strain of simple egotism, as he represents himself as the principal and almost the sole actor in every affair. the facts, however, have all the air of veracity, and being given on such a solemn occasion, the document is entitled to high credit. he will be found to distinguish himself on another hazardous and important occasion in the course of this history.--vide navarrete, colec., tom. i. [167]: hist. del almirante, cap. 98. las casas, lib. ii. letter of columbus from jamaica. relation of diego mendez, navarrete, tom. i. journal of porras, navarrete, tom. i. [168]: hist. del almirante, cap. 99. [169]: letter of columbus from jamaica. [170]: hist. del almirante, cap. 99, 100. las casas, lib. ii. cap. 29. relacion por diego mendez. letter of columbus from jamaica. journal of porras, navarrete, colec., tom. i. [171]: hist. del almirante. letter from jamaica. [172]: journal of porras, navarrete, colec., tom. i. [173]: letter from jamaica. [174]: testimony of pedro de ledesma. pleito de los colones. [175]: letter from jamaica. [176]: idem. [177]: hist. del almirante, cap. 100. letter of columbus from jamaica. [178]: hist. del almirante. journal of porras. [179]: relacion por diego mendez. navarrete, torn. i. [180]: relacion por diego mendez. navarrete, colec, torn. i. [181]: joachim, native of the burgh of celico, near cozenza, traveled in the holy land. returning to calabria, he took the habit of the cistercians in the monastery of corazzo, of which he became prior and abbot, and afterwards rose to higher monastic importance. he died in 1202, having attained 72 years of age, leaving a great number of works; among the most known are commentaries on isaiah, jeremiah, and the apocalypse. there are also prophecies by him, "which," (says the dictionnaire historique,) "during his life, made him to be admired by fools, and despised by men of sense; at present the latter sentiment prevails. he was either very weak or very presumptuous, to flatter himself that he had the keys of things of which god reserves the knowledge to himself."--dict. hist., tom. 5, caen, 1785. [182]: hist, del almirante, cap. 101. [183]: hist, del almirante, cap. 102. [184]: letter of columbus to his son diego. navarrete, colec. vol. ii.-15 [185]: hist, del almirante, cap. 102. [186]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 32. hist, del almirante, cap. 102. [187]: hist, del almirante, cap. 102. [188]: las casas, lib. ii. cap. 32. [189]: hist. del almirante, cap. 102. las casas, lib. ii. cap. 32. [190]: hist. del almirante, cap. 103. las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 33. [191]: hist. del almirante, cap. 104. [192]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 33. [193]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 33. hist. del almirante cap. 103. [194]: las casas, ubi sup. hist. del almirante, ubi sup. [195]: not far from the island of navasa there gushes up in the sea a pure fountain of fresh water that sweetens the surface for some distance: this circumstance was of course unknown to the spaniards at the time. (oviedo, cronica, lib. vi. cap. 12.) [196]: hist. del almirante, cap. 105. las casas, lib. ii. cap. 31. testament of diego mendez. navarrete, tom. i. [197]: las casas, lib. ii. cap. 35. hist. del almirante, cap. 106. [198]: hist. del almirante, cap. 106. las casas, lib. ii. cap. 35. [199]: at present mammee bay. [200]: hist. del almirante, ubi sup. [201]: hist. del almirante, cap. 107. las casas, hist. ind., lib ii. cap. 35. [202]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 35. [203]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 32. [204]: some brief notice of the further fortunes of diego mendez may be interesting to the reader. when king ferdinand heard of his faithful services, says oviedo, he bestowed rewards upon mendez, and permitted him to bear a canoe in his coat of arms, as a memento of his loyalty. he continued devotedly attached to the admiral, serving him zealously after his return to spain, and during his last illness. columbus retained the most grateful and affectionate sense of his fidelity. on his death-bed he promised mendez that, in reward for his services, he should be appointed principal alguazil of the island of hispaniola; an engagement which the admiral's son, don diego, who was present, cheerfully undertook to perform. a few years afterwards, when the latter succeeded to the office of his father, mendez reminded him of the promise, but don diego informed him that he had given the office to his uncle don bartholomew; he assured him, however, that he should receive something equivalent. mendez shrewdly replied, that the equivalent had better be given to don bartholomew, and the office to himself, according to agreement. the promise, however, remained unperformed, and diego mendez unrewarded. he was afterwards engaged on voyages of discovery in vessels of his own, but met with many vicissitudes, and appears to have died in impoverished circumstances. his last will, from which these particulars are principally gathered, was dated in valladolid, the 19th of june, 1536, by which it is evident he must have been in the prime of life at the time of his voyage with the admiral. in this will he requested that the reward which had been promised to him should be paid to his children, by making his eldest son principal alguazil for life of the city of san domingo, and his other son lieutenant to the admiral for the same city. it does not appear whether this request was complied with under the successors of don diego. in another clause of his will, he desired that a large stone should be placed upon his sepulchre, on which should be engraved, "here lies the honorable cavalier diego mendez, who served greatly the royal crown of spain, in the conquest of the indies, with the admiral don christopher columbus, of glorious memory, who made the discovery; and afterwards by himself, with ships at his own cost. he died, &c., &c. bestow in charity a paternoster, and an ave maria." he ordered that in the midst of this stone there should be carved an indian canoe, as given him by the king for armorial bearings in memorial of his voyage from jamaica to hispaniola, and above it should be engraved in large letters the word "canoa." he enjoined upon his heirs to be loyal to the admiral (don diego columbus), and his lady, and gave them much ghostly counsel, mingled with pious benedictions. as an heirloom in his family, he bequeathed his library, consisting of a few volumes, which accompanied him in his wanderings; viz. "the art of holy dying, by erasmus; a sermon of the same author, in spanish; the lingua, and the colloquies of the same; the history of josephus; the moral philosophy of aristotle; the book of the holy land; a book called the contemplation of the passion of our savior; a tract on the vengeance of the death of agamemnon, and several other short treatises." this curious and characteristic testament is in the archives of the duke of veragua in madrid. [205]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 6. [206]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 14, ms. [207]: idem, ubi sup. [208]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 9. [209]: oviedo, cronica de las indias, lib. iii. cap. 12. [210]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 9. [211]: charlevoix, hist. san domingo, lib. xxiv. p. 235. [212]: relacion hecha por don diego mendez. navarrete, col., tom. i. p. 314. [213]: oviedo, cronica de las indias, lib. iii. cap. 12. las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 9. [214]: oviedo, cronica de las indias, lib. iii. cap. 12. [215]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 8. [216]: las casas, ubi. sup. [217]: las casas, ubi. sup. [218]: las casas, lib. ii. cap. 17, ms. [219]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 18. [220]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 36. [221]: letter of columbus to his son diego, seville, nov. 21, 1504. navarrete, colec., tom. i. [222]: letter of columbus to his son diego, dated seville, 3d dec., 1504. navarrete, tom. i. p. 341. [223]: navarrete, colec., tom. ii. decad. 151, 152. [224]: herrera, hist. ind., decad. i. lib. v. cap. 12. [225]: hist. del almirante, cap. 108. las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 36. [226]: let. seville, 13 dec., 1504. navarrete, v. i. p. 343. [227]: the dying command of isabella has been obeyed. the author of this work has seen her tomb in the royal chapel of the cathedral of granada, in which her remains are interred with those of ferdinand. their effigies, sculptured in white marble, lie side by side on a magnificent sepulchre. the altar of the chapel is adorned with bas reliefs representing the conquest and surrender of granada. [228]: elogio de la reina catolica por d. diego clemencin. illustration 19. [229]: letter to his son diego, dec. 3,1504. [230]: letter of december 21,1504. navarrete, torn. i. p. 346. [231]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 37. herrera, hist. ind., decad. i. lib. vi. cap. 13. [232]: las casas, hist. ind, lib. ii. cap. 37, ms. [233]: navarrete, colec., tom. i. [234]: diego, the son of the admiral, notes in his own testament this bequest of his father, and says, that he was charged by him to pay beatrix enriquez 10,000 maravedis a year, which for some time he had faithfully performed; but as he believes that for three or four years previous to her death he had neglected to do so, he orders that the deficiency shall be ascertained and paid to her heirs. memorial ajustado sobre la propriedad del mayorazgo que foudo d. christ. colon, § 245. [235]: cura de los palacios, cap. 121. [236]: las casas, hist. ind., lib. ii. cap. 38. hist, del almirante, cap. 108. [237]: d. humboldt. examen critique. [238]: cladera, investigaciones historias, p. 43. [239]: navarrete, colec., tom. ii. p. 365. [240]: herrera, hist. ind., decad. ii. lib. vii. cap. 4. [241]: extracts from the minutes of the process taken by the historian muñoz, ms. [242]: further mention will be found of this lawsuit in the article relative to amerigo vespucci. [243]: charlevoix, ut supra, v. i. p. 272, id. 274. [244]: las casas, lib. ii. cap. 49, ms. [245]: las casas, lib. ii. cap. 49, ms. [246]: herrera, decad. i. lib. vii. cap, 12. [247]: idem. [248]: charlevoix, hist. st. domingo, p. 321. [249]: herrera, hist. ind., decad i. lib. ix. cap. 5. [250]: idem. [251]: herrera, decad. ii. lib. ii. cap. 7. [252]: idem, decad. 1. lib. x. cap. 16. [253]: charlevoix, hist. st. doming., lib. v. [254]: herrera, decad. ii. lib. ix. cap. 7. [255]: herrera, hist. ind., decad. iii. lib. iv. cap. 9. [256]: idem, decad. iii. lib. v. cap. 4. [257]: charlevoix, hist. st. doming., lib. ti. [258]: herrera, decad. hi. lib. tut. cap. 15. [259]: memorial ajustado sobre el estado de veragua. charlevoix mentions another son called diego, and calls one of the daughters phillipine. spotorno says that the daughter maria took the veil; confounding her with a niece. these are trivial errors, merely noticed to avoid the imputation of inaccuracy. the account of the descendants of columbus here given, accords with a genealogical tree of the family, produced before the council of the indies, in a great lawsuit for the estates. [260]: herrern, decad. iv. lib. ii. cap. 6. [261]: charlevoix, hist. st. doming., lib. vi. p. 443. [262]: idem, tom. i. lib. vi. p. 446. [263]: spotorno, hist. colom., p. 123. [264]: bossi, hist. colom. dissert., p. 67. [265]: idem, dissert. on the country of columbus, p. 03. [266]: bossi, dissertation on the country of columbus. [267]: spotorno, p. 127. [268]: literally, in the original, _cazador de volateria_, a falconer. hawking was in those days an amusement of the highest classes; and to keep hawks was almost a sign of nobility. [269]: herrera, decad. i. lib. i. cap. 7. [270]: dissertation, &c. [271]: bossi. french translation, paris, 1824, p. 09. [272]: idem. [273]: correspondence astronom. geograph. &c. de baron du zach, vol. 14, cabier 6, lettera 29. 1826. [274]: felippo alberto pollero, epicherema, cioe breve discorso per difess di sua persona e carrattere. torino, per gio battista zappata. mcdxcvi. (read 1696) in 40. pag. 47. [275]: spotorno, eng. trans., pp. xi, xii. [276]: bossi, french trans., p. 76. [277]: idem, p. 88. [278]: cura de los palacios, ms., cap. 118. [279]: alex. geraldini, itin. ad. reg. sub. aquinor. [280]: antonio gallo, anales of genoa, muratori, tom. 23. [281]: senarega, muratori, tom. 24. [282]: foglieta, elog. clar. ligur. [283]: grineus, nov. orb. [284]: "item. mando el dicho don diego mi hijo, á la persona que heredare el dicho mayorazgo, que tenga y sostenga siempre en la ciudad de genova una persona de nuestro linage que tenga alli casa é muger, é le ordene renta con que pueda vivir honestamente, como persona tan llegada á nuestro linage, y haga pie y raiz en la dicha ciudad como natural della, porque podrá baber de la dicha ciudad ayuda e favor en las cosas del menester suyo, _pues que della sali y en ella naci_." [285]: hist. del almirante, cap. 1. [286]: duke of calabria was a title of the heir apparent to the crown of naples. [287]: colenuccio, hist. nap., lib. vii. cap. 17. [288]: zurita, anales de aragon, lib. xx. cap. 64. [289]: obras de gareta de resende, cap. 58, avora, 1554. [290]: marco antonio coccio, better known under the name of sabellicus, a cognomen which he adopted on being crowned poet in the pedantic academy of pomponius lætus. he was a contemporary of columbus, and makes brief mention of his discoveries in the eighth book of the tenth ennead of his universal history. by some writers he is called the livy of his time; others accuse him of being full of misrepresentations in favor of venice. the older scaliger charges him with venality, and with being swayed by venetian gold. [291]: bandini vita d'amerigo vespucci. [292]: cosm. munst., p. 1108. [293]: these particulars are from manuscript memoranda, extracted from the royal archives, by the late accurate historian muñoz. [294]: bartolozzi, recherche historico. firenze, 1789. [295]: panzer, tom. vi. p. 33, apud esame critico, p. 88, antazione 1. [296]: this rare book, in the possession of o. rich, esq., is believed to be the oldest printed collection of voyages extant. it has not the pages numbered; the sheets are merely marked with a letter of the alphabet at the foot of each eighth page--it contains the earliest account of the voyages of columbus, from his first departure until his arrival at cadiz in chains. the letter of vespucci to lorenzo de medici occupies the fifth book of this little volume. it is stated to have been originally written in spanish, and translated into italian by a person of the name of jocondo. an earlier edition is stated to have been printed in venice by alberto vercellese, in 1504. the author is said to have been angelo trivigiani, secretary to the venetian ambassador in spain. this trivigiani appears to have collected many of the particulars of the voyages of columbus from the manuscript decades of peter martyr, who erroneously lays the charge of the plagiarism to aloysius cadamosto, whose voyages are inserted in the same collection. the book was entitled, "_libretto di tutta la navigazione del re de espagna, delle isole e terreni nuovamente trovati._" [297]: letter of vespucci to soderini or renato--edit. of canovai. [298]: navarrete, colec. viag., tom. i. p. 351. [299]: peter martyr, decad. iii. lib. v. eden's english trans. [300]: en este viage que este dicho testigo hizo trujo consigo a juan de la cosa, piloto, e morego vespuche, e otros pilotos. [301]: per la necessitá del mantenimento fummo all' isola d'antiglia (hispaniola) che é questa che descoperse cristoval colombo piú anni fa, dove facemmo molto mantenimento, e stemmo due mesi e 17 giorni; dove passammo moti pericoli e travagli con li medesimi christiani que in questa isola stavanno col colombo (credo per invidia). letter of vespucci.--edit. of canovai. [302]: preguntado como lo sabe; dijo--que lo sabe porque vió este testigo la figura que el dicho almirante al dicho tiempo embió á castilla al rey e reyna, nuestros señores, de lo que habia descubierto, y porque este testigo luego vino á descubrir y halló que era verdad lo que dicho tiene que el dicho almirante descubrió ms. process of d. diego colon, pregunta 2. [303]: este testigo escrivió úna carta que el almirante escriviera al rey a reyna n. n. s. s. haciendo les saber las perlas e cosas que habia hallado, y le embió señalado con la dieba carta, en una carta de marear, los rumbos y víentos por donde habia llegado á la paria, e que este testigo oyó decir como pr. aquella carte se habían hecho otras e por ellas habian venido pedro alonzo merino (niño) e ojeda e otros que despues han ido á aquellas partes. process of d. diego colon, pregunta 9. [304]: idem, pregunta 10. [305]: que en todos los viages qne algunos hicieron descubriendo en la dicha tierra, ivan personas que ovieron navegado con el dicho almirante, y a ellos mostró muchas cosas de marear, y ellos por imitacion é industria del dicho almirante las aprendian y aprendieron, e seguendo ag°. que el dicho almirante les habia mostrado, hicieron los viages que desenbrieron en la tierra firma. process, pregunta 10. [306]: the first suggestion of the name appears to have been in the latin work already cited, published in st. diez, in lorraine, in 1507, in which was inserted the letter of vespucci to king rené. the author, after speaking of the other three parts of the world, asia, africa, and europe, recommends that the fourth ehall be called amerigo, or america, after vespucci, whom he imagined its discoverer. _note to the revised edition, 1848._--humboldt, in his examen critique, published in paris, in 1837, says: "i have been so happy as to discover, very recently, the name and the literary relations of the mysterious personage who (in 1507) was the first to propose the name of america to designate the new continent, and who concealed himself under the grecianized name of hylacomylas." he then, by a long and ingenious investigation, shows that the real name of this personage was martin waldseemüller, of fribourg, an eminent cosmographer, patronized by rené, duke of lorraine; who no doubt put in his hands the letter received by him from amerigo vespucci. the geographical works of waldseemüller, under the assumed name of hylacomylas, had a wide circulation, went through repeated editions, and propagated the use of the name america throughout the world. there is no reason to suppose that this application of the name was in any wise suggested by amerigo vespucci. it appears to have been entirely gratuitous on the part of waldseemüller. [307]: an instance of these errors may be cited in the edition of the letter of amerigo vespucci to king rené, inserted by grinæus in his novus orbis, in 1532. in this vespucci is made to state that he sailed from cadiz may 20, mccccxcvii. (1497,) that he was eighteen months absent, and returned to cadiz october 15, mccccxcix. (1499,) which would constitute an absence of 29 months. he states his departure from cadiz, on his second voyage, sunday, may 11th, mcccclxxxix. (1489,) which would have made his second voyage precede his first by eight years. if we substitute 1499 for 1489, the departure on his second voyage would still precede his return from his first by five months. canovai, in his edition, has altered the date of the first return to 1498, to limit the voyage to eighteen months. [308]: gomara, hist. ind., cap. 14. [309]: navigatio christophori columbi, madrignano interprete. it is contained in a collection of voyages called novus orbis regionum, edition of 1555, but was originally published in italian as written by montalbodo francanzano (or francapano de montaldo), in a collection of voyages entitled nuovo mundo, in vicenza, 1507. [310]: girolamo benzoni, hist, del nuevo mundo, lib. i. fo. 12. in venetia, 1572. [311]: padre joseph de acosta, hist. ind., lib. i. cap. 19. [312]: juan de mariana, hist. espana, lib. xxvi. cap. 3. [313]: herrera, hist. ind., decad. ii. lib. iii. cap. 1. [314]: commentarios de los incas, lib. i. cap. 3. [315]: names of historians who either adopted this story in detail, or the charge against columbus, drawn from it. bernardo aldrete, antiguedad de españa, lib. iv. cap. 17, p. 567. roderigo caro, antiguedad, lib. iii. cap. 76. juan de solorzano, ind. jure, tom. i. lib. i. cap. 5. fernando pizarro, varones ilust. del nuevo mundo, cap. 2. agostino torniel, annal. sacr., tom. i. ann. mund., 1931, no. 48. pet. damarez or de mariz, dial. iv. de var. hist., cap. 4. gregorio garcia, orig. de los indies, lib. i. cap. 4, 1. juan de torquemada, monarch. ind., lib. xviii. cap. 1. john baptiste riccioli, geograf. reform., lib. iii. to this list of old authors may be added many others of more recent date. [316]: "francisco lopez de gomara, presbitero, sevillano, escribio con elegante estilo acerca de las cosas de las indies, pero dexandose llevar de falsas narraciones." hijos de sevilla, numero ii. p. 42, let. f. the same is stated in bibliotheca hispaña nova, lib. i. p. 437. "el francisco lopez de gomara escrivio tantos borrones é cosas que no son verdaderas, de que ha hecho mucho daño a muchos escritores e coronistas, que despues del gomara han escrito en las cosas de la nueva españa ... es porque les ha hecho errar el gomara." bernal diaz del castillo, hist. de la conquest de la nueva españa, fin de cap. 13. "tenía gomara doctrina y estilo ... per empleose en ordinar sin discernimiento lo que halló escrito por sus antecesores, y dió credito á petrañas no solo falsas sino inverisimiles." juan bautista muñoz, hist. n. mundo, prologo, p 18. [317]: vasconcelos, lib. 4. [318]: murr, notice sur m. behaim. [319]: barros, decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 1. lisbon, 1552. [320]: investigations historicas, madrid, 1794. [321]: cladera, investig. hist., p. 115. [322]: forster's northern voyages, book ii. chap. 2. [323]: this account is taken from hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 123. the passage about gold and other metals is not to be found in the original italian of ramusio, (tom. ii. p. 23,) and is probably an interpolation. [324]: hakluyt, collect., vol. iii. p. 127. [325]: malte-brun, hist, de geog., tom. i. lib. xvii. [326]: idem, geog. unirerselle, tom. xiv. note sur la decouverte de l'amerique. [327]: gosselin, recherches sur la geographic des anciens, tom. i. p. 162, &c. [328]: memoirs de l'acad. des inscript., tom. xxvi. [329]: capmany, questiones criticas, quest. 6. [330]: archives de ind. en sevilla. [331]: capmany, queat. crit. [332]: the author of this work is indebted for this able examination of the route of columbus to an officer of the navy of the united states, whose name he regrets the not being at liberty to mention. he has been greatly benefited, in various parts of this history, by nautical information from the same intelligent source. [333]: herrera, hist. ind., decad. i. lib. ix. cap. 10. [334]: in the first chapter of herrera's description of the indies, appended to his history, is another scale of the bahama islands, which corroborates the above. it begins at the opposite end, at the n. w., and runs down to the s.e. it is thought unnecessary to cite it particularly. [335]: see caballero pesos y medidas. j. b. say. economic politique. [336]: in preparing the first edition of this work for the press the author had not the benefit of the english translation of marco polo, published a few years since, with admirable commentaries, by william marsden, f. r. s. he availed himself, principally, of an italian version in the venetian edition of ramusio (1606), the french translation by bergeron, and an old and very incorrect spanish translation. having since procured the work of mr. marsden, he has made considerable alterations in these notices of marco polo. [337]: ramusio, tom. iii. [338]: bergeron, by blunder in the translation from the original latin, has stated that the khan sent 40,000 men to escort them. this has drawn the ire of the critics upon marco polo, who have cited it as one of his monstrous exaggerations. [339]: hist. des voyages, tom, xxvii. lib. iv. cap. 3. paris, 1549. [340]: ramusio, vol. ii. p. 17. [341]: mr. marsden, who has inspected a splendid fac-simile of this map preserved in the british museum, objects even to the fundamental part of it: "where," he observes, "situations are given to places that seem quite inconsistent with the descriptions in the travels, and cannot be attributed to their author, although inserted on the supposed authority of his writings." marsden's m. polo, introd., p. xlii. [342]: hist, des voyages, torn. xl. lib. xi. ch, 4. [343]: another blunder in translation has drawn upon marco polo the indignation of george hornius, who (in his origin of america, iv. 3) exclaims, "who can believe all that, he says of the city of quinsai? as, for example, that it has stone bridges twelve thousand miles high!" &c. it is probable that many of the exaggerations in the accounts of marco polo are in fact the errors of his translators. mandeville, speaking of this same city, which he calls causai, says it is built on the sea like venice, and has twelve hundred bridges. [344]: sir george staunton mentions this lake as being a beautiful sheet of water, about three or four miles in diameter; its margin ornamented with houses and gardens of mandarines, together with temples, monasteries for the priests of fo, and an imperial palace. [345]: supposed to be those islands collectively called japan. they are named by the chinese ge-pen; the terminating syllable _go_, added by marco polo, is supposed to be the chinese word _kue_, signifying kingdom, which is commonly annexed to the names of foreign countries. as the distance of the nearest part of the southern island from the coast of china near ning-po is not more than five hundred italian miles, mr. marsden supposes marco polo, in stating it to be 1500, means chinese miles or li, which are in the proportion of somewhat more than one-third of the former. [346]: aristot., 2 met. cap. 5. [347]: pliny, lib. i. cap. 61. [348]: feyjoo, theatre critico, tom. iv. d. 10, § 29. [349]: lib. iv. de la chancelaria del key dn. juan ii, fol. 101. [350]: torre do tombo. lib. das ylhas, f. 119. [351]: fr. gregorio garcia, origen de los indios, lib. i. cap. 9. [352]: sigeberto, epist. ad tietmar. abbat. [353]: nuñez de la l'ena. conquist de la gran canaria. [354]: ptolemy, lib. iv. tom. iv. [355]: fr. d. philipo, lib. viii. fol. 25. [356]: hist. isl. can., lib. i. cap. 28. [357]: nuñez de la pena, lib. i. cap. 1. viera, hist isl. can., tom. i. cap. 28. [358]: nuñez, conquista le gran canaria. viera, hist. &c. [359]: viera, hist. isl. can., tom. i. cap. 28. [360]: idem. [361]: viera, hist. isl. can., tom. i. cap. 28. [362]: viera, ubi sup. [363]: theatro critico, tom. iv. d. x. [364]: hist. del almirante, cap. 10. [365]: torquemada, monarquia indiana, lib. iv. cap. 4. origen de los indios por fr. gregorio garcia, lib. iv. cap. 20. [366]: barros, asia, decad. i. lib. i. cap. 3. [367]: navarrete, colec. viag., tom. i. introd. p. lxx. [368]: t. a. llorente, oeuvres de las casas, p. xi. paris, 1822. [369]: herrera clearly states this as an expedient adopted when others failed. "bartolomé de las casas, viendo que sus conceptos hallaban en todas partes dificultad, i que las opiniones que tenla, por mucha familiaridad que havia seguido i gran credito con el gran canciller, no podian haber efecto, _se volvio a otros expedientes, &c_."--decad. ii. lib. ii. cap. 2. [370]: herrera, hist. ind., decad. iii. lib. ii. cap. 4. [371]: idem, decad. ii. lib. ii. cap. 20. [372]: idem, decad. ii. lib. iii. cap. 8. [373]: 1 herrera, d. i. lib. vi. cap. 20. [374]: idem, d. i. lib. viii. cap. 9. [375]: idem, d. i. lib. ix. cap. 5. [376]: robertson, hist. america, p. 3. [377]: porque como iban faltando los indios i se conocia que un negro trabajaba, mas que quatro, por lo qual habia gran dem anda de ellos, parccia que se podia poner algun tributo en la saca, de que resultaria provecho á la rl. hacienda. herrera, decad. ii. lib. ii. cap. 8. [378]: de marsolier, hist. du ministere cardinal ximenes, lib. vi. toulouse, 1694. [379]: in this notice the author has occasionally availed himself of the interesting memoir of mon. j. a. idorente, prefixed to his collection of the works of las casas, collating it with the history of herrera, from which its facts are principally derived. [380]: navarrete, colec. de viag., tom. i. p. lxxv. [381]: opus epist. p. martyris anglerii, epist. 131. [382]: opus epist. p. martyris anglerii, epist. 134. [383]: opus epist. p. martyrin anglerii, epist. 135. [384]: idem, epist. 141. [385]: idem, epist. 147. [386]: cura de los palacios, cap. 7. [387]: bibliotheca pinello. [388]: herrera, decad ii. lib. ii. cap. 3. [389]: idem, decad. iii. lib. iv. cap. 3. [390]: herrera, hist. ind., decad. iii. lib. i. cap. 15. [391]: idem, decad. iii. lib. iv. cap. 3. [392]: salazar, conq. de mexico, lib. i. cap. 2. [393]: herrera, hist. ind., decad. iii. lib. i. cap. 1. [394]: idem, decad. iii. lib. iv. cap. 3. [395]: gosselin, recherches sur la geog. des anciens, tom. i. [396]: feyjoo, theatro critico, lib. vii. § 2. [397]: herodot., lib. iii. virg. georg. i. pomp. mela, lib. iii. cap. 10. [398]: st. august., lib. ix. cap. 6. sup. genesis. [399]: st. basíllíus was called the great. his works were read and admired by all the world, even by pagans. they are written in an elevated and majestic style, with great splendor of idea, and vast erudition. [400]: st. ambros., opera. edit. coignard. parisiis, mdcxc. [401]: paradisus autem in oriente, in altissimo monte, de cujus cacumine cadentes aquos, maximum faciunt lacum, que in suo casu tantum faciunt strepitum et fragorem, quod ornnes incolæ, juxta prædictum lacum nascuntur surdi, ex immoderato sonitu seu fragore sensum auditus in parvulis corrumpente. _ul dicit basilius in hexameron, similiter et ambros._ ex illo lacu, velut ex uno fonte, procedunt ilia flumina quatuor, phison, qui et ganges, gyon, qui et nilus dicitur, et tigris ac euphrates. bart. file was produced from scans of public domain material produced by microsoft for their live search books site.) by justin winsor. narrative and critical history of america. with bibliographical and descriptive essays on its historical sources and authorities. profusely illustrated with portraits, maps, facsimiles, etc. edited by justin winsor, librarian of harvard university, with the coöperation of a committee from the massachusetts historical society, and with the aid of other learned societies. in eight royal 8vo volumes. each volume, _net_, $5.50; sheep, _net_, $6.50; half morocco, _net_, $7.50. (_sold only by subscription for the entire set._) reader's handbook of the american revolution. 16mo, $1.25. was shakespeare shapleigh? 16mo, rubricated parchment paper, 75 cents. christopher columbus. with portrait and maps. 8vo. houghton, mifflin & company, boston and new york. [illustration: behaim, 1492.] [illustration: america, 1892.] christopher columbus and how he received and imparted the spirit of discovery by justin winsor they that go down to the sea in ships, that do business in great waters, these see the works of the lord and his wonders in the deep.--_psalms_, cvii. 23, 24 boston and new york houghton, mifflin and company the riverside press, cambridge 1891 copyright, 1891, by justin winsor. _all rights reserved._ _the riverside press, cambridge, mass., u.s.a._ electrotyped and printed by h. o. houghton & co. to francis parkman, ll.d., the historian of new france. dear parkman:-you and i have not followed the maritime peoples of western europe in planting and defending their flags on the american shores without observing the strange fortunes of the italians, in that they have provided pioneers for those atlantic nations without having once secured in the new world a foothold for themselves. when venice gave her cabot to england and florence bestowed verrazano upon france, these explorers established the territorial claims of their respective and foster motherlands, leading to those contrasts and conflicts which it has been your fortune to illustrate as no one else has. when genoa gave columbus to spain and florence accredited her vespucius to portugal, these adjacent powers, whom the bull of demarcation would have kept asunder in the new hemisphere, established their rival races in middle and southern america, neighboring as in the old world; but their contrasts and conflicts have never had so worthy a historian as you have been for those of the north. the beginnings of their commingled history i have tried to relate in the present work, and i turn naturally to associate in it the name of the brilliant historian of france and england in north america with that of your obliged friend, [illustration: justin winsor] cambridge, _june, 1890_. contents and illustrations. page chapter i. sources, and the gatherers of them 1 illustrations: manuscript of columbus, 2; the genoa custodia, 5; columbus's letter to the bank of st. george, 6; columbus's annotations on the _imago mundi_, 8; first page, columbus's first letter, latin edition (1493), 16; archivo de simancas, 24. chapter ii. biographers and portraitists 30 illustrations: page of the giustiniani psalter, 31; notes of ferdinand columbus on his books, 42; las casas, 48; roselly de lorgues, 53; st. christopher, a vignette on la cosa's map (1500), 62; earliest engraved likeness of columbus in jovius, 63; the florence columbus, 65; the yañez columbus, 66; a reproduction of the capriolo cut of columbus, 67; de bry's engraving of columbus, 68; the bust on the tomb at havana, 69. chapter iii. the ancestry and home of columbus 71 chapter iv. the uncertainties of the early life of columbus 79 illustrations: drawing ascribed to columbus, 80; benincasa's map (1476), 81; ship of the fifteenth century, 82. chapter v. the allurements of portugal 85 illustrations: part of the laurentian portolano, 87; map of andrea bianco, 89; prince henry, the navigator, 93; astrolabes of regiomontanus, 95, 96; sketch map of african discovery, 98; fra mauro's world-map, 99; tomb of prince henry at batalha, 100; statue of prince henry at belem, 101. chapter vi. columbus in portugal 103 illustrations: toscanelli's map restored, 110; map of eastern asia, with old and new names, 113; catalan map of eastern asia (1375), 114; marco polo, 115; albertus magnus, 120; the laon globe, 123; oceanic currents, 130; tables of regiomontanus (1474-1506), 132; map of the african coast (1478), 133; martin behaim, 134. chapter vii. was columbus in the north? 135 illustrations: map of olaus magnus (1539), 136; map of claudius clavus (1427), 141; bordone's map (1528), 142; map of sigurd stephanus (1570), 145. chapter viii. columbus leaves portugal for spain 149 illustrations: portuguese mappemonde (1490), 152; père juan perez de marchena, 155; university of salamanca, 162; monument to columbus at genoa, 163; ptolemy's map of spain (1482), 165; cathedral of seville, 171; cathedral of cordoba, 172. chapter ix. the final agreement and the first voyage, 1492 178 illustrations: behaim's globe (1492), 186, 187; doppelmayer's reproduction of this globe, 188, 189; the actual america in relation to behaim's geography, 190; ships of columbus's time, 192, 193; map of the canary islands, 194; map of the routes of columbus, 196; of his track in 1492, 197; map of the agonic line, 199; lapis polaris magnes, 200; map of polar regions by mercator (1509), 202; map of the landfall of columbus, 210; columbus's armor, 211; maps of the bahamas (1601 and modern), 212, 213. chapter x. among the islands and the return voyage 218 illustration: indian beds, 222. chapter xi. columbus in spain again; march to september, 1493 243 illustrations: the arms of columbus, 250; pope alexander vi., 253; crossbow-maker, 258; clock-maker, 260. chapter xii. the second voyage, 1493-1494 264 illustrations: map of guadaloupe, marie galante, and dominica, 267; cannibal islands, 269. chapter xiii. the second voyage, continued, 1494 284 illustration: mass on shore, 298. chapter xiv. the second voyage, continued, 1494-1496 303 illustrations: map of the native divisions of española, 306; map of spanish settlements in española, 321. chapter xv. in spain, 1496-1498. da gama, vespucius, cabot 325 llustrations: ferdinand of aragon, 328; bartholomew columbus, 329; vasco da gama, 334; map of south africa (1513), 335; earliest representation of south american natives, 336. chapter xvi. the third voyage, 1498-1500 347 illustrations: map of the gulf of paria, 353; pre-columbian mappemonde, restored, 357; ramusio's map of española, 369; la cosa's map (1500), 380, 381; ribero's map of the antilles (1529), 383; wytfliet's cuba, 384, 385. chapter xvii. the degradation and disheartenment of columbus (1500) 388 illustration: santo domingo, 391. chapter xviii. columbus again in spain, 1500-1502 407 illustrations: first page of the _mundus novus_, 411; map of the straits of belle isle, 413; manuscript of gaspar cortereal, 414; of miguel cortereal, 416; the cantino map, 419. chapter xix. the fourth voyage, 1502-1504 437 illustrations: bellin's map of honduras, 443; of veragua, 446. chapter xx. columbus's last years. death and character 477 illustrations: house where columbus died, 490; cathedral at santo domingo, 493; statue of columbus at santo domingo, 495. chapter xxi. the descent of columbus's honors 513 illustrations: pope julius ii., 517; charles the fifth, 519; ruins of diego colon's house, 521. appendix. the geographical results 529 illustrations: ptolemy, 530; map by donis (1482), 531; ruysch's map (1508), 532; the so-called admiral's map (1513), 534; münster's map (1532), 535; title-page of the _globus mundi_, 352; of eden's _treatyse of the newe india_, 537; vespucius, 539; title of the _cosmographiæ introductio_, 541; map in ptolemy (1513), 544, 545; the tross gores, 547; the hauslab globe, 548; the nordenskiöld gores, 549; map by apianus (1520), 550; schöner's globe (1515), 551; frisius's map (1522), 552; peter martyr's map (1511), 557; ponce de leon, 558; his tracks on the florida coast, 559; ayllon's map, 561; balboa, 563; grijalva, 566; globe in schöner's _opusculum_, 567; garay's map of the gulf of mexico, 568; cortes's map of the gulf of mexico, 569; the maiollo map (1527), 570; the lenox globe, 571; schöner's globe (1520), 572; magellan, 573; magellan's straits by pizafetta, 575; modern map of the straits, 576; freire's map (1546), 578; sylvanus's map in ptolemy (1511), 579; stobnieza's map, 580; the alleged da vinci sketch-map, 582; reisch's map (1515), 583; pomponius mela's world-map, 584; vadianus, 585; apianus, 586; schöner, 588; rosenthal or nuremberg gores, 590; the martyr-oviedo map (1534), 592, 593; the verrazano map, 594; sketch of agnese's map (1536), 595; münster's map (1540), 596, 597; michael lok's map (1582), 598; john white's map, 599; robert thorne's map (1527), 600; sebastian münster, 602; house and library of ferdinand columbus, 604; spanish map (1527), 605; the nancy globe, 606, 607; map of orontius finæus (1532), 608; the same, reduced to mercator's projection, 609; cortes, 610; castillo's california, 611; extract from an old portolano of the northeast coast of north america, 613; homem's map (1558), 614; ziegler's schondia, 615; ruscelli's map (1544), 616; carta marina (1548), 617; myritius's map (1590), 618; zaltière's map (1566), 619; porcacchi's map (1572), 620; mercator's globe (1538), 622, 623; münster's america (1545), 624; mercator's gores (1541), reduced to a plane projection, 625; sebastian cabot's mappemonde (1544), 626; medina's map (1544), 628, 629; wytfliet's america (1597), 630, 631; the cross-staff, 632; the zeni map, 634, 635; the map in the warsaw codex (1467), 636, 637; mercator's america (1569), 638; portrait of mercator, 639; of ortelius, 640; map by ortelius (1570), 641; sebastian cabot, 642; frobisher, 643; frobisher's chart (1578), 644; francis drake, 645; gilbert's map (1576), 647; the back-staff, 648; luke fox's map of the arctic regions (1635), 651; hennepin's map of jesso, 653; domina farrer's map (1651), 654, 655; buache's theory of north american geography (1752), 656; map of bering's straits, 657; map of the northwest passage, 659. index 661 christopher columbus. chapter i. sources, and the gatherers of them. in considering the sources of information, which are original, as distinct from those which are derivative, we must place first in importance the writings of columbus himself. we may place next the documentary proofs belonging to private and public archives. [sidenote: his prolixity.] harrisse points out that columbus, in his time, acquired such a popular reputation for prolixity that a court fool of charles the fifth linked the discoverer of the indies with ptolemy as twins in the art of blotting. he wrote as easily as people of rapid impulses usually do, when they are not restrained by habits of orderly deliberation. he has left us a mass of jumbled thoughts and experiences, which, unfortunately, often perplex the historian, while they of necessity aid him. [sidenote: his writings.] ninety-seven distinct pieces of writing by the hand of columbus either exist or are known to have existed. of such, whether memoirs, relations, or letters, sixty-four are preserved in their entirety. these include twenty-four which are wholly or in part in his own hand. all of them have been printed entire, except one which is in the biblioteca colombina, in seville, the _libro de las proficias_, written apparently between 1501 and 1504, of which only part is in columbus's own hand. a second document, a memoir addressed to ferdinand and isabella, before june, 1497, is now in the collection of the marquis of san roman at madrid, and was printed for the first time by harrisse in his _christophe colomb_. a third and fourth are in the public archives in madrid, being letters addressed to the spanish monarchs: one without date in 1496 or 1497, or perhaps earlier, in 1493, and the other february 6, 1502; and both have been printed and given in facsimile in the _cartas de indias_, a collection published by the spanish government in 1877. the majority of the existing private papers of columbus are preserved in spain, in the hands of the present representative of columbus, the duke of veragua, and these have all been printed in the great collection of navarrete. they consist, as enumerated by harrisse in his _columbus and the bank of saint george_, of the following pieces: a single letter addressed about the year 1500 to ferdinand and isabella; four letters addressed to father gaspar gorricio,--one from san lucar, april 4, 1502; a second from the grand canaria, may, 1502; a third from jamaica, july 7, 1503; and the last from seville, january 4, 1505;--a memorial addressed to his son, diego, written either in december, 1504, or in january, 1505; and eleven letters addressed also to diego, all from seville, late in 1504 or early in 1505. [illustration: manuscript of columbus. [from a ms. in the biblioteca colombina, given in harrisse's _notes on columbus_.]] [sidenote: all in spanish.] without exception, the letters of columbus of which we have knowledge were written in spanish. harrisse has conjectured that his stay in spain made him a better master of that language than the poor advantages of his early life had made him of his mother tongue. [sidenote: his privileges.] columbus was more careful of the documentary proofs of his titles and privileges, granted in consequence of his discoveries, than of his own writings. he had more solicitude to protect, by such records, the pecuniary and titular rights of his descendants than to preserve those personal papers which, in the eyes of the historian, are far more valuable. these attested evidences of his rights were for a while inclosed in an iron chest, kept at his tomb in the monastery of las cuevas, near seville, and they remained down to 1609 in the custody of the carthusian friars of that convent. at this date, nuño de portugallo having been declared the heir to the estate and titles of columbus, the papers were transferred to his keeping; and in the end, by legal decision, they passed to that duke of veragua who was the grandfather of the present duke, who in due time inherited these public memorials, and now preserves them in madrid. [sidenote: _codex diplomaticus._] in 1502 there were copies made in book form, known as the _codex diplomaticus_, of these and other pertinent documents, raising the number from thirty-six to forty-four. these copies were attested at seville, by order of the admiral, who then aimed to place them so that the record of his deeds and rights should not be lost. two copies seem to have been sent by him through different channels to nicoló oderigo, the genoese ambassador in madrid; and in 1670 both of these copies came from a descendant of that ambassador as a gift to the republic of genoa. both of these later disappeared from its archives. a third copy was sent to alonso sanchez de carvajal, the factor of columbus in española, and this copy is not now known. a fourth copy was deposited in the monastery of las cuevas, near seville, to be later sent to father gorricio. it is very likely this last copy which is mentioned by edward everett in a note to his oration at plymouth (boston, 1825, p. 64), where, referring to the two copies sent to oderigo as the only ones made by the order of columbus, as then understood, he adds: "whether the two manuscripts thus mentioned be the only ones in existence may admit of doubt. when i was in florence, in 1818, a small folio manuscript was brought to me, written on parchment, apparently two or three centuries old, in binding once very rich, but now worn, containing a series of documents in latin and spanish, with the following title on the first blank page: 'treslado de las bullas del papa alexandro vi., de la concession de las indias y los titulos, privilegios y cedulas reales, que se dieron a christoval colon.' i was led by this title to purchase the book." after referring to the _codice_, then just published, he adds: "i was surprised to find my manuscript, as far as it goes, nearly identical in its contents with that of genoa, supposed to be one of the only two in existence. my manuscript consists of almost eighty closely written folio pages, which coincide precisely with the text of the first thirty-seven documents, contained in two hundred and forty pages of the genoese volume." caleb cushing says of the everett manuscript, which he had examined before he wrote of it in the _north american review_, october, 1825, that, "so far as it goes, it is a much more perfect one than the oderigo manuscript, as several passages which spotorno was unable to decipher in the latter are very plain and legible in the former, which indeed is in most complete preservation." i am sorry to learn from dr. william everett that this manuscript is not at present easily accessible. of the two copies named above as having disappeared from the archives of genoa, harrisse at a late day found one in the archives of the ministry of foreign affairs in paris. it had been taken to paris in 1811, when napoleon i. caused the archives of genoa to be sent to that city, and it was not returned when the chief part of the documents was recovered by genoa in 1815. the other copy was in 1816 among the papers of count cambiaso, and was bought by the sardinian government, and given to the city of genoa, where it is now deposited in a marble _custodia_, which, surmounted by a bust of columbus, stands at present in the main hall of the palace of the municipality. this "custodia" is a pillar, in which a door of gilded bronze closes the receptacle that contains the relics, which are themselves inclosed in a bag of spanish leather, richly embossed. a copy of this last document was made and placed in the archives at turin. [sidenote: their publication by spotorno.] these papers, as selected by columbus for preservation, were edited by father spotorno at genoa, in 1823, in a volume called _codice diplomatico colombo-americano_, and published by authority of the state. there was an english edition at london, in 1823; and a spanish at havana, in 1867. spotorno was reprinted, with additional matter, at genoa, in 1857, as _la tavola di bronzo, il pallio di seta, ed il codice colomboamericano, nuovamente illustrati per cura di giuseppe banchero_. [illustration: the genoa custodia.] [sidenote: letters to the bank of st. george.] this spotorno volume included two additional letters of columbus, not yet mentioned, and addressed, march 21, 1502, and december 27, 1504, to oderigo. they were found pasted in the duplicate copy of the papers given to genoa, and are now preserved in a glass case, in the same custodia. a third letter, april 2, 1502, addressed to the governors of the bank of st. george, was omitted by spotorno; but it is given by harrisse in his _columbus and the bank of saint george_ (new york, 1888). this last was one of two letters, which columbus sent, as he says, to the bank, but the other has not been found. the history of the one preserved is traced by harrisse in the work last mentioned, and there are lithographic and photographic reproductions of it. harrisse's work just referred to was undertaken to prove the forgery of a manuscript which has within a few years been offered for sale, either as a duplicate of the one at genoa, or as the original. when represented as the original, the one at genoa is pronounced a facsimile of it. harrisse seems to have proved the forgery of the one which is seeking a purchaser. [illustration: columbus's letter, april 2, 1502, addressed to the bank of st. george in genoa. [reduced in size by photographic process.]] [sidenote: marginalia.] [sidenote: toscanelli's letter.] some manuscript marginalia found in three different books, used by columbus and preserved in the biblioteca colombina at seville, are also remnants of the autographs of columbus. these marginal notes are in copies of æneas sylvius's _historia rerum ubique gestarum_ (venice, 1477) of a latin version of marco polo (antwerp, 1485?), and of pierre d'ailly's _de imagine mundi_ (perhaps 1490), though there is some suspicion that these last-mentioned notes may be those of bartholomew, and not of christopher, columbus. these books have been particularly described in josé silverio jorrin's _varios autografos ineditos de cristóbal colon_, published at havana in 1888. in may, 1860, josé maria fernandez y velasco, the librarian of the biblioteca colombina, discovered a latin text of the letter of toscanelli, written by columbus in this same copy of æneas sylvius. he believed it a latin version of a letter originally written in italian; but it was left for harrisse to discover that the latin was the original draft. a facsimile of this script is in harrisse's _fernando colon_ (seville, 1871), and specimens of the marginalia were first given by harrisse in his _notes on columbus_, whence they are reproduced in part in the _narrative and critical history of america_ (vol. ii.). [sidenote: harrisse's memorial of columbus.] it is understood that, under the auspices of the italian government, harrisse is now engaged in collating the texts and preparing a national memorial issue of the writings of columbus, somewhat in accordance with a proposition which he made to the minister of public instruction at rome in his _le quatrième centenaire de la découverte du nouveau monde_ (genoa, 1887). [sidenote: columbus's printed works.] there are references to printed works of columbus which i have not seen, as a _declaracion de tabla navigatoria_, annexed to a treatise, _del uso de la carta de navegar_, by dr. grajales: a _tratado de las cinco zonas habitables_, which humboldt found it very difficult to find. [illustration: annotations by columbus on the _imago mundi_. [from harrisse's _notes on columbus_.]] [sidenote: his lost writings.] of the manuscripts of columbus which are lost, there are traces still to be discovered. one letter, which he dated off the canaries, february 15, 1493, and which must have contained some account of his first voyage, is only known to us from an intimation of marino sanuto that it was included in the _chronica delphinea_. it is probably from an imperfect copy of this last in the library at brescia, that the letter in question was given in the book's third part (a. d. 1457-1500), which is now missing. we know also, from a letter still preserved (december 27, 1504), that there must be a letter somewhere, if not destroyed, sent by him respecting his fourth voyage, to messer gian luigi fieschi, as is supposed, the same who led the famous conspiracy against the house of doria. other letters, columbus tells us, were sent at times to the signora madonna catalina, who was in some way related to fieschi. in 1780, francesco pesaro, examining the papers of the council of ten, at venice, read there a memoir of columbus, setting forth his maritime project; or at least pesaro was so understood by marin, who gives the story at a later day in the seventh volume of his history of venetian commerce. as harrisse remarks, this paper, if it could be discovered, would prove the most interesting of all columbian documents, since it would probably be found to fall within a period, from 1473 to 1487, when we have little or nothing authentic respecting columbus's life. indeed, it might happily elucidate a stage in the development of the admiral's cosmographical views of which we know nothing. we have the letter which columbus addressed to alexander vi., in february, 1502, as preserved in a copy made by his son ferdinand; but no historical student has ever seen the commentary, which he is said to have written after the manner of cæsar, recounting the haps and mishaps of the first voyage, and which he is thought to have sent to the ruling pontiff. this act of duty, if done after his return from his last voyage, must have been made to julius the second, not to alexander. [sidenote: journal of his first voyage.] irving and others seem to have considered that this cæsarian performance was in fact, the well-known journal of the first voyage; but there is a good deal of difficulty in identifying that which we only know in an abridged form, as made by las casas, with the narrative sent or intended to be sent to the pope. ferdinand, or the writer of the _historie_, later to be mentioned, it seems clear, had columbus's journal before him, though he excuses himself from quoting much from it, in order to avoid wearying the reader. the original "journal" seems to have been in 1554 still in the possession of luis colon. it had not, accordingly, at that date been put among the treasures of the biblioteca colombina. thus it may have fallen, with luis's other papers, to his nephew and heir, diego colon y pravia, who in 1578 entrusted them to luis de cardona. here we lose sight of them. [sidenote: abridged by las casas.] las casas's abridgment in his own handwriting, however, has come down to us, and some entries in it would seem to indicate that las casas abridged a copy, and not the original. it was, up to 1886, in the library of the duke of orsuna, in madrid, and was at that date bought by the spanish government. while it was in the possession of orsuna, it was printed by varnhagen, in his _verdadera guanahani_ (1864). it was clearly used by las casas in his own _historia_, and was also in the hands of ferdinand, when he wrote, or outlined, perhaps, what now passes for the life of his father, and ferdinand's statements can sometimes correct or qualify the text in las casas. there is some reason to suppose that herrera may have used the original. las casas tells us that in some parts, and particularly in describing the landfall and the events immediately succeeding, he did not vary the words of the original. this las casas abridgment was in the archives of the duke del infantado, when navarrete discovered its importance, and edited it as early as 1791, though it was not given to the public till navarrete published his _coleccion_ in 1825. when this journal is read, even as we have it, it is hard to imagine that columbus could have intended so disjointed a performance to be an imitation of the method of cæsar's _commentaries_. the american public was early given an opportunity to judge of this, and of its importance. it was by the instigation of george ticknor that samuel kettell made a translation of the text as given by navarrete, and published it in boston in 1827, as a _personal narrative of the first voyage of columbus to america, from a manuscript recently discovered in spain_. * * * * * [sidenote: descriptions of his first voyage.] we also know that columbus wrote other concise accounts of his discovery. on his return voyage, during a gale, on february 14, 1493, fearing his ship would founder, he prepared a statement on parchment, which was incased in wax, put in a barrel, and thrown overboard, to take the chance of washing ashore. a similar account, protected in like manner, he placed on his vessel's poop, to be washed off in case of disaster. neither of these came, as far as is known, to the notice of anybody. they very likely simply duplicated the letters which he wrote on the voyage, intended to be dispatched to their destination on reaching port. the dates and places of these letters are not reconcilable with his journal. he was apparently approaching the azores, when, on february 15, he dated a letter "off the canaries," directed to luis de santangel. so false a record as "the canaries" has never been satisfactorily explained. it may be imagined, perhaps, that the letter had been written when columbus supposed he would make those islands instead of the azores, and that the place of writing was not changed. it is quite enough, however, to rest satisfied with the fact that columbus was always careless, and easily erred in such things, as navarrete has shown. the postscript which is added is dated march 14, which seems hardly probable, or even possible, so that march 4 has been suggested. he professes to write it on the day of his entering the tagus, and this was march 4. it is possible that he altered the date when he reached palos, as is major's opinion. columbus calls this a second letter. perhaps a former letter was the one which, as already stated, we have lost in the missing part of the _chronica delphinea_. [sidenote: letter to santangel.] [sidenote: letter to sanchez.] the original of this letter to santangel, the treasurer of aragon, and intended for the eyes of ferdinand and isabella, was in spanish, and is known in what is thought to be a contemporary copy, found by navarrete at simancas; and it is printed by him in his _coleccion_, and is given by kettell in english, to make no other mention of places where it is accessible. harrisse denies that this simancas manuscript represents the original, as navarrete had contended. a letter dated off the island of santa maria, the southernmost of the azores, three days after the letter to santangel, february 18, essentially the same, and addressed to gabriel sanchez, was found in what seemed to be an early copy, among the papers of the colegio mayor de cuenca. this text was printed by varnhagen at valencia, in 1858, as _primera epistola del almirante don cristóbal colon_, and it is claimed by him that it probably much more nearly represents the original of columbus's own drafting. [sidenote: printed editions.] there was placed in 1852 in the biblioteca ambrosiana at milan, from the library of baron pietro custodi, a printed edition of this spanish letter, issued in 1493, perhaps somewhere in spain or portugal, for barcelona and lisbon have been named. harrisse conjectures that sanchez gave his copy to some printer in barcelona. others have contended that it was not printed in spain at all. no other copy of this edition has ever been discovered. it was edited by cesare correnti at milan in 1863, in a volume called _lettere autografe di cristoforo colombo, nuovamente stampate_, and was again issued in facsimile in 1866 at milan, under the care of girolamo d'adda, as _lettera in lingua spagnuola diretta da cristoforo colombo a luis de sant-angel_. major and becher, among others, have given versions of it to the english reader, and harrisse gives it side by side with a french version in his _christophe colomb_ (i. 420), and with an english one in his _notes on columbus_. this text in spanish print had been thought the only avenue of approach to the actual manuscript draft of columbus, till very recently two other editions, slightly varying, are said to have been discovered, one or both of which are held by some, but on no satisfactory showing, to have preceded in issue, probably by a short interval, the ambrosian copy. one of these newly alleged editions is on four leaves in quarto, and represents the letter as dated on february 15 and march 14, and its cut of type has been held to be evidence of having been printed at burgos, or possibly at salamanca. that this and the ambrosian letter were printed one from the other, or independently from some unknown anterior edition, has been held to be clear from the fact that they correspond throughout in the division of lines and pages. it is not easily determined which was the earlier of the two, since there are errors in each corrected in the other. this unique four-leaf quarto was a few months since offered for sale in london, by ellis and elvey, who have published (1889) an english translation of it, with annotations by julia e. s. rae. it is now understood to be in the possession of a new york collector. it is but fair to say that suspicions of its genuineness have been entertained; indeed, there can be scarce a doubt that it is a modern fabrication. the other of these newly discovered editions is in folio of two leaves, and was the last discovered, and was very recently held by maisonneuve of paris at 65,000 francs, and has since been offered by quaritch in london for £1,600. it is said to have been discovered in spain, and to have been printed at barcelona; and this last fact is thought to be apparent from the catalan form of some of the spanish, which has disappeared in the ambrosian text. it also gives the dates february 15 and march 14. a facsimile edition has been issued under the title _la lettre de christophe colomb, annonçant la découverte du nouveau monde_. caleb cushing, in the _north american review_ in october, 1825, refers to newspaper stories then current of a recent sale of a copy of the spanish text in london, for £33 12_s._ to the duke of buckingham. it cannot now be traced. [sidenote: catalan text.] harrisse finds in ferdinand's catalogue of the biblioteca colombina what was probably a catalan text of this spanish letter; but it has disappeared from the collection. [sidenote: letter found by bergenroth.] bergenroth found at simancas, some years ago, the text of another letter by columbus, with the identical dates already given, and addressed to a friend; but it conveyed nothing not known in the printed spanish texts. he, however, gave a full abstract of it in the _calendar of state papers relating to england and spain_. [sidenote: columbus gives papers to bernaldez.] columbus is known, after his return from the second voyage, to have been the guest of andrès bernaldez, the cura de los palacios, and he is also known to have placed papers in this friend's hands; and so it has been held probable by muñoz that another spanish text of columbus's first account is embodied in bernaldez's _historia de los reyes católicos_. the manuscript of this work, which gives thirteen chapters to columbus, long remained unprinted in the royal library at madrid, and irving, prescott, and humboldt all used it in that form. it was finally printed at granada in 1856, as edited by miguel lafuente y alcántara, and was reprinted at seville in 1870. harrisse, in his _notes on columbus_, gives an english version of this section on the columbus voyage. [sidenote: varieties of the spanish text.] these, then, are all the varieties of the spanish text of columbus's first announcement of his discovery which are at present known. when the ambrosian text was thought to be the only printed form of it, varnhagen, in his _carta de cristóbal colon enviada de lisboa á barcelona en marzo de 1493_ (vienna, 1869; and paris, 1870), collated the different texts to try to reconstruct a possible original text, as columbus wrote it. in the opinion of major no one of these texts can be considered an accurate transcript of the original. [sidenote: origin of the latin text.] there is a difference of opinion among these critics as to the origin of the latin text which scholars generally cite as this first letter of columbus. major thinks this latin text was not taken from the spanish, though similar to it; while varnhagen thinks that the particular spanish text found in the colegio mayor de cuenca was the original of the latin version. [sidenote: transient fame of the discovery.] there is nothing more striking in the history of the years immediately following the discovery of america than the transient character of the fame which columbus acquired by it. it was another and later generation that fixed his name in the world's regard. [sidenote: english mentions of it.] harrisse points out how some of the standard chroniclers of the world's history, like ferrebouc, regnault, galliot du pré, and fabian, failed during the early half of the sixteenth century to make any note of the acts of columbus; and he could find no earlier mention among the german chroniclers than that of heinrich steinhowel, some time after 1531. there was even great reticence among the chroniclers of the low countries; and in england we need to look into the dispatches sent thence by the spanish ambassadors to find the merest mention of columbus so early as 1498. perhaps the reference to him made eleven years later (1509), in an english version of brandt's _shyppe of fools_, and another still ten years later in a little native comedy called _the new interlude_, may have been not wholly unintelligible. it was not till about 1550 that, so far as england is concerned, columbus really became a historical character, in edward hall's _chronicle_. speaking of the fewness of the autographs of columbus which are preserved, harrisse adds: "the fact is that columbus was very far from being in his lifetime the important personage he now is; and his writings, which then commanded neither respect nor attention, were probably thrown into the waste-basket as soon as received." [sidenote: editions of the latin text.] nevertheless, substantial proof seems to exist in the several editions of the latin version of this first letter, which were issued in the months immediately following the return of columbus from his first voyage, as well as in the popular versification of its text by dati in two editions, both in october, 1493, besides another at florence in 1495, to show that for a brief interval, at least, the news was more or less engrossing to the public mind in certain confined areas of europe. before the discovery of the printed editions of the spanish text, there existed an impression that either the interest in spain was less than in italy, or some effort was made by the spanish government to prevent a wide dissemination of the details of the news. the two genoese ambassadors who left barcelona some time after the return of columbus, perhaps in august, 1493, may possibly have taken to italy with them some spanish edition of the letter. the news, however, had in some form reached rome in season to be the subject of a papal bull on may 3d. we know that aliander or leander de cosco, who made the latin version, very likely from the sanchez copy, finished it probably at barcelona, on the 29th of april, not on the 25th as is sometimes said. cosco sent it at once to rome to be printed, and his manuscript possibly conveyed the first tidings, to italy,--such is harrisse's theory,--where it reached first the hands of the bishop of monte peloso, who added to it a latin epigram. it was he who is supposed to have committed it to the printer in rome, and in that city, during the rest of 1493, four editions at least of cosco's latin appeared. two of these editions are supposed to be printed by plannck, a famous roman printer; one is known to have come from the press of franck silber. all but one were little quartos, of the familiar old style, of three or four black-letter leaves; while the exception was a small octavo with woodcuts. it is harrisse's opinion that this pictorial edition was really printed at basle. in paris, during the same time or shortly after, there were three editions of a similar appearance, all from one press. the latest of all, brought to light but recently, seems to have been printed by a distinguished flemish printer, thierry martens, probably at antwerp. it is not improbable that other editions printed in all these or other cities may yet be found. it is noteworthy that nothing was issued in germany, as far as we know, before a german version of the letter appeared at strassburg in 1497. [illustration: first page, columbus's first letter, latin edition, 1493. [from the barlow copy, now in the boston public library.]] the text in all these latin editions is intended to be the same. but a very few copies of any edition, and only a single copy of two or three of them, are known. the lenox, the carter-brown, and the ives libraries in this country are the chief ones possessing any of them, and the collections of the late henry c. murphy and samuel l. m. barlow also possessed a copy or two, the edition owned by barlow passing in february, 1890, to the boston public library. this scarcity and the rivalry of collectors would probably, in case any one of them should be brought upon the market, raise the price to fifteen hundred dollars or more. the student is not so restricted as this might imply, for in several cases there have been modern facsimiles and reprints, and there is an early reprint by veradus, annexed to his poem (1494) on the capture of granada. the text usually quoted by the older writers, however, is that embodied in the _bellum christianorum principum_ of robertus monarchus (basle, 1533). [sidenote: order of publication.] in these original small quartos and octavos, there is just enough uncertainty and obscurity as to dates and printers, to lure bibliographers and critics of typography into research and controversy; and hardly any two of them agree in assigning the same order of publication to these several issues. the present writer has in the second volume of the _narrative and critical history of america_ grouped the varied views, so far as they had in 1885 been made known. the bibliography to which harrisse refers as being at the end of his work on columbus was crowded out of its place and has not appeared; but he enters into a long examination of the question of priority in the second chapter of his last volume. the earliest english translation of this latin text appeared in the _edinburgh review_ in 1816, and other issues have been variously made since that date. * * * * * [sidenote: additional sources respecting the first voyage.] we get some details of this first voyage in oviedo, which we do not find in the journal, and vicente yañez pinzon and hernan perez matheos, who were companions of columbus, are said to be the source of this additional matter. the testimony in the lawsuit of 1515, particularly that of garcia hernandez, who was in the "pinta," and of a sailor named francisco garcia vallejo, adds other details. [sidenote: second voyage.] there is no existing account by columbus himself of his experiences during his second voyage, and of that cruise along the cuban coast in which he supposed himself to have come in sight of the golden chersonesus. the _historie_ tells us that during this cruise he kept a journal, _libro del segundo viage_, till he was prostrated by sickness, and this itinerary is cited both in the _historie_ and by las casas. we also get at second-hand from columbus, what was derived from him in conversation after his return to spain, in the account of these explorations which bernaldez has embodied in his _reyes católicos_. irving says that he found these descriptions of bernaldez by far the most useful of the sources for this period, as giving him the details for a picturesque narrative. on disembarking at cadiz in june, 1495, columbus sent to his sovereigns two dispatches, neither of which is now known. [sidenote: columbus's letters.] it was in the collection of the duke of veragua that navarrete discovered fifteen autograph letters of columbus, four of them addressed to his friend, the father gaspar gorricio, and the rest to his son diego. navarrete speaks of them when found as in a very deplorable and in parts almost unreadable condition, and severely taxing, for deciphering them, the practiced skill of tomas gonzalez, which had been acquired in the care which he had bestowed on the archives of simancas. it is known that two letters addressed to gorricio in 1498, and four in 1501, beside a single letter addressed in the last year to diego colon, which were in the iron chest at las cuevas, are not now in the archives of the duke of veragua; and it is further known that during the great lawsuit of columbus's heirs, cristoval de cardona tampered with that chest, and was brought to account for the act in 1580. whatever he removed may possibly some day be found, as harrisse thinks, among the notarial records of valencia. [sidenote: third voyage.] two letters of columbus respecting his third voyage are only known in early copies; one in las casas's hand belonged to the duke of orsuna, and the other addressed to the nurse of prince juan is in the custodia collection at genoa. both are printed by navarrete. [sidenote: fourth voyage.] columbus, in a letter dated december 27, 1504, mentions a relation of his fourth voyage with a supplement, which he had sent from seville to oderigo; but it is not known. we are without trace also of other letters, which he wrote at dominica and at other points during this voyage. we do know, however, a letter addressed by columbus to ferdinand and isabella, giving some account of his voyage to july 7, 1503. the lost spanish original is represented in an early copy, which is printed by navarrete. though no contemporary spanish edition is known, an italian version was issued at venice in 1505, as _copia de la lettera per colombo mandata_. this was reprinted with comments by morelli, at bassano, in 1810, and the title which this librarian gave it of _lettera rarissima_ has clung to it, in most of the citations which refer to it. peter martyr, writing in january, 1494, mentions just having received a letter from columbus, but it is not known to exist. [sidenote: las casas uses columbus's papers.] las casas is said to have once possessed a treatise by columbus on the information obtained from portuguese and spanish pilots, concerning western lands; and he also refers to _libros de memorias del almirante_. he is also known by his own statements to have had numerous autograph letters of columbus. what has become of them is not known. if they were left in the monastery of san gregorio at valladolid, where las casas used them, they have disappeared with papers of the convent, since they were not among the archives of the suppressed convents, as harrisse tells us, which were entrusted in 1850 to the academy of history at madrid. [sidenote: work on the arctic pole.] in his letter to doña juana, columbus says that he has deposited a work in the convent de la mejorada, in which he has predicted the discovery of the arctic pole. it has not been found. [sidenote: missing letters.] harrisse also tells us of the unsuccessful search which he has made for an alleged letter of columbus, said in gunther and schultz's handbook of autographs (leipzig, 1856) to have been bought in england by the duke of buckingham; and it was learned from tross, the paris bookseller, that about 1850 some autograph letters of columbus, seen by him, were sent to england for sale. [sidenote: columbus's maps.] after his return from his first voyage, columbus prepared a map and an accompanying table of longitudes and latitudes for the new discoveries. they are known to have been the subject of correspondence between him and the queen. there are various other references to maps which columbus had constructed, to embody his views or show his discoveries. not one, certainly to be attributed to him, is known, though ojeda, niño, and others are recorded as having used, in their explorations, maps made by columbus. peter martyr's language does not indicate that columbus ever completed any chart, though he had, with the help of his brother bartholomew, begun one. the map in the ptolemy of 1513 is said by santarem to have been drawn by columbus, or to have been based on his memoranda, but the explanation on the map seems rather to imply that information derived from an admiral in the service of portugal was used in correcting it, and since harrisse has brought to light what is usually called the cantino map, there is strong ground for supposing that the two had one prototype. * * * * * [sidenote: italian notarial records.] let us pass from records by columbus to those about him. we owe to an ancient custom of italy that so much has been preserved, to throw in the aggregate no small amount of light on the domestic life of the family in which columbus was the oldest born. during the fourteen years in which his father lived at savona, every little business act and legal transaction was attested before notaries, whose records have been preserved filed in _filzas_ in the archives of the town. these _filzas_ were simply a file of documents tied together by a string passed through each, and a _filza_ generally embraced a year's accumulation. the photographic facsimile which harrisse gives in his _columbus and the bank of saint george_, of the letter of columbus preserved by the bank, shows how the sheet was folded once lengthwise, and then the hole was made midway in each fold. we learn in this way that, as early as 1470 and later, columbus stood security for his father. we find him in 1472 the witness of another's will. as under the justinian procedure the notary's declaration sufficed, such documents in italy are not rendered additionally interesting by the autograph of the witness, as they would be in england. this notarial resource is no new discovery. as early as 1602, thirteen documents drawn from similar depositaries were printed at genoa, in some annotations by giulio salinerio upon cornelius tacitus. other similar papers were discovered by the archivists of savona, gian tommaso and giambattista belloro, in 1810 (reprinted, 1821) and 1839 respectively, and proving the general correctness of the earlier accounts of columbus's younger days given in gallo, senarega, and giustiniani. it is to be regretted that the original entries of some of these notarial acts are not now to be found, but patient search may yet discover them, and even do something more to elucidate the life of the columbus family in savona. [sidenote: savona.] there has been brought into prominence and published lately a memoir of the illustrious natives of savona, written by a lawyer, giovanni vincenzo verzellino, who died in that town in 1638. this document was printed at savona in 1885, under the editorial care of andrea astengo; but harrisse has given greater currency to its elucidations for our purpose in his _christophe colomb et savone_ (genoa, 1877). [sidenote: genoa notarial records.] harrisse is not unwisely confident that the nineteen documents--if no more have been added--throwing light on minor points of the obscure parts of the life of columbus and his kindred, which during recent years have been discovered in the notarial files of genoa by the marquis marcello staglieno, may be only the precursors of others yet to be unearthed, and that the pages of the _giornale ligustico_ may continue to record such discoveries as it has in the past. [sidenote: records of the bank of st. george.] the records of the bank of saint george in genoa have yielded something, but not much. in the state archives of genoa, preserved since 1817 in the palazzetto, we might hope to find some report of the great discovery, of which the genoese ambassadors, francesco marchesio and gian antonio grimaldi, were informed, just as they were taking leave of ferdinand and isabella for returning to italy; but nothing of that kind has yet been brought to light there; nor was it ever there, unless the account which senarega gives in the narrative printed in muratori was borrowed thence. we may hope, but probably in vain, to have these public archives determine if columbus really offered to serve his native country in a voyage of discovery. the inquirer is more fortunate if he explores what there is left of the archives of the old abbey of st. stephen, which, since the suppression of the convents in 1797, have been a part of the public papers, for he can find in them some help in solving some pertinent questions. [sidenote: vatican archives.] [sidenote: hidden manuscripts.] [sidenote: letters about columbus.] harrisse tells us in 1887 that he had been waiting two years for permission to search the archives of the vatican. what may yet be revealed in that repository, the world waits anxiously to learn. it may be that some one shall yet discover there the communication in which ferdinand and isabella announced to the pope the consummation of the hopes of columbus. it may be that the diplomatic correspondence covering the claims of spain by virtue of the discovery of columbus, and leading to the bull of demarcation of may, 1493, may yet be found, accompanied by maps, of the highest interest in interpreting the relations of the new geography. there is no assurance that the end of manuscript disclosures has yet come. some new bit of documentary proof has been found at times in places quite unexpected. the number of italian observers in those days of maritime excitement living in the seaports and trading places of spain and portugal, kept their home friends alert in expectation by reason of such appetizing news. such are the letters sent to italy by hanibal januarius, and by luca, the florentine engineer, concerning the first voyage. there are similar transient summaries of the second voyage. some have been found in the papers of macchiavelli, and others had been arranged by zorzi for a new edition of his documentary collection. these have all been recovered of recent years, and harrisse himself, gargiolli, guerrini, and others, have been instrumental in their publication. * * * * * [sidenote: spanish archives.] [sidenote: simancas and seville.] [sidenote: simancas.] it was thirty-seven years after the death of columbus before, under an order of charles the fifth, february 19, 1543, the archives of spain were placed in some sort of order and security at simancas. the great masses of papers filed by the crown secretaries and the councils of the indies and of seville, were gradually gathered there, but not until many had been lost. others apparently disappeared at a later day, for we are now aware that many to which herrera refers cannot be found. new efforts to secure the preservation and systematize the accumulation of manuscripts were made by order of philip the second in 1567, but it would seem without all the success that might have been desired. towards the end of the last century, it was the wish of charles the third that all the public papers relating to the new world should be selected from simancas and all other places of deposit and carried to seville. the act was accomplished in 1788, when they were placed in a new building which had been provided for them. thus it is that to-day the student of columbus must rather search seville than simancas for new documents, though a few papers of some interest in connection with the contests of his heirs with the crown of castile may still exist at simancas. thirty years ago, if not now, as bergenroth tells us, there was little comfort for the student of history in working at simancas. the papers are preserved in an old castle, formerly belonging to the admirals of castile, which had been confiscated and devoted to the uses of such a repository. the one large room which was assigned for the accommodation of readers had a northern aspect, and as no fires were allowed, the note-taker found not infrequently in winter the ink partially congealed in his pen. there was no imaginable warmth even in the landscape as seen from the windows, since, amid a treeless waste, the whistle of cold blasts in winter and a blinding african heat in summer characterize the climate of this part of old castile. of the early career of columbus, it is very certain that something may be gained at simancas, for when bergenroth, sent by the english government, made search there to illustrate the relations of spain with england, and published his results, with the assistance of gayangos, in 1862-1879, as a _calendar of letters, despatches, and state papers relating to negotiations between england and spain_, one of the earliest entries of his first printed volume, under 1485, was a complaint of ferdinand and isabella against a columbus--some have supposed it our christopher--for his participancy in the piratical service of the french. [illustration: archivo de simancas. [from parcerisa and quadrado's _españa_.]] [sidenote: seville.] harrisse complains that we have as yet but scant knowledge of what the archives of the indies at seville may contain, but they probably throw light rather upon the successors of columbus than upon the career of the admiral himself. [sidenote: seville notarial records.] the notarial archives of seville are of recent construction, the gathering of scattered material having been first ordered so late as 1869. the partial examination which has since been made of them has revealed some slight evidences of the life of some of columbus's kindred, and it is quite possible some future inquirer will be rewarded for his diligent search among them. it is also not unlikely that something of interest may be brought to light respecting the descendants of columbus who have lived in seville, like the counts of gelves; but little can be expected regarding the life of the admiral himself. [sidenote: santa maria de las cuevas.] the personal fame of columbus is much more intimately connected with the monastery of santa maria de las cuevas. here his remains were transported in 1509; and at a later time, his brother and son, each diego by name, were laid beside him, as was his grandson luis. here in an iron chest the family muniments and jewels were kept, as has been said. it is affirmed that all the documents which might have grown out of these transactions of duty and precaution, and which might incidentally have yielded some biographical information, are nowhere to be found in the records of the monastery. a century ago or so, when muñoz was working in these records, there seems to have been enough to repay his exertions, as we know by his citations made between 1781 and 1792. * * * * * [sidenote: portuguese archives. torre do tombo.] the national archives of the torre do tombo, at lisbon, begun so far back as 1390, are well known to have been explored by santarem, then their keeper, primarily for traces of the career of vespucius; but so intelligent an antiquary could not have forgotten, as a secondary aim, the acts of columbus. the search yielded him, however, nothing in this last direction; nor was varnhagen more fortunate. harrisse had hopes to discover there the correspondence of columbus with john the second, in 1488; but the search was futile in this respect, though it yielded not a little respecting the perestrello family, out of which columbus took his wife, the mother of the heir of his titles. there is even hope that the notarial acts of lisbon might serve a similar purpose to those which have been so fruitful in genoa and savona. there are documents of great interest which may be yet obscurely hidden away, somewhere in portugal, like the letter from the mouth of the tagus, which columbus on his return in march, 1493, addressed to the portuguese king, and the diplomatic correspondence of john the second and ferdinand of aragon, which the project of a second voyage occasioned, as well as the preliminaries of the treaty of tordesillas. [sidenote: santo domingo archives.] [sidenote: lawsuit papers.] there may be yet some hope from the archives of santo domingo itself, and from those of its cathedral, to trace in some of their lines the descendants of the admiral through his son diego. the mishaps of nature and war have, however, much impaired the records. of columbus himself there is scarce a chance to learn anything here. the papers of the famous lawsuit of diego colon with the crown seem to have escaped the attention of all the historians before the time of muñoz and navarrete. the direct line of male descendants of the admiral ended in 1578, when his great-grandson, diego colon y pravia, died on the 27th january, a childless man. then began another contest for the heritage and titles, and it lasted for thirty years, till in 1608 the council of the indies judged the rights to descend by a turn back to diego's aunt isabel, and thence to her grandson, nuño de portugallo, count of gelves. the excluded heirs, represented by the children of a sister of diego, francisca, who had married diego ortegon, were naturally not content; and out of the contest which followed we get a large mass of printed statements and counter statements, which used with caution, offer a study perhaps of some of the transmitted traits of columbus. harrisse names and describes nineteen of these documentary memorials, the last of which bears date in 1792. the most important of them all, however, is one printed at madrid in 1606, known as _memorial del pleyto_, in which we find the descent of the true and spurious lines, and learn something too much of the scandalous life of luis, the grandson of the admiral, to say nothing of the illegitimate taints of various other branches. harrisse finds assistance in working out some of the lines of the admiral's descendants, in antonio caetano de sousa's _historia genealogica da casa real portugueza_ (lisbon, 1735-49, in 14 vols.). [sidenote: the muñoz collection.] the most important collection of documents gathered by individual efforts in spain, to illustrate the early history of the new world, was that made by juan bautista muñoz, in pursuance of royal orders issued to him in 1781 and 1788, to examine all spanish archives, for the purpose of collecting material for a comprehensive history of the indies. muñoz has given in the introduction of his history a clear statement of the condition of the different depositories of archives in spain, as he found them towards the end of the last century, when a royal order opened them all to his search. a first volume of muñoz's elaborate and judicious work was issued in 1793, and muñoz died in 1799, without venturing on a second volume to carry the story beyond 1500, where he had left it. he was attacked for his views, and there was more or less of a pamphlet war over the book before death took him from the strife; but he left a fragment of the second volume in manuscript, and of this there is a copy in the lenox library in new york. another copy was sold in the brinley sale. the muñoz collection of copies came in part, at least, at some time after the collector's death into the hands of antonio de uguina, who placed them at the disposal of irving; and ternaux seems also to have used them. they were finally deposited by the spanish government in the academy of history at madrid. here alfred demersey saw them in 1862-63, and described them in the _bulletin_ of the french geographical society in june, 1864, and it is on this description as well as on one in fuster's _biblioteca valenciana_, that harrisse depends, not having himself examined the documents. [sidenote: the navarrete collection.] martin fernandez de navarrete was guided in his career as a collector of documents, when charles the fourth made an order, october 15, 1789, that there should be such a work begun to constitute the nucleus of a library and museum. the troublous times which succeeded interrupted the work, and it was not till 1825 that navarrete brought out the first volume of his _coleccion de los viages y descubrimientos que hicieron por mar los españoles desde_ _fines del siglo xv._, a publication which a fifth volume completed in 1837, when he was over seventy years of age. any life of columbus written from documentary sources must reflect much light from this collection of navarrete, of which the first two volumes are entirely given to the career of the admiral, and indeed bear the distinctive title of _relaciones, cartas y otros documentos_, relating to him. [sidenote: the researches of navarrete.] navarrete was engaged thirty years on his work in the archives of spain, and was aided part of the time by muñoz the historian, and by gonzales the keeper of the archives at simancas. his researches extended to all the public repositories, and to such private ones as could be thought to illustrate the period of discovery. navarrete has told the story of his searches in the various archives of spain, in the introduction to his _coleccion_, and how it was while searching for the evidences of the alleged voyage of maldonado on the pacific coast of north america, in 1588, that he stumbled upon las casas's copies of the relations of columbus, for his first and third voyages, then hid away in the archives of the duc del infantado; and he was happy to have first brought them to the attention of muñoz. there are some advantages for the student in the use of the french edition of navarrete's _relations des quatre voyages entrepris par colomb_, since the version was revised by navarrete himself, and it is elucidated, not so much as one would wish, with notes by rémusat, balbi, cuvier, jomard, letronne, st. martin, walckenaer, and others. it was published at paris in three volumes in 1828. the work contains navarrete's accounts of spanish pre-columbian voyages, of the later literature on columbus, and of the voyages of discovery made by other efforts of the spaniards, beside the documentary material respecting columbus and his voyages, the result of his continued labors. caleb cushing, in his _reminiscences of spain_ in 1833, while commending the general purposes of navarrete, complains of his attempts to divert the indignation of posterity from the selfish conduct of ferdinand, and to vindicate him from the charge of injustice towards columbus. this plea does not find to-day the same sympathy in students that it did sixty years ago. [sidenote: madrid academy of history.] father antonio de aspa of the monastery of the mejorada, formed a collection of documents relating to the discovery of the new world, and it was in this collection, now preserved in the academy of history at madrid, that navarrete discovered that curious narration of the second voyage of columbus by dr. chanca, which had been sent to the chapter of the cathedral, and which navarrete included in his collection. it is thought that bernaldez had used this chanca narrative in his _reyes católicos_. [sidenote: _coleccion de documentos ineditos._] navarrete's name is also connected, as one of its editors, with the extensive _coleccion de documentos ineditos para la historia de españa_, the publication of which was begun in madrid in 1847, two years before navarrete's death. this collection yields something in elucidation of the story to be here told; but not much, except that in it, at a late day, the _historia_ of las casas was first printed. in 1864, there was still another series begun at madrid, _coleccion de documentos ineditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y colonizacion de las posesiones españolas en américa y oceania_, under the editing of joaquin pacheco and francisco de cárdenas, who have not always satisfied students by the way in which they have done their work. beyond the papers which navarrete had earlier given, and which are here reprinted, there is not much in this collection to repay the student of columbus, except some long accounts of the repartimiento in española. [sidenote: cartas de indias.] the latest documentary contribution is the large folio, with an appendix of facsimile writings of columbus, vespucius, and others, published at madrid in 1877, by the government, and called _cartas de indias_, in which it has been hinted some use has been made of the matter accumulated by navarrete for additional volumes of his _coleccion_. [illustration: part of a page in the giustiniani psalter, showing the beginning of the earliest printed life of columbus. [from the copy in harvard college library.]] chapter ii. biographers and portraitists. [sidenote: contemporary notices.] [sidenote: giustiniani.] we may most readily divide by the nationalities of the writers our enumeration of those who have used the material which has been considered in the previous chapter. we begin, naturally, with the italians, the countrymen of columbus. we may look first to three genoese, and it has been shown that while they used documents apparently now lost, they took nothing from them which we cannot get from other sources; and they all borrowed from common originals, or from each other. two of these writers are antonio gallo, the official chronicler of the genoese republic, on the first and second voyages of columbus, and so presumably writing before the third was made, and bartholomew senarega on the affairs of genoa, both of which recitals were published by muratori, in his great italian collection. the third is giustiniani, the bishop of nebbio, who, publishing in 1516, at genoa, a polyglot psalter, added, as one of his elucidations of the nineteenth psalm, on the plea that columbus had often boasted he was chosen to fulfill its prophecy, a brief life of columbus, in which the story of the humble origin of the navigator has in the past been supposed to have first been told. the other accounts, it now appears, had given that condition an equal prominence. giustiniani was but a child when columbus left genoa, and could not have known him; and taking, very likely, much from hearsay, he might have made some errors, which were repeated or only partly corrected in his annals of genoa, published in 1537, the year following his own death. it is not found, however, that the sketch is in any essential particular far from correct, and it has been confirmed by recent investigations. the english of it is given in harrisse's _notes on columbus_ (pp. 74-79). the statements of the psalter respecting columbus were reckoned with other things so false that the senate of genoa prohibited its perusal and allowed no one to possess it,--at least so it is claimed in the _historie_ of 1571; but no one has ever found such a decree, nor is it mentioned by any who would have been likely to revert to it, had it ever existed. [sidenote: bergomas.] the account in the _collectanea_ of battista fulgoso (sometimes written fregoso), printed at milan in 1509, is of scarcely any original value, though of interest as the work of another genoese. allegetto degli allegetti, whose _ephemerides_ is also published in muratori, deserves scarcely more credit, though he seems to have got his information from the letters of italian merchants living in spain, who communicated current news to their home correspondents. bergomas, who had published a chronicle as early as 1483, made additions to his work from time to time, and in an edition printed at venice, in 1503, he paraphrased columbus's own account of his first voyage, which was reprinted in the subsequent edition of 1506. in this latter year maffei de volterra published a commentary at rome, of much the same importance. such was the filtering process by which italy, through her own writers, acquired contemporary knowledge of her adventurous son. the method was scarcely improved in the condensation of jovius (1551), or in the traveler's tales of benzoni (1565). [sidenote: casoni, 1708.] [sidenote: bossi.] harrisse affirms that it is not till we come down to the annals of genoa, published by filippo casoni, in 1708, that we get any new material in an italian writer, and on a few points this last writer has adduced documentary evidence, not earlier made known. it is only when we pass into the present century that we find any of the countrymen of columbus undertaking in a sustained way to tell the whole story of columbus's life. léon had noted that at some time in spain, without giving place and date, columbus had printed a little tract, _declaration de tabla navigatoria_; but no one before luigi bossi had undertaken to investigate the writings of columbus. he is precursor of all the modern biographers of columbus, and his book was published at milan, in 1818. he claimed in his appendix to have added rare and unpublished documents, but harrisse points out how they had all been printed earlier. bossi expresses opinions respecting the spanish nation that are by no means acceptable to that people, and navarrete not infrequently takes the italian writer to task for this as for his many errors of statement, and for the confidence which he places even in the pictorial designs of de bry as historical records. there is nothing more striking in the history of american discovery than the fact that the italian people furnished to spain columbus, to england cabot, and to france verrazano; and that the three leading powers of europe, following as maritime explorers in the lead of portugal, who could not dispense with vespucius, another italian, pushed their rights through men whom they had borrowed from the central region of the mediterranean, while italy in its own name never possessed a rood of american soil. the adopted country of each of these italians gave more or less of its own impress to its foster child. no one of these men was so impressible as columbus, and no country so much as spain was likely at this time to exercise an influence on the character of an alien. humboldt has remarked that columbus got his theological fervor in andalusia and granada, and we can scarcely imagine columbus in the garb of a franciscan walking the streets of free and commercial genoa as he did those of seville, when he returned from his second voyage. the latest of the considerable popular italian lives of columbus is g. b. lemoyne's _colombo e la scoperta dell' america_, issued at turin, in 1873. * * * * * [sidenote: portuguese writers.] we may pass now to the historians of that country to which columbus betook himself on leaving italy; but about all to be found at first hand is in the chronicle of joão ii. of portugal, as prepared by ruy de pina, the archivist of the torre do tombo. at the time of the voyage of columbus ruy was over fifty, while garcia de resende was a young man then living at the portuguese court, who in his _choronica_, published in 1596, did little more than borrow from his elder, ruy; and resende in turn furnished to joão de barros the staple of the latter's narrative in his _decada da asia_, printed at lisbon, in 1752. * * * * * [sidenote: spanish writers.] [sidenote: peter martyr.] we find more of value when we summon the spanish writers. although peter martyr d'anghiera was an italian, muñoz reckons him a spaniard, since he was naturalized in spain. he was a man of thirty years, when, coming from rome, he settled in spain, a few years before columbus attracted much notice. martyr had been borne thither on a reputation of his own, which had commended his busy young nature to the attention of the spanish court. he took orders and entered upon a prosperous career, proceeding by steps, which successively made him the chaplain of queen isabella, a prior of the cathedral of granada, and ultimately the official chronicler of the indies. very soon after his arrival in spain, he had disclosed a quick eye for the changeful life about him, and he began in 1488 the writing of those letters which, to the number of over eight hundred, exist to attest his active interest in the events of his day. these events he continued to observe till 1525. we have no more vivid source of the contemporary history, particularly as it concerned the maritime enterprise of the peninsular peoples. he wrote fluently, and, as he tells us, sometimes while waiting for dinner, and necessarily with haste. he jotted down first and unconfirmed reports, and let them stand. he got news by hearsay, and confounded events. he had candor and sincerity enough, however, not to prize his own works above their true value. he knew columbus, and, his letters readily reflect what interest there was in the exploits of columbus, immediately on his return from his first voyage; but the earlier preparations of the navigator for that voyage, with the problematical characteristics of the undertaking, do not seem to have made any impression upon peter martyr, and it is not till may of 1493, when the discovery had been made, and later in september, that he chronicles the divulged existence of the newly discovered islands. the three letters in which this wonderful intelligence was first communicated are printed by harrisse in english, in his _notes on columbus_. las casas tells us how peter martyr got his accounts of the first discoveries directly from the lips of columbus himself and from those who accompanied him; but he does not fail to tell us also of the dangers of too implicitly trusting to all that peter says. from may 14, 1493, to june 5, 1497, in twelve separate letters, we read what this observer has to say of the great navigator who had suddenly and temporarily stepped into the glare of notice. these and other letters of peter martyr have not escaped some serious criticism. there are contradictions and anachronisms in them that have forcibly helped ranke, hallam, gerigk, and others to count the text which we have as more or less changed from what must have been the text, if honestly written by martyr. they have imagined that some editor, willful or careless, has thrown this luckless accompaniment upon them. the letters, however, claimed the confidence of prescott, and have, as regards the parts touching the new discoveries, seldom failed to impress with their importance those who have used them. it is the opinion of the last examiner of them, j. h. mariéjol, in his _peter martyr d'anghera_ (paris, 1887), that to read them attentively is the best refutation of the skeptics. martyr ceased to refer to the affairs of the new world after 1499, and those of his earlier letters which illustrate the early voyage have appeared in a french version, made by gaffarel and louvot (paris, 1885). the representations of columbus easily convinced martyr that there opened a subject worthy of his pen, and he set about composing a special treatise on the discoveries in the new world, and, under the title of _de orbe novo_, it occupied his attention from october, 1494, to the day of his death. for the earlier years he had, if we may believe him, not a little help from columbus himself; and it would seem from his one hundred and thirty-five epistles that he was not altogether prepared to go with columbus, in accounting the new islands as lying off the coast of asia. he is particularly valuable to us in treating of columbus's conflicts with the natives of española, and las casas found him as helpful as we do. these _decades_, as the treatise is usually called, formed enlarged bulletins, which, in several copies, were transmitted by him to some of his noble friends in italy, to keep them conversant with the passing events. [sidenote: trivigiano.] a certain angelo trivigiano, into whose hands a copy of some of the early sections fell, translated them into easy, not to say vulgar, italian, and sent them to venice, in four different copies, a few months after they were written; and in this way the first seven books of the first decade fell into the hands of a venetian printer, who, in april, 1504, brought out a little book of sixteen leaves in the dialect of that region, known in bibliography as the _libretto de tutta la navigation de re de spagna de le isole et terreni novamente trovati_. this publication is known to us in a single copy lacking a title, in the biblioteca marciana. here we have the first account of the new discoveries, written upon report, and supplementing the narrative of columbus himself. we also find in this little narrative some personal details about columbus, not contained in the same portions when embodied in the larger _de orbe novo_ of martyr, and it may be a question if somebody who acted as editor to the venetian version may not have added them to the translation. the story of the new discoveries attracted enough notice to make zorzi or montalboddo--if one or the other were its editor--include this venetian version of martyr bodily in the collection of voyages which, as _paesi novamente retrovati_, was published at vicentia somewhere about november, 1507. it is, perhaps, a measure of the interest felt in the undertakings of columbus, not easily understood at this day, that it took fourteen years for a scant recital of such events to work themselves into the context of so composite a record of discovery as the _paesi_ proved to be; and still more remarkable it may be accounted that the story could be told with but few actual references to the hero of the transactions, "columbus, the genoese." it is not only the compiler who is so reticent, but it is the author whence he borrowed what he had to say, martyr himself, the observer and acquaintance of columbus, who buries the discoverer under the event. with such an augury, it is not so strange that at about the same time in the little town of st. dié, in the vosges, a sequestered teacher could suggest a name derived from that of a follower of columbus, americus vespucius, for that part of the new lands then brought into prominence. if the documentary proofs of columbus's priority had given to the admiral's name the same prominence which the event received, the result might not, in the end, have been so discouraging to justice. martyr, unfortunately, with all his advantages, and with his access to the archives of the indies, did not burden his recital with documents. he was even less observant of the lighter traits that interest those eager for news than might have been expected, for the busy chaplain was a gossip by nature: he liked to retail hearsays and rumors; he enlivened his letters with personal characteristics; but in speaking of columbus he is singularly reticent upon all that might picture the man to us as he lived. [sidenote: oviedo.] [sidenote: ramusio.] when, in 1534, these portions of martyr's _decades_ were combined with a summary of oviedo, in a fresh publication, there were some curious personal details added to martyr's narrative; but as ramusio is supposed to have edited the compilation, these particulars are usually accredited to that author. it is not known whence this italian compiler could have got them, and there is no confirmation of them elsewhere to be found. if these additions, as is supposed, were a foreign graft upon martyr's recitals, the staple of his narrative still remains not altogether free from some suspicions that, as a writer himself, he was not wholly frank and trustworthy. at least a certain confusion in his method leads some of the critics to discover something like imposture in what they charge as a habit of antedating a letter so as to appear prophetic; while his defenders find in these same evidences of incongruity a sign of spontaneity that argues freshness and sincerity. * * * * * [sidenote: bernaldez.] the confidence which we may readily place in what is said of columbus in the chronicle of ferdinand and isabella, written by andrès bernaldez, is prompted by his acquaintance with columbus, and by his being the recipient of some of the navigator's own writings from his own hands. he is also known to have had access to what chanca and other companions of columbus had written. this country curate, who lived in the neighborhood of seville, was also the chaplain of the archbishop of seville, a personal friend of the admiral, and from him bernaldez received some help. he does not add much, however, to what is given us by peter martyr, though in respect to the second voyage and to a few personal details bernaldez is of some confirmatory value. the manuscript of his narrative remained unprinted in the royal library at madrid till about thirty-five years ago; but nearly all the leading writers have made use of it in copies which have been furnished. * * * * * [sidenote: oviedo.] in coming to oviedo, we encounter a chronicler who, as a writer, possesses an art far from skillful. muñoz laments that his learning was not equal to his diligence. he finds him of little service for the times of columbus, and largely because he was neglectful of documents and pursued uncritical combinations of tales and truths. with all his vagaries he is a helpful guide. "it is not," says harrisse, "that oviedo shows so much critical sagacity, as it is that he collates all the sources available to him, and gives the reader the clues to a final judgment." he is generally deemed honest, though las casas thought him otherwise. the author of the _historie_ looks upon him as an enemy of columbus, and would make it appear that he listened to the tales of the pinzons, who were enemies of the admiral. his administrative services in the indies show that he could be faithful to a trust, even at the risk of popularity. this gives a presumption in favor of his historic fairness. he was intelligent if not learned, and a power of happy judgments served him in good stead, even with a somewhat loose method of taking things as he heard them. he further inspires us with a certain amount of confidence, because he is not always a hero-worshiper, and he does not hesitate to tell a story, which seems to have been in circulation, to the effect that columbus got his geographical ideas from an old pilot. oviedo, however, refrains from setting the tale down as a fact, as some of the later writers, using little of oviedo's caution, and borrowing from him, did. his opportunities of knowing the truth were certainly exceptional, though it does not appear that he ever had direct communication with the admiral himself. he was but a lad of fifteen when we find him jotting down notes of what he saw and heard, as a page in attendance upon don juan, the son of the spanish sovereigns, when, at barcelona, he saw them receive columbus after his first voyage. during five years, between 1497 and 1502, he was in italy. with that exception he was living within the spanish court up to 1514, when he was sent to the new world, and passed there the greater part of his remaining life. while he had been at court in his earlier years, the sons of columbus, diego and ferdinand, were his companions in the pages' anteroom, and he could hardly have failed to profit by their acquaintance. we know that from the younger son he did derive not a little information. when he went to america, some of columbus's companions and followers were still living,--pinzon, ponce de leon, and diego velasquez,--and all these could hardly have failed to help him in his note-taking. he also tells us that he sought some of the italian compatriots of the admiral, though harrisse judges that what he got from them was not altogether trustworthy. oviedo rose naturally in due time into the position of chronicler of the indies, and tried his skill at first in a descriptive account of the new world. a command of charles the fifth, with all the facilities which such an order implied, though doubtless in some degree embarrassed by many of the documentary proofs being preserved rather in spain than in the indies, finally set him to work on a _historia general de las indias_, the opening portions of which, and those covering the career of columbus, were printed at seville in 1535. it is the work of a consistent though not blinded admirer of the discoverer, and while we might wish he had helped us to more of the proofs of his narrative, his recital is, on the whole, one to be signally grateful for. gomara, in the early part of his history, mixed up what he took from oviedo with what else came in his way, with an avidity that rejected little. * * * * * [sidenote: _historie_ ascribed to ferdinand columbus.] but it is to a biography of columbus, written by his youngest son, ferdinand, as was universally believed up to 1871, that all the historians of the admiral have been mainly indebted for the personal details and other circumstances which lend vividness to his story. as the book has to-day a good many able defenders, notwithstanding the discredit which harrisse has sought to place upon it, it is worth while to trace the devious paths of its transmission, and to measure the burden of confidence placed upon it from the days of ferdinand to our own. the rumor goes that some of the statements in the psalter note of 1516, particularly one respecting the low origin of the admiral, disturbed the pride of ferdinand to such a degree that this son of columbus undertook to leave behind him a detailed account of his father's career, such as the admiral, though urged to do it, had never found time to write. ferdinand was his youngest son, and was born only three or four years before his father left palos. there are two dates given for his birth, each apparently on good authority, but these are a year apart. [sidenote: career of ferdinand columbus.] the language of columbus's will, as well as the explicit statements of oviedo and las casas, leaves no reasonable ground for doubting his illegitimacy. bastardy was no bar to heirship in spain, if a testator chose to make a natural son his heir, as columbus did, in giving ferdinand the right to his titles after the failure of heirs to diego, his legitimate son. columbus's influence early found him a place as a page at court, and during the admiral's fourth voyage, in 1502-1504, the boy accompanied his father, and once or twice at a later day he again visited the indies. when columbus died, this son inherited many of his papers; but if his own avowal be believed, he had neglected occasions in his father's lifetime to question the admiral respecting his early life, not having, as he says, at that time learned to have interest in such matters. his subsequent education at court, however, implanted in his mind a good deal of the scholar's taste, and as a courtier in attendance upon charles the fifth he had seasons of travel, visiting pretty much every part of western europe, during which he had opportunities to pick up in many places a large collection of books. he often noted in them the place and date of purchase, so that it is not difficult to learn in this way something of his wanderings. the income of ferdinand was large, or the equivalent of what harrisse calls to-day 180,000 francs, which was derived from territorial rights in san domingo, coming to him from the admiral, increased by slave labor in the mines, assigned to him by king ferdinand, which at one time included the service of four hundred indians, and enlarged by pensions bestowed by charles the fifth. it has been said sometimes that he was in orders; but harrisse, his chief biographer, could find no proof of it. oviedo describes him in 1535 as a person of "much nobility of character, of an affable turn and of a sweet conversation." [sidenote: biblioteca colombina.] when he died at seville, july 12, 1539, he had amassed a collection of books, variously estimated in contemporary accounts at from twelve to twenty thousand volumes. harrisse, in his _grandeur et décadence de la colombine_ (2d ed., paris, 1885), represents ferdinand as having searched from 1510 to 1537 all the principal book marts of europe. he left these books by will to his minor nephew, luis colon, son of diego, but there was a considerable delay before luis renounced the legacy, with the conditions attached. legal proceedings, which accompanied the transactions of its executors, so delayed the consummation of the alternative injunction of the will that the chapter of the cathedral of seville, which, was to receive the library in case don luis declined it, did not get possession of it till 1552. the care of it which ensued seems to have been of a varied nature. forty years later a scholar bitterly complains that it was inaccessible. it is known that by royal command certain books and papers were given up to enrich the national archives, which, however, no longer contain them. when, in 1684, the monks awoke to a sense of their responsibility and had a new inventory of the books made, it was found that the collection had been reduced to four or five thousand volumes. after the librarian who then had charge of it died in 1709, the collection again fell into neglect. there are sad stories of roistering children let loose in its halls to make havoc of its treasures. there was no responsible care again taken of it till a new librarian was chosen, in 1832, who discovered what any one might have learned before, that the money which ferdinand left for the care and increase of the library had never been applied to it, and that the principal, even, had disappeared. other means of increasing it were availed of, and the loss of the original inestimable bibliographical treasures was forgotten in the crowd of modern books which were placed upon its shelves. amid all this new growth, it does not appear just how many of the books which descended from ferdinand still remain in it. something of the old carelessness--to give it no worse name--has despoiled it, even as late as 1884 and 1885, when large numbers of the priceless treasures still remaining found a way to the quay voltaire and other marts for old books in paris, while others were disposed of in london, amsterdam, and even in spain. this outrage was promptly exposed by harrisse in the _revue critique_, and in two monographs, _grandeur et décadence_, etc., already named, and in his _colombine et clément marot_ (paris, 1886); and the story has been further recapitulated in the accounts of ferdinand and his library, which harrisse has also given in his _excerpta colombiana: bibliographie de quatre cents pièces gothiques_ _francaises, italiennes et latines du commencement du xvi siecle_ (paris, 1887), an account of book rarities found in that library. [illustration: specimens of the notes of ferdinand columbus on his books. [from harrisse's _grandeur el décadence de la colombine_ (paris, 1885).]] [sidenote: perez de oliva.] we are fortunate, nevertheless, in having a manuscript catalogue of it in ferdinand's own hand, though not a complete one, for he died while he was making it. this library, as well as what we know of his writings and of the reputation which he bore among his contemporaries, many of whom speak of him and of his library with approbation, shows us that a habit, careless of inquiry in his boyhood, gave place in his riper years to study and respect for learning. he is said by the inscription on his tomb to have composed an extensive work on the new world and his father's finding of it, but it has disappeared. neither in his library nor in his catalogue do we find any trace of the life of his father which he is credited with having prepared. none of his friends, some of them writers on the new world, make any mention of such a book. there is in the catalogue a note, however, of a life of columbus written about 1525, of which the manuscript is credited to ferdinand perez de oliva, a man of some repute, who died in 1530. whether this writing bore any significant relation to the life which is associated with the owner of the library is apparently beyond discovery. it can scarcely be supposed that it could have been written other than with ferdinand's cognizance. that there was an account of the admiral's career, quoted in las casas and attributed to ferdinand columbus, and that it existed before 1559, seems to be nearly certain. a manuscript of the end of the sixteenth century, by gonzalo argote de molina, mentions a report that ferdinand had written a life of his father. harrisse tells us that he has seen a printed book catalogue, apparently of the time of muñoz or navarette, in which a spanish life of columbus by ferdinand columbus is entered; but the fact stands without any explanation or verification. spotorno, in 1823, in an introduction to his collection of documents about columbus, says that the manuscript of what has passed for ferdinand's memoir of his father was taken from spain to genoa by luis colon, the duke of veragua, son of diego and grandson of christopher columbus. it is not known that luis ever had any personal relations with ferdinand, who died while luis was still in santo domingo. [sidenote: character of the _historie_.] it is said that it was in 1568 that luis took the manuscript to genoa, but in that year he is known to have been living elsewhere. he had been arrested in spain in 1558 for having three wives, when he was exiled to oran, in africa, for ten years, and he died in 1572. spotorno adds that the manuscript afterwards fell into the hands of a patrician, marini, from whom alfonzo de ullua received it, and translated it into italian. it is shown, however, that marini was not living at this time. the original spanish, if that was the tongue of the manuscript, then disappeared, and the world has only known it in this italian _historie_, published in 1571. whether the copy brought to italy had been in any way changed from its original condition, or whether the version then made public fairly represented it, there does not seem any way of determining to the satisfaction of everybody. at all events, the world thought it had got something of value and of authority, and in sundry editions and retranslations, with more or less editing and augmentation, it has passed down to our time--the last edition appearing in 1867--unquestioned for its service to the biographers of columbus. muñoz hardly knew what to make of some of "its unaccountable errors," and conjectured that the italian version had been made from "a corrupt and false copy;" and coupling with it the "miserable" spanish rendering in barcia's _historiadores_, muñoz adds that "a number of falsities and absurdities is discernible in both." humboldt had indeed expressed wonder at the ignorance of the book in nautical matters, considering the reputation which ferdinand held in such affairs. it began the admiral's story in detail when he was said to be fifty-six years of age. it has never been clear to all minds that ferdinand's asseveration of a youthful want of curiosity respecting the admiral's early life was sufficient to account for so much reticence respecting that formative period. it has been, accordingly, sometimes suspected that a desire to ignore the family's early insignificance rather than ignorance had most to do with this absence of information. this seems to be irving's inference from the facts. [sidenote: attacked by harrisse.] in 1871, henry harrisse, who in 1866 had written of the book, "it is generally accepted with some latitude," made the first assault on its integrity, in his _fernando colon_, published in seville, in spanish, which was followed the next year by his _fernand colomb_, in the original french text as it had been written, and published at paris. harrisse's view was reënforced in the _additions_ to his _bibliotheca americana vetustissima_, and he again reverted to the subject in the first volume of his _christophe colomb_, in 1884. in the interim the entire text of las casas's _historia_ had been published for the first time, rendering a comparison of the two books more easy. harrisse availed himself of this facility of examination, and made no abatement of his confident disbelief. that las casas borrowed from the _historie_, or rather that the two books had a common source, harrisse thinks satisfactorily shown. he further throws out the hint that this source, or prototype, may have been one of the lost essays of ferdinand, in which he had followed the career of his father; or indeed, in some way, the account written by oliva may have formed the basis of the book. he further implies that, in the transformation to the italian edition of 1571, there were engrafted upon the narrative many contradictions and anachronisms, which seriously impair its value. hence, as he contends, it is a shame to impose its authorship in that foreign shape upon ferdinand. he also denies in the main the story of its transmission as told by spotorno. so much of this book as is authentic, and may be found to be corroborated by other evidence, may very likely be due to the manuscript of oliva, transported to italy, and used as the work of ferdinand columbus, to give it larger interest than the name of oliva would carry; while, to gratify prejudices and increase its attractions, the various interpolations were made, which harrisse thinks--and with much reason--could not have proceeded from one so near to columbus, so well informed, and so kindly in disposition as we know his son ferdinand to have been. [sidenote: defended by stevens and others.] so iconoclastic an outburst was sure to elicit vindicators of the world's faith as it had long been held. in counter publications, harrisse and d'avezac, the latter an eminent french authority on questions of this period, fought out their battle, not without some sharpness. henry stevens, an old antagonist of harrisse, assailed the new views with his accustomed confidence and rasping assertion. oscar peschel, the german historian, and count circourt, the french student, gave their opposing opinions; and the issue has been joined by others, particularly within a few years by prospero peragallo, the pastor of an italian church in lisbon, who has pressed defensive views with some force in his _l'autenticità delle historie di fernando colombo_ (1884), and later in his _cristoforo colombo et sua famiglia_ (1888). it is held by some of these later advocates of the book that parts of the original spanish text can be identified in las casas. the controversy has thus had two stages. the first was marked by the strenuousness of d'avezac fifteen years ago. the second sprang from the renewed propositions of harrisse in his _christophe colomb_, ten years later. sundry critics have summed up the opposing arguments with more or less tendency to oppose the iconoclast, and chief among them are two german scholars: professor max büdinger, in his _acten zur columbus' geschichte_ (wien, 1886), and his _zur columbus literatur_ (wien, 1889); and professor eugen gelcich, in the _zeitschrift der gesellschaft für erdkunde zu berlin_ (1887). harrisse's views cannot be said to have conquered a position; but his own scrutiny and that which he has engendered in others have done good work in keeping the _historie_ constantly subject to critical caution. dr. shea still says of it: "it is based on the same documents of christopher columbus which las casas used. it is a work of authority." * * * * * [sidenote: las casas.] reference has already been made to the tardy publication of the narrative of las casas. columbus had been dead something over twenty years, when this good man set about the task of describing in this work what he had seen and heard respecting the new world,--or at least this is the generally accredited interval, making him begin the work in 1527; and yet it is best to remember that helps could not find any positive evidence of his being at work on the manuscript before 1552. las casas did not live to finish the task, though he labored upon it down to 1561, when he was eighty-seven years old. he died five years later. irving, who made great use of las casas, professed to consult him with that caution which he deemed necessary in respect to a writer given to prejudice and overheated zeal. for the period of columbus's public life (1492-1506), no other one of his contemporaries gives us so much of documentary proof. of the thirty-one papers, falling within this interval, which he transcribed into his pages nearly in their entirety,--throwing out some preserved in the archives of the duke of veragua, and others found at simancas or seville,--there remain seventeen, that would be lost to us but for this faithful chronicler. how did he command this rich resource? as a native of seville, las casas had come there to be consecrated as bishop in 1544, and again in 1547, after he had quitted the new world forever. at this time the family papers of columbus, then held for luis colon, a minor, were locked up in a strong box in the custody of the monks of the neighboring monastery of las cuevas. there is no evidence, however, that the chest was opened for the inspection of the chronicler. he also professes to use original letters sent by columbus to ferdinand and isabella, which he must have found in the archives at valladolid before 1545, or at simancas after that date. again he speaks of citing as in his own collection attested copies of some of columbus's letters. in 1550, and during his later years, las casas lived in the monastery of san gregorio, at valladolid, leaving it only for visits to toledo or madrid, unless it was for briefer visits to simancas, not far off. some of the documents, which he might have found in that repository, are not at present in those archives. it was there that he might have found numerous letters which he cites, but which are not otherwise known. from the use las casas makes of them, it would seem that they were of more importance in showing the discontent and querulousness of columbus than as adding to details of his career. again it appears clear that las casas got documents in some way from the royal archives. we know the journal of columbus on his first voyage only from the abridgment which las casas made of it, and much the same is true of the record of his third voyage. in some portion, at least, of his citations from the letters of columbus, there may be reason to think that las casas took them at second hand, and harrisse, with his belief in the derivative character of the _historie_ of ferdinand columbus, very easily conjectures that this primal source may have been the manuscript upon which the compiler of the _historie_ was equally dependent. one kind of reasoning which harrisse uses is this: if las casas had used the original latin of the correspondence with toscanelli, instead of the text of this supposed spanish prototype, it would not appear in so bad a state as it does in las casas's book. [illustration: las casas.] if this missing prototype of the _historie_ was among ferdinand's books in his library, which had been removed from his house in 1544 to the convent of san pablo in seville, and was not removed to the cathedral till 1552, it may also have happened that along with it he used there the _de imagine mundi_ of pierre d'ailly, columbus's own copy of which was, and still is, preserved in the biblioteca colombina, and shows the admiral's own manuscript annotations. it was in the chapel of san pablo that las casas had been consecrated as bishop in 1544, and his associations with the monks could have given easy access to what they held in custody,--too easy, perhaps, if harrisse's supposition is correct, that they let him take away the map which toscanelli sent to columbus, and which would account for its not being in the library now. [sidenote: his opportunities.] we know, also, that las casas had use of the famous letter respecting his third voyage, which the admiral addressed to the nurse of the infant don juan, and which was first laid before modern students when spotorno printed it, in 1823. we further understand that the account of the fourth voyage, which students now call, in its italian form, the _lettera rarissima_, was also at his disposal, as were many letters of bartholomew, the brother of columbus, though they apparently only elucidate the african voyage of diaz. in addition to these manuscript sources, las casas shows that, as a student, he was familiar with and appreciated the decades of peter martyr, and had read the accounts of columbus in garcia de resende, barros, and castañeda,--to say nothing of what he may have derived from the supposable prototype of the _historie_. it is certain that his personal acquaintance brought him into relations with the admiral himself,--for he accompanied him on his fourth voyage,--with the admiral's brother, son, and son's wife; and moreover his own father and uncle had sailed with columbus. there were, among his other acquaintances, the archbishop of seville, pinzon, and other of the contemporary navigators. it has been claimed by some, not accurately, we suspect, that las casas had also accompanied columbus on his third voyage. notwithstanding all these opportunities of acquiring a thorough intimacy with the story of columbus, it is contended by harrisse that the aid afforded by las casas disappoints one; and that all essential data with which his narrative is supplied can be found elsewhere, nearer the primal source. [sidenote: character of his writings.] this condition arises, as he thinks, from the fact that the one engrossing purpose of las casas--his aim to emancipate the indians from a cruel domination--constantly stood in the way of a critical consideration of the other aspects of the early spanish contact with the new world. it was while at the university of salamanca that the father of las casas gave the son an indian slave, one of those whom columbus had sent home; and it was taken from the young student when isabella decreed the undoing of columbus's kidnapping exploits. it was this event which set las casas to thinking on the miseries of the poor natives, which columbus had planned, and which enables us to discover, in the example of las casas, that the customs of the time are not altogether an unanswerable defense of the time's inhumanity and greed. as is well known, all but the most recent writers on spanish-american history have been forced to use this work of las casas in manuscript copies, as a license to print such an exposure of spanish cruelty could not be obtained till 1875, when the _historia_ was first printed at madrid. * * * * * [sidenote: herrera.] herrera, so far as his record concerns columbus, simply gives us what he takes from las casas. he was born about the time that the older writer was probably making his investigations. herrera did not publish his results, which are slavishly chronological in their method, till half a century later (1601-15). though then the official historiographer of the indies, with all the chances for close investigation which that situation afforded him, herrera failed in all ways to make the record of his _historia_ that comprehensive and genuine source of the story of columbus which the reader might naturally look for. the continued obscuration of las casas by reason of the long delay in printing his manuscript served to give herrera, through many generations, a prominence as an authoritative source which he could not otherwise have had. irving, when he worked at the subject, soon discovered that las casas stood behind the story as herrera told it, and accordingly the american writer resorted by preference to such a copy of the manuscript of las casas as he could get. there is a manifest tendency in herrera to turn las casas's qualified statements into absolute ones. [sidenote: later spanish writers.] the personal contributions of the later writers, muñoz and navarrete, have been already considered, in speaking of the diversified mass of documentary proofs which accompany or gave rise to their narratives. the _colon en españa_ of tomas rodriguez pinilla (madrid, 1884) is in effect a life of the admiral; but it ignores much of the recent critical and controversial literature, and deals mainly with the old established outline of events. * * * * * [sidenote: german writers.] [sidenote: humboldt.] among the germans there was nothing published of any importance till the critical studies of forster, peschel, and ruge, in recent days. de bry had, indeed, by his translations of benzoni (1594) and herrera (1623), familiarized the germans with the main facts of the career of columbus. during the present century, humboldt, in his _examen critique de l'histoire et de la geographie du nouveau continent_, has borrowed the language of france to show the scope of his critical and learned inquiries into the early history of the spanish contact in america, and has left it to another hand to give a german rendering to his labors. with this work by humboldt, brought out in its completer shape in 1836-39, and using most happily all that had been done by muñoz and navarrete to make clear both the acts and environments of the admiral, the intelligence of our own time may indeed be said to have first clearly apprehended, under the light of a critical spirit, in which irving was deficient, the true significance of the great deeds that gave america to europe. humboldt has strikingly grouped the lives of toscanelli and las casas, from the birth of the florentine physician in 1397 to the death of the apostle to the indians in 1566, as covering the beginning and end of the great discoveries of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. [sidenote: henry harrisse.] it is also to be remarked that this service of broadly, and at the same time critically, surveying the field was the work of a german writing in french; while it is to an american citizen writing in french that we owe, in more recent years, such a minute collation and examination of every original source of information as set the labors of henry harrisse, for thoroughness and discrimination, in advance of any critical labor that has ever before been given to the career and character of christopher columbus. without the aid of his researches, as embodied in his _christophe colomb_ (paris, 1884), it would have been quite impossible for the present writer to have reached conclusions on a good many mooted points in the history of the admiral and of his reputation. of almost equal usefulness have been the various subsidiary books and tracts which harrisse has devoted to similar fields. harrisse's books constitute a good example of the constant change of opinion and revision of the relations of facts which are going on incessantly in the mind of a vigilant student in recondite fields of research. the progress of the correction of error respecting columbus is illustrated continually in his series of books on the great navigator, beginning with the _notes on columbus_ (n. y., 1866), which have been intermittently published by him during the last twenty-five years. harrisse himself is a good deal addicted to hypotheses; but they fare hard at his hands if advanced by others. [sidenote: french writers.] [sidenote: attempted canonization of columbus.] [illustration: roselly de lorgues.] the only other significant essays which have been made in french have been a series of biographies of columbus, emphasizing his missionary spirit, which have been aimed to prepare the way for the canonization of the great navigator, in recognition of his instrumentality in carrying the cross to the new world. that, in the spirit which characterized the age of discovery, the voyage of columbus was, at least in profession, held to be one conducted primarily for that end does not, certainly, admit of dispute. columbus himself, in his letter to sanchez, speaks of the rejoicing of christ at seeing the future redemption of souls. he made a first offering of the foreign gold by converting a mass of it into a cup to hold the sacred host, and he spent a wordy enthusiasm in promises of a new crusade to wrest the holy sepulchre from the moslems. ferdinand and isabella dwelt upon the propagandist spirit of the enterprise they had sanctioned, in their appeals to the pontiff to confirm their worldly gain in its results. ferdinand, the son of the admiral, referring to the family name of colombo, speaks of his father as like noah's dove, carrying the olive branch and oil of baptism over the ocean. professions, however, were easy; faith is always exuberant under success, and the world, and even the catholic world, learned, as the ages went on, to look upon the spirit that put the poor heathen beyond the pale of humanity as not particularly sanctifying a pioneer of devastation. [sidenote: roselly de lorgues.] it is the world's misfortune when a great opportunity loses any of its dignity; and it is no great satisfaction to look upon a person of columbus's environments and find him but a creature of questionable grace. so his canonization has not, with all the endeavors which have been made, been brought about. the most conspicuous of the advocates of it, with a crowd of imitators about him, has been antoine françois félix valalette, comte roselly de lorgues, who began in 1844 to devote his energies to this end. he has published several books on columbus, part of them biographical, and all of them, including his _christoph colomb_ of 1864, mere disguised supplications to the pope to order a deserved sanctification. as contributions to the historical study of the life of columbus, they are of no importance whatever. every act and saying of the admiral capable of subserving the purpose in view are simply made the salient points of a career assumed to be holy. columbus was in fact of a piece, in this respect, with the age in which he lived. the official and officious religious profession of the time belonged to a period which invented the inquisition and extirpated a race in order to send them to heaven. none knew this better than those, like las casas, who mated their faith with charity of act. columbus and las casas had little in common. the _histoire posthume de colomb_, which roselly de lorgues finally published in 1885, is recognized even by catholic writers as a work of great violence and indiscretion, in its denunciations of all who fail to see the saintly character of columbus. its inordinate intemperance gave a great advantage to cesario fernandez duro in his examination of de lorgues's position, made in his _colon y la historia postuma_. columbus was certainly a mundane verity. de lorgues tells us that if we cannot believe in the supernatural we cannot understand this worldly man. the writers who have followed him, like charles buet in his _christophe colomb_ (paris, 1886), have taken this position. the catholic body has so far summoned enough advocates of historic truth to prevent the result which these enthusiasts have kept in view, notwithstanding the seeming acquiescence of pius ix. the most popular of the idealizing lives of columbus is probably that by auguste, marquis de belloy, which is tricked out with a display of engravings as idealized as the text, and has been reproduced in english at philadelphia (1878, 1889). it is simply an ordinary rendering of the common and conventional stories of the last four centuries. the most eminent catholic historical student of the united states, dr. john gilmary shea, in a paper on this century's estimates of columbus, in the _american catholic quarterly review_ (1887), while referring to the "imposing array of members of the hierarchy" who have urged the beatification of columbus, added, "but calm official scrutiny of the question was required before permission could be given to introduce the cause;" and this permission has not yet been given, and the evidence in its favor has not yet been officially produced. france has taken the lead in these movements for canonization, ostensibly for the reason that she needed to make some reparation for snatching the honor of naming the new world from columbus, through the printing-presses of saint dié and strassburg. a sketch of the literature which has followed this movement is given in baron van brocken's _des vicissitudes posthumes de christophe colomb, et de sa beatification possible_ (leipzig et paris, 1865). * * * * * [sidenote: english writers.] [sidenote: robertson.] of the writers in english, the labors of hakluyt and purchas only incidentally touched the career of columbus; and it was not till stevens issued his garbled version of herrera in 1725, that the english public got the record of the spanish historian, garnished with something that did not represent the original. this book of stevens is responsible for not a little in english opinion respecting the spanish age of discovery, which needs in these later days to be qualified. some of the early collections of voyages, like those of churchill, pinkerton, and kerr, included the story of the _historie_ of 1571. it was not till robertson, in 1777, published the beginning of a contemplated _history of america_ that the english reader had for the first time a scholarly and justified narrative, which indeed for a long time remained the ordinary source of the english view of columbus. it was, however, but an outline sketch, not a sixth or seventh part in extent of what irving, when he was considering the subject, thought necessary for a reasonable presentation of the subject. robertson's footnotes show that his main dependence for the story of columbus was upon the pages of the _historie_ of 1571, peter martyr, oviedo, and herrera. he was debarred the help to be derived from what we now use, as conveying columbus's own record of his story. lord grantham, then the british ambassador at madrid, did all the service he could, and his secretary of legation worked asssiduously in complying with the wishes which robertson preferred; but no solicitation could at that day render easily accessible the archives at simancas. still, robertson got from one source or another more than it was pleasant to the spanish authorities to see in print, and they later contrived to prevent a publication of his work in spanish. [sidenote: jeremy belknap.] the earliest considerable recounting of the story of columbus in america was by dr. jeremy belknap, who, having delivered a commemorative discourse in boston in 1792, before the massachusetts historical society, afterward augmented his text when it became a part of his well-known _american biography_, a work of respectable standing for the time, but little remembered to-day. [sidenote: washington irving.] it was in 1827 that washington irving published his _life of columbus_, and he produced a book that has long remained for the english reader a standard biography. irving's canons of historical criticism were not, however, such as the fearless and discriminating student to-day would approve. he commended herrera for "the amiable and pardonable error of softening excesses," as if a historian sat in a confessional to deal out exculpations. the learning which probes long established pretenses and grateful deceits was not acceptable to irving. "there is a certain meddlesome spirit," he says, "which, in the garb of learned research, goes prying about the traces of history, casting down its monuments, and marring and mutilating its fairest trophies. care should be taken to vindicate great names from such pernicious erudition." under such conditions as irving summoned, there was little chance that a world's exemplar would be pushed from his pedestal, no matter what the evidence. the _vera pro gratis_ in personal characterization must not assail the traditional hero. and such was irving's notion of the upright intelligence of a historian. mr. alexander h. everett, who was then the minister of the united states at madrid, saw a chance of making a readable book out of the journal of columbus as preserved by las casas, and recommended the task of translating it to irving, then in europe. this proposition carried the willing writer to madrid, where he found comfortable quarters, with quick sympathy of intercourse, under the roof of a boston scholar then living there, obadiah rich. the first two volumes of the documentary work of navarrete coming out opportunely, irving was not long in determining that, with its wealth of material, there was a better opportunity for a newly studied life of columbus than for the proposed task. so irving settled down in madrid to the larger endeavor, and soon found that he could have other assistance and encouragement from navarrete himself, from the duke of veragua, and from the then possessor of the papers of muñoz. the subject grew under his hands. "i had no idea," he says, "of what a complete labyrinth i had entangled myself in." he regretted that the third volume of navarrete's book was not far enough advanced to be serviceable; but he worked as best he could, and found many more facilities than robertson's helper had discovered. he went to the biblioteca colombina, and he even brought the annotations of columbus in the copy of pierre d'ailly, there preserved, to the attention of its custodians for the first time; almost feeling himself the discoverer of the book, though it was known to him that las casas, at least, had had the advantage of using these minutes of columbus. irving knew that his pains were not unavailing, at any rate, for the english reader. "i have woven into my book," he says, "many curious particulars not hitherto known concerning columbus; and i think i have thrown light upon some points of his character which have not been brought out by his former biographers." one of the things that pleased the new biographer most was his discovery, as he felt, in the account by bernaldez, that columbus was born ten years earlier than had been usually reckoned; and he supposed that this increase of the age of the discoverer at the time of his voyage added much greater force to the characteristics of his career. irving's book readily made a mark. jeffrey thought that its fame would be enduring, and at a time when no one looked for new light from italy, he considered that irving had done best in working, almost exclusively, the spanish field, where alone "it was obvious" material could be found. when alexander h. everett, pardonably, as a godfather to the work, undertook in january, 1829, to say in the _north american review_ that irving's book was a delight of readers, he anticipated the judgment of posterity; but when he added that it was, by its perfection, the despair of critics, he was forgetful of a method of critical research that is not prone to be dazed by the prestige of demigods. in the interval between the first and second editions of the book, irving paid a visit to palos and the convent of la rabida, and he got elsewhere some new light in the papers of the lawsuit of columbus's heirs. the new edition which soon followed profited by all these circumstances. [sidenote: prescott.] irving's occupation of the field rendered it both easy and gracious for prescott, when, ten years later (1837), he published his _ferdinand and isabella_, to say that his predecessor had stripped the story of columbus of the charm of novelty; but he was not quite sure, however, in the privacy of his correspondence, that irving, by attempting to continue the course of columbus's life in detail after the striking crisis of the discovery, had made so imposing a drama as he would have done by condensing the story of his later years. in this prescott shared something of the spirit of irving, in composing history to be read as a pastime, rather than as a study of completed truth. prescott's own treatment of the subject is scant, as he confined his detailed record to the actions incident to the inception and perfection of the enterprise of the admiral, to the doings in spain or at court. he was, at the same time, far more independent than irving had been, in his views of the individual character round which so much revolves, and the reader is not wholly blinded to the unwholesome deceit and overweening selfishness of columbus. [sidenote: arthur helps.] within twenty years arthur helps approached the subject from the point of view of one who was determined, as he thought no one of the writers on the subject of the spanish conquest had been, to trace the origin of, and responsibility for, the devastating methods of spanish colonial government; "not conquest only, but the result of conquest, the mode of colonial government which ultimately prevailed, the extirpation of native races, the introduction of other races, the growth of slavery, and the settlement of the _encomiendas_, on which all indian society depended." it is not to helps, therefore, that we are to look for any extended biography of columbus; and when he finds him in chains, sent back to spain, he says of the prisoner, "he did not know how many wretched beings would have to traverse those seas, in bonds much worse than his; nor did he foresee, i trust, that some of his doings would further all this coming misery." it does not appear from his footnotes that helps depended upon other than the obvious authorities, though he says that he examined the muñoz collection, then as now in the royal academy of history at madrid. [sidenote: r. h. major.] the last scholarly summary of columbus's career previous to the views incident to the criticism of harrisse on the _historie_ of 1571 was that which was given by r. h. major, in the second edition of his _select letters of columbus_ (london, 1870). * * * * * [sidenote: aaron goodrich.] there have been two treatments of the subject by americans within the last twenty years, which are characteristic. the _life and achievements of the so-called christopher columbus_ (new york, 1874), by aaron goodrich, mixes that unreasoning trust and querulous conceit which is so often thrown into the scale when the merits of the discoverers of the alleged vinland are contrasted with those of the imagined indies. with a craze of petulancy, he is not able to see anything that cannot be twisted into defamation, and his book is as absurdly constant in derogation as the hallucinations of de lorgues are in the other direction. [sidenote: h. h. bancroft.] when hubert howe bancroft opened the story of his pacific states in his _history of central america_ (san francisco, 1882), he rehearsed the story of columbus, but did not attempt to follow it critically except as he tracked the admiral along the coasts of honduras, nicaragua, and costa rica. this writer's estimate of the character of columbus conveys a representation of what the admiral really was, juster than national pride, religious sympathy, or kindly adulation has usually permitted. it is unfortunately, not altogether chaste in its literary presentation. his characterization of irving and prescott in their endeavors to draw the character of columbus has more merit in its insight than skill in its drafting. [sidenote: winsor.] [sidenote: bibliography of columbus.] the brief sketch of the career of columbus, and the examination of the events that culminated in his maritime risks and developments, as it was included in the _narrative and critical history of america_ (vol. ii., boston, 1885), gave the present writer an opportunity to study the sources and trace the bibliographical threads that run through an extended and diversified literature, in a way, it may be, not earlier presented to the english reader. if any one desires to compass all the elucidations and guides which a thorough student of the career and fame of columbus would wish to consider, the apparatus thus referred to, and the footnotes in harrisse's _christophe colomb_ and in his other germane publications, would probably most essentially shorten his labors. harrisse, who has prepared, but not yet published, lists of the books devoted to columbus _exclusively_, says that they number about six hundred titles. the literature which treats of him incidentally is of a vast extent. * * * * * [sidenote: varied estimates of columbus.] in concluding this summary of the commentaries upon the life of columbus, the thought comes back that his career has been singularly subject to the gauging of opinionated chroniclers. the figure of the man, as he lives to-day in the mind of the general reader, in whatever country, comports in the main with the characterizations of irving, de lorgues, or goodrich. these last two have entered upon their works with a determined purpose, the frenchman of making a saint, and the american a scamp, of the great discoverer of america. they each, in their twists, pervert and emphasize every trait and every incident to favor their views. their narratives are each without any background of that mixture of incongruity, inconsistency, and fatality from which no human being is wholly free. their books are absolutely worthless as historical records. that of goodrich has probably done little to make proselytes. that of de lorgues has infected a large body of tributary devotees of the catholic church. the work of irving is much above any such level; but it has done more harm because its charms are insidious. he recognized at least that human life is composite; but he had as much of a predetermination as they, and his purpose was to create a hero. he glorified what was heroic, palliated what was unheroic, and minimized the doubtful aspects of columbus's character. his book is, therefore, dangerously seductive to the popular sense. the genuine columbus evaporates under the warmth of the writer's genius, and we have nothing left but a refinement of his clay. the _life of columbus_ was a sudden product of success, and it has kept its hold on the public very constantly; but it has lost ground in these later years among scholarly inquirers. they have, by their collation of its narrative with the original sources, discovered its flaccid character. they have outgrown the witcheries of its graceful style. they have learned to put at their value the repetitionary changes of stock sentiment, which swell the body of the text, sometimes, provokingly. [sidenote: portraits of columbus.] [sidenote: columbus's person.] out of the variety of testimony respecting the person of the adult columbus, it is not easy to draw a picture that his contemporaries would surely recognize. likeness we have none that can be proved beyond a question the result of any sitting, or even of any acquaintance. if we were called upon to picture him as he stood on san salvador, we might figure a man of impressive stature with lofty, not to say austere, bearing, his face longer by something more than its breadth, his cheek bones high, his nose aquiline, his eyes a light gray, his complexion fair with freckles spotting a ruddy glow, his hair once light, but then turned to gray. his favorite garb seems to have been the frock of a franciscan monk. such a figure would not conflict with the descriptions which those who knew him, and those who had questioned his associates, have transmitted to us, as we read them in the pages ascribed to ferdinand, his son; in those of the spanish historian, oviedo; of the priest las casas; and in the later recitals of gomara and benzoni, and of the official chronicler of the spanish indies, antonio herrera. the oldest description of all is one made in 1501, in the unauthorized version of the first decade of peter martyr, emanating, very likely, from the translator trivigiano, who had then recently come in contact with columbus. [sidenote: la cosa's st. christopher.] turning from these descriptions to the pictures that have been put forth as likenesses, we find not a little difficulty in reconciling the two. there is nothing that unmistakably goes back to the lifetime of columbus except the figure of st. christopher, which makes a vignette in colors on the mappemonde, which was drawn in 1500, by one of columbus's pilots, juan de la cosa, and is now preserved in madrid. it has been fondly claimed that cosa transferred the features of his master to the lineaments of the saint; but the assertion is wholly without proof. [illustration: st. christopher. [the vignette of la cosa's map.]] [sidenote: jovius's gallery.] [illustration: jovius's columbus, the earliest engraved likeness.] paolo giovio, or, as better known in the latin form, paulus jovius, was old enough in 1492 to have, in later life, remembered the thrill of expectation which ran for the moment through parts of europe, when the letter of columbus describing his voyage was published in italy, where jovius was then a schoolboy. he was but an infant, or perhaps not born when columbus left italy. so the interest of jovius in the discoverer could hardly have arisen from any other associations than those easily suggestive to one who, like jovius, was a student of his own times. columbus had been dead ten years when jovius, as a historian, attracted the notice of pope leo x., and entered upon such a career of prosperity that he could build a villa on lake como, and adorn it with a gallery of portraits of those who had made his age famous. that he included a likeness of columbus among his heroes there seems to be no doubt. whether the likeness was painted from life, and by whom, or modeled after an ideal, more or less accordant with the reports of those who may have known the genoese, is entirely beyond our knowledge. as a historian jovius professed the right to distort the truth for any purpose that suited him, and his conceptions of the truth of portraiture may quite as well have been equally loose. just a year before his own death, jovius gave a sketch of columbus's career in his _elogia virorum illustrium_, published at florence in 1551; but it was not till twenty-four years later, in 1575, that a new edition of the book gave wood-cuts of the portraits in the gallery of the como villa, to illustrate the sketches, and that of columbus appeared among them. this engraving, then, is the oldest likeness of columbus presenting any claims to consideration. it found place also, within a year or two, in what purported to be a collection of portraits from the jovian gallery; and the engraver of them was tobias stimmer, a swiss designer, who stands in the biographical dictionaries of artists as born in 1534, and of course could not have assisted his skill by any knowledge of columbus, on his own part. this picture, to which a large part of the very various likenesses called those of columbus can be traced, is done in the bold, easy handling common in the wood-cuts of that day, and with a precision of skill that might well make one believe that it preserves a dashing verisimilitude to the original picture. it represents a full-face, shaven, curly-haired man, with a thoughtful and somewhat sad countenance, his hands gathering about the waist a priest's robe, of which the hood has fallen about his neck. if there is any picture to be judged authentic, this is best entitled to that estimation. [sidenote: the florence picture.] connection with the como gallery is held to be so significant of the authenticity of any portrait of columbus that it is claimed for two other pictures, which are near enough alike to have followed the same prototype, and which are not, except in garb, very unlike the jovian wood-cut. as copies of the como original in features, they may easily have varied in apparel. one of these is a picture preserved in the gallery at florence,--a well-moulded, intellectual head, full-faced, above a closely buttoned tunic, or frock, seen within drapery that falls off the shoulders. it is not claimed to be the como portrait, but it may have been painted from it, perhaps by christofano dell' altissimo, some time before 1568. a copy of it was made for thomas jefferson, which, having hung for a while at monticello, came at last to boston, and passed into the gallery of the massachusetts historical society. [illustration: the florence columbus.] [sidenote: the yanez picture.] the picture resembling this, and which may have had equal claims of association with the jovian gallery, is one now preserved in madrid, and the oldest canvas representing columbus that is known in spain. it takes the name of the yanez portrait from that of the owner of it, from whom it was bought in granada, in 1763. representing, when brought to notice, a garment trimmed with fur, there has been disclosed upon it, and underlying this later paint, an original, close-fitting tunic, much like the florence picture; while a further removal of the superposed pigment has revealed an inscription, supposed to authenticate it as columbus, the discoverer of the new world. it is said that the duke of veragua holds it to be the most authentic likeness of his ancestor. [illustration: the yanez columbus.] [sidenote: de bry's picture.] [illustration: columbus. [a reproduction of the so-called capriolo cut given in giuseppe banchero's _la tavola di bronzo_, (genoa, 1857), and based on the jovian type.]] another conspicuous portrait is that given by de bry in the larger series of his collection of early voyages. de bry claims that it was painted by order of king ferdinand, and that it was purloined from the offices of the council of the indies in spain, and brought to the netherlands, and in this way fell into the hands of that engraver and editor. it bears little resemblance to the pictures already mentioned; nor does it appear to conform to the descriptions of columbus's person. it has a more rugged and shorter face, with a profusion of closely waved hair falling beneath an ugly, angular cap. de bry engraved it, or rather published it, in 1595, twenty years after the jovian wood-cut appeared, and we know of no engraving intervening. no one of the generation that was old enough to have known the navigator could then have survived, and the picture has no other voucher than the professions of the engraver of it. [illustration: de bry's columbus.] [sidenote: other portraits.] [sidenote: havana monument.] [sidenote: peschiera's bust.] these are but a few of the many pictures that have been made to pass, first and last, for columbus, and the only ones meriting serious study for their claims. the american public was long taught to regard the effigy of columbus as that of a bedizened courtier, because prescott selected for an engraving to adorn his _ferdinand and isabella_ a picture of such a person, which is ascribed to parmigiano, and is preserved in the museo borbonico, at naples. its claims long ago ceased to be considered. the traveler in cuba sees in the cathedral at havana a monumental effigy, of which there is no evidence of authenticity worthy of consideration. the traveler in italy can see in genoa, placed on the cabinet which was made to hold the manuscript titles of columbus, a bust by peschiera. it has the negative merit of having no relation to any of the alleged portraits; but represents the sculptor's conception of the man, guided by the scant descriptions of him given to us by his contemporaries. [illustration: the bust of columbus on the tomb at havana.] if the reader desires to see how extensive the field of research is, for one who can spend the time in tracing all the clues connected with all the representations which pass for columbus, he can make a beginning, at least, under the guidance of the essay on the portraits which the present writer contributed to the _narrative and critical history of america_, vol. ii. when columbus, in 1502, ordered a tenth of his income to be paid annually to the bank of st. george, in genoa, for the purpose of reducing the tax upon corn, wine, and other provisions, the generous act, if it had been carried out, would have entitled him to such a recognition as a public benefactor as the bank was accustomed to bestow. the main hall of the palace of this institution commemorates such patriotic efforts by showing a sitting statue for the largest benefactors; a standing figure for lesser gifts, while still lower gradations of charitable help are indicated in busts, or in mere inscriptions on a mural tablet. it has been thought that posterity, curious to see the great admiral as his contemporaries saw him, suffers with the state of genoa, in not having such an effigy, by the neglect or inattention which followed upon the announced purpose of columbus. we certainly find there to-day no such visible proof of his munificence or aspect. harrisse, while referring to this deprivation, takes occasion, in his _bank of st. george_ (p. 108), to say that he does not "believe that the portrait of columbus was ever drawn, carved, or painted from the life." he contends that portrait-painting was not common in spain, in columbus's day, and that we have no trace of the painters, whose work constitutes the beginning of the art, in any record, or authentic effigy, to show that the person of the admiral was ever made the subject of the art. the same writer indicates that the interval during which columbus was popular enough to be painted extended over only six weeks in april and may, 1493. he finds that much greater heroes, as the world then determined, like boabdil and cordova, were not thus honored, and holds that the portraits of ferdinand and isabella, which editions of prescott have made familiar, are really fancy pictures of the close of the sixteenth century. chapter iii. the ancestry and home of columbus. [sidenote: the name colombo.] no one has mastered so thoroughly as harrisse the intricacies of the columbus genealogy. a pride in the name of colombo has been shared by all who have borne it or have had relationship with it, and there has been a not unworthy competition among many branches of the common stock to establish the evidences of their descent in connection, more or less intimate, with the greatest name that has signalized the family history. this reduplication of families, as well as the constant recurrence of the same fore-names, particularly common in italian families, has rendered it difficult to construct the genealogical tree of the admiral, and has given ground for drafts of his pedigree, acceptable to some, and disputed by other claimants of kinship. [sidenote: the french colombos.] there was a gascon-french subject of louis xi., guillaume de casanove, sometimes called coulomp, coullon, colon, in the italian accounts colombo, and latinized as columbus, who is said to have commanded a fleet of seven sail, which, in october, 1474, captured two galleys belonging to ferdinand, king of sicily. when leibnitz published, for the first time, some of the diplomatic correspondence which ensued, he interjected the fore-name christophorus in the references to the columbus of this narrative. this was in his _codex juris gentium diplomaticus_, published at hannover in 1693. leibnitz was soon undeceived by nicolas thoynard, who explained that the corsair in question was guillaume de casanove, vice-admiral of france, and leibnitz disavowed the imputation upon the genoese navigator in a subsequent volume. though there is some difference of opinion respecting the identity of casanove and the capturer of the galleys, there can no longer be any doubt, in the light of pertinent investigations, that the french colombos were of no immediate kin to the family of genoa and savona, as is abundantly set forth by harrisse in his _les colombo de france et d'italie_ (paris, 1874). since the french coullon, or coulomp, was sometimes in the waters neighboring to genoa, it is not unlikely that some confusion may arise in separating the italian from the french colombos; and it has been pointed out that a certain entry of wreckage in the registry of genoa, which spotorno associates with christopher columbus, may more probably be connected with this gascon navigator. bossi, the earliest biographer in recent times, considers that a colombo named in a letter to the duke of milan as being in a naval fight off cyprus, between genoese and venetian vessels, in 1476, was the discoverer of the new world. harrisse, in his _les colombo_, has printed this letter, and from it it does not appear that the commander of the genoese fleet is known by name, and that the only mention of a colombo is that a fleet commanded by one of that name was somewhere encountered. there is no indication, however, that this commander was christopher columbus. the presumption is that he was the roving casanove. leibnitz was doubtless misled by the assertion of the _historie_ of 1571, which allows that christopher columbus had sailed under the orders of an admiral of his name and family, and, particularly, was in that naval combat off lisbon, when, his vessel getting on fire, he swam with the aid of an oar to the portuguese shore. the doubtful character of this episode will be considered later; but it is more to the purpose here that this same book, in citing a letter, of which we are supposed to have the complete text as preserved by columbus himself, makes columbus say that he was not the only admiral which his family had produced. this is a clear reference, it is supposed, to this vice-admiral of france. it is enough to say that the genuine text of this letter to the nurse of don juan does not contain this controverted passage, and the defenders of the truth of the _historie_, like d'avezac, are forced to imagine there must have been another letter, not now known. [sidenote: the younger french admiral.] beside the elder admiral of france, the name of colombo junior belonged to another of these french sea-rovers in the fifteenth century, who has been held to be a nephew, or at least a relative, of the elder. he has also sometimes been confounded with the genoese columbus. [sidenote: genealogy.] [sidenote: pretenders.] to determine the exact relationship between the various french and italian colombos and coulons of the fifteenth century would be hazardous. it is enough to say that no evidence that stands a critical test remains to connect these famous mariners with the line of christopher columbus. the genealogical tables which spotorno presents, upon which caleb cushing enlightened american readers at the time in the _north american review_, and in which the french family is made to issue from an alleged great-grandfather of christopher columbus, are affirmed by harrisse, with much reason, to have been made up not far from 1583, to support the claims of bernardo and baldassare (balthazar) colombo, as pretenders to the rights and titles of the discoverer of the new world. * * * * * ferdinand is made in his own name to say of his father, "i think it better that all the honor be derived to us from his person than to go about to inquire whether his father was a merchant or a man of quality, that kept his hawks and hounds." other biographers, however, have pursued the inquiry diligently. [sidenote: columbus's family line.] in one of the sections of his book on _christopher columbus and the bank of saint george_, harrisse has shown how the notarial records of savona and genoa have been worked, to develop the early history of the admiral's family from documentary proofs. these evidences are distinct from the narratives of those who had known him, or who at a later day had told his story, as gallo, the writer of the _historie_, and oviedo did. reference has already been made to the prevalence of colombo as a patronymic in genoa and the neighboring country at that time. harrisse in his _christophe colomb_ has enumerated two hundred of this name in liguria alone, in those days, who seem to have had no kinship to the family of the admiral. there appear to have been in genoa, moreover, four colombos, and in liguria, outside of genoa, six others who bore the name of christopher's father, domenico; but the searchers have not yet found a single other christoforo. these facts show the discrimination which those who of late years have been investigating the history of the admiral's family have been obliged to exercise. there are sixty notarial acts of one kind and another, out of which these investigators have constructed a pedigree, which must stand till present knowledge is increased or overthrown. [sidenote: his grandfather.] what we know in the main is this: giovanni colombo, the grandfather of the admiral, lived probably in quinto al mare, and was of a stock that seemingly had been earlier settled in the valley of fontanabuona, a region east of genoa. this is a parentage of the father of columbus quite different from that shown in the genealogical chart made by napione in 1805 and later; and harrisse tells us that the notarial acts which were given then as the authority for such other line of descent cannot now be found, and that there are grave doubts of their authenticity. [sidenote: his father.] it was this giovanni's son, domenico, who came from quinto (where he left a brother, antonio) at least as early as 1439, and perhaps earlier, and settled himself in the wool-weaver's quarter, so called, in genoa, where in due time he owned a house. thence he seems to have removed to savona, where various notarial acts recognize him at a later period as a genoese, resident in savona. the essential thing remaining to be proved is that the domenico colombo of these notarial acts was the domenico who was the father of christopher columbus. for this purpose we must take the testimony of those who knew the genuine colombos, as oviedo and gallo did; and from their statements we learn that the father of christopher was a weaver named domenico, who lived in genoa, and had sons, christoforo, bartolomeo, and giacomo. these, then, are the test conditions, and finding them every one answered in the savona-genoa family, the proof seems incontestable, even to the further fact that at the end of the fifteenth century all three brothers had for some years lived under the spanish crown. it is too much to say that this concatenation of identities may not possibly be overturned, perhaps by discrediting the documents, not indeed untried already by peragallo and others, but it is safe to accept it under present conditions of knowledge; though we have to trust on some points to the statements of those who have seen what no longer can be found. domenico colombo, who had removed to savona in 1470, did not, apparently, prosper there. he and his son christopher pursued their trade as weavers, as the notarial records show. lamartine, in his _life of columbus_, speaking of the wool-carding of the time, calls it "a business now low, but then respectable and almost noble,"--an idealization quite of a kind with the spirit that pervades lamartine's book, and a spirit in which it has been a fashion to write of columbus and other heroes. the calling was doubtless, then as now, simply respectable. the father added some experience, it would seem, in keeping a house of entertainment. the joint profit, however, of these two occupations did not suffice to keep him free from debt, out of which his son christopher is known to have helped him in some measure. domenico sold and bought small landed properties, but did not pay for one of them at least. there were fifteen years of this precarious life passed in savona, during which he lost his wife, when, putting his youngest son to an apprenticeship, he returned in 1484, or perhaps a little earlier, to genoa, to try other chances. his fortune here was no better. insolvency still followed him. when we lose sight of him, in 1494, the old man may, it is hoped, have heard rumors of the transient prosperity of his son, and perhaps have read in the fresh little quartos of plaanck the marvelous tale of the great discovery. he lived we know not how much longer, but probably died before the winter of 1499-1500, when the heirs of corrado de cuneo, who had never received due payment for an estate which domenico had bought in savona, got judgment against christopher and his brother diego, the sons of domenico, then of course beyond reach in foreign lands. [sidenote: domenico's house in genoa.] within a few years the marquis marcello staglieno, a learned antiquary in genoa, who has succeeded in throwing much new light on the early life of columbus from the notarial records of that city, has identified a house in the vico dritto ponticello, no. 37, as the one in which domenico colombo lived during the younger years of christopher's life. the municipality bought this estate in june, 1887, and placed over its door an inscription recording the associations of the spot. harrisse thinks it not unlikely that the great navigator was even born here. the discovery of his father's ownership of the house seems to have been made by carefully tracing back the title of the land to the time when domenico owned it. this was rendered surer by tracing the titles of the adjoining estates back to the time of nicolas paravania and antonio bondi, who, according to the notarial act of 1477, recording domenico's wife's assent to the sale of the property, lived as domenico's next neighbors. [sidenote: columbus born.] if christopher columbus was born in this house, that event took place, as notarial records, brought to bear by the marquis staglieno, make evident, between october 29, 1446, and october 29, 1451; and if some degree of inference be allowed, harrisse thinks he can narrow the range to the twelve months between march 15, 1446, and march 20, 1447. this is the period within which, by deduction from other statements, some of the modern authorities, like muñoz, bossi, and spotorno, among the italians, d'avezac among the french, and major in england, have placed the event of columbus's birth without the aid of attested documents. this conclusion has been reached by taking an avowal of columbus that he had led twenty-three years a sailor's life at the time of his first voyage, and was fourteen years old when he began a seaman's career. the question which complicates the decision is: when did columbus consider his sailor's life to have ended? if in 1492, as peschel contends, it would carry his birth back no farther than 1455-56, according as fractions are managed; and peschel accepts this date, because he believes the unconfirmed statement of columbus in a letter of july 7, 1503, that he was twenty-eight when he entered the service of spain in 1484. [sidenote: 1445-1447.] but if 1484 is accepted as the termination of that twenty-three years of sea life, as muñoz and the others already mentioned say, then we get the result which most nearly accords with the notarial records, and we can place the birth of columbus somewhere in the years 1445-47, according as the fractions are considered. this again is confirmed by another of the varied statements of columbus, that in 1501 it was forty years since, at fourteen, he first took to the sea. [sidenote: 1435-1437.] there has been one other deduction used, through which navarrete, humboldt, irving, roselly de lorgues, napione, and others, who copy them, determine that his birth must have taken place, by a similar fractional allowance of margin, in 1435-37. this is based upon the explicit statement of andrès bernaldez, in his book on the catholic monarchs of spain, that columbus at his death was about seventy years old. so there is a twenty years' range for those who may be influenced by one line of argument or another in determining the date of the admiral's birth. many writers have discussed the arguments; but the weight of authority seems, on the whole, to rest upon the records which are used by harrisse. [sidenote: his mother, brothers, and sister.] the mother of columbus was susanna, a daughter of giacomo de fontanarossa, and domenico married her in the bisagno country, a region lying east of genoa. she was certainly dead in 1489, and had, perhaps, died as early as 1482, in savona. beside christoforo, this alliance with domenico colombo produced four other children, who were probably born in one and the same house. they were giovanni-pellegrino, who, in 1501, had been dead ten years, and was unmarried; bartolomeo, who was never married, and who will be encountered later as bartholomew; and giacomo, who when he went to spain became known as diego colon, but who is called jacobus in all latin narratives. there was also a daughter, bianchinetta, who married a cheesemonger named bavarello, and had one child. [sidenote: his uncle and cousins.] antonio, the brother of domenico, seems to have had three sons, giovanni, matteo, and amighetto. they were thus cousins of the admiral, and they were so far cognizant of his fame in 1496 as to combine in a declaration before a notary that they united in sending one of their number, giovanni, on a voyage to spain to visit their famous kinsman, the admiral of the indies; their object being, most probably, to profit, if they could, by basking in his favor. [sidenote: born in genoa.] [sidenote: claim for savona,] [sidenote: and other places.] if the evidences thus set forth of his family history be accepted, there is no question that columbus, as he himself always said, and finally in his will declared, and as ferdinand knew, although it is not affirmed in the _historie_, was born in genoa. among the early writers, if we except galindez de carvajal, who claimed him for savona, there seems to have been little or no doubt that he was born in genoa. peter martyr and las casas affirm it. bernaldez believed it. giustiniani asserts it. but when oviedo, not many years after columbus's death, wrote, it was become so doubtful where columbus was born that he mentions five or six towns which claimed the honor of being his birthplace. the claim for savona has always remained, after genoa, that which has received the best recognition. the grounds of such a belief, however, have been pretty well disproved in harrisse's _christophe colomb et savone_ (genoa, 1887), and it has been shown, as it would seem conclusively, that, prior to domenico colombo's settling in savona in 1470-71, he had lived in genoa, where his children, taking into account their known or computed ages, must have been born. it seems useless to rehearse the arguments which strenuous advocates have, at one time or another, offered in support of the pretensions of many other italian towns and villages to have furnished the great discoverer to the world,--plaisance, cuccaro, cogoleto, pradello, nervi, albissola, bogliasco, cosseria, finale, oneglia, quinto, novare, chiavari, milan, modena. the pretensions of some of them were so urgent that in 1812 the academy of history at genoa thought it worth while to present the proofs as respects their city in a formal way. the claims of cuccaro were used in support of a suit by balthazar colombo, to obtain possession of the admiral's legal rights. the claim of cogoleto seems to have been mixed up with the supposed birth of the corsairs, colombos, in that town, who for a long while were confounded with the admiral. there is left in favor of any of them, after their claims are critically examined, nothing but local pride and enthusiasm. the latest claimant for the honor is the town of calvi, in corsica, and this cause has been particularly embraced by the french. so late as 1882, president grévy, of the french republic, undertook to give a national sanction to these claims by approving the erection there of a statue of columbus. the assumption is based upon a tradition that the great discoverer was a native of that place. the principal elucidator of that claim, the abbé martin casanova de pioggiola, seems to have a comfortable notion that tradition is the strongest kind of historical proof, though it is not certain that he would think so with respect to the twenty and more other places on the italian coast where similar traditions exist or are said to be current. harrisse seems to have thought the claim worth refuting in his _christophe colomb et la corse_ (paris, 1888), to say nothing of other examinations of the subject in the _revue de paris_ and the _revue critique_, and of two very recent refutations, one by the abbé casabianca in his _le berceau de christophe colomb et la corse_ (paris, 1889), and the last word of harrisse in the _revue historique_ (1890, p. 182). chapter iv. the uncertainties of the early life of columbus. the condition of knowledge respecting columbus's early life was such, when prescott wrote, that few would dispute his conclusion that it is hopeless to unravel the entanglement of events, associated with the opening of his career. the critical discernment of harrisse and other recent investigators has since then done something to make the confusion even more apparent by unsettling convictions too hastily assumed. a bunch of bewildering statements, in despite of all that present scholarship can do, is left to such experts as may be possessed in the future of more determinate knowledge. it may well be doubted if absolute clarification of the record is ever to be possible. [sidenote: his education.] [illustration: drawing ascribed to columbus.] the student naturally inquires of the contemporaries of columbus as to the quality and extent of his early education, and he derives most from las casas and the _historie_ of 1571. it has of late been ascertained that the woolcombers of genoa established local schools for the education of their children, and the young christopher may have had his share of their instruction, in addition to whatever he picked up at his trade, which continued, as long as he remained in italy, that of his father. we know from the manuscripts which have come down to us that columbus acquired the manual dexterity of a good penman; and if some existing drawings are not apocryphal, he had a deft hand, too, in making a spirited sketch with a few strokes. his drawing of maps, which we are also told about, implies that he had fulfilled ptolemy's definition of that art of the cosmographer which could represent the cartographic outlines of countries with supposable correctness. he could do it with such skill that he practiced it at one time, as is said, for the gaining of a livelihood. we know, trusting the _historie_, that he was for a brief period at the university of pavia, perhaps not far from 1460, where he sought to understand the mysteries of cosmography, astrology, and geometry. [sidenote: at pavia.] bossi has enumerated the professors in these departments at that time, from whose teaching columbus may possibly have profited. harrisse with his accustomed distrust, throws great doubt on the whole narrative of his university experiences, and thinks pavia at this time offered no peculiar advantages for an aspiring seaman, to be compared with the practical instruction which genoa in its commercial eminence could at the same time have offered to any sea-smitten boy. it was at genoa at this very time (1461), that benincasa was producing his famous sea-charts. [illustration: andreas benincasa, 1476. [from st. martin's _atlas_.]] [sidenote: goes to sea.] after his possible, if not probable, sojourn at pavia, made transient, it has been suggested but not proved, by the failing fortunes of his father, christopher returned to genoa, and then after an uncertain interval entered on his seafaring career. if what passes for his own statement be taken he was at this turn of his life not more than fourteen years old. the attractions of the sea at that period of the fifteenth century were great for adventurous youths. there was a spice of piracy in even the soberest ventures of commerce. the ships of one christian state preyed on another. private ventures were buccaneerish, and the hand of the catalonian and of the moslem were turned against all. the news which sped from one end of the mediterranean to the other was of fight and plunder, here and everywhere. occasionally it was mixed with rumors of the voyages beyond the straits of hercules, which told of the portuguese and their hazards on the african coast towards the equator. [sidenote: prince henry, the navigator.] not far from the time when our vigorous young genoese wool-comber may be supposed to have embarked on some of these venturesome exploits of the great inland sea, there might have come jumping from port to port, westerly along the mediterranean shores, the story of the death of that great maritime spirit of portugal, prince henry, the navigator, and of the latest feats of his captains in the great ocean of the west. [illustration: ship, fifteenth century. [from the _isolario_, 1547.]] [sidenote: anjou's expedition.] it has been usual to associate the earliest maritime career of our dashing genoese with an expedition fitted out in genoa by john of anjou, duke of calabria, to recover possession of the kingdom of naples for his father, duke rené, count of provence. this is known to have been undertaken in 1459-61. the pride of genoa encouraged the service of the attacking fleet, and many a citizen cast in his lot with that naval armament, and embarked with his own subsidiary command. there is mention of a certain doughty captain, colombo by name, as leading one part of this expeditionary force. he was very likely one of those french corsairs of that name, already mentioned, and likely to have been a man of importance in the franco-genoese train. he has, indeed, been sometimes made a kinsman of the wool-comber's son. there is little likelihood of his having been our christopher himself, then, as we may easily picture him, a red-haired youth, or in life's early prime, with a ruddy complexion,--a type of the italian which one to-day is not without the chance of encountering in the north of italy, preserving, it may be, some of that northern blood which had produced the vikings. the _historie_ of 1571 gives what purports to be a letter of columbus describing some of the events of this campaign. it was addressed to the spanish monarchs in 1495. if anjou was connected with any service in which columbus took part, it is easy to make it manifest that it could not have happened later than 1461, because the reverses of that year drove the unfortunate rené into permanent retirement. the rebuttal of this testimony depends largely upon the date of columbus's birth; and if that is placed in 1446, as seems well established, columbus, the genoese mariner, could hardly have commanded a galley in it at fourteen; and it is still more improbable if, as d'avezac says, columbus was in the expedition when it set out in 1459, since the boy christopher was then but twelve. as harrisse puts it, the letter of columbus quoted in the _historie_ is apocryphal, or the correct date of columbus's birth is not 1446. it is, however, not to be forgotten that columbus himself testifies to the tender age at which he began his sea-service, when, in 1501, he recalled some of his early experiences; but, unfortunately, columbus was chronically given to looseness of statement, and the testimony of his contemporaries is often the better authority. in 1501, his mind, moreover, was verging on irresponsibility. he had a talent for deceit, and sometimes boasted of it, or at least counted it a merit. much investigation has wonderfully confirmed the accuracy of that earliest sketch of his career contained in the giustiniani psalter in 1516; and it is learned from that narrative that columbus had attained an adult age when he first went to sea,--and this was one of the statements which the _historie_ of 1571 sought to discredit. if the notarial records of savona are correct in calling columbus a wool-comber in 1472, and he was of the savona family, and born in 1446, he was then twenty-six years old, and of the adult age that is claimed by the psalter and by other early writers, who either knew or mentioned him, when he began his seafaring life. in that case he could have had no part in the anjou-rené expedition, whose whole story, even with the expositions of harrisse and max büdinger, is shrouded in uncertainties of time and place. that after 1473 he disappears from every notarial record that can be found in genoa shows, in harrisse's opinion, that it was not till then that he took to the sea as a profession. we cannot say that the information which we have of this early seafaring life of columbus, whenever beginning, is deserving of much credit, and it is difficult to place whatever it includes in chronological order. we may infer from one of his statements that he had, at some time, been at scio observing the making of mastic. certain reports which most likely concern his namesakes, the french corsairs, are sometimes associated with him as leading an attack on spanish galleys somewhere in the service of louis xi., or as cruising near cyprus. so everything is misty about these early days; but the imagination of some of his biographers gives us abundant precision for the daily life of the school-boy, apprentice, cabin boy, mariner, and corsair, even to the receiving of a wound which we know troubled him in his later years. such a story of details is the filling up of a scant outline with the colors of an unfaithful limner. chapter v. the allurements of portugal. [sidenote: 1473.] [sidenote: maritime enterprise in portugal.] columbus, disappearing from italy in 1473, is next found in portugal, and it is a natural inquiry why an active, adventurous spirit, having tested the exhilaration of the sea, should have made his way to that outpost of maritime ambition, bordering on the great waters, that had for many ages attracted and puzzled the discoverer and cosmographer. it is hardly to be doubted that the fame of the portuguese voyaging out upon the vasty deep, or following the western coast of africa, had for some time been a not unusual topic of talk among the seamen of the mediterranean. it may be only less probable that an intercourse of seafaring mediterranean people with the arabs of the levant had brought rumors of voyages in the ocean that washed the eastern shores of africa. these stories from the orient might well have induced some to speculate that such voyages were but the complements of those of the portuguese in their efforts to solve the problem of the circumnavigation of the great african continent. it is not, then, surprising that a doughty mariner like columbus, in life's prime, should have desired to be in the thick of such discussions, and to no other european region could he have turned as a wanderer with the same satisfaction as to portugal. let us see how the great maritime questions stood in portugal in 1473, and from what antecedents they had arisen. [sidenote: portuguese seamanship.] [sidenote: explorations on the sea of darkness.] [sidenote: marino sanuto, 1306.] the portuguese, at this time, had the reputation of being the most expert seamen in europe, or at least they divided it with the catalans and majorcans. their fame lasted, and at a later day was repeated by acosta. these hardy mariners had pushed boldly out, as early as we have any records, into the enticing and yet forbidding sea of darkness, not often perhaps willingly out of sight of land; but storms not infrequently gave them the experience of sea and sky, and nothing else. the great ocean was an untried waste for cartography. a few straggling beliefs in islands lying westward had come down from the ancients, and the fantastic notions of floating islands and steady lands, upon which the imagination of the middle ages thrived, were still rife, when we find in the map of marino sanuto, in 1306, what may well be considered the beginning of atlantic cartography. [sidenote: the canaries.] there is no occasion to make it evident that the islands of the west found by the phoenicians, the fortunate islands of sertorius, and the hesperides of pliny were the canaries of later times, brought to light after thirteen centuries of oblivion; but these islands stand in the planisphere of sanuto at the beginning of the fourteenth century, to be casually visited by the spaniards and others for a hundred years and more before the norman, jean de béthencourt, in the beginning of the fifteenth century (1402), settled himself on one of them. here his kinspeople ruled, till finally the rival claims of sovereignty by spain and portugal ended in the rights of spain being established, with compensating exclusive rights to portugal on the african coast. [sidenote: the genoese in portugal.] but it was by genoese in the service of portugal, the fame of whose exploits may not have been unknown to columbus, that the most important discoveries of ocean islands had been made. [sidenote: madeira.] it was in the early part of the fourteenth century that the madeira group had been discovered. in the laurentian portolano of 1351, preserved at florence, it is unmistakably laid down and properly named, and that atlas has been considered, for several reasons, the work of genoese, and as probably recording the voyage by the genoese pezagno for the portuguese king,--at least major holds that to be demonstrable. the real right of the portuguese to these islands, rests, however, on their rediscovery by prince henry's captains at a still later period, in 1418-20, when madeira, seen as a cloud in the horizon from porto santo, was approached in a boat from the smaller island. [sidenote: azores.] [sidenote: maps.] it is also from the laurentian portolano of 1351 that we know how, at some anterior time, the greater group of the azores had been found by portuguese vessels under genoese commanders. we find these islands also in the catalan map of 1373, and in that of pizigani of the same period (1367, 1373). [illustration: part of the laurentian portolano. [from major's _prince henry_.]] [sidenote: robert machin.] it was in the reign of edward iii. of england that one robert machin, flying from england to avoid pursuit for stealing a wife, accidentally reached the island of madeira. here disaster overtook machin's company, but some of his crew reached africa in a boat and were made captives by the moors. in 1416, the spaniards sent an expedition to redeem christian captives held by these same moors, and, while bringing them away, the spanish ship was overcome by a portuguese navigator, zarco, and among his prisoners was one morales, who had heard, as was reported, of the experiences of machin. [sidenote: porto santo and madeira rediscovered.] zarco, a little later, being sent by prince henry of portugal to the coast of guinea, was driven out to sea, and discovered the island of porto santo; and subsequently, under the prompting of morales, he rediscovered madeira, then uninhabited. this was in 1418 or 1419, and though there are some divergences in the different forms of the story, and though romance and anachronism somewhat obscure its truth, the main circumstances are fairly discernible. [sidenote: the perestrello family.] this discovery was the beginning of the revelations which the navigators of prince henry were to make. a few years later (1425) he dispatched colonists to occupy the two islands, and among them was a gentleman of the household, bartolomeo perestrello, whose name, in a descendant, we shall again encounter when, near the close of the century, we follow columbus himself to this same island of porto santo. [sidenote: maps.] it is conjectured that the position of the azores was laid down on a map which, brought to portugal from venice in 1428, instigated prince henry to order his seamen to rediscover those islands. that they are laid down on valsequa's catalan map of 1439 is held to indicate the accomplishment of the prince's purpose, probably in 1432, though it took twenty years to bring the entire group within the knowledge of the portuguese. [sidenote: bianco's map, 1436.] [sidenote: other maps.] the well-known map of andrea bianco in 1436, preserved in the biblioteca marciana at venice, records also the extent of supposition at that date respecting the island-studded waste of the atlantic. between this date and the period of the arrival of columbus in portugal, the best known names of the map makers of the atlantic are those of valsequa (1439), leardo (1448, 1452, 1458), pareto (1455), and fra mauro (1459). this last there will be occasion to mention later. [sidenote: flores.] in 1452, pedro de valasco, in sailing about fayal westerly, seeing and following a flight of birds, had discovered the island of flores. from what columbus says in the journal of his first voyage, forty years later, this tracking of the flight of birds was not an unusual way, in these early exploring days, of finding new islands. [illustration: map of andrea bianco. [from _allgem. geog. ephemeriden_, weimar, 1807.]] thus it was that down to a period a very little later than the middle of the fifteenth century the portuguese had been accustoming themselves to these hazards of the open ocean. without knowing it they had, in the discovery of flores, actually reached the farthest land westerly, which could in the better knowledge of later years be looked upon as the remotest outpost of the old world. * * * * * [sidenote: the african route to india.] there was, as they thought, a much larger cosmographical problem lying to the south,--a route to india by a supposable african cape. for centuries the orient had been the dream of the philosopher and the goal of the merchant. everything in the east was thought to be on a larger scale than in europe,--metals were more abundant, pearls were rarer, spices were richer, plants were nobler, animals were statelier. everything but man was more lordly. he had been fed there so luxuriously that he was believed to have dwindled in character. europe was the world of active intelligence, the inheritor of greek and roman power, and its typical man belonged naturally with the grander externals of the east. there was a fitness in bringing the better man and the better nature into such relations that the one should sustain and enjoy the other. [sidenote: china.] the earliest historical record of the peoples of western asia with china goes back, according to yule, to the second century before christ. three hundred years later we find the first trace of roman intercourse (a. d. 166). with india, china had some trade by sea as early as the fourth century, and with babylonia possibly in the fifth century. there were christian nestorian missionaries there as early as the eighth century, and some of their teachings had been found there by western travelers in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. the communication of ceylon with china was revived in the thirteenth century. [sidenote: cathay.] [sidenote: marco polo.] it was in the twelfth century, under the mongol dynasty, that china became first generally known in europe, under the name of cathay, and then for the first time the western nations received travelers' stories of the kingdom of the great khan. two franciscans, one an italian, plano carpini, the other a fleming, rubruquis, sent on missions for the church, returned to europe respectively in 1247 and 1255. it was not, however, till marco polo returned from his visit to kublai khan, in the latter part of the thirteenth century, that a new enlargement of the ideas of europe respecting the far orient took place. the influence of his marvelous tales continued down to the days of columbus, and when the great discoverer came on the scene it was to find the public mind occupied with the hopes of reaching these eastern realms by way of the south. the experimental and accidental voyagings of the portuguese on the atlantic were held to be but preliminary to a steadier progression down the coast of africa. [sidenote: the african route and the ancients.] [sidenote: the african cape.] whether the ancients had succeeded in circumnavigating africa is a question never likely to be definitely settled, and opposing views, as weighed by bunbury in his _history of ancient geography_, are too evenly balanced to allow either side readily to make conquest of judicial minds. it is certain that hipparchus had denied the possibility of it, and had supposed the indian ocean a land-bound sea, africa extending at the south so as to connect with a southern prolongation of eastern asia. this view had been adopted by ptolemy, whose opinions were dominating at this time the western mind. nevertheless, that africa ended in a southern cape seems to have been conceived of by those who doubted the authority of ptolemy early enough for sanuto, in 1306, to portray such a cape in his planisphere. if sanuto really knew of its existence the source of his knowledge is a subject for curious speculation. not unlikely an african cape may have been surmised by the venetian sailors, who, frequenting the mediterranean coasts of asia minor, came in contact with the arabs. these last may have cherished the traditions of maritime explorers on the east coast of africa, who may have already discovered the great southern cape, perhaps without passing it. [sidenote: african coast discovery, 1393.] navarrete records that as early as 1393 a company had been formed in andalusia and biscay for promoting discoveries down the coast of africa. it was an effort to secure in the end such a route to asia as might enable the people of the iberian peninsula to share with those of the italian the trade with the east, which the latter had long conducted wholly or in part overland from the levant. the port of barcelona had indeed a share in this opulent commerce; but its product for spain was insignificant in comparison with that for italy. [sidenote: prince henry, the navigator.] the guiding spirit in this new habit of exploration was that scion of the royal family of portugal who became famous eventually as prince henry the navigator, and whose biography has been laid before the english reader within twenty years, abundantly elucidated by the careful hand of richard h. major. the prince had assisted king joão in the attack on the moors at ceuta, in 1415, and this success had opened to the prince the prospect of possessing the guinea coast, and of ultimately finding and passing the anticipated cape at the southern end of africa. [sidenote: cape bojador.] this was the mission to which the prince early in the fifteenth century gave himself. his ships began to crawl down the western barbary coast, and each season added to the extent of their explorations, but cape bojador for a while blocked their way, just as it had stayed other hardy adventurers even before the birth of henry. "we may wonder," says helps, "that he never took personal command of any of his expeditions, but he may have thought that he served the cause better by remaining at home, and forming a centre whence the electric energy of enterprise was communicated to many discoverers and then again collected from them." [sidenote: sagres.] meanwhile, prince henry had received from his father the government of algaroe, and he selected the secluded promontory of sagres, jutting into the sea at the southwestern extremity of portugal, as his home, going here in 1418, or possibly somewhat later. whether he so organized his efforts as to establish here a school of navigation is in dispute, but it is probably merely a question of what constitutes a school. there seems no doubt that he built an observatory and drew about him skillful men in the nautical arts, including a somewhat famous majorcan, jayme. he and his staff of workers took seamanship as they found it, with its cylindrical charts, and so developed it that it became in the hands of the portuguese the evidence of the highest skill then attainable. [sidenote: art of seamanship.] seamanship as then practiced has become an interesting study. under the guidance of humboldt, in his remarkable work, the _examen critique_, in which he couples a consideration of the nautical astronomy with the needs of this age of discovery, we find an easy path among the intricacies of the art. these complications have, in special aspects, been further elucidated by navarrete, margry, and a recent german writer, professor ernst mayer. [sidenote: lully's _arte de navegar_.] it was just at the end of the thirteenth century (1295) that the _arte de navegar_ of raymond lully, or lullius, gave mariners a handbook, which, so far as is made apparent, was not superseded by a better even in the time of columbus. [illustration: prince henry the navigator. [from a chronicle in the national library at paris.]] [sidenote: sacrobosco.] another nautical text-book at this time was a treatise by john holywood, a yorkshire man, who needs to be a little dressed up when we think of him as the latinized sacrobosco. his _sphera mundi_ was not put into type till 1472, just before columbus's arrival in portugal,--a work which is mainly paraphrased from ptolemy's _almagest_. it was one of the books which, by law, the royal cosmographer of spain, at a later day, was directed to expound in his courses of instruction. [sidenote: the loadstone.] the loadstone was known in western and northern europe as early as the eleventh century, and for two or three centuries there are found in books occasional references to the magnet. we are in much doubt, however, as to the prevalence of its use in navigation. if we are to believe some writers on the subject, it was known to the norsemen as early as the seventh century. its use in the levant, derived, doubtless, from the peoples navigating the indian ocean, goes back to an antiquity not easily to be limited. [sidenote: magnetic needle.] by the year 1200, a knowledge of the magnetic needle, coming from china through the arabs, had become common enough in europe to be mentioned in literature, and in another century its use did not escape record by the chroniclers of maritime progress. in the fourteenth century, the adventurous spirit of the catalans and the normans stretched the scope of their observations from the hebrides on the north to the west coast of tropical africa on the south, and to the westward, two fifths across the atlantic to the neighborhood of the azores,--voyages made safely under the direction of the magnet. [sidenote: observations for latitude.] [sidenote: the astrolabe.] there was not much difficulty in computing latitude either by the altitude of the polar star or by using tables of the sun's declination, which the astronomers of the time were equal to calculating. the astrolabe used for gauging the altitude was a simple instrument, which had been long in use among the mediterranean seamen, and had been described by raymond lullius in the latter part of the thirteenth century. before columbus's time it had been somewhat improved by johannes müller of königsberg, who became better known from the latin form of his native town as regiomontanus. he had, perhaps, the best reputation in his day as a nautical astronomer, and humboldt has explained the importance of his labors in the help which he afforded in an age of discovery. [sidenote: dead reckoning.] it is quite certain that the navigators of prince henry, and even columbus, practiced no artificial method for ascertaining the speed of their ships. with vessels of the model of those days, no great rapidity was possible, and the utmost a ship could do under favorable circumstances was not usually beyond four miles an hour. the hourglass gave them the time, and afforded the multiple according as the eye adjusted the apparent number of miles which the ship was making hour by hour. this was the method by which columbus, in 1492, calculated the distances, which he recorded day by day in his journal. of course the practiced seaman made allowances for drift in the ocean currents, and met with more or less intelligence the various deterrent elements in beating to windward. [sidenote: the seaman's log.] humboldt, with his keen insight into all such problems concerning their relations to oceanic discoveries, tells us in his _cosmos_ how he has made the history of the log a subject of special investigation in the sixth volume of his _examen critique de l'histoire de la géographie_, which, unfortunately, the world has never seen; but he gives, apparently, the results in his later _cosmos_. [illustration: the astrolabe of regiomontanus.] it is perhaps surprising that the mediterranean peoples had not perceived a method, somewhat clumsy as it was, which had been in use by the romans in the time of the republic. though the habit of throwing the log is still, in our day, kept up on ocean steamers, i find that experienced commanders quite as willingly depend on the report of their engineers as to the number of revolutions which the wheel or screw has made in the twenty-four hours. in this they were anticipated by these republicans of rome who attached wheels of four feet diameter to the sides of their ships and let the passage of the water turn them. their revolutions were then recorded by a device which threw a pebble into a tally-pot for each revolution. [illustration: regiomontanus's astrolabe, 1468. [after an original in the museum at nuremberg, shown in e. mayer's _die hilfsmittel der schiffahrtskunde_.]] from that time, so far as humboldt could ascertain, down to a period later than columbus, and certainly after the revival of long ocean voyages by the catalans, portuguese, and normans, there seems to have been no skill beyond that of the eyes in measuring the speed of vessels. after the days of columbus, it is only when we come to the voyages of magellan that we find any mention of such a device as a log, which consisted, as his chronicler explains, of some arrangements of cog-wheels and chains carried on the poop. [sidenote: prince henry's character.] such were in brief the elements of seamanship in which prince henry the navigator caused his sailors to be instructed, and which more or less governed the instrumentalities employed in his career of discovery. he was a man who, as his motto tells us, wished, and was able, to do well. he was shadowed with few infirmities of spirit. he joined with the pluck of his half-english blood--for he was the grandson of john of gaunt--a training for endurance derived in his country's prolonged contests with the moor. he was the staple and lofty exemplar of this great age of discovery. he was more so than columbus, and rendered the adventitious career of the genoese possible. he knew how to manage men, and stuck devotedly to his work. he respected his helpers too much to drug them with deceit, and there is a straightforward honesty of purpose in his endeavors. he was a trainer of men, and they grew courageous under his instruction. to sail into the supposed burning zone beyond cape bojador, and to face the destruction of life which was believed to be inevitable, required a courage quite as conspicuous as to cleave the floating verdure of the sargasso sea, on a western passage. it must be confessed that he shared with columbus those proclivities which in the instigators of african slavery so easily slipped into cruelty. they each believed there was a merit, if a heathen's soul be at stake, in not letting commiseration get the better of piety. [sidenote: cape bojador passed, 1434.] it was not till 1434 that prince henry's captains finally passed cape bojador. it was a strenuous and daring effort in the face of conceded danger, and under the impulse of the prince's earnest urging. gil eannes returned from this accomplished act a hero in the eyes of his master. had it ever been passed before? not apparently in any way to affect the importance of this portuguese enterprise. we can go back indeed, to the expedition of hanno the carthaginian, and in the commentaries of carl müller and vivien de st. martin track that navigator outside the pillars of hercules, and follow him southerly possibly to cape verde or its vicinity; and this, if major's arguments are to be accepted, is the only antecedent venture beyond cape bojador, though there have been claims set up for the genoese, the catalans, and the dieppese. that the map of marino sanuto in 1306, and the so-called laurentian portolano of 1351, both of which establish a vague southerly limit to africa, rather give expression to a theory than chronicle the experience of navigators is the opinion of major. it is of course possible that some indefinite knowledge of oriental tracking of the eastern coast of africa, and developing its terminal shape southerly, may have passed, as already intimated, with other nautical knowledge, by the red sea to the mediterranean peoples. to attempt to settle the question of any circumnavigation of africa before the days of diaz and da gama, by the evidence of earlier maps, makes us confront very closely geographical theories on the one hand, and on the other a possible actual knowledge filtered through the arabs. all this renders it imprudent to assume any tone of certainty in the matter. [illustration: sketch map of african discovery.] the captains of prince henry now began, season by season, to make a steady advance. the pope had granted to the portuguese monarchy the exclusive right to discovered lands on this unexplored route to india, and had enjoined all others not to interfere. [sidenote: cape blanco passed, 1441.] in 1441 the prince's ships passed beyond cape blanco, and in succeeding years they still pushed on little by little, bringing home in 1442 some negroes for slaves, the first which were seen in europe, as helps supposes, though this is a matter of some doubt. [sidenote: cape verde reached, 1445.] cape verde had been reached by diniz dyàz (fernandez) in 1445, and the discovery that the coast beyond had a general easterly trend did much to encourage the portuguese, with the illusory hope that the way to india was at last opened. they had by this time passed beyond the countries of the moors, and were coasting along a country inhabited by negroes. [sidenote: cadamosto, 1445.] [sidenote: cape verde islands.] in 1455, the venetian cadamosto, a man who proved that he could write intelligently of what he saw, was induced by prince henry to conduct a new expedition, which was led to the gambia; so that europeans saw for the first time the constellation of the southern cross. in the following year, still patronized by prince henry, who fitted out one of his vessels, cadamosto discovered the cape verde islands, or at least his narrative would indicate that he did. by comparison of documents, however, major has made it pretty clear that cadamosto arrogated to himself a glory which belonged to another, and that the true discoverer of the cape verde islands was diogo gomez, in 1460. it was on this second voyage that cadamosto passed cape roxo, and reached the rio grande. [illustration: fra mauro's world, 1439.] [sidenote: fra mauro's maps, 1457.] [illustration: tomb of prince henry at batalha. [from major's _prince henry_.]] [sidenote: prince henry dies, 1460.] in 1457, prince henry sent, by order of his nephew and sovereign, alfonso v., the maps of his captains to venice, to have them combined in a large mappemonde; and fra mauro was entrusted with the making of it, in which he was assisted by andrea bianco, a famous cartographer of the time. this great map came to portugal the year before the prince died, and it stands as his final record, left behind him at his death, november 13, 1460, to attest his constancy and leadership. the pecuniary sacrifices which he had so greatly incurred in his enterprises had fatally embarrassed his estate. his death was not as columbus's was, an obscuration that no one noted; his life was prolonged in the school of seamanship which he had created. [illustration: statue of prince henry at belem. [from major's _prince henry_.]] the prince's enthusiasm in his belief that there was a great southern point of africa had been imparted to all his followers. fra mauro gave it credence in his map by an indication that an indian junk from the east had rounded the cape with the sun in 1420. in this mauro map the easterly trend of the coast beyond cape verde is adequately shown, but it is made only as the northern shore of a deep gulf indenting the continent. the more southern parts are simply forced into a shape to suit and fill out the circular dimensions of the map. [sidenote: sierra leone, gold coast.] [sidenote: la mina.] within a few years after henry's death--though some place it earlier--the explorations had been pushed to sierra leone and beyond cape mezurada. when the revenues of the gold coast were farmed out in 1469, it was agreed that discovery should be pushed a hundred leagues farther south annually; and by 1474, when the contract expired, fernam gomez, who had taken it, had already found the gold dust region of la mina, which columbus, in 1492, was counseled by spain to avoid while searching for his western lands. this, then, was the condition of portuguese seamanship and of its exploits when columbus, some time, probably, in 1473, reached portugal. he found that country so content with the rich product of the guinea coast that it was some years later before the portuguese began to push still farther to the south. the desire to extend the christian faith to heathen, often on the lips of the discoverers of the fifteenth century, was never so powerful but that gold and pearls made them forget it. chapter vi. columbus in portugal. [sidenote: date of his arrival.] [sidenote: 1470.] it has been held by navarrete, irving, and other writers of the older school that columbus first arrived in portugal in 1470; and his coming has commonly been connected with a naval battle near lisbon, in which he escaped from a burning ship by swimming to land with the aid of an oar. it is easily proved, however, that notarial entries in italy show him to have been in that country on august 7, 1473. we may, indeed, by some stretch of inference, allow the old date to be sustained, by supposing that he really was domiciled in lisbon as early as 1470, but made occasional visits to his motherland for the next three or four years. [sidenote: supposed naval battle.] the naval battle, in its details, is borrowed by the _historie_ of 1571 from the _rerum venitiarum ab urbe condita_ of sabellicus. this author makes christopher columbus a son of the younger corsair colombo, who commanded in the fight, which could not have happened either in 1470, the year usually given, or in 1473-74, the time better determined for columbus's arrival in portugal, since this particular action is known to have taken place on august 22, 1485. those who defend the _historie_, like d'avezac, claim that its account simply confounds the battle of 1485 with an earlier one, and that the story of the oar must be accepted as an incident of this supposable anterior fight. the action in 1485 took place when the french corsair, casaneuve or colombo, intercepted some richly laden venetian galleys between lisbon and cape st. vincent. history makes no mention of any earlier action of similar import which could have been the occasion of the escape by swimming; and to sustain the _historie_ by supposing such is a simple, perhaps allowable, hypothesis. [sidenote: probable arrival in 1473-1474.] rawdon brown, in the introduction to his volumes of the _calendar of state papers in the archives of venice_, has connected columbus with this naval combat, but, as he later acknowledged to harrisse, solely on the authority of the _historie_. irving has rejected the story. there seems no occasion to doubt its inconsistencies and anachronisms, and, once discarded, we are thrown back upon the notarial evidence in italy, by which we may venture to accept the date of 1473-74 as that of the entrance of columbus into portugal. irving, though he discards the associated incidents, accepts the earlier date. nevertheless, the date of 1473-74 is not taken without some hazard. as it has been of late ascertained that when columbus left portugal it was not for good, as was supposed, so it may yet be discovered that it was from some earlier adventure that the buoyancy of an oar took him to the land. [sidenote: italians as maritime discoverers.] this coming of an italian to portugal to throw in his lot with a foreign people leads the considerate observer to reflect on the strange vicissitudes which caused italy to furnish to the western nations so many conspicuous leaders in the great explorations of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, without profiting in the slightest degree through territorial return. cadamosto and cabot, the venetians, columbus, the genoese, vespucius and verrazano, the florentines, are, on the whole, the most important of the great captains of discovery in this virgin age of maritime exploration through the dark waters of the atlantic; and yet spain and portugal, france and england, were those who profited by their genius and labors. it is a singular fact that, during the years which columbus spent in portugal, there is not a single act of his life that can be credited with an exact date, and few can be placed beyond cavil by undisputed documentary evidence. [sidenote: occupation in portugal.] it is the usual story, given by his earliest italian biographers, gallo and his copiers, that columbus had found his brother bartholomew already domiciled in portugal, and earning a living by making charts and selling books, and that christopher naturally fell, for a while, into similar occupations. he was not, we are also told, unmindful of his father's distresses in italy, when he disposed of his small earnings. we likewise know the names of a few of his fellow genoese settled in lisbon in traffic, because he speaks of their kindnesses to him, and the help which they had given him (1482) in what would appear to have been commercial ventures. it seems not unlikely that he had not been long in the country when the incident occurred at lisbon which led to his marriage, which is thus recorded in the _historie_. [sidenote: his marriage.] during his customary attendance upon divine worship in the convent of all saints, his devotion was observed by one of the pensioners of the monastery, who sought him with such expressions of affection that he easily yielded to her charms. this woman, felipa moñiz by name, is said to have been a daughter, by his wife caterina visconti, of bartolomeo perestrello, a gentleman of italian origin, who is associated with the colonization of madeira and porto santo. from anything which columbus himself says and is preserved to us, we know nothing more than that he desired in his will that masses should be said for the repose of her soul; for she was then long dead, and, as diego tells us, was buried in lisbon. we learn her name for the first time from diego's will, in 1509, and this is absolutely all the documentary evidence which we have concerning her. oviedo and the writers who wrote before the publication of the _historie_ had only said that columbus had married in portugal, without further particulars. [sidenote: the perestrellos.] but the _historie_, with las casas following it, does not wholly satisfy our curiosity, neither does oviedo, later, nor gomara and benzoni, who copy from oviedo. there arises a question of the identity of this bartolomeo perestrello, among three of the name of three succeeding generations. somewhere about 1420, or later, the eldest of this line was made the first governor of porto santo, after the island had been discovered by one of the expeditions which had been down the african coast. it is of him the story goes that, taking some rabbits thither, their progeny so quickly possessed the island that its settlers deserted it! such genealogical information as can be acquired of this earliest perestrello is against the supposition of his being the father of felipa moñiz, but rather indicates that by a second wife, isabel moñiz by name, he had the second bartolomeo, who in turn became the father of our felipa moñiz. the testimony of las casas seems to favor this view. if this is the bartolomeo who, having attained his majority, was assigned to the captaincy of porto santo in 1473, it could hardly be that a daughter would have been old enough to marry in 1474-75. the first bartolomeo, if he was the father-in-law of columbus, seems to have died in 1457, and was succeeded in 1458, in command of the island of porto santo, by another son-in-law, pedro correa da cunha, who married a daughter of his first marriage,--or at least that is one version of this genealogical complication,--and who was later succeeded in 1473 by the second bartolomeo. the count bernardo pallastrelli, a modern member of the family, has of late years, in his _il suocero e la moglie di cristoforo colombo_ (2d ed., piacenza, 1876), attempted to identify the kindred of the wife of columbus. he has examined the views of harrisse, who is on the whole inclined to believe that the wife of columbus was a daughter of one vasco gill moñiz, whose sister had married the perestrello of the _historie_ story. the successive wills of diego columbus, it may be observed, call her in one (1509) philippa moñiz, and in the other (1523) philippa muñiz, without the addition of perestrello. the genealogical table of the count's monograph, on the other hand, makes felipa to be the child of isabella moñiz, who was the second wife of bartolomeo pallastrelli, the son of felipo, who came to portugal some time after 1371, from plaisance, in italy. bartolomeo had been one of the household of prince henry, and had been charged by him with founding a colony at porto santo, in 1425, over which island he was long afterward (1446) made governor. we must leave it as a question involved in much doubt. [sidenote: columbus's son diego born.] the issue of this marriage was one son, diego, but there is no distinct evidence as to the date of his birth. sundry incidents go to show that it was somewhere between 1475 and 1479. columbus's marriage to doña felipa had probably taken place at lisbon, and not before 1474 at the earliest, a date not difficult to reconcile with the year (1473-74) now held to be that of his arrival in portugal. it is supposed that it was while columbus was living at porto santo, where his wife had some property, that diego was born, though harrisse doubts if any evidence can be adduced to support such a statement beyond a sort of conjecture on las casas's part, derived from something he thought he remembered diego to have told him. [sidenote: perestrello's mss.] the story of columbus's marriage, as given in the _historie_ and followed by oviedo, couples with it the belief that it was among the papers of his dead father-in-law, perestrello, that columbus found documents and maps which prompted him to the conception of a western passage to asia. in that case, this may perhaps have been the motive which induced him to draw from paolo toscanelli that famous letter, which is usually held to have had an important influence on the mind of columbus. [sidenote: story of a sailor dying in columbus's house.] the fact of such relationship of columbus with perestrello is called in question, and so is another incident often related by the biographers of columbus. this is that an old seaman who had returned from an adventurous voyage westward had found shelter in the house of columbus, and had died there, but not before he had disclosed to him a discovery he had made of land to the west. this story is not told in any writer that is now known before gomara (1552), and we are warned by benzoni that in gomara's hands this pilot story was simply an invention "to diminish the immortal fame of christopher columbus, as there were many who could not endure that a foreigner and italian should have acquired so much honor and so much glory, not only for the spanish kingdom, but also for the other nations of the world." [sidenote: pomponius mela, strabo, etc.] [sidenote: manilius, solinus, ptolemy.] it is certain, however, that under the impulse of the young art of printing men's minds had at this time become more alive than they had been for centuries to the search for cosmographical views. the old geographers, just at this time, were one by one finding their way into print, mainly in italy, while the intercourse of that country with portugal was quickened by the attractions of the portuguese discoveries. while columbus was still in italy, the great popularity of pomponius mela began with the first edition in latin, which was printed at milan in 1471, followed soon by other editions in venice. the _de situ orbis_ of strabo had already been given to the world in latin as early as 1469, and during the next few years this text was several times reprinted at rome and venice. the teaching of the sphericity of the earth in the astronomical poem of manilius, long a favorite with the monks of the middle ages, who repeated it in their labored script, appeared in type at nuremberg at the same time. the _polyhistor_ of solinus did not long delay to follow. a latin version of ptolemy had existed since 1409, but it was later than the rest in appearing in print, and bears the date of 1475. these were the newer issues of the italian and german presses, which were attracting the notice of the learned in this country of the new activities when columbus came among them, and they were having their palpable effect. [sidenote: toscanelli's theory.] [sidenote: his letter to columbus.] just when we know not, but some time earlier than this, alfonso v. of portugal had sought, through the medium of the monk fernando martinez (fernam martins), to know precisely what was meant by the bruit of toscanelli's theory of a westward way to india. to an inquiry thus vouched toscanelli had replied to fernando martinez (june 25, 1474), some days before a similar inquiry addressed to toscanelli reached florence, from columbus himself, and through the agency of an aged florentine merchant settled in lisbon. it seems probable that no knowledge of martinez's correspondence with toscanelli had come to the notice of columbus; and that the message which the genoese sent to the florentine was due simply to the same current rumors of toscanelli's views which had attracted the attention of the king. so in replying to columbus toscanelli simply shortened his task by inclosing, with a brief introduction, a copy of the letter, which he says he had sent "some days before" to martinez. this letter outlined a plan of western discovery; but it is difficult to establish beyond doubt the exact position which the letter of toscanelli should hold in the growth of columbus's views. if columbus reached portugal as late as 1473-74, as seems likely, it is rendered less certain that columbus had grasped his idea anterior to the spread of toscanelli's theory. in any event, the letter of the florentine physician would strengthen the growing notions of the genoese. as toscanelli was at this time a man of seventy-seven, and as a belief in the sphericity of the earth was then not unprevalent, and as the theory of a westward way to the east was a necessary concomitant of such views in the minds of thinking men, it can hardly be denied that the latent faith in a westward passage only needed a vigilant mind to develop the theory, and an adventurous spirit to prove its correctness. the development had been found in toscanelli and the proof was waiting for columbus,--both italians; but humboldt points out how the florentine very likely thought he was communicating with a portuguese, when he wrote to columbus. this letter has been known since 1571 in the italian text as given in the _historie_, which, as it turns out, was inexact and overladen with additions. at least such is the inference when we compare this italian text with a latin text, supposed to be the original tongue of the letter, which has been discovered of late years in the handwriting of columbus himself, on the flyleaf of an æneas sylvius (1477), once belonging to columbus, and still preserved in the biblioteca colombina at seville. the letter which is given in the _historie_ is accompanied by an antescript, which says that the copy had been sent to columbus at his request, and that it had been originally addressed to martinez, some time "before the wars of castile." how much later than the date june 25, 1474, this copy was sent to columbus, and when it was received by him, there is no sure means of determining, and it may yet be in itself one of the factors for limiting the range of months during which columbus must have arrived in portugal. [sidenote: toscanelli's visions of the east.] the extravagances of the letter of toscanelli, in his opulent descriptions of a marvelous asiatic region, were safely made in that age without incurring the charge of credulity. travelers could tell tales then that were as secure from detection as the revealed arcana of the zuñi have been in our own days. two hundred towns, whose marble bridges spanned a single river, and whose commerce could incite the cupidity of the world, was a tale easily to stir numerous circles of listeners in the maritime towns of the mediterranean, wherever wandering mongers of marvels came and went. there were such travelers whose recitals toscanelli had read, and others whose tales he had heard from their own lips, and these last were pretty sure to augment the wonders of the elder talebearers. columbus had felt this influence with the rest, and the tales lost nothing of their vividness in coming to him freshened, as it were, by the curious mind of the florentine physician. the map which accompanied toscanelli's letter, and which depicted his notions of the asiatic coast lying over against that of spain, is lost to us, but various attempts have been made to restore it, as is done in the sketch annexed. it will be a precious memorial, if ever recovered, worthy of study as a reflex, in more concise representation than is found in the text of the letter, of the ideas which one of the most learned cosmographers of his day had imbibed from mingled demonstrations of science and imagination. [illustration: toscanelli's map as restored in _das ausland_.] [sidenote: the passage westward.] it is said that in our own day, in the first stages of a belief in the practicability of an atlantic telegraphic cable, it was seriously claimed that the vast stretch of its extension could be broken by a halfway station on jacquet island, one of those relics of the middle ages, which has disappeared from our ocean charts only in recent years. [sidenote: antillia.] just in the same way all the beliefs which men had had in the island of antillia, and in the existence of many another visionary bit of land, came to the assistance of these theoretical discoverers in planning the chances of a desperate voyage far out into a sea of gorgons and chimeras dire. toscanelli's map sought to direct the course of any one who dared to make the passage, in a way that, in case of disaster to his ships, a secure harbor could be found in antillia, and in such other havens as no lack of islands would supply. ferdinand claimed to have found in his father's papers some statements which he had drawn from aristotle of carthaginian voyages to antillia, on the strength of which the portuguese had laid that island down in their charts in the latitude of lisbon, as one occupied by their people in 714, when spain was conquered by the moors. even so recently as the time of prince henry it had been visited by portuguese ships, if records were to be believed. it also stands in the bianco map of 1436. [sidenote: fabulous islands of the atlantic.] there are few more curious investigations than those which concern these fantastic and fabulous islands of the sea of darkness. they are connected with views which were an inheritance in part from the classic times, with involved notions of the abodes of the blessed and of demoniacal spirits. in part they were the aërial creation of popular mythologies, going back to a remoteness of which it is impossible to trace the beginning, and which got a variable color from the popular fancies of succeeding generations. the whole subject is curiously without the field of geography, though entering into all surveys of mediæval knowledge of the earth, and depending very largely for its elucidation on the maps of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, whose mythical traces are not beyond recognition in some of the best maps which have instructed a generation still living. [sidenote: st. brandan.] to place the island of the irish st. brandan--whose coming there with his monks is spoken of as taking place in the sixth century--in the catalogue of insular entities is to place geography in such a marvelous guise as would have satisfied the monk philoponus and the rest of the credulous fictionmongers who hang about the skirts of the historic field. but the belief in it long prevailed, and the apparition sometimes came to sailors' eyes as late as the last century. [sidenote: antillia, or the seven cities.] the great island of antillia, or the seven cities, already referred to, was recognized, so far as we know, for the first time in the weimar map of 1424, and is known in legends as the resort of some spanish bishops, flying from the victorious moors, in the eighth century. it never quite died out from the recognition of curious minds, and was even thought to have been seen by the portuguese, not far from the time when columbus was born. peter martyr also, after columbus had returned from his first voyage, had a fancy that what the admiral had discovered was really the great island of antillia, and its attendant groups of smaller isles, and the fancy was perpetuated when wytfliet and ortelius popularized the name of antilles for the west indian archipelago. [sidenote: brazil island.] another fleeting insular vision of this pseudo-geographical realm was a smaller body of floating land, very inconstant in position, which is always given some form of the name that, in later times, got a constant shape in the word brazil. we can trace it back into the portolanos of the middle of the fourteenth century; and it had not disappeared as a survival twenty or thirty years ago in the admiralty charts of great britain. the english were sending out expeditions from bristol in search of it even while columbus was seeking countenance for his western schemes; and cabot, at a little later day, was instrumental in other searches. [sidenote: travelers in the orient.] foremost among the travelers who had excited the interest of toscanelli, and whose names he possibly brought for the first time to the attention of columbus, were marco polo, sir john mandeville, and nicolas de conti. [illustration: modern eastern asia, with the old and new names. [from yule's _cathay_.]] [sidenote: marco polo,] it is a question to be resolved only by critical study as to what was the language in which marco polo first dictated, in a genoese prison in 1298, the original narrative of his experiences in cathay. the inquiry has engaged the attention of all his editors, and has invited the critical sagacity of d'avezac. there seems little doubt that it was written down in french. [illustration: eastern asia, catalan map, 1375. [from yule's _cathay_, vol. i.]] [illustration: marco polo. [from an original at rome.]] there are no references by columbus himself to the asiatic travels of marco polo, but his acquaintance with the marvelous book of the venetian observer may safely be assumed. the multiplication of texts of the _milione_ following upon his first dictation, and upon the subsequent revision in 1307, may not, indeed, have caused it to be widely known in various manuscript forms, be it in latin or italian. nor is it likely that columbus could have read the earliest edition which was put in type, for it was in german in 1477; but there is the interesting possibility that this work of the nuremberg press may have been known to martin behaim, a nuremberger then in lisbon, and likely enough to have been a familiar of columbus. the fact that there is in the biblioteca colombina at seville a copy of the first latin printed edition (1485) with notes, which seem to be in columbus's handwriting, may be taken as evidence, that at least in the later years of his study the inspiration which marco polo could well have been to him was not wanting; and the story may even be true as told in navarrete, that columbus had a copy of this famous book at his side during his first voyage, in 1492. at the time when humboldt doubted the knowledge of columbus in respect to marco polo, this treasure of the colombina was not known, and these later developments have shown how such a question was not to be settled as humboldt supposed, by the fact that columbus quoted æneas sylvius upon cipango, and did not quote marco polo. [sidenote: sir john mandeville.] neither does columbus refer to the journey and strange stories of sir john mandeville, whose recitals came to a generation which was beginning to forget the stories of marco polo, and which, by fostering a passion for the marvelous, had readily become open to the english knight's bewildering fancies. the same negation of evidence, however, that satisfied humboldt as respects marco polo will hardly suffice to establish columbus's ignorance of the marvels which did more, perhaps, than the narratives of any other traveler to awaken europe to the wonders of the orient. bernaldez, in fact, tells us that columbus was a reader of mandeville, whose recital was first printed in french at lyons in 1480, within a few years after columbus's arrival in portugal. [sidenote: nicolo di conti.] it was to florence, in toscanelli's time, not far from 1420, that nicolo di conti, a venetian, came, after his long sojourn of a quarter of a century in the far east. in conti's new marvels, the florentine scholar saw a rejuvenation of the wonders of marco polo. it was from conti, doubtless, that toscanelli got some of that confidence in a western voyage which, in his epistle to columbus, he speaks of as derived from a returned traveler. pope eugene iv., not far from the time of the birth of columbus, compelled conti to relate his experiences to poggio bracciolini. this scribe made what he could out of the monstrous tales, and translated the stories into latin. in this condition columbus may have known the narrative at a later day. the information which conti gave was eagerly availed of by the cosmographers of the time, and colonel yule, the modern english writer on ancient cathay, thinks that fra mauro got for his map more from conti than that traveler ventured to disclose to poggio. [sidenote: toscanelli's death, 1482.] toscanelli, at the time of writing this letter to columbus, had long enjoyed a reputation as a student of terrestrial and celestial phenomena. he had received, in 1463, the dedication by regiomontanus of his treatise on the quadrature of the circle. he was, as has been said, an old man of seventy-seven when columbus opened his correspondence with him. it was not his fate to live long enough to see his physical views substantiated by diaz and columbus, for he died in 1482. [sidenote: columbus confers with others.] in two of the contemporary writers, bartholomew columbus is credited with having incited his brother christopher to the views which he developed regarding a western passage, and these two were antonio gallo and giustiniani, the commentator of the psalms. it has been of late contended by h. grothe, in his _leonardo da vinci_ (berlin, 1874), that it was at this time, too, when that eminent artist conducted a correspondence with columbus about a western way to asia. but there is little need of particularizing other advocates of a belief which had within the range of credible history never ceased to have exponents. the conception was in no respect the merit of columbus, except as he grasped a tradition, which others did not, and it is strange, that navarrete in quoting the testimony of ferdinand and isabella, of august 8, 1497, to the credit of the discovery of columbus, as his own proper work, does not see that it was the venturesome, and as was then thought foolhardy, deed to prove the conception which those monarchs commended, and not the conception itself. [sidenote: columbus writes out reasons for his belief.] we learn from the _historie_ that its writer had found among the papers of columbus the evidence of the grounds of his belief in the western passage, as under varying impressions it had been formulated in his mind. these reasons divide easily into three groups: first, those based on deductions drawn from scientific research, and as expressed in the beliefs of ptolemy, marinus, strabo, and pliny; second, views which the authority of eminent writers had rendered weightier, quoting as such the works of aristotle, seneca, strabo, pliny, solinus, marco polo, mandeville, pierre d'ailly, and toscanelli; and third, the stories of sailors as to lands and indications of lands westerly. from these views, instigated or confirmed by such opinions, columbus gradually arranged his opinions, in not one of which did he prove to be right, except as regards the sphericity of the earth; and the last was a belief which had been the common property of learned men, and at intervals occupying even the popular mind, from a very early date. [sidenote: sphericity of the earth.] [sidenote: transmission of the belief in it.] the conception among the greeks of a plane earth, which was taught in the homeric and hesiodic poems, began to give place to a crude notion of a spherical form at a period that no one can definitely determine, though we find it taught by the pythagoreans in italy in the sixth century before christ. the spherical view and its demonstration passed down through long generations of greeks, under the sanction of plato and their other highest thinkers. in the fourth century before christ, aristotle and others, by watching the moon's shadow in an eclipse, and by observing the rising and setting of the heavenly bodies in different latitudes, had proved the roundness of the earth to their satisfaction; eratosthenes first measured a degree of latitude in the third century; hipparchus, in the second century, was the earliest to establish geographical positions; and in the second century of the christian era ptolemy had formulated for succeeding times the general scope of the transmitted belief. during all these centuries it was perhaps rather a possession of the learned. we infer from aristotle that the view was a novelty in his time; but in the third century before christ it began to engage popular attention in the poem of aratus, and at about 200 b. c. crates is said to have given palpable manifestation of the theory in a globe, ten feet in diameter, which he constructed. the belief passed to italy and the latins, and was sung by hyginus and manilius in the time of augustus. we find it also in the minds of pliny, cicero, virgil, and ovid. so the belief became the heirloom of the learned throughout the classic times, and it was directly coupled in the minds of aristotle, eratosthenes, strabo, seneca, and others with a conviction, more or less pronounced, of an easy western voyage from spain to india. [sidenote: seneca's _medea_.] [sidenote: cosmas.] [sidenote: bacon, albertus magnus, pierre d'ailly.] no one of the ancient expressions of this belief seems to have clung more in the memory of columbus than that in the _medea_ of seneca; and it is an interesting confirmation that in a copy of the book which belonged to his son ferdinand, and which is now preserved in seville, the passage is scored by the son's hand, while in a marginal note he has attested the fact that its prophecy of a western passage had been made good by his father in 1492. though the opinion was opposed by st. chrysostom in the fourth century, it was taught by st. augustine and isidore in the fifth. cosmas in the sixth century was unable to understand how, if the earth was a sphere, those at the antipodes could see christ at his coming. that settled the question in his mind. the venerable bede, however, in the eighth century, was not constrained by any such arguments, and taught the spherical theory. jourdain, a modern french authority, has found distinct evidence that all through the middle ages the belief in the western way was kept alive by the study of aristotle; and we know how the arabs perpetuated the teachings of that philosopher, which in turn were percolated through the levant to mediterranean peoples. it is a striking fact that at a time when spain was bending all her energies to drive the moor from the iberian peninsula, that country was also engaged in pursuing those discoveries along the western way to india which were almost a direct result of the arab preservation of the cosmographical learning of aristotle and ptolemy. a belief in an earth-ball had the testimony of dante in the twelfth century, and it was the well-known faith of albertus magnus, roger bacon, and the schoolmen, in the thirteenth. it continued to be held by the philosophers, who kept alive these more recent names, and came to columbus because of the use of bacon which pierre d'ailly had made. the belief in the sphericity of the earth carried with it of necessity another,--that the east was to be found in the west. superstition, ignorance, and fear might magnify the obstacles to a passage through that drear sea of darkness, but in columbus's time, in some learned minds at least, there was no distrust as to the accomplishment of such a voyage beyond the chance of obstacles in the way. [illustration: albertus magnus. [from reusner's _icones_.]] [sidenote: the belief opposed by the church.] it is true that in this interval of very many centuries there had been lapses into unbelief. there were long periods, indeed, when no one dared to teach the doctrine. whenever and wherever the epicureans supplanted the pythagoreans, the belief fell with the disciples of pythagoras. there had been, during the days of st. chrysostom and other of the fathers, a decision of the church against it. there were doubtless, as humboldt says, conservers, during all this time, of the traditions of antiquity, since the monasteries and colleges--even in an age when to be unlearned was more pardonable than to be pagan--were of themselves quite a world apart from the dullness of the masses of the people. [sidenote: pierre d'ailly's _imago mundi_.] [sidenote: roger bacon's _opus majus_.] a hundred years before columbus, the inheritor of much of this conservation was the bishop of cambray, that pierre d'ailly whose _imago mundi_ (1410) was so often on the lips of columbus, and out of which it is more than likely that columbus drank of the knowledge of aristotle, strabo, and seneca, and to a degree greater perhaps than he was aware of he took thence the wisdom of roger bacon. it was through the _opus majus_ (1267) of this english philosopher that western europe found accessible the stories of the "silver walls and golden towers" of quinsay as described by rubruquis, the wandering missionary, who in the thirteenth century excited the cupidity of the mediterranean merchants by his accounts of the inexhaustible treasures of eastern asia, and which the reader of to-day may find in the collections of samuel purchas. pierre d'ailly's position in regard to cosmographical knowledge was hardly a dominant one. he seems to know nothing of marco polo, bacon's contemporary, and he never speaks of cathay, even when he urges the views which he has borrowed from roger bacon, of the extension of asia towards western europe. any acquaintance with the _imago mundi_ during these days of columbus in portugal came probably through report, though possibly he may have met with manuscripts of the work; for it was not till after he had gone to spain that d'ailly could have been read in any printed edition, the first being issued in 1490. [sidenote: rotundity and gravitation.] the theory of the rotundity of the earth carried with it one objection, which in the time of columbus was sure sooner or later to be seized upon. if, going west, the ship sank with the declivity of the earth's contour, how was she going to mount such an elevation on her return voyage?--a doubt not so unreasonable in an age which had hardly more than the vaguest notion of the laws of gravitation, though some, like vespucius, were not without a certain prescience of the fact. [sidenote: size of the earth.] by the middle of the third century before christ, eratosthenes, accepting sphericity, had by astronomical methods studied the extent of the earth's circumference, and, according to the interpretation of his results by modern scholars, he came surprisingly near to the actual size, when he exceeded the truth by perhaps a twelfth part. the calculations of eratosthenes commended themselves to hipparchus, strabo, and pliny. a century later than eratosthenes, a new calculation, made by posidonius of rhodes, reduced the magnitude to a globe of about four fifths its proper size. it was palpably certain to the observant philosophers, from the beginning of their observations on the size of the earth, that the portion known to commerce and curiosity was but a small part of what might yet be known. the unknown, however, is always a terror. going north from temperate europe increased the cold, going south augmented the heat; and it was no bold thought for the naturalist to conclude that a north existed in which the cold was unbearable, and a south in which the heat was too great for life. views like these stayed the impulse for exploration even down to the century of columbus, and magnified the horrors which so long balked the exploration of the portuguese on the african coast. there had been intervals, however, when men in the indian ocean had dared to pass the equator. [sidenote: unknown regions.] [sidenote: strabo and marinus on the size of the earth.] therefore it was before the age of columbus that, east and west along the temperate belt, men's minds groped to find new conditions beyond the range of known habitable regions. strabo, in the first century before christ, made this habitable zone stretch over 120 degrees, or a third of the circumference of the earth. the corresponding extension of marinus of tyre in the second century after christ stretched over 225 degrees. this geographer did not define the land's border on the ocean at the east, but it was not unusual with the cosmographers who followed him to carry the farthest limits of asia to what is actually the meridian of the sandwich islands. on the west marinus pushed the fortunate islands (canaries) two degrees and a half beyond cape finisterre, failing to comprehend their real position, which for the westernmost, ferro, is something like nine degrees beyond the farther limits of the main land. [sidenote: ptolemy's view.] the belt of the known world running in the direction of the equator was, in the conception of ptolemy, the contemporary of marinus, about seventy-nine degrees wide, sixteen of these being south of the equatorial line. this was a contraction from the previous estimate of marinus, who had made it over eighty-seven degrees. [sidenote: toscanelli's view.] toscanelli reduced the globe to a circumference of about 18,000 miles, losing about 6,000 miles; and the untracked ocean, lying west of lisbon, was about one third of this distance. in other words, the known world occupied about 240 of the 360 degrees constituting the equatorial length. few of the various computations of this time gave such scant dimensions to the unknown proportion of the line. the laon globe, which was made ten or twelve years later than toscanelli's time, was equally scant. behaim, who figured out the relations of the known to the unknown circuit, during the summer before columbus sailed on his first voyage, reduced what was known to not much more than a third of the whole. it was the fashion, too, with an easy reliance on their genuineness, to refer to the visions of esdras in support of a belief in the small part--a sixth--of the surface of the globe covered by the ocean. [illustration: laon globe. [after d'avezac.]] [sidenote: views of columbus.] the problem lay in columbus's mind thus: he accepted the theory of the division of the circumference of the earth into twenty-four hours, as it had come down from marinus of tyre, when this ancient astronomer supposed that from the eastern verge of asia to the western extremity of europe there was a space of fifteen hours. the discovery of the azores had pushed the known limit a single hour farther towards the setting sun, making sixteen hours, or two thirds of the circumference of 360 degrees. there were left eight hours, or one hundred and twenty degrees, to represent the space between the azores and asia. this calculation in reality brought the asiatic coast forward to the meridian of california, obliterating the width of the pacific at that latitude, and reducing by so much the size of the globe as columbus measured it, on the assumption that marinus was correct. this, however, he denied. if the _historie_ reports columbus exactly, he contended that the testimony of marco polo and mandeville carried the verge of asia so far east that the land distance was more than fifteen hours across; and by as much as this increased the distance, by so much more was the asiatic shore pushed nearer the coasts of europe. "we can thus determine," he says, "that india is even neighboring to spain and africa." [sidenote: length of a degree.] the calculation of course depended on what was the length of a degree, and on this point there was some difference of opinion. toscanelli had so reduced a degree's length that china was brought forward on his planisphere till its coast line cut the meridian of the present newfoundland. [sidenote: quinsay.] we can well imagine how this undue contraction of the size of the globe, as the belief lay in the mind of columbus, and as he expressed it later (july 7, 1503), did much to push him forward, and was a helpful illusion in inducing others to venture upon the voyage with him. the courage required to sail out of some iberian port due west a hundred and twenty degrees in order to strike the regions about the great chinese city of quinsay, or kanfu, hangtscheufu, and kingszu, as it has been later called, was more easily summoned than if the actual distance of two hundred and thirty-one degrees had been recognized, or even the two hundred and four degrees necessary in reality to reach cipango, or japan. the views of toscanelli, as we have seen, reduced the duration of risk westward to so small a figure as fifty-two degrees. so it had not been an unusual belief, more or less prominent for many generations, that with a fair wind it required no great run westward to reach cathay, if one dared to undertake it. if there were no insurmountable obstacles in the sea of darkness, it would not be difficult to reach earlier that multitude of islands which was supposed to fringe the coast of china. [sidenote: asiatic islands.] [sidenote: cipango.] [sidenote: spanish and portuguese explorations.] it was a common belief, moreover, that somewhere in this void lay the great island of cipango,--the goal of columbus's voyage. sometimes nearer and sometimes farther it lay from the asiatic coast. pinzon saw in rome in 1491 a map which carried it well away from that coast; and if one could find somewhere in the english archives the sea-chart with which bartholomew columbus enforced the views of his brother, to gain the support of the english king, it is supposed that it would reveal a somewhat similar location of the coveted island. here, then, was a space, larger or smaller, as men differently believed, interjacent along this known zone between the ascertained extreme east in asia and the accepted most distant west at cape st. vincent in spain, as was thought in strabo's time, or at the canaries, as was comprehended in the days of ptolemy. what there was in this unknown space between spain and cathay was the problem which balked the philosophers quite as much as that other uncertainty, which concerned what might possibly be found in the southern hemisphere, could one dare to enter the torrid heats of the supposed equatorial ocean, or in the northern wastes, could one venture to sail beyond the arctic circle. these curious quests of the inquisitive and learned minds of the early centuries of the christian era were the prototypes of the actual explorations which it was given in the fifteenth century to the spaniards and portuguese respectively to undertake. the commercial rivalry which had in the past kept genoa and venice watchful of each other's advantage had by their maritime ventures in the atlantic passed to these two peninsular nations, and england was not long behind them in starting in her race for maritime supremacy. [sidenote: sea of darkness.] it was in human nature that these unknown regions should become those either of enchantment or dismay, according to personal proclivities. it is not necessary to seek far for any reason for this. an unknown stretch of waters was just the place for the resorts of the gorgons and to find the islands of the blest, and to nurture other creations of the literary and spiritual instincts, seeking to give a habitation to fancies. it is equally in human nature that what the intellect has habilitated in this way the fears, desires, and superstitions of men in due time turn to their own use. it was easy, under the stress of all this complexity of belief and anticipation, for this supposable interjacent oceanic void to teem in men's imaginations with regions of almost every imaginable character; and when, in the days of the roman republic, the canaries were reached, there was no doubt but the ancient islands of the blest had been found, only in turn to pass out of cognizance, and once more to fall into the abyss of the unknown. [sidenote: story of atlantis.] [sidenote: land of the meropes.] [sidenote: saturnian continent.] there are, however, three legends which have come down to us from the classic times, which the discovery of america revived with new interest in the speculative excursions of the curiously learned, and it is one of the proofs of the narrow range of columbus's acquaintance with original classic writers that these legends were not pressed by him in support of his views. the most persistent of these in presenting a question for the physical geographer is the story of atlantis, traced to a tale told by plato of a tradition of an island in the atlantic which eight thousand years ago had existed in the west, opposite the pillars of hercules; and which, in a great inundation, had sunken beneath the sea, leaving in mid ocean large mud shoals to impede navigation and add to the terrors of a vast unknown deep. there have been those since the time of gomara who have believed that the land which columbus found dry and inhabited was a resurrected atlantis, and geographers even of the seventeenth century have mapped out its provinces within the usual outline of the american continents. others have held, and some still hold, that the atlantic islands are but peaks of this submerged continent. there is no evidence to show that these fancies of the philosopher ever disturbed even the most erratic moments of columbus, nor could he have pored over the printed latin of plato, if it came in his way, till its first edition appeared in 1483, during his stay in portugal. neither do we find that he makes any references to that other creation, the land of the meropes, as figured in the passages cited by ælian some seven hundred years after theopompus had conjured up the vision in the fourth century before christ. equally ignorant was columbus, it would appear, of the great saturnian continent, lying five days west from britain, which makes a story in plutarch's _morals_. [sidenote: earlier voyages on the atlantic.] [sidenote: phoenicians.] [sidenote: carthaginians.] [sidenote: romans.] we deal with a different problem when we pass from these theories and imaginings of western lands to such records as exist of what seem like attempts in the earliest days to attain by actual exploration the secret of this interjacent void. the phoenicians had passed the straits of gibraltar and found gades (cadiz), and very likely attempted to course the atlantic, about 1100 years before the birth of christ. perhaps they went to cornwall for tin. it may have been by no means impossible for them to have passed among the azores and even to have reached the american islands and main, as a statement in diodorus siculus has been interpreted to signify. then five hundred years later or more we observe the carthaginians pursuing their adventurous way outside the pillars of hercules, going down the african coast under hanno to try the equatorial horrors, or running westerly under hamilko to wonder at the sargasso sea. later, the phoenicians seem to have made some lodgment in the islands off the coasts of northwestern africa. the romans in the fourth century before christ pushed their way out into the atlantic under pytheas and euthymenes, the one daring to go as far as thule--whatever that was--in the north, and the other to senegal in the south. it was in the same century that rome had the strange sight of some unknown barbarians, of a race not recognizable, who were taken upon the shores of the german ocean, where they had been cast away. later writers have imagined--for no stronger word can be used--that these weird beings were north american indians, or rather more probably eskimos. about the same time, sertorius, a roman commander in spain, learned, as already mentioned, of some salubrious islands lying westward from africa, and gave horace an opportunity, in the evil days of the civil war, to picture them as a refuge. when the romans ruled the world, commerce lost much of the hazard and enterprise which had earlier instigated international rivalry. the interest in the western ocean subsided into merely speculative concern; and wild fancy was brought into play in depicting its horrors, its demons and shoals, with the intermingling of sky and water. [sidenote: knowledge of such early attempts.] [sidenote: maps xvth cent.] [sidenote: genoese voyages, 1291.] it is by no means certain that columbus knew anything of this ancient lore of the early mediterranean people. there is little or nothing in the early maps of the fifteenth century to indicate that such knowledge was current among those who made or contributed to the making of such of these maps as have come down to us. the work of some of the more famous chart makers columbus could hardly have failed to see, or heard discussed in the maritime circles of portugal; and indeed it was to his own countrymen, marino sanuto, pizignani, bianco, and fra mauro, that portuguese navigators were most indebted for the broad cartographical treatment of their own discoveries. at the same time there was no dearth of legends of the venturesome genoese, with fortunes not always reassuring. there was a story, for instance, of some of these latter people, who in 1291 had sailed west from the pillars of hercules and had never returned. such was a legend that might not have escaped columbus's attention even in his own country, associating with it the names of the luckless tedisio doria and ugolino vivaldi in their efforts to find a western way to india. harrisse, however, who has gone over all the evidence of such a purpose, fails to be satisfied. these stories of ocean hazards hung naturally about the seaports of portugal. [sidenote: antillia.] galvano tells us of such a tale concerning a portuguese ship, driven west, in 1447, to an island with seven cities, where its sailors found the people speaking portuguese, who said they had deserted their country on the death of king roderigo. this is the legend of antillia, already referred to. [sidenote: islands seen.] columbus recalled, when afterwards at the canaries on his first voyage, how it was during his sojourn in portugal that some one from madeira presented to the portuguese king a petition for a vessel to go in quest of land, occasionally seen to the westward from that island. similar stories were not unknown to him of like apparitions being familiar in the azores. a story which he had also heard of one antonio leme having seen three islands one hundred leagues west of the azores had been set down to a credulous eye, which had been deceived by floating fields of vegetation. [sidenote: the basques.] there was no obstacle in the passing of similar reports around the bay of biscay from the coasts of the basques, and the story might be heard of jean de echaide, who had found stores of stockfish off a land far oceanward,--an exploit supposed to be commemorated in the island of stokafixia, which stands far away to the westward in the bianco map of 1436. all these tales of the early visits of the basques to what imaginative minds have supposed parts of the american coasts derive much of their perennial charm from associations with a remarkable people. there is indeed nothing improbable in a hardy daring which could have borne the basques to the newfoundland shores at almost any date earlier than the time of columbus. [sidenote: newfoundland banks possibly visited.] fructuoso, writing as late as 1590, claimed that a portuguese navigator, joão vaz cortereal, had sailed to the codfish coast of newfoundland as early as 1464, but barrow seems to be the only writer of recent times who has believed the tale, and biddle and harrisse find no evidence to sustain it. [sidenote: tartary supposed to be seen.] there is a statement recorded by columbus, if we may trust the account of the _historie_, that a sailor at santa maria had told him how, being driven westerly in a voyage to ireland, he had seen land, which he then thought to be tartary. some similar experiences were also told to columbus by pieter de velasco, of galicia; and this land, according to the account, would seem to have been the same sought at a later day by the cortereals (1500). [sidenote: dubious pre-columbian voyages.] it is not easy to deal historically with long-held traditions. the furbishers of transmitted lore easily make it reflect what they bring to it. to find illustrations in any inquiry is not so difficult if you select what you wish, and discard all else, and the result of this discriminating accretion often looks very plausible. historical truth is reached by balancing everything, and not by assimilating that which easily suits. almost all these discussions of pre-columbian voyagings to america afford illustrations of this perverted method. events in which there is no inherent untruth are not left with the natural defense of probability, but are proved by deductions and inferences which could just as well be applied to prove many things else, and are indeed applied in a new way by every new upstart in such inquiries. the story of each discoverer before columbus has been upheld by the stock intimation of white-bearded men, whose advent is somehow mysteriously discovered to have left traces among the aborigines of every section of the coast. * * * * * [illustration: oceanic currents. [from reclus's _amérique boréale_.]] [sidenote: traces of a western land in drift.] there was another class of evidence which, as the _historie_ informs us, served some purpose in bringing conviction to the mind of columbus. such were the phenomenal washing ashore on european coasts of unknown pines and other trees, sculptured logs, huge bamboos, whose joints could be made into vessels to hold nine bottles of wine, and dead bodies with strange, broad faces. even canoes, with living men in them of wonderful aspects, had at times been reported as thrown upon the atlantic islands. such events had not been unnoticed ever since the canaries and the azores had been inhabited by a continental race, and conjectures had been rife long before the time of columbus that westerly winds had brought these estrays from a distant land,--a belief more comprehensible at that time than any dependence upon the unsuspected fact that it was the oceanic currents, rather, which impelled these migratory objects. [sidenote: gulf stream.] it required the experiences of later spanish navigators along the bahama channel, and those of the french and english farther north upon the banks of newfoundland, before it became clear that the currents of the atlantic, grazing the cape of good hope and whirling in the gulf of mexico, sprayed in a curling fringe in the north atlantic. this in a measure became patent to sir humphrey gilbert sixty or seventy years after the death of columbus. if science had then been equal to the microscopic tasks which at this day it imposes on itself, the question of western lands might have been studied with an interest beyond what attached to the trunks of trees, carved timbers, edible nuts, and seeds of alien plants, which the gulf stream is still bringing to the shores of europe. it might have found in the dust settling upon the throngs of men in the old world, the shells of animalcules, differing from those known to the observing eye in europe, which, indeed, had been carried in the upper currents of air from the banks of the orinoco. * * * * * [sidenote: influence of portuguese discoveries upon columbus.] [sidenote: _ephemerides_ of regiomontanus.] once in portugal, columbus was brought in close contact with that eager spirit of exploration which had survived the example of prince henry and his navigators. if las casas was well informed, these portuguese discoveries were not without great influence upon the genoese's receptive mind. he was now where he could hear the fresh stories of their extending acquaintance with the african coast. his wife's sister, by the accepted accounts, had married pedro correa, a navigator not without fame in those days, and a companion in maritime inquiry upon whom columbus could naturally depend,--unless, as harrisse decides, he was no navigator at all. columbus was also at hand to observe the growing skill in the arts of navigation which gave the portuguese their preëminence. he had not been long in lisbon when regiomontanus gave a new power in astronomical calculations of positions at sea by publishing his _ephemerides_, for the interval from 1475 to 1506, upon which columbus was yet to depend in his eventful voyage. [sidenote: martin behaim.] the most famous of the pupils of this german mathematician was himself in lisbon during the years of columbus's sojourn. we have no distinct evidence that martin behaim, a nuremberger, passed any courtesies with the genoese adventurer, but it is not improbable that he did. his position was one that would attract columbus, who might never have been sought by behaim. the nuremberger's standing was, indeed, such as to gain the attention of the court, and he was thought not unworthy to be joined with the two royal physicians, roderigo and josef, on a commission to improve the astrolabe. their perfected results mark an epoch in the art of seamanship in that age. [illustration: samples of the tables of regiomontanus, 1474-1506.] [illustration: the african coast, 1478. [from nordenskiöld's _facsimile atlas_.]] [sidenote: guinea coast, 1482.] [sidenote: the congo reached, 1484.] it was a new sensation when news came that at last the portuguese had crossed the equator, in pushing along the african coast. in january, 1482, they had said their first mass on the guinea coast, and the castle of san jorge da mina was soon built under the new impulse to enterprise which came with the accession of joão ii. in 1484 they reached the congo, under the guidance of diogo cam, and martin behaim was of his company. [illustration: martin behaim.] these voyages were not without strong allurements to the genoese sailor. he is thought to have been a participant in some of the later cruises. the _historie_ claims that he began to reason, from his new experiences, that if land could be discovered to the south there was much the same chance of like discoveries in the west. but there were experiences of other kinds which, in the interim, if we believe the story, he underwent in the north. chapter vii. was columbus in the north? [sidenote: columbus supposed to have sailed beyond iceland, 1477.] there is, in the minds of some inquirers into the early discovery of america, no more pivotal incident attaching to the career of columbus than an alleged voyage made to the vicinity of what is supposed to have been iceland, in the assigned year of 1477. the incident is surrounded with the confusion that belongs to everything dependent on columbus's own statements, or on what is put forth as such. our chief knowledge of his voyage is in the doubtful italian rendering of the _historie_ of 1571, where, citing a memoir by columbus himself on the five habitable zones, the translator or adapter of that book makes the admiral say that "in february, 1477, he sailed a hundred leagues beyond the island tile, which lies under the seventy-third parallel, and not under the sixty-third, as some say." the only evidence that he saw tile, in sailing beyond it, is in what he further says, that he was able to ascertain that the tide rose and fell twenty-six fathoms, which observation necessitates the seeing of some land, whether tile or not. [sidenote: inconsistencies in the statement.] there is no land at all in the northern atlantic under 73°. iceland stretches from 64° to 67°; jan mayen is too small for columbus's further description of the island, and is at 71°, and spitzbergen is at 76°. what columbus says of the english of bristol trading at this island points to iceland; and it is easy, if one will, to imagine a misprint of the figures, an error of calculation, a carelessness of statement, or even the disappearance, through some cataclysm, of the island, as has been suggested. [illustration: map of olaus magnus, 1539. [from dr. brenner's essay.]] humboldt in his _cosmos_ quotes columbus as saying of this voyage near thule that "the sea was not at that time covered with ice," and he credits that statement to the same _tratado de las cinco zonas habitables_ of columbus, and urges in proof that finn magnusen had found in ancient historical sources that in february, 1477, ice had not set in on the southern coast of that island. [sidenote: thyle.] speaking of "tile," the same narrative adds that "it is west of the western verge of ptolemy [that is, ptolemy's world map], and larger than england." this expression of its size could point only to iceland, of all islands in the northern seas. there are elements in the story, however, not easily reconcilable with what might be expected of an experienced mariner; and if the story is true in its main purpose, there is little more in the details than the careless inexactness, which characterizes a good many of the well-authenticated asseverations of columbus. [sidenote: the zeni's frisland.] again the narrative says, "it is true that ptolemy's thule is where that geographer placed it, but that it is now called frislande." does this mean that the zeni story had been a matter of common talk forty years after the voyage to their frisland had been made, and eighty-four years before a later scion of the family published the remarkable narrative in venice, in 1558? it is possible that the maker of the _historie_ of 1571, in the way in which it was given to the world, had interpolated this reference to the frisland of the zeni to help sustain the credit of his own or the other book. a voyage undertaken by columbus to such high latitudes is rendered in all respects doubtful, to say the least, from the fact that in 1492 columbus detailed for the eyes of his sovereigns the unusual advantages of the harbors of the new islands which he had discovered, and added that he was entitled to express such an opinion, because his exploration had extended from guinea on the south to england on the north. it was an occasion when he desired to make his acquaintance seem as wide as the facts would warrant, and yet he does not profess to have been farther north than england. a hundred leagues, moreover, beyond iceland might well have carried him to the upper greenland coast, but he makes no mention of other land being seen in those high latitudes. [sidenote: thyle and iceland.] thyle and iceland are made different islands in the ptolemy of 1486, which, if it does not prove that iceland was not then the same as thyle in the mind of geographers, shows that geographical confusion still prevailed at the north. it may be further remarked that muñoz and others have found no time in columbus's career to which this voyage to the north could so easily pertain as to a period anterior to his going to portugal, and consequently some years before the 1477 of the _historie_. [sidenote: the english in iceland.] [sidenote: kolno.] [sidenote: the zeni.] a voyage to iceland was certainly no new thing. the english traded there, and a large commerce was maintained with it by bristol, and had been for many years. a story grew up at a later day, and found expression in gomara and wytfliet, that in 1476, the year before this alleged voyage of columbus, a danish expedition, under the command of the pole kolno, or skolno, had found in these northern regions an entrance to the straits of anian, which figure so constantly in later maps, and which opened a passage to the indies; but there seems to be no reason to believe that it had any definite foundation, and it could hardly have been known to columbus. it is also easy to conjecture that columbus had been impelled to join some english trading vessel from bristol, through mere nautical curiosity, and even been urged by reports which may have reached him of the northern explorations of the zeni, long before the accounts were printed. but if he knew anything, he either treasured it up as a proof of his theories, not yet to be divulged,--why is not clear,--or, what is vastly more probable, it never occurred to him to associate any of these dim regions with the coasts of marco polo's cathay. [sidenote: madoc.] there was no lack of stories, even at this time, of venturesome voyages west along the latitude of england and to the northwest, and of these tales columbus may possibly have heard. such was the story which had been obscurely recorded, that madoc, a welsh chieftain, in the later years of the twelfth century had carried a colony westerly. nor can it be positively asserted that the estotiland and drogeo of the zeni narrative, then lying in the cabinet of an italian family unknown, had ever come to his knowledge. there are stories in the _historie_ of reports which had reached him, that mariners sailing for ireland had been driven west, and had sighted land which had been supposed to be tartary, which at a later day was thought to be the baccalaos of the cortereals. [sidenote: bresil, or brazil, island.] the island of bresil had been floating about the atlantic, usually in the latitude of ireland, since the days when the maker of the catalan planisphere, in 1375, placed it in that sea, and current stories of its existence resulted, at a later day (1480), in the sending from bristol of an expedition of search, as has already been said. [sidenote: did columbus land on thule?] finn magnusen among the scandinavian writers, and de costa and others among americans, have thought it probable that columbus landed at hualfiord, in iceland. columbus, however, does not give sufficient ground for any such inference. he says he went beyond thule, not to it, whatever thule was, and we only know by his observations on the tides, that he approached dry land. [sidenote: bishop magnus in iceland.] laing, in his introduction to the _heimskringla_, says confidently that columbus "came to iceland from bristol, in 1477, on purpose to gain nautical information,"--an inference merely,--"and must have heard of the written accounts of the norse discoveries recorded in" the _codex flatoyensis_. laing says again that as bishop magnus is known to have been in iceland in the spring of 1477, "it is presumed columbus must have met and conversed with him"! a great deal turns on this purely imaginary conversation, and the possibilities of its scope. [sidenote: the norse in iceland.] [sidenote: eric the red.] [sidenote: greenland.] the listening columbus might, indeed, have heard of irish monks and their followers, who had been found in iceland by the first norse visitors, six hundred years before, if perchance the traditions of them had been preserved, and these may even have included the somewhat vague stories of visits to a country somewhere, which they called ireland the great. possibly, too, there were stories told at the firesides of the adventures of a sea-rover, gunnbiorn by name, who had been driven westerly from iceland and had seen a strange land, which after some years was visited by eric the red; and there might have been wondrous stories told of this same land, which eric had called greenland, in order to lure settlers, where there is some reason to believe yet earlier wanderers had found a home. [sidenote: _heimskringla._] [sidenote: position of greenland.] [sidenote: thought to be a part of europe.] there mightpossibly have been shown to columbus an old manuscript chronicle of the kings of norway, which they called the _heimskringla_, and which had been written by snorre sturlason in the thirteenth century; and if he had turned the leaves with any curiosity, he could have read, or have had translated for him, accounts of the norse colonization of greenland in the ninth century. where, then, was this greenland? could it possibly have had any connection with that cathay of marco polo, so real in the vision of columbus, and which was supposed to lie above india in the higher latitudes? as a student of contemporary cartography, columbus would have answered such a question readily, had it been suggested; for he would have known that greenland had been represented in all the maps, since it was first recognized at all, as merely an extended peninsula of scandinavia, made by a southward twist to enfold a northern sea, in which iceland lay. one certainly cannot venture to say how far columbus may have had an acquaintance with the cartographical repertories, more or less well stocked, as they doubtless were, in the great commercial centres of maritime europe, but the knowledge which we to-day have in detail could hardly have been otherwise than a common possession among students of geography then. we comprehend now how, as far back as 1427, a map of claudius clavus showed greenland as this peninsular adjunct to the northwest of europe,--a view enforced also in a map of 1447, in the pitti palace, and in one which nordenskiöld recently found in a codex of ptolemy at warsaw, dated in 1467. a few years later, and certainly before columbus could have gone on this voyage, we find a map which it is more probable he could have known, and that is the engraved one of nicholas donis, drawn presumably in 1471, and later included in the edition of ptolemy published at ulm in 1482. the same european connection is here maintained. again it is represented in the map of henricus martellus (1489-90), in a way that produced a succession of maps, which till long after the death of columbus continued to make this norse colony a territorial appendage of scandinavian europe, betraying not the slightest symptom of a belief that eric the red had strayed beyond the circle of european connections. [illustration: claudius clavus, 1427. [from nordenskiöld's _studien_.]] [illustration: bordone, 1528. [greenland is the northernmost peninsula of n. w. europe.]] [sidenote: made a part of asia.] it is only when we get down to the later years of columbus's life that we find, on a portuguese chart of 1503, a glimmer of the truth, and this only transiently, though the conception of the mariners, upon which this map was based, probably associated greenland with the asiatic main, as ruysch certainly did, by a bold effort to reconcile the norse traditions with the new views of his time, when he produced the first engraved map of the discoveries of columbus and cabot in the roman ptolemy of 1508. [sidenote: again made a part of europe.] it is thus beyond dispute that if columbus entertained any views as to the geographical relations of greenland, which had been practically lost to europe since communication with it ceased, earlier in the fifteenth century, they were simply those of a peninsula of northern europe, which could have no connection with any country lying beyond the atlantic; for it was not till after his death that any general conception of it associated with the asiatic main arose. it is quite certain, however, that as the conception began to prevail, after the discovery of the south sea by balboa, in 1513, that an interjacent new world had really been found, there was a tendency, as shown in the map of thorne (1527), representing current views in spain, and in those of finæus (1531), ziegler (1532), mercator (1538), and bordone (1528-1547), to relegate the position of greenland to a peninsular connection with europe. there is a curious instance of the evolution of the correct idea in the ptolemy of 1525, and repeated in the same plate as used in the editions of 1535 and 1545. the map was originally engraved to show "gronlandia" as a european peninsula, but apparently, at a later stage, the word gronlandia was cut in the corner beside the sketch of an elephant, and farther west, as if to indicate its transoceanic and asiatic situation, though there was no attempt to draw in a coast line. [sidenote: later diverse views.] later in the century there was a strife of opinion between the geographers of the north, as represented in the olaus magnus map of 1567, who disconnected the country from europe, and those of the south, who still united greenland with scandinavia, as was done in the zeno map of 1558. by this time, however, the southern geographers had begun to doubt, and after 1540 we find labrador and greenland put in close proximity in many of their maps; and in this the editors of the ptolemy of 1561 agreed, when they altered their reëngraved map--as the plate shows--in a way to disconnect greenland from scandinavia. it is not necessary to trace the cartographical history of greenland to a later day. it is manifest that it was long after columbus's death when the question was raised of its having any other connection than with europe, and columbus could have learned in iceland nothing to suggest to him that the land of eric the red had any connection with the western shores of asia, of which he was dreaming. [sidenote: discovery of vinland.] if any of the learned men in iceland had referred columbus once more to the _heimskringla_, it would have been to the brief entry which it shows in the records as the leading norse historian made it, of the story of the discovery of vinland. there he would have read, "leif also found vinland the good," and he could have read nothing more. there was nothing in this to excite the most vivid imagination as to place or direction. [sidenote: scandinavian views of vinland.] [sidenote: stephanius's map, 1570.] it was not till a time long after the period of columbus that, so far as we know, any cartographical records of the discoveries associated with the vinland voyages were made in the north; and not till the discoveries of columbus and his successors were a common inheritance in europe did some of the northern geographers, in 1570, undertake to reconcile the tales of the sagas with the new beliefs. the testimony of these later maps is presumably the transmitted view then held in the north from the interpretation of the norse sagas in the light of later knowledge. this testimony is that the "america" of the spaniards, including terra florida and the "albania" of the english, was a territory south of the norse region and beyond a separating water, very likely that of davis' straits. the map of sigurd stephanius of this date (1570) puts vinland north of the straits of belle isle, and makes it end at the south in a "wild sea," which separates it [b of map] from "america." torfæus quotes torlacius as saying that this map of stephanius's was drawn from ancient icelandic records. if this cartographical record has its apparent value, it is not likely that columbus could have seen in it anything more than a manifestation of that vague boreal region which was far remote from the thoughts which possessed him, in seeking a way to india over against spain. [illustration: sigurd stephanius, 1570.] [sidenote: dubious sagas.] beside the scant historic record respecting vinland which has been cited from the _heimskringla_, it is further possible that columbus may have seen that series of sagas which had come down in oral shape to the twelfth century. at this period put into writing, two hundred years after the events of the vinland voyages, there are none of the manuscript copies of these sagas now existing which go back of the fourteenth century. this rendering of the old sagas into script came at a time when, in addition to the inevitable transformations of long oral tradition, there was superadded the romancing spirit then rife in the north, and which had come to them from the south of europe. the result of this blending of confused tradition with the romancing of the period of the written preservation has thrown, even among the scandinavians themselves, a shade of doubt, more or less intense at times, which envelops the saga record with much that is indistinguishable from myth, leaving little but the general drift of the story to be held of the nature of a historic record. the icelandic editor of egel's saga, published at reikjavik in 1856, acknowledges this unavoidable reflex of the times when the sagas were reduced to writing, and the most experienced of the recent writers on greenland, henrik rink, has allowed the untrustworthiness of the sagas except for their general scope. [sidenote: codex flatoyensis.] [sidenote: leif erikson.] less than a hundred years before the alleged visit of columbus to thule, there had been a compilation of some of the early sagas, and this _codex flatoyensis_ is the only authority which we have for any details of the vinland voyages. it is possible that the manuscript now known is but one copy of several or many which may have been made at an early period, not preceding, however, the twelfth century, when writing was introduced. this particular manuscript was discovered in an icelandic monastery in the seventeenth century, and there is no evidence of its being known before. of course it is possible that copies may have been in the hands of learned icelanders at the time of columbus's supposed voyage to the north, and he may have heard of it, or have had parts of it read to him. the collection is recognized by scandinavian writers as being the most confused and incongruous of similar records; and it is out of such romancing, traditionary, and conflicting recitals that the story of the norse voyages to vinland is made, if it is made at all. the sagas say that it was sixteen winters after the settlement of greenland that leif went to norway, and in the next year he sailed to vinland. these are the data from which the year a. d. 1000 has been deduced as that of the beginning of the vinland voyages. the principal events are to be traced in the saga of eric the red, which, in the judgment of rask, a leading norse authority, is "somewhat fabulous, written long after the event, and taken from tradition." [sidenote: peringskiöld's edition of the sagas.] such, then, was the record which, if it ever came to the notice of columbus, was little suited to make upon him any impression to be associated in his mind with the asia of his dreams. humboldt, discussing the chances of columbus's gaining any knowledge of the story, thinks that when the spanish crown was contesting with the heirs of the admiral his rights of discovery, the citing of these northern experiences of columbus would have been in the crown's favor, if there had been any conception at that time that the norse discoveries, even if known to general europe, had any relation to the geographical problems then under discussion. similar views have been expressed by wheaton and prescott, and there is no evidence that up to the time of columbus an acquaintance with the vinland story had ever entered into the body of historical knowledge possessed by europeans in general. the scant references in the manuscripts of adam of bremen (a. d. 1073), of ordericus vitalis (a. d. 1140), and of saxo grammaticus (a. d. 1200), were not likely to be widely comprehended, even if they were at all known, and a close scrutiny of the literature of the subject does not seem to indicate that there was any considerable means of propagating a knowledge of the sagas before peringskiöld printed them in 1697, two hundred years after the time of columbus. this editor inserted them in an edition of the _heimskringla_ and concealed the patchwork. this deception caused it afterwards to be supposed that the accounts in the _heimskringla_ had been interpolated by some later reviser of the chronicle; but the truth regarding peringskiöld's action was ultimately known. [sidenote: probabilities.] basing, then, their investigation on a narrative confessedly confused and unauthentic, modern writers have sought to determine with precision the fact of norse visits to british america, and to identify the localities. the fact that every investigator finds geographical correspondences where he likes, and quite independently of all others, is testimony of itself to the confused condition of the story. the soil of the united states and nova scotia contiguous to the atlantic may now safely be said to have been examined by competent critics sufficiently to affirm that no archæological trace of the presence of the norse here is discernible. as to such a forbidding coast as that of labrador, there has been as yet no such familiarity with it by trained archæologists as to render it reasonably certain that some trace may not be found there, and on this account george bancroft allows the possibility that the norse may have reached that coast. there remains, then, no evidence beyond a strong probability that the norse from greenland crossed davis' straits and followed south the american coast. that indisputable archæological proofs may yet be found to establish the fact of their southern course and sojourn is certainly possible. meanwhile we must be content that there is no testimony satisfactory to a careful historical student, that this course and such sojourn ever took place. a belief in it must rest on the probabilities of the case. many writers upon the norseman discovery would do well to remember the advice of ampère to present as doubtful what is true, sooner than to give as true what is doubtful. "ignorance," says muñoz, in speaking of the treacherous grounds of unsupported narrative, "is generally accompanied by vanity and temerity." [sidenote: did columbus hear of the saga stories?] it is an obvious and alluring supposition that this story should have been presented to columbus, whatever the effect may have been on his mind. lowell in a poem pardonably pictures him as saying:-"i brooded on the wise athenian's tale of happy atlantis; and heard björne's keel crunch the gray pebbles of the vinland shore, for i believed the poets." but the belief is only a proposition. rafn and other extreme advocates of the norse discovery have made as much as they could of the supposition of columbus's cognizance of the norse voyages. laing seems confident that this contact must have happened. the question, however, must remain unsettled; and whether columbus landed in iceland or not, and whether the bruit of the norse expeditions struck his ears elsewhere or not, the fact of his never mentioning them, when he summoned every supposable evidence to induce acceptance of his views, seems to be enough to show at least that to a mind possessed as his was of the scheme of finding india by the west the stories of such northern wandering offered no suggestion applicable to his purpose. it is, moreover, inconceivable that columbus should have taken a course southwest from the canaries, if he had been prompted in any way by tidings of land in the northwest. chapter viii. columbus leaves portugal for spain. [sidenote: columbus's obscure record, 1473-1487.] it is a rather striking fact, as harrisse puts it, that we cannot place with an exact date any event in columbus's life from august 7, 1473, when a document shows him to have been in savona, italy, till he received at cordoba, spain, from the treasurer of the catholic sovereigns, his first gratuity on may 5, 1487, as is shown by the entry in the books, "given this day 3,000 maravedis," about $18, "to cristobal colomo, a stranger." the events of this period of about fourteen years were those which made possible his later career. the incidents connected with this time have become the shuttlecocks which have been driven backward and forward in their chronological bearings, by all who have undertaken to study the details of this part of columbus's life. it is nearly as true now as it was when prescott wrote, that "the discrepancies among the earliest authorities are such as to render hopeless any attempt to settle with precision the chronology of columbus's movements previous to his first voyage." [sidenote: his motives for leaving portugal.] [sidenote: chief sources of our knowledge.] the motives which induced him to abandon portugal, where he had married, and where he had apparently found not a little to reconcile him to his exile, are not obscure ones as detailed in the ordinary accounts of his life. all these narratives are in the main based, first, on the _historie_ (1571); secondly, on the great historical work of joam de barros, pertaining to the discoveries of the portuguese in the east indies, first published in 1552, and still holding probably the loftiest position in the historical literature of that country; and, finally, on the lives of joão ii., then monarch of portugal, by ruy de pina and by vasconcellos. the latter borrowing in the main from the former, was exclusively used by irving. las casas apparently depended on barros as well as on the _historie_. it is necessary to reconcile their statements, as well as it can be done, to get even an inductive view of the events concerned. the treatment of the subject by irving would make it certain that it was a new confidence in the ability to make long voyages, inspired by the improvements of the astrolabe as directed by behaim, that first gave columbus the assurance to ask for royal patronage of the maritime scheme which had been developing in his mind. [sidenote: columbus and behaim.] just what constituted the acquaintance of columbus with behaim is not clearly established. herrera speaks of them as friends. humboldt thinks some intimacy between them may have existed, but finds no decisive proof of it. behaim had spent much of his life in lisbon and in the azores, and there are some striking correspondences in their careers, if we accept the usual accounts. they were born and died in the same year. each lived for a while on an atlantic island, the nuremberger at fayal, and the genoese at porto santo; and each married the daughter of the governor of his respective island. they pursued their nautical studies at the same time in lisbon, and the same physicians who reported to the portuguese king upon columbus's scheme of westward sailing were engaged with behaim in perfecting the sea astrolabe. [sidenote: columbus and the king of portugal.] the account of the audience with the king which we find in the _historie_ is to the effect that columbus finally succeeded in inducing joão to believe in the practicability of a western passage to asia; but that the monarch could not be brought to assent to all the titular and pecuniary rewards which columbus contended for as emoluments of success, and that a commission, to whom the monarch referred the project, pronounced the views of columbus simply chimerical. barros represents that the advances of columbus were altogether too arrogant and fantastic ever to have gained the consideration of the king, who easily disposed of the genoese's pretentious importunities by throwing the burden of denial upon a commission. this body consisted of the two physicians of the royal household, already mentioned, roderigo and josef, to whom was added cazadilla, the bishop of ceuta. vasconcellos's addition to this story, which he derived almost entirely from ruy de pina, resende, and barros, is that there was subsequently another reference to a royal council, in which the subject was discussed in arguments, of which that historian preserves some reports. this discussion went farther than was perhaps intended, since cazadilla proceeded to discourage all attempts at exploration even by the african route, as imperiling the safety of the state, because of the money which was required; and because it kept at too great a distance for an emergency a considerable force in ships and men. in fact the drift of the debate seems to have ignored the main projects as of little moment and as too visionary, and the energy of the hour was centered in a rallying speech made by the count of villa real, who endeavored to save the interests of african exploration. the count's speech quite accomplished its purpose, if we can trust the reports, since it reassured the rather drooping energies of the king, and induced some active measures to reach the extremity of africa. [sidenote: diaz's african voyage, 1486.] [sidenote: passes the cape.] [illustration: portuguese mappemonde, 1490. [sketched from the original ms. in the british museum.]] in august, 1486, bartholomew diaz, the most eminent of a line of portuguese navigators, had departed on the african route, with two consorts. as he neared the latitude of the looked-for cape, he was driven south, and forced away from the land, by a storm. when he was enabled to return on his track he struck the coast, really to the eastward of the true cape, though he did not at the time know it. this was in may, 1487. his crew being unwilling to proceed farther, he finally turned westerly, and in due time discovered what he had done. the first passage of the cape was thus made while sailing west, just as, possibly, the mariners of the indian seas may have done. in december he was back in lisbon with the exhilarating news, and it was probably conveyed to columbus, who was then in spain, by his brother bartholomew, the companion of diaz in this eventful voyage, as las casas discovered by an entry made by bartholomew himself in a copy of d'ailly's _imago mundi_. thirty years before, as we have seen, fra mauro had prefigured the cape in his map, but it was now to be put on the charts as a geographical discovery; and by 1490, or thereabouts, succeeding portuguese navigators had pushed up the west coast of africa to a point shown in a map preserved in the british museum, but not far enough to connect with what was supposed with some certainty to be the limit reached during the voyages of the arabian navigators, while sailing south from the red sea. there was apparently not a clear conception in the minds of the portuguese, at this time, just how far from the cape the entrance of the arabian waters really was. it is possible that intelligence may have thus early come from the indian ocean, by way of the mediterranean, that the oriental sailors knew of the great african cape by approaching it from the east. [sidenote: portuguese missionaries to egypt.] such knowledge, if held to be visionary, was, however, established with some certainty in men's minds before da gama actually effected the passage of the cape. this confirmation had doubtless come through some missionaries of the portuguese king, who in 1490 sent such a positive message from cairo. but while the new exertions along the african coast, thus inadvertently instigated by columbus, were making, what was becoming of his own westward scheme? [sidenote: the portuguese send out an expedition to forestall columbus.] the story goes that it was by the advice of cazadilla that the portuguese king lent himself to an unworthy device. this was a project to test the views of columbus, and profit by them without paying him his price. an outline of his intended voyage had been secured from him in the investigation already mentioned. a caravel, under pretense of a voyage to the cape de verde islands, was now dispatched to search for the cipango of marco polo, in the position which columbus had given it in his chart. the mercenary craft started out, and buffeted with head seas and angry winds long enough to emasculate what little courage the crew possessed. without the prop of conviction they deserted their purpose and returned. once in port, they began to berate the genoese for his foolhardy scheme. in this way they sought to vindicate their own timidity. this disclosed to columbus the trick which had been played upon him. such is the story as the _historie_ tells it, and which has been adopted by herrera and others. * * * * * [sidenote: columbus leaves portugal, 1484.] at this point there is too much uncertainty respecting the movements of columbus for even his credulous biographers to fill out the tale. it seems to be agreed that in the latter part of 1484 he left portugal with a secrecy which was supposed to be necessary to escape the vigilance of the government spies. there is beside some reason for believing that it was also well for him to shun arrest for debts, which had been incurred in the distractions of his affairs. [sidenote: supposed visit of columbus to genoa.] there is no other authority than ramusio for believing with muñoz that columbus had already laid his project before the government of genoa by letter, and that he now went to reënforce it in person. that power was sorely pressed with misfortunes at this time, and is said to have declined to entertain his proposals. it may be the applicant was dismissed contemptuously, as is sometimes said. it is not, however, as harrisse has pointed out, till we come down to cassoni, in his _annals of genoa_, published in 1708, that we find a single genoese authority crediting the story of this visit to genoa. harrisse, with his skeptical tendency, does not believe the statement. [sidenote: supposed visit to venice.] eagerness to fill the gaps in his itinerary has sometimes induced the supposition that columbus made an equally unsuccessful offer to venice; but the statement is not found except in modern writers, with no other citations to sustain it than the recollections of some one who had seen at some time in the archives a memorial to this effect made by columbus. some writers make him at this time also visit his father and provide for his comfort,--a belief not altogether consonant with the supposition of columbus's escape from portugal as a debtor. [sidenote: the death of his wife.] [sidenote: shown to be uncertain.] irving and the biographers in general find in the death of columbus's wife a severing of the ties which bound him to portugal; but if there is any truth in the tumultuous letter which columbus wrote to doña juana de la torre in 1500, he left behind him in portugal, when he fled into spain, a wife and children. if there is the necessary veracity in the _historie_, this wife had died before he abandoned the country. that he had other children at this time than diego is only known through this sad, ejaculatory epistle. if he left a wife in portugal, as his own words aver, harrisse seems justified in saying that he deserted her, and in the same letter columbus himself says that he never saw her again. [sidenote: convent of rabida.] ever since a physician of palos, garcia fernandez, gave his testimony in the lawsuit through which, after columbus's death, his son defended his titles against the crown, the picturesque story of the convent of rabida, and the appearance at its gate of a forlorn traveler accompanied by a little boy, and the supplication for bread and water for the child, has stood in the lives of columbus as the opening scene of his career in spain. this franciscan convent, dedicated to santa maria de rabida, stood on a height within sight of the sea, very near the town of palos, and after having fallen into a ruin it was restored by the duke of montpensier in 1855. a recent traveler has found this restoration "modernized, whitewashed, and forlorn," while the refurnishing of the interior is described as "paltry and vulgar," even in the cell of its friar, where the visitor now finds a portrait of columbus and pictures of scenes in his career. [illustration: père juan perez de marchena. [as given by roselly de lorgues.]] [sidenote: friar marchena.] this friar, juan perez de marchena, was at the time of the supposed visit of columbus the prior of the convent, and being casually attracted by the scene at the gate, where the porter was refreshing the vagrant travelers, and by the foreign accent of the stranger, he entered into talk with the elder of them and learned his name. columbus also told him that he was bound to huelva to find the home of one muliar, a spaniard who had married the youngest sister of his wife. the story goes further that the friar was not uninformed in the cosmographical lore of the time, had not been unobservant of the maritime intelligence which had naturally been rife in the neighboring seaport of palos, and had kept watch of the recent progress in geographical science. he was accordingly able to appreciate the interest which columbus manifested in such subjects, as he unfolded his own notions of still greater discoveries which might be made at the west. keeping the wanderer and his little child a few days, marchena invited to the convent, to join with them in discussion, the most learned man whom the neighborhood afforded, the physician of palos,--the very one from whose testimony our information comes. their talks were not without reënforcements from the experiences of some of the mariners of that seaport, particularly one pedro de velasco, who told of manifestation of land which he had himself seen, without absolute contact, thirty years before, when his ship had been blown a long distance to the northwest of ireland. [sidenote: columbus goes to cordoba.] the friendship formed in the convent kept columbus there amid congenial sympathizers, and it was not till some time in the winter of 1485-86, and when he heard that the spanish sovereigns were at cordoba, gathering a force to attack the moors in granada, that, leaving behind his boy to be instructed in the convent, columbus started for that city. he went not without confidence and elation, as he bore a letter of credentials which the friar had given him to a friend, fernando de talavera, the prior of the monastery of prado, and confessor of queen isabella. [sidenote: doubts about the visits to rabida.] this story has almost always been placed in the opening of the career of columbus in spain. it has often in sympathizing hands pointed a moral in contrasting the abject condition of those days with the proud expectancy under which, some years later, he sailed out of the neighboring harbor of palos, within eyeshot of the monks of rabida. irving, however, as he analyzed the reports of the famous trial already referred to, was quite sure that the events of two visits to rabida had been unwittingly run into one in testimony given after so long an interval of years. it does indeed seem that we must either apply this evidence of 1513 and 1515 to a later visit, or else we must determine that there was great similarity in some of the incidents of the two visits. the date of 1491, to which harrisse pushes the incidents forward, depends in part on the evidence of one rodriguez cobezudo that in 1513 it was about twenty-two years since he had lent a mule to juan perez de marchena, when he went to santa fé from rabida to interpose for columbus. the testimony of garcia fernandez is that this visit of marchena took place after columbus had once been rebuffed at court, and the words of the witness indicate that it was on that visit when juan perez asked columbus who he was and whence he came; showing, perhaps, that it was the first time perez had seen columbus. accordingly this, as well as the mule story, points to 1491. but that the circumstances of the visit which garcia fernandez recounts may have belonged to an earlier visit, in part confounded after fifteen years with a later one, may yet be not beyond a possibility. it is to be remembered that the _historie_ speaks of two visits, one later than that of 1484. it is not easy to see that all the testimony which harrisse introduced to make the visit of 1491 the first and only visit of columbus to the convent is sufficient to do more than render the case probable. [sidenote: 1486. enters the service of spain.] we determine the exact date of the entering of columbus into the service of spain to be january 20, 1486, from a record of his in his journal on shipboard under january 14, 1493, where he says that on the 20th of the same month he would have been in their highnesses' service just seven years. we find almost as a matter of course other statements of his which give somewhat different dates by deduction. two statements of columbus agreeing would be a little suspicious. certain payments on the part of the crowns of castile and aragon do not seem to have begun, however, till the next year, or at least we have no earlier record of such than one on may 5, 1487, and from that date on they were made at not great intervals, till an interruption came, as will be later shown. [sidenote: changes his name to colon.] in spain the christoforo colombo of genoa chose to call himself cristoval colon, and the _historie_ tells us that he sought merely to make his descendants distinct of name from their remote kin. he argued that the roman name was colonus, which readily was transformed to a spanish equivalent. inasmuch as the duke of medina-celi, who kept columbus in his house for two years during the early years of his spanish residence, calls him colomo in 1493, and oviedo calls him colom, it is a question if he chose the form of colon before he became famous by his voyage. [sidenote: the genoese in spain.] the genoese had been for a long period a privileged people in spain, dating such acceptance back to the time of st. ferdinand. navarrete has instanced numerous confirmations of these early favors by successive monarchs down to the time of columbus. but neither this prestige of his birthright nor the letter of friar perez had been sufficient to secure in the busy camp at cordoba any recognition of this otherwise unheralded and humble suitor. the power of the sovereigns was overtaxed already in the engrossing preparations which the court and army were making for a vigorous campaign against the moors. the exigencies of the war carried the sovereigns, sometimes together and at other times apart, from point to point. siege after siege was conducted, and talavera, whose devotion had been counted upon by columbus, had too much to occupy his attention, to give ear to propositions which at best he deemed chimerical. [sidenote: columbus in cordoba.] we know in a vague way that while the court was thus withdrawn from cordoba the disheartened wanderer remained in that city, supporting himself, according to bernaldez, in drafting charts and in selling printed books, which harrisse suspects may have been publications, such as were then current, containing calendars and astronomical predictions, like the _lunarios_ of granollach and andrès de li. [sidenote: makes acquaintances.] it was probably at this time, too, that he made the acquaintance of alonso de quintanilla, the comptroller of the finances of castile. he attained some terms of friendship with antonio geraldini, the papal nuncio, and his brother, alexander geraldini, the tutor of the royal children. it is claimed that all these friends became interested in his projects, and were advocates of them. [sidenote: writes out the proofs of a western land.] we are told by las casas that columbus at one time gathered and placed in order all the varied manifestations, as he conceived them, of some such transatlantic region as his theory demanded; and it seems probable that this task was done during a period of weary waiting in cordoba. we know nothing, however, of the manuscript except as las casas and the _historie_ have used its material, and through them some of the details have been gleaned in the preceding chapter. [sidenote: mendoza.] these accessions of friends, aided doubtless by some such systemization of the knowledge to be brought to the question as this lost manuscript implies, opened the way to an acquaintance with pedro gonzales de mendoza, archbishop of toledo and grand cardinal of spain. this prelate, from the confidence which the sovereigns placed in him, was known in martyr's phrase as "the third king of spain," and it could but be seen by columbus that his sympathies were essential to the success of plans so far reaching as his own. the cardinal was gracious in his intercourse, and by no means inaccessible to such a suitor as columbus; but he was educated in the exclusive spirit of the prevailing theology, and he had a keen scent for anything that might be supposed heterodox. it proved necessary for the thought of a spherical earth to rest some time in his mind, till his ruminations could bring him to a perception of the truths of science. [sidenote: gets the ear of ferdinand for columbus.] according to the reports which oviedo gives us, the seed which columbus sowed, in his various talks with the cardinal, in due time germinated, and the constant mentor of the sovereigns was at last brought to prepare the way, so that columbus could have a royal audience. thus it was that columbus finally got the ear of ferdinand, at salamanca, whither the monarchs had come for a winter's sojourn after the turmoils of a summer's campaign against the moors. [sidenote: characters of the sovereigns of spain.] we cannot proceed farther in this narrative without understanding, in the light of all the early and late evidence which we have, what kind of beings these sovereigns of aragon and castile were, with whom columbus was to have so much intercourse in the years to come. ferdinand and isabella, the wearers of the crowns of aragon and castile, were linked in common interests, and their joint reign had augured a powerful, because united, spain. the student of their characters, as he works among the documents of the time, cannot avoid the recognition of qualities little calculated to satisfy demands for nobleness and devotion which the world has learned to associate with royal obligations. it may be possibly too much to say that habitually, but not too much to assert that often, these spanish monarchs were more ready at perfidy and deceit than even an allowance for the teachings of their time would permit. often the student will find himself forced to grant that the queen was more culpable in these respects than the king. an anxious inquirer into the queen's ways is not quite sure that she was able to distinguish between her own interests and those of god. the documentary researches of bergenroth have decidedly lowered her in the judgments of those who have studied that investigator's results. we need to plead the times for her, and we need to push the plea very far. [sidenote: isabella.] "perhaps," says helps, speaking of isabella, "there is hardly any great personage whose name and authority are found in connection with so much that is strikingly evil, all of it done, or rather assented to, upon the highest and purest motives." to palliate on such grounds is to believe in the irresponsibility of motives, which should transcend times and occasions. she is not, however, without loyal adulators of her own time and race. we read in oviedo of her splendid soul. peter martyr found commendations of ordinary humanity not enough for her. those nearest her person spoke as admiringly. it is the fortune, however, of a historical student, who lies beyond the influence of personal favor, to read in archives her most secret professions, and to gauge the innermost wishes of a soul which was carefully posed before her contemporaries. it is mirrored to-day in a thousand revealing lenses that were not to be seen by her contemporaries. irving and prescott simply fall into the adulation of her servitors, and make her confessors responsible for her acquiescence in the expulsion of the jews and in the horrors of the inquisition. [sidenote: ferdinand.] the king, perhaps, was good enough for a king as such personages went in the fifteenth century; but his smiles and remorseless coldness were mixed as few could mix them, even in those days. if the pope regarded him from italy, that holy father called him pious. the modern student finds him a bigot. his subjects thought him great and glorious, but they did not see his dispatches, nor know his sometimes baleful domination in his cabinet. the french would not trust him. the english watched his ambition. the moors knew him as their conqueror. the jews fled before his evil eye. the miserable saw him in his inquisitors. all this pleased the pope, and the papal will made him in preferred phrase his most catholic majesty,--a phrase that rings in diplomatic formalities to-day. every purpose upon which he had set his heart was apt to blind him to aught else, and at times very conveniently so. we may allow that it is precisely this single mind which makes a conspicuous name in history; but conspicuousness and justness do not always march with a locked step. he had, of course, virtues that shone when the sun shone. he could be equable. he knew how to work steadily, to eat moderately, and to dress simply. he was enterprising in his actions, as the moors and heretics found out. he did not extort money; he only extorted agonized confessions. he said masses, and prayed equally well for god's benediction on evil as on good things. he made promises, and then got the papal dispensation to break them. he juggled in state policy as his mind changed, and he worked his craft very readily. machiavelli would have liked this in him, and indeed he was a good scholar of an existing school, which counted the act of outwitting better than the arts of honesty; and perhaps the world is not loftier in the purposes of statecraft to-day. he got people to admire him, but few to love him. [sidenote: columbus's views considered by talavera and others.] [sidenote: at salamanca.] the result of an audience with the king was that the projects of columbus were committed to talavera, to be laid by him before such a body of wise men as the prior could gather in council. las casas says that the consideration of the plans was entrusted to "certain persons of the court," and he enumerates cardinal mendoza, diego de deza, alonso de cardenas, and juan cabrero, the royal chamberlain. the meeting was seemingly held in the winter of 1486-87. the catholic writers accuse irving, and apparently with right, of an unwarranted assumption of the importance of what he calls the council at salamanca, and they find he has no authority for it, except a writer one hundred and twenty years after the event, who mentions the matter but incidentally. this source was remesal's _historia de chyapa_ (madrid, 1619), an account of one of the mexican provinces. there seems no reason to suppose that at best it was anything more than some informal conference of talavera with a few councilors, and in no way associated with the prestige of the university at salamanca. the registers of the university, which begin back of the assigned date for such council, have been examined in vain for any reference to it. [illustration: university of salamanca. [_españa_, p. 132]] [illustration: monument to columbus erected at genoa, 1862.] the "junta of salamanca" has passed into history as a convocation of considerable extent and importance, and a representation of it is made to adorn one of the bas-reliefs of the admiral's monument at genoa. we have, however, absolutely no documentary records of it. of whatever moment it may have been, if the problem as columbus would have presented it had been discussed, the reports, if preserved, could have thrown much light upon the relations which the cosmographical views of its principal character bore to the opinions then prevailing in learned circles of spain. we know what the _historie_, bernaldez, and las casas tell us of columbus's advocacy, but we must regret the loss of his own language and his own way of explaining himself to these learned men. such a paper would serve a purpose of showing how, in this period of courageous and ardent insistence on a physical truth, he stood manfully for the light that was in him; and it would afford a needed foil to those pitiful aberrations of intellect which, in the years following, took possession of him, and which were so constantly reiterated with painful and maundering wailing. [sidenote: find favor with deza.] discarding, then, the array of argument which irving borrows from remesal, and barely associating a little conference, in which columbus is a central figure, with that st. stephen's convent whose wondrous petrifactions of creamy and reticulated stone still hold the admiring traveler, we must accept nothing more about its meetings than the scant testimony which has come down to us. it is pleasant to think how it was here that the active interest which diego de deza, a dominican friar, finally took in the cause of columbus may have had its beginning; but the extent of our positive knowledge regarding the meeting is the deposition of rodriguez de maldonado, who simply says that several learned men and mariners, hearing the arguments of columbus, decided they could not be true, or at least a majority so decided, and that this testimony against columbus had no effect to convince him of his errors. this is all that the "junta of salamanca" meant. a minority of unknown size favored the advocate. * * * * * [sidenote: 1487. the court at cordoba.] [sidenote: malaga surrenders, 1487.] when the spring of 1487 came, and the court departed to cordoba, and began to make preparations for the campaign against malaga, there was no hope that the considerations which had begun in the learned sessions at salamanca would be followed up. columbus seems to have journeyed after the court in its migrations: sometimes lured by pittances doled out to him by the royal treasurer; sometimes getting pecuniary assistance from his new friend, diego de deza; selling now and then a map that he had made, it may be; and accepting hospitality where he could get it, from such as alonso de quintanilla. in these wandering days, he was for a while, at least, in attendance on the court, then surrounded with military parade, before the moorish stronghold at malaga. the town surrendered on august 18, 1487, and the court then returned to cordoba. [illustration: spain, 1482. [from the _ptolemy_ of 1482.]] [sidenote: 1487. intimacy of columbus with beatrix enriquez.] [sidenote: ferdinand columbus born, 1488.] it was in the autumn of 1487, at cordoba, that columbus fell into such an intimacy as spousehood only can sanction with a person of good condition as to birth, but poor in the world's goods. whether this relation had the sanction of the church or not has been a subject of much inquiry and opinion. the class of french writers, who are aiming to secure the canonization of columbus, have found it essential to clear the moral character of columbus from every taint, and they confidently assert, and doubtless think they show, that nothing but conjugal right is manifest in this connection,--a question which the church will in due time have to decide, if it ever brings itself to the recognition of the saintly character of the great discoverer. even the ardent supporters of the cause of beatification are forced to admit that there is no record of such a marriage. no contemporary recognition of such a relation is evinced by any family ceremonies of baptism or the like, and there is no mention of a wife in all the transactions of the crowning endeavors of his life. as viceroy, at a later day, he constantly appears with no attendant vice-queen. she is absolutely out of sight until columbus makes a significant reference to her in his last will, when he recommends this beatrix enriquez to his lawful son diego; saying that she is a person to whom the testator had been under great obligations, and that his conscience is burdened respecting her, for a reason which he does not then think fitting to explain. this testamentary behest and acknowledgment, in connection with other manifestations, and the absence of proof to the contrary, has caused the belief to be general among his biographers, early and late, that the fruit of this intimacy, ferdinand columbus, was an illegitimate offspring. he was born, as near as can be made out, on the 15th of august, 1488. the mother very likely received for a while some consolation from her lover, but columbus did not apparently carry her to seville, when he went there himself; and the support which he gave her was not altogether regularly afforded, and was never of the quality which he asked diego to grant to her when he died. she unquestionably survived the making of diego's will in 1523, and then she fades into oblivion. her son, ferdinand, if he is the author of the _historie_, makes no mention of a marriage to his mother, though he is careful to record the one which was indisputably legal, and whose fruit was diego, the admiral's successor. the lawful son was directed by columbus, when starting on his third voyage, to pay to beatrix ten thousand maravedis a year; but he seems to have neglected to do so for the last three or four years of her life. diego finally ordered these arrears to be paid to her heirs. las casas distinctly speaks of ferdinand as a natural son, and las casas had the best of opportunities for knowing whereof he wrote. * * * * * [sidenote: columbus sends his brother to england.] [sidenote: relations of england to the views of columbus.] while all this suspense and amorous intrigue were perplexing the ardent theorist, he is supposed to have dispatched his brother bartholomew to england to disclose his projects to henry vii. hakluyt, in his _westerne planting_, tells us that it "made much for the title of the kings of england" to the new world that henry vii. gave a ready acceptance to the theory of columbus as set forth somewhat tardily by his brother bartholomew, when escaping from the detention of the pirates, he was at last able, on february 13, 1488, to offer in england his sea-card, embodying christopher's theories, for the royal consideration. [sidenote: the cabots in england.] william castell, in his _short discovery of america_, says that henry vii. "unhappily refused to be at any charge in the discovery, supposing the learned columbus to build castles in the air." it is a common story that henry finally brought himself to accede to the importunities of bartholomew, but only at a late day, and after christopher had effected his conquest of the spanish court. columbus himself is credited with saying that henry actually wrote him a letter of acceptance. this epistle was very likely a fruition of the new impulses to oceanic discovery which the presence, a little later, of the venetian cabots, was making current among the english sailors; for john cabot and his sons, one of whom, sebastian, being at that time a youth of sixteen or seventeen, had, according to the best testimony, established a home in bristol, not far from 1490. if the report of the spanish envoy in england to his sovereigns is correct as to dates, it was near this time that the bristol merchants were renewing their quests oceanward for the islands of brazil and the seven cities. we have seen that these islands with others had for some time appeared on the conjectural charts of the atlantic, and very likely they had appeared on the sea-card shown by bartholomew columbus to henry vii. these efforts may perhaps have been in a measure instigated by that fact. at all events, any hazards of further western exploration could be met with greater heart if such stations of progress could be found in mid ocean. of the report of all this which bartholomew may have made to his brother we know absolutely nothing, and he seems not to have returned to spain till after a sojourn in france which ended in 1494. [sidenote: columbus invited back to portugal.] it was believed by irving that columbus, having opened a correspondence with the portuguese king respecting a return to the service of that country, had received from that monarch an epistle, dated march 20, 1488, in which he was permitted to come back, with the offer of protection against any suit of civil or criminal nature, and that this had been declined. we are left to conjecture of what suits of either kind he could have been apprehensive. humboldt commends the sagacity of navarrete in discerning that it was not so much the persuasion of diego de deza which kept columbus at this time from accepting such royal offers, as the illicit connection which he had formed in cordoba with doña beatrix enriquez, who before the summer was over had given birth to a son. on the other hand, that the permission was not neglected seems proved by a memorandum made by columbus's own hand in a copy of pierre d'ailly's _imago mundi_, preserved in the biblioteca colombina at seville, where, under date of december, 1488, "at lisbon," he speaks of the return of diaz from his voyage to the cape of good hope. this proof is indeed subject to the qualification that las casas has considered the handwriting of the note to be that of bartholomew columbus, but harrisse has no question of its identity with the chirography of columbus. this last critic ventures the conjecture that it was in some way to settle the estate of his wife that columbus at this time visited portugal. [sidenote: spanish subsidies withheld.] columbus had ceased to receive the spanish subsidies in june, 1488, or at least we know no record of any later largess. ferdinand was born to him in august. it was very likely subsequent to this last event that columbus crossed the spanish frontier into portugal, if harrisse's view of his crossing at all be accepted. his stay was without doubt a short one, and from 1489 to 1492 there is every indication that he never left the spanish kingdom. [sidenote: duke of medina-celi harbors columbus.] we know on the testimony of a letter of luis de la cerda, the duke of medina-celi, given in navarrete, that for two years after the arrival of columbus from portugal he had been a guest under the duke's roof in cogulludo, and it seems to harrisse probable that this gracious help on the part of the duke was bestowed after the return to spain. all that we know with certainty of its date is that it occurred before the first voyage, the duke himself mentioning it in a letter of march 19, 1493. [sidenote: 1489. columbus ordered to cordoba.] it was not till may, 1489, when the court was again at cordoba, according to diego ortiz de zuñiga, in his work on seville, that the sovereigns were gracious enough to order columbus to appear there, when they furnished him lodgings. they also, perhaps, at the same time, issued a general order, dated at cordoba may 12, in which all cities and towns were directed to furnish suitable accommodations to columbus and his attendants, inasmuch as he was journeying in the royal service. [sidenote: columbus at the siege of baza.] [sidenote: friars from the holy sepulchre.] the year 1489 was a hazardous but fruitful one. the sovereigns were pushing vigorously their conquest of the moor. isabella herself attended the army, and may have appeared in the beleaguering lines about baza, in one of those suits of armor which are still shown to travelers. zuñiga says that columbus arrayed himself among the combatants, and was doubtless acquainted with the mission of two friars who had been guardians of the holy sepulchre at jerusalem. these priests arrived during the siege, bringing a message from the grand soldan of egypt, in which that potentate threatened to destroy all christians within his grasp, unless the war against granada should be stopped. the point of driving the moors from spain was too nearly reached for such a threat to be effective, and isabella decreed the annual payment of a thousand ducats to support the faithful custodians of the sepulchre, and sent a veil embroidered with her own hand to decorate the shrine. irving traces to this circumstance the impulse, which columbus frequently in later days showed, to devote the anticipated wealth of the indies to a crusade in palestine, to recover and protect the holy sepulchre. [sidenote: boabdil surrenders, december 22, 1489.] [sidenote: columbus's views again considered.] the campaign closed with the surrender on december 22 of the fortress of baza, when spain received from muley boabdil, the elder of the rival moorish kings, all the territory which he claimed to have in his power. in february, 1490, ferdinand and isabella entered seville in triumph, and a season of hilarity and splendor followed, signalized in the spring by the celebration with great jubilation of the marriage of the princess isabella with don alonzo, the heir to the crown of portugal. these engrossing scenes were little suited to give columbus a chance to press his projects on the court. he soon found nothing could be done to get the farther attention of the monarchs till some respites occurred in the preparations for their final campaign against the younger moorish king. it was at this time, as irving and others have conjectured, that the consideration of the project of a western passage, which had been dropped when events moved the court from salamanca, was again taken up by such investigators as talavera had summoned, and again the result was an adverse decision. this determination was communicated by talavera himself to the sovereign, and it was accompanied by the opinion that it did not become great princes to engage in such chimerical undertakings. [sidenote: deza impressed.] [sidenote: delays.] it is supposed, however, that the decision was not reached without some reservation in the minds of certain of the reviewers, and that especially this was the case with diego de deza, who showed that the stress of the arguments advanced by columbus had not been without result. this friar was tutor to prince juan, and it was not difficult for him to modify the emphatic denial of the judges. it was the pride of those who later erected the tombstone of deza, in the cathedral at seville, to inscribe upon it that he was the generous and faithful patron of columbus. a temporizing policy was, therefore, adopted by the monarchs, and columbus was informed that for the present the perils and expenses of the war called for an undivided attention, and that further consideration of his project must be deferred till the war was over. it was at cordoba that this decision reached columbus. [sidenote: columbus goes to seville; but is repelled.] in his eagerness of hope he suspected that the judgment had received some adverse color in passing through talavera's mind, and so he hastened to seville, but only to meet the same chilling repulse from the monarchs themselves. with dashed expectations he left the city, feeling that the instrumentality of talavera, as peter martyr tells us, had turned the sovereigns against him. [illustration: cathedral of seville. [from parcerisa and quadrado's _españa_.]] [illustration: cathedral of cordoba. [from parcerisa and quadrado's _españa_.]] [sidenote: seeks the grandees of spain.] [sidenote: medina-sidonia and medina-celi.] columbus now sought to engage the attention of some of the powerful grandees of spain, who, though subjects, were almost autocratic in their own regions, serving the crown not so much as vassals as sympathetic helpers in its wars. they were depended upon to recruit the armies from their own trains and dependents; money came from their chests, provisions from their estates, and ships from their own marine; their landed patrimonies, indeed, covered long stretches of the coast, whose harbors sheltered their considerable navies. such were the dukes of medina-sidonia and medina-celi. columbus found in them, however, the same wariness which he had experienced at the greater court. there was a willingness to listen; they found some lures in the great hopes of eastern wealth which animated columbus, but in the end there was the same disappointment. one of them, the duke of medina-celi, at last adroitly parried the importunities of columbus, by averring that the project deserved the royal patronage rather than his meaner aid. he, however, told the suitor, if a farther application should be made to the crown at some more opportune moment, he would labor with the queen in its behalf. the duke kept his word, and we get much of what we know of his interest in columbus from the information given by one of the duke's household to las casas. this differs so far as to make the duke, perhaps as harrisse thinks in the spring of 1491, actually fit out some caravels for the use of columbus; but when seeking a royal license, he was informed that the queen had determined to embark in the enterprise herself. such a decision seems to carry this part of the story, at least, forward to a time when columbus was summoned from rabida. [sidenote: columbus at rabida.] a consultation which now took place at the convent of rabida affords particulars which the historians have found difficulty, as already stated, in keeping distinct from those of an earlier visit, if there was such. columbus, according to the usual story, visited the convent apparently in october or november, 1491, with the purpose of reclaiming his son diego, and taking him to cordoba, where he might be left with ferdinand in the charge of the latter's mother. columbus himself intended to pass to france, to see if a letter, which had been received from the king of france, might possibly open the way to the fulfillment of his great hopes. it is represented that it was this expressed intention of abandoning spain which aroused the patriotism of marchena, who undertook to prevent the sacrifice. [sidenote: marchena encourages him.] [sidenote: talks with pinzon.] we derive what we know of his method of prevention from the testimony of garcia fernandez, the physician of palos, who has been cited in respect to the alleged earlier visit. this witness says that he was summoned to rabida to confer with columbus. it is also made a part of the story that the head of a family of famous navigators in palos, martin alonso pinzon, was likewise drawn into the little company assembled by the friar to consider the new situation. pinzon readily gave his adherence to the views of columbus. it is claimed, however, that the presence of pinzon is disproved by documents showing him to have been in rome at this time. [sidenote: cousin's alleged voyage, 1488,] [sidenote: and pinzon's supposed connection with it.] an alleged voyage of jean cousin, in 1488, two years and more before this, from dieppe to the coast of brazil, is here brought in by certain french writers, like estancelin and gaffarel, as throwing some light on the intercourse of columbus and pinzon, later if not now. it must be acknowledged that few other than french writers have credited the voyage at all. major, who gave the story careful examination, utterly discredits it. it is a part of the story that one pinzon, a castilian, accompanied cousin as a pilot, and this man is identified by these french writers as the navigator who is now represented as yielding a ready credence to the views of columbus, and for the reason that he knew more than he openly professed. they find in the later intercourse of columbus and this pinzon certain evidence of the estimation in which columbus seemed to hold the practiced judgment, if not the knowledge, of pinzon. this they think conspicuous in the yielding which columbus made to pinzon's opinion during columbus's first voyage, in changing his course to the southwest, which is taken to have been due to a knowledge of pinzon's former experience in passing those seas in 1488. they trace to it the confidence of pinzon in separating from the admiral on the coast of cuba, and in his seeking to anticipate columbus by an earlier arrival at palos, on the return, as the reader will later learn. thus it is ingeniously claimed that the pilot of cousin and colleague of columbus were one and the same person. it has hardly convinced other students than the french. when the pinzon of the "pinta" at a later day was striving to discredit the leadership of columbus, in the famous suit of the admiral's heirs, he could hardly, for any reason which the french writers aver, have neglected so important a piece of evidence as the fact of the cousin voyage and his connection with it, if there had been any truth in it. [sidenote: pinzon aids columbus,] so we must be content, it is pretty clear, in charging pinzon's conversion to the views of columbus at rabida upon the efficacy of columbus's arguments. this success of columbus brought some substantial fruit in the promise which pinzon now made to bear the expenses of a renewed suit to ferdinand and isabella. [sidenote: and rodriguez goes to santa fé, with a letter to the queen.] [sidenote: marchena follows.] [sidenote: the queen invites columbus once more.] a conclusion to the deliberation of this little circle in the convent was soon reached. columbus threw his cause into the hands of his friends, and agreed to rest quietly in the convent while they pressed his claims. perez wrote a letter of supplication to the queen, and it was dispatched by a respectable navigator of the neighborhood, sebastian rodriguez. he found the queen in the city of santa fé, which had grown up in the military surroundings before the city of granada, whose siege the spanish armies were then pressing. the epistle was opportune, for it reënforced one which she had already received from the duke of medina-celi, who had been faithful to his promise to columbus, and who, judging from a letter which he wrote at a later day, march 19, 1493, took to himself not a little credit that he had thus been instrumental, as he thought, in preventing columbus throwing himself into the service of france. the result was that the pilot took back to rabida an intimation to marchena that his presence would be welcome at santa fé. so mounting his mule, after midnight, fourteen days after rodriguez had departed, the friar followed the pilot's tracks, which took him through some of the regions already conquered from the moors, and, reaching the court, presented himself before the queen. perez is said to have found a seconder in luis de santangel, a fiscal officer of aragon, and in the marchioness of moya, one of the ladies of the household. the friar is thought to have urged his petition so strongly that the queen, who had all along been more open to the representations of columbus than ferdinand had been, finally determined to listen once more to the genoese's appeals. [sidenote: columbus reaches santa fé, december, 1491.] [sidenote: quintanilla and mendoza.] learning of the poor plight of columbus, she ordered a gratuity to be sent to him, to restore his wardrobe and to furnish himself with the conveniences of the journey. perez, having borne back the happy news, again returned to the court, with columbus under his protection. thus once more buoyed in hope, and suitably arrayed for appearing at court, columbus, on his mule, early in december, 1491, rode into the camp at santa fé, where he was received and provided with lodgings by the accountant-general. this officer was one whom he had occasion happily to remember, alonso de quintanilla, through whose offices it was, in the end, that the grand cardinal of spain, mendoza, was at this time brought into sympathy with the genoese aspirant. [sidenote: boabdil the younger submits.] [sidenote: the moorish wars end.] military events were still too imposing, however, for any immediate attention to his projects, and he looked on with admiration and a reserved expectancy, while the grand parade of the final submission of boabdil the younger, the last of the moorish kings, took place, and a long procession of the magnificence of spain moved forward from the beleaguering camp to receive the keys of the alhambra. wars succeeding wars for nearly eight centuries had now come to an end. the christian banner of spain floated over the moorish palace. the kingdom was alive in all its provinces. congratulation and jubilation, with glitter and vauntings, pervaded the air. [sidenote: talavera and columbus.] few observed the humble genoese who stood waiting the sovereigns' pleasure during all this tumult of joy; but he was not forgotten. they remembered, as he did, the promise given him at seville. the war was over, and the time was come. talavera had by this time gone so far towards an appreciation of columbus's views that peter martyr tells him, at a later day, that the project would not have succeeded without him. he was directed to confer with the expectant dreamer, and cardinal mendoza became prominent in the negotiations. columbus's position was thus changed. he had been a suitor. he was now sought. he had been persuaded from his purposed visit to france, in order that he might by his plans rehabilitate spain with a new glory, complemental to her martial pride. this view as presented by perez to isabella had been accepted, and columbus was summoned to present his case. [sidenote: the mistake of columbus.] here, when he seemed at last to be on the verge of success, the poor man, unused to good fortune, and mistaking its token, repeated the mistake which had driven him an outcast from portugal. his arrogant spirit led him to magnify his importance before he had proved it; and he failed in the modesty which marks a conquering spirit. true science places no gratulations higher than those of its own conscience. copernicus was at this moment delving into the secrets of nature like a nobleman of the universe. so he stands for all time in lofty contrast to the plebeian nature and sordid cravings of his contemporary. [sidenote: his pretensions.] when, at the very outset of the negotiations, talavera found this uplifted suitor making demands that belonged rather to proved success than to a contingent one, there was little prospect of accommodation, unless one side or the other should abandon its position. if columbus's own words count for anything, he was conscious of being a laughing-stock, while he was making claims for office and emoluments that would mortgage the power of a kingdom. a dramatic instinct has in many minds saved columbus from the critical estimate of such presumption. irving and the french canonizers dwell on what strikes them as constancy of purpose and loftiness of spirit. they marvel that poverty, neglect, ridicule, contumely, and disappointment had not dwarfed his spirit. this is the vulgar liking for the hero who is without heroism, and the martyr who makes a trade of it. the honest historian has another purpose. he tries to gauge pretense by wisdom. columbus was indeed to succeed; but his success was an error in geography, and a failure in policy and in morals. the crown was yet to succumb; but its submission was to entail miseries upon columbus and his line, and a reproach upon spain. the outcome to columbus and to spain is the direst comment of all. columbus would not abate one jot of his pretensions, and an end was put to the negotiations. making up his mind to carry his suit to france, he left cordoba on his mule, in the beginning of february, 1492. chapter ix. the final agreement and the first voyage, 1492. [sidenote: columbus leaves the court.] columbus, a disheartened wanderer, with his back turned on the spanish court, his mule plodding the road to cordoba, offered a sad picture to the few adherents whom he had left behind. they had grown to have his grasp of confidence, but lacked his spirit to clothe an experimental service with all the certainties of an accomplished fact. [sidenote: the queen relents.] the sight of the departing theorist abandoning the country, and going to seek countenance at rival courts, stirred the spanish pride. he and his friends had, in mutual counsels, pictured the realms of the indies made tributary to the spanish fame. it was this conception of a chance so near fruition, and now vanishing, that moved luis de santangel and alonso de quintanilla to determine on one last effort. they immediately sought the queen. in an audience the two advocates presented the case anew, appealing to the royal ambition, to the opportunity of spreading her holy religion, to the occasions of replenishing her treasure-chests, emptied by the war, and to every other impulse, whether of pride or patriotism. the trivial cost and risk were contrasted with the glowing possibilities. they repeated the offer of columbus to share an eighth of the expense. they pictured her caravels, fitted out at a cost of not more than 3,000,000 crowns, bearing the banner of spain to these regions of opulence. the vision, once fixed in the royal eye, spread under their warmth of description, into succeeding glimpses of increasing splendor. finally the warmth and glory of an almost realized expectancy filled the queen's cabinet. the conquest was made. the royal companion, the marchioness of moya, saw and encouraged the kindling enthusiasm of isabella; but a shade came over the queen's face. the others knew it was the thought of ferdinand's aloofness. the warrior of aragon, with new conquests to regulate, with a treasury drained almost to the last penny, would have little heart for an undertaking in which his enthusiasm, if existing at all, had always been dull as compared with hers. she solved the difficulty in a flash. the voyage shall be the venture of castile alone, and it shall be undertaken. [sidenote: columbus brought back.] orders were at once given for a messenger to overtake columbus. a horseman came up with him at the bridge of pinòs, two leagues from granada. there was a moment's hesitancy, as thoughts of cruelly protracted and suspended feelings in the past came over him. his decision, however, was not stayed. he turned his mule, and journeyed back to the city. columbus was sought once more, and in a way to give him the vantage which his imperious demands could easily use. the interview with the queen which followed removed all doubt of his complete ascendency. ferdinand in turn yielded to the persuasions of his chamberlain, juan cabrero, and to the supplications of isabella; but he succumbed without faith, if the story which is told of him in relation to the demand for similar concessions made twenty years later by ponce de leon is to be believed. "ah," said ferdinand, to the discoverer of florida, "it is one thing to give a stretch of power when no one anticipates the exercise of it; but we have learned something since then; you will succeed, and it is another thing to give such power to you." this story goes a great way to explain the later efforts of the crown to counteract the power which was, in the flush of excitement, unwittingly given to the new admiral. [sidenote: the queen's jewels.] the ensuing days were devoted to the arrangement of details. the usual story, derived from the _historie_, is that the queen offered to pawn her jewels, as her treasury of castile could hardly furnish the small sum required; but harrisse is led to believe that the exigencies of the war had already required this sacrifice of the queen, though the documentary evidence is wanting. santangel, however, interposed. as treasurer of the ecclesiastical revenues in aragon, he was able to show that while isabella was foremost in promoting the enterprise, ferdinand could join her in a loan from these coffers; and so it was that the necessary funds were, in reality, paid in the end from the revenues of aragon. this is the common story, enlarged by later writers upon the narrative in las casas; but harrisse finds no warrant for it, and judges the advance of funds to have been by santangel from his private revenues, and in the interests of castile only. and this seems to be proved by the invariable exclusion of ferdinand's subjects from participating in the advantages of trade in the new lands, unless an exception was made for some signal service. this rule, indeed, prevailed, even after ferdinand began to reign alone. [sidenote: aims of the expedition.] [sidenote: end of the world approaching.] there is something quite as amusing as edifying in the ostensible purposes of all this endeavor. to tap the resources of the luxuriant east might be gratifying, but it was holy to conceive that the energies of the undertaking were going to fill the treasury out of which a new crusade for the rescue of the holy sepulchre could be sustained. the pearls and spices of the orient, the gold and precious jewels of its mines, might conduce to the gorgeous and luxurious display of the throne, but there was a noble condescension in giving columbus a gracious letter to the great khan, and in hoping to seduce his subjects to the sway of a religion that allowed to the heathen no rights but conversion. there was at least a century and a half of such holy endeavors left for the ministrants of the church, as was believed, since the seven thousand years of the earth's duration was within one hundred and fifty-five years of its close, as the calculations of king alonso showed. columbus had been further drawn to these conclusions from his study of that conglomerating cardinal, pierre d'ailly, whose works, in a full edition, had been at this time only a few months in the book stalls. humboldt has gone into an examination of the data to show that columbus's calculation was singularly inexact; but the labor of verification seems hardly necessary, except as a curious study of absurdities. columbus's career has too many such to detain us on any one. [sidenote: 1492. april 17. agreement with columbus.] on april 17, 1492, the king and queen signed at santa fé and delivered to columbus a passport to all persons in unknown parts, commending the admiral to their friendship. this paper is preserved in barcelona. on the same day the monarchs agreed to the conditions of a document which was drawn by the royal secretary, juan de coloma, and is preserved among the papers of the duke of veragua. it was printed from that copy by navarrete, and is again printed by bergenroth as found at barcelona. as formulated in english by irving, its purport is as follows:-1. that columbus should have for himself during his life, and for his heirs and successors forever, the office of admiral in all the lands and continents which he might discover or acquire in the ocean, with similar honors and prerogatives to those enjoyed by the high admiral of castile in his district. 2. that he should be viceroy and governor-general over all the said lands and continents, with the privilege of nominating three candidates for the government of each island or province, one of whom should be selected by the sovereigns. 3. that he should be entitled to reserve for himself one tenth of all pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices, and all other articles of merchandises, in whatever manner found, bought, bartered, or gained within his admiralty, the costs being first deducted. 4. that he or his lieutenant should be the sole judge in all causes or disputes arising out of traffic between those countries and spain, provided the high admiral of castile had similar jurisdiction in his district. 5. that he might then and at all after times contribute an eighth part of the expense in fitting out vessels to sail on this enterprise, and receive an eighth part of the profits. [sidenote: 1492. april 30. colummbus allowed to use the prefix don.] these capitulations were followed on the 30th of april by a commission which the sovereigns signed at granada, in which it was further granted that the admiral and his heirs should use the prefix don. [sidenote: arranges his domestic affairs.] it is supposed he now gave some heed to his domestic concerns. we know nothing, however, of any provision for the lonely beatrix, but it is said that he placed his boy ferdinand, then but four years of age, at school in cordoba near his mother. he left his lawful son, diego, well provided for through an appointment by the queen, on may 8, which made him page to prince juan, the heir apparent. [sidenote: 1492. may. reaches palos.] columbus himself tells us that he then left granada on the 12th of may, 1492, and went direct to palos; stopping, however, on the way at rabida, to exchange congratulations with its friar, juan perez, if indeed he did not lodge at the convent during his stay in the seaport. [sidenote: palos described.] palos to-day consists of a double street of lowly, whitened houses, in a depression among the hills. the guides point out the ruins of a larger house, which was the home of the pinzons. the moorish mosque, converted into st. george's church in columbus's day, still stands on the hill, just outside the village, with an image of st. george and the dragon over its high altar, just as columbus saw it, while above the church are existing ruins of an old moorish castle. [sidenote: ships fitted out.] the story which las casas has told of the fitting out of the vessels does not agree in some leading particulars with that which navarrete holds to be more safely drawn from the documents which he has published. the fact seems to be that two of the vessels of columbus were not constructed by the duke of medina-sidonia, and later bought by the queen, as las casas says; but, it happening that the town of palos, in consequence of some offense to the royal dignity, had been mulcted in the service of two armed caravels for twelve months, the opportunity was now taken by royal order, dated april 30, 1492, of assigning this service of crews and vessels to columbus's fateful expedition. [sidenote: the pinzons aid him.] the royal command had also provided that columbus might add a third vessel, which he did with the aid, it is supposed, of the pinzons, though there is no documentary proof to show whence he acquired the necessary means. las casas and herrera, however, favor the supposition, and it is of course sustained in the evidence adduced in the famous trial which was intended to magnify the service of the pinzons. it was also directed that the seamen of the little fleet should receive the usual wages of those serving in armed vessels, and be paid four months in advance. all maritime towns were enjoined to furnish supplies at a reasonable price. all criminal processes against anybody engaged for the voyage were to be suspended, and this suspension was to last for two months after the return. [sidenote: 1492. may 23. demands two ships of palos.] [sidenote: 1492. june 20. vessels and crews impressed.] [sidenote: the pinzons.] it was on the 23d of may that, accompanied by juan perez, columbus met the people of palos assembled in the church of st. george, while a notary read the royal commands laid upon the town. it took a little time for the simple people to divine the full extent of such an order,--its consignment of fellow-creatures to the dreaded evils of the great unknown ocean. the reluctance to enter upon the undertaking proved so great, except among a few prisoners taken from the jails, that it became necessary to report the obstacle to the court, when a new peremptory order was issued on june 20 to impress the vessels and crews. juan de peñalosa, an officer of the royal household, appeared in palos to enforce this demand. even such imperative measures availed little, and it was not till martin alonso pinzon came forward, and either by an agreement to divide with columbus the profits, or through some other understanding,--for the testimony on the point is doubtful, and las casas disbelieves any such division of profits,--exerted his influence, in which he was aided by his brother, also a navigator, vicente yañez pinzon. there is a story traceable to a son of the elder pinzon, who testified in the columbus lawsuit that martin alonso had at one time become convinced of the existence of western lands from some documents and charts which he had seen at rome. the story, like that of his companionship with cousin, already referred to, has in it, however, many elements of suspicion. this help of the pinzons proved opportune and did much to save the cause, for it had up to this time seemed impossible to get vessels or crews. the standing of these navigators as men and their promise to embark personally put a new complexion on the undertaking, and within a month the armament was made up. harrisse has examined the evidence in the matter to see if there is any proof that the pinzons contributed more than their personal influence, but there is no apparent ground for believing they did, unless they stood behind columbus in his share of the expenses, which are computed at 500,000 maravedis, while those of the queen, arranged through santangel, are reckoned at 1,140,000 of that money. the fleet consisted, as peter martyr tells us, of two open caravels, "nina" and "pinta"--the latter, with its crew, being pressed into the service,--decked only at the extremities, where high prows and poops gave quarters for the crews and their officers. a large-decked vessel of the register known as a carack, and renamed by columbus the "santa maria," which proved "a dull sailer and unfit for discovery," was taken by columbus as his flagship. there is some confusion in the testimony relating to the name of this ship. the _historie_ alone calls her by this name. las casas simply styles her "the captain." one of the pilots speaks of her as the "mari galante." her owner was one juan de la cosa, apparently not the same person as the navigator and cosmographer later to be met, and he had command of her, while pero alonso nino and sancho ruis served as pilots. [sidenote: character of the ships.] captain g. v. fox has made an estimate of her dimensions from her reputed tonnage by the scale of that time, and thinks she was sixty-three feet over all in length, fifty-one feet along her keel, twenty feet beam, and ten and a half in depth. [sidenote: the crews.] the two pinzons were assigned to the command of the other caravels,--martin alonso to the "pinta," the larger of the two, with a third brother of his as pilot, and vicente yañez to the "nina." many obstacles and the natural repugnances of sailors to embark in so hazardous a service still delayed the preparations, but by the beginning of august the arrangements were complete, and a hundred and twenty persons, as peter martyr and oviedo tell us, but perhaps the _historie_ and las casas are more correct in saying ninety in all, were ready to be committed to what many of them felt were most desperate fortunes. duro has of late published in his _colón y pinzon_ what purports to be a list of their names. it shows in tallerte de lajes a native of england who has been thought to be one named in his vernacular arthur lake; and guillemio ires, called of galway, has sometimes been fancied to have borne in his own land the name perhaps of rice, herries, or harris. there was no lack of the formal assignments usual in such important undertakings. there was a notary to record the proceedings and a historian to array the story; an interpreter to be prepared with latin, greek, hebrew, arabic, coptic, and armenian, in the hopes that one of these tongues might serve in intercourse with the great asiatic potentates, and a metallurgist to pronounce upon precious ores. they were not without a physician and a surgeon. it does not appear if their hazards should require the last solemn rites that there was any priest to shrive them; but columbus determined to start with all the solemnity that a confession and the communion could impart, and this service was performed by juan perez, both for him and for his entire company. [sidenote: sailing directions from the crown.] the directions of the crown also provided that columbus should avoid the guinea coast and all other possessions of the portuguese, which seems to be little more than a striking manifestation of a certain kind of incredulity respecting what columbus, after all, meant by sailing west. indeed, there was necessarily more or less vagueness in everybody's mind as to what a western passage would reveal, or how far a westerly course might of necessity be swung one way or the other. [sidenote: islands first to be sought.] the _historie_ tells us distinctly that columbus hoped to find some intermediate land before reaching india, to be used, as the modern phrase goes, as a sort of base of operations. this hope rested on the belief, then common, that there was more land than sea on the earth, and consequently that no wide stretch of ocean could exist without interlying lands. there was, moreover, no confidence that such things as floating islands might not be encountered. pliny and seneca had described them, and columbus was inclined to believe that st. brandan and the seven cities, and such isles as the dwellers at the azores had claimed to see in the offing, might be of this character. there seems, in fact, to be ground for believing that columbus thought his course to the asiatic shores could hardly fail to bring him in view of other regions or islands lying in the western ocean. muñoz holds that "the glory of such discoveries inflamed him still more, perhaps, than his chief design." [sidenote: asiatic archipelago.] that a vast archipelago would, be the first land encountered was not without confident believers. the catalan map of 1374 had shown such islands in vast numbers, amounting to 7,548 in all; marco polo had made them 12,700, or was thought to do so; and behaim was yet to cite the latter on his globe. [sidenote: behaim's globe.] it was, indeed, at this very season that behaim, having returned from lisbon to his home in nuremberg, had imparted to the burghers of that inland town those great cosmographical conceptions, which he was accustomed to hear discussed in the atlantic seaports. such views were exemplified in a large globe which behaim had spent the summer in constructing in nuremberg. it was made of pasteboard covered with parchment, and is twenty-one inches in diameter. [illustration: behaim's globe, 1492. _note._ the curved sides of these cuts divide the globe in the mid atlantic.] [illustration: behaim's globe, 1492. [taken from ernest mayer's _die hilfsmittel der schiffahrtkunde_ (wein, 1879).]] [illustration: doppelmayer's engraving of behaim's globe, much reduced.] [sidenote: laon globe.] it shows the equator, the tropics, the polar circle, in a latitudinal way; but the first meridian, passing through madeira, is the only one of the longitudinal sectors which it represents. behaim had in this work the help of holtzschner, and the globe has come down to our day, preserved in the town hall at nuremberg, one of the sights and honors of that city. it shares the credit, however, with another, called the laon globe, as the only well-authenticated geographical spheres which date back of the discovery of america. this laon globe is much smaller, being only six inches in diameter; and though it is dated 1493, it is thought to have been made a few years earlier,--as d'avezac thinks, in 1486. [illustration: the actual america in relation to behaim's geography.] clements k. markham, in a recent edition of robert hues' _tractatus de globis_, cites nordenskiöld as considering behaim's globe, without comparison, the most important geographical document since the atlas of ptolemy, in a. d. 150. "he points out that it is the first which unreservedly adopts the existence of antipodes; the first which clearly shows that there is a passage from europe to india; the first which attempts to deal with the discoveries of marco polo. it is an exact representation of geographical knowledge immediately previous to the first voyage of columbus." the behaim globe has become familiar by many published drawings. [sidenote: toscanelli's map.] it has been claimed that columbus probably took with him, on his voyage, the map which he had received from toscanelli, with its delineation of the interjacent and island-studded ocean, which washed alike the shores of europe and asia, and that it was the subject of study by him and pinzon at a time when columbus refers in his journal to the use they made of a chart. that toscanelli's map long survived the voyage is known, and las casas used it. humboldt has not the same confidence which sprengel had, that at this time it crossed the sea in the "santa maria;" and he is inclined rather to suppose that the details of toscanelli's chart, added to all others which columbus had gathered from the maps of bianco and benincasa--for it is not possible he could have seen the work of behaim, unless indeed, in fragmentary preconceptions--must have served him better as laid down on a chart of his own drafting. there is good reason to suppose that, more than once, with the skill which he is known to have possessed, he must have made such charts, to enforce and demonstrate his belief, which, though in the main like that of toscanelli, were in matters of distance quite different. * * * * * [sidenote: 1492, august 3, columbus sails.] so, everything being ready, on the third of august, 1492, a half hour before sunrise, he unmoored his little fleet in the stream and, spreading his sails, the vessels passed out of the little river roadstead of palos, gazed after, perhaps, in the increasing light, as the little crafts reached the ocean, by the friar of rabida, from its distant promontory of rock. [illustration: ships of columbus's time. (from medina's _arte de navegar_, 1545.)] [sidenote: on friday.] the day was friday, and the advocates of columbus's canonization have not failed to see a purpose in its choice, as the day of our redemption, and as that of the deliverance of the holy sepulchre by geoffrey de bouillon, and of the rendition of granada, with the fall of the moslem power in spain. we must resort to the books of such advocates, if we would enliven the picture with a multitude of rites and devotional feelings that they gather in the meshes of the story of the departure. they supply to the embarkation a variety of detail that their holy purposes readily imagine, and place columbus at last on his poop, with the standard of the cross, the image of the saviour nailed to the holy wood, waving in the early breezes that heralded the day. the embellishments may be pleasing, but they are not of the strictest authenticity. [illustration: ship, 1486.] [sidenote: keeps a journal.] in order that his performance of an embassy to the princes of the east might be duly chronicled, columbus determined, as his journal says, to keep an account of the voyage by the west, "by which course," he says, "unto the present time, we do not know, _for certain_, that any one has passed." it was his purpose to write down, as he proceeded, everything he saw and all that he did, and to make a chart of his discoveries, and to show the directions of his track. [illustration: [from bethencourt's _canarian_, london, 1872.]] [sidenote: the "pinta" disabled.] nothing occurred during those early august days to mar his run to the canaries, except the apprehension which he felt that an accident, happening to the rudder of the "pinta,"--a steering gear now for some time in use, in place of the old lateral paddles,--was a trick of two men, her owners, gomez rascon and christopher quintero, to impede a voyage in which they had no heart. the admiral knew the disposition of these men well enough not to be surprised at the mishap, but he tried to feel secure in the prompt energy of pinzon, who commanded the "pinta." [sidenote: reaches the canaries.] as he passed (august 24-25, 1492) the peak of teneriffe, it was the time of an eruption, of which he makes bare mention in his journal. it is to the corresponding passages of the _historie_, that we owe the somewhat sensational stories of the terrors of the sailors, some of whom certainly must long have been accustomed to like displays in the volcanoes of the mediterranean. [sidenote: 1492. september 6, leaves gomera.] at the gran canaria the "nina" was left to have her lateen sails changed to square ones; and the "pinta," it being found impossible to find a better vessel to take her place, was also left to be overhauled for her leaks, and to have her rudder again repaired, while columbus visited gomera, another of the islands. the fleet was reunited at gomera on september 2. here he fell in with some residents of ferro, the westernmost of the group, who repeated the old stories of land occasionally seen from its heights, lying towards the setting sun. having taking on board wood, water, and provisions, columbus finally sailed from gomera on the morning of thursday, september 6. he seems to have soon spoken a vessel from ferro, and from this he learned that three portuguese caravels were lying in wait for him in the neighborhood of that island, with a purpose as he thought of visiting in some way upon him, for having gone over to the interests of spain, the indignation of the portuguese king. he escaped encountering them. [sidenote: sunday, september 9, 1492.] [sidenote: falsifies his reckoning.] up to sunday, september 9, they had experienced so much calm weather, that their progress had been slow. this tediousness soon raised an apprehension in the mind of columbus that the voyage might prove too long for the constancy of his men. he accordingly determined to falsify his reckoning. this deceit was a large confession of his own timidity in dealing with his crew, and it marked the beginning of a long struggle with deceived and mutinous subordinates, which forms so large a part of the record of his subsequent career. [illustration: routes of columbus's four voyages. [taken from the map in blanchero's _la tavola di bronzo_ (geneva, 1857).]] [illustration: columbus's track in 1492.] the result of monday's sail, which he knew to be sixty leagues, he noted as forty-eight, so that the distance from home might appear less than it was. he continued to practice this deceit. [sidenote: his dead reckoning.] the distances given by columbus are those of dead reckoning beyond any question. lieutenant murdock, of the united states navy, who has commented on this voyage, makes his league the equivalent of three modern nautical miles, and his mile about three quarters of our present estimate for that distance. navarrete says that columbus reckoned in italian miles, which are a quarter less than a spanish mile. the admiral had expected to make land after sailing about seven hundred leagues from ferro; and in ordering his vessels in case of separation to proceed westward, he warned them when they sailed that distance to come to the wind at night, and only to proceed by day. the log as at present understood in navigation had not yet been devised. columbus depended in judging of his speed on the eye alone, basing his calculations on the passage of objects or bubbles past the ship, while the running out of his hour glasses afforded the multiple for long distances. [sidenote: 1492. september 13.] [sidenote: reaches point of no variation of the needle.] [sidenote: knowledge of the magnet.] on thursday, the 13th of september, he notes that the ships were encountering adverse currents. he was now three degrees west of flores, and the needle of the compass pointed as it had never been observed before, directly to the true north. his observation of this fact marks a significant point in the history of navigation. the polarity of the magnet, an ancient possession of the chinese, had been known perhaps for three hundred years, when this new spirit of discovery awoke in the fifteenth century. the indian ocean and its traditions were to impart, perhaps through the arabs, perhaps through the returning crusaders, a knowledge of the magnet to the dwellers on the shores of the mediterranean, and to the hardier mariners who pushed beyond the pillars of hercules, so that the new route to that same indian ocean was made possible in the fifteenth century. the way was prepared for it gradually. the catalans from the port of barcelona pushed out into the great sea of darkness under the direction of their needles, as early at least as the twelfth century. the pilots of genoa and venice, the hardy majorcans and the adventurous moors, were followers of almost equal temerity. [illustration: [from the _united states coast survey report_, 1880, no. 84.]] [sidenote: variation of the needle.] a knowledge of the variation of the needle came more slowly to be known to the mariners of the mediterranean. it had been observed by peregrini as early as 1269, but that knowledge of it which rendered it greatly serviceable in voyages does not seem to be plainly indicated in any of the charts of these transition centuries, till we find it laid down on the maps of andrea bianco in 1436. [illustration: [from hirth's _bilderbuch_, vol. iii.]] it was no new thing then when columbus, as he sailed westward, marked the variation, proceeding from the northeast more and more westerly; but it was a revelation when he came to a position where the magnetic north and the north star stood in conjunction, as they did on this 13th of september, 1492. [sidenote: columbus's misconception of the line of no variation.] [sidenote: sebastian cabot's observations of its help in determining longitude.] as he still moved westerly the magnetic line was found to move farther and farther away from the pole as it had before the 13th approached it. to an observer of columbus's quick perceptions, there was a ready guess to possess his mind. this inference was that this line of no variation was a meridian line, and that divergences from it east and west might have a regularity which would be found to furnish a method of ascertaining longitude far easier and surer than tables or water clocks. we know that four years later he tried to sail his ship on observations of this kind. the same idea seems to have occurred to sebastian cabot, when a little afterwards he approached and passed in a higher latitude, what he supposed to be the meridian of no variation. humboldt is inclined to believe that the possibility of such a method of ascertaining longitude was that uncommunicable secret, which sebastian cabot many years later hinted at on his death-bed. the claim was made near a century later by livio sanuto in his _geographia_, published at venice, in 1588, that sebastian cabot had been the first to observe this variation, and had explained it to edward vi., and that he had on a chart placed the line of no variation at a point one hundred and ten miles west of the island of flores in the azores. [sidenote: various views.] these observations of columbus and cabot were not wholly accepted during the sixteenth century. robert hues, in 1592, a hundred years later, tells us that medina, the spanish grand pilot, was not disinclined to believe that mariners saw more in it than really existed and that they found it a convenient way to excuse their own blunders. nonius was credited with saying that it simply meant that worn-out magnets were used, which had lost their power to point correctly to the pole. others had contended that it was through insufficient application of the loadstone to the iron that it was so devious in its work. [illustration: part of mercator's polar regions, 1569. [from r. mercator's atlas of 1595.]] [sidenote: better understood.] what was thought possible by the early navigators possessed the minds of all seamen in varying experiments for two centuries and a half. though not reaching such satisfactory results as were hoped for, the expectation did not prove so chimerical as was sometimes imagined when it was discovered that the lines of variation were neither parallel, nor straight, nor constant. the line of no variation which columbus found near the azores has moved westward with erratic inclinations, until to-day it is not far from a straight line from carolina to guiana. science, beginning with its crude efforts at the hands of alonzo de santa cruz, in 1530, has so mapped the surface of the globe with observations of its multifarious freaks of variation, and the changes are so slow, that a magnetic chart is not a bad guide to-day for ascertaining the longitude in any latitude for a few years neighboring to the date of its records. so science has come round in some measure to the dreams of columbus and cabot. * * * * * [sidenote: columbus remarks on changes of temperature and aberrations of stars.] but this was not the only development which came from this ominous day in the mid atlantic in that september of 1492. the fancy of columbus was easily excited, and notions of a change of climate, and even aberrations of the stars were easily imagined by him amid the strange phenomena of that untracked waste. while columbus was suspecting that the north star was somewhat willfully shifting from the magnetic pole, now to a distance of 5° and then of 10°, the calculations of modern astronomers have gauged the polar distance existing in 1492 at 3° 28´, as against the 1° 20´ of to-day. the confusion of columbus was very like his confounding an old world with a new, inasmuch as he supposed it was the pole star and not the needle which was shifting. [sidenote: imagines a protuberance on the earth.] he argued from what he saw, or thought he saw, that the line of no variation marked the beginning of a protuberance of the earth, up which he ascended as he sailed westerly, and that this was the reason of the cooler weather which he experienced. he never got over some notions of this kind, and believed he found confirmation of them in his later voyages. [sidenote: the magnetic pole.] even as early as the reign of edward iii. of england, nicholas of lynn, a voyager to the northern seas, is thought to have definitely fixed the magnetic pole in the arctic regions, transmitting his views to cnoyen, the master of the later mercator, in respect to the four circumpolar islands, which in the sixteenth century made so constant a surrounding of the northern pole. [sidenote: 1492. september 14.] [sidenote: september 15.] [sidenote: september 16.] [sidenote: sargasso sea.] the next day (september 14), after these magnetic observations, a water wagtail was seen from the "nina,"--a bird which columbus thought unaccustomed to fly over twenty-five leagues from land, and the ships were now, according to their reckoning, not far from two hundred leagues from the canaries. on saturday, they saw a distant bolt of fire fall into the sea. on sunday, they had a drizzling rain, followed by pleasant weather, which reminded columbus of the nightingales, gladdening the climate of andalusia in april. they found around the ships much green floatage of weeds, which led them to think some islands must be near. navarrete thinks there was some truth in this, inasmuch as the charts of the early part of this century represent breakers as having been seen in 1802, near the spot where columbus can be computed to have been at this time. columbus was in fact within that extensive _prairie_ of floating seaweed which is known as the sargasso sea, whose principal longitudinal axis is found in modern times to lie along the parallel of 41° 30´, and the best calculations which can be made from the rather uncertain data of columbus's journal seem to point to about the same position. there is nothing in all these accounts, as we have them abridged by las casas, to indicate any great surprise, and certainly nothing of the overwhelming fear which, the _historie_ tells us, the sailors experienced when they found their ships among these floating masses of weeds, raising apprehension of a perpetual entanglement in their swashing folds. [sidenote: 1492. september 17.] [sidenote: september 18.] the next day (september 17) the currents became favorable, and the weeds still floated about them. the variation of the needle now became so great that the seamen were dismayed, as the journal says, and the observation being repeated columbus practiced another deceit and made it appear that there had been really no variation, but only a shifting of the polar star! the weeds were now judged to be river weeds, and a live crab was found among them,--a sure sign of near land, as columbus believed, or affected to believe. they killed a tunny and saw others. they again observed a water wagtail, "which does not sleep at sea." each ship pushed on for the advance, for it was thought the goal was near. the next day the "pinta" shot ahead and saw great flocks of birds towards the west. columbus conceived that the sea was growing fresher. heavy clouds hung on the northern horizon, a sure sign of land, it was supposed. [sidenote: 1492. september 19.] on the next day two pelicans came on board, and columbus records that these birds are not accustomed to go twenty leagues from land. so he sounded with a line of two hundred fathoms to be sure he was not approaching land; but no bottom was found. a drizzling rain also betokened land, which they could not stop to find, but would search for on their return, as the journal says. the pilots now compared their reckonings. columbus said they were 400 leagues, while the "pinta's" record showed 420, and the "nina's" 440. [sidenote: 1492. september 20.] [sidenote: september 22. changes his course.] [sidenote: head wind.] [sidenote: september 25.] on september 20, other pelicans came on board; and the ships were again among the weeds. columbus was determined to ascertain if these indicated shoal water and sounded, but could not reach bottom. the men caught a bird with feet like a gull; but they were convinced it was a river bird. then singing land-birds, as was fancied, hovered about as it darkened, but they disappeared before morning. then a pelican was observed flying to the southwest, and as "these birds sleep on shore, and go to sea in the morning," the men encouraged themselves with the belief that they could not be far from land. the next day a whale could but be another indication of land; and the weeds covered the sea all about. on saturday, they steered west by northwest, and got clear of the weeds. this change of course so far to the north, which had begun on the previous day, was occasioned by a head wind, and columbus says that he welcomed it, because it had the effect of convincing the sailors that westerly winds to return by were not impossible. on sunday (september 23), they found the wind still varying; but they made more westering than before,--weeds, crabs, and birds still about them. now there was smooth water, which again depressed the seamen; then the sea arose, mysteriously, for there was no wind to cause it. they still kept their course westerly and continued it till the night of september 25. [sidenote: appearances of land.] [sidenote: again changes his course.] [sidenote: september 26.] [sidenote: 1492. september 27.] [sidenote: september 30.] [sidenote: october 1.] [sidenote: october 3.] [sidenote: october 6.] [sidenote: october 7.] [sidenote: shifts his course to follow some birds.] columbus at this time conferred with pinzon, as to a chart which they carried, which showed some islands, near where they now supposed the ships to be. that they had not seen land, they believed was either due to currents which had carried them too far north, or else their reckoning was not correct. at sunset pinzon hailed the admiral, and said he saw land, claiming the reward. the two crews were confident that such was the case, and under the lead of their commanders they all kneeled and repeated the _gloria in excelsis_. the land appeared to lie southwest, and everybody saw the apparition. columbus changed the fleet's course to reach it; and as the vessels went on, in the smooth sea, the men had the heart, under their expectation, to bathe in its amber glories. on wednesday, they were undeceived, and found that the clouds had played them a trick. on the 27th their course lay more directly west. so they went on, and still remarked upon all the birds they saw and weed-drift which they pierced. some of the fowl they thought to be such as were common at the cape de verde islands, and were not supposed to go far to sea. on the 30th september, they still observed the needles of their compasses to vary, but the journal records that it was the pole star which moved, and not the needle. on october 1, columbus says they were 707 leagues from ferro; but he had made his crew believe they were only 584. as they went on, little new for the next few days is recorded in the journal; but on october 3, they thought they saw among the weeds something like fruits. by the 6th, pinzon began to urge a southwesterly course, in order to find the islands, which the signs seemed to indicate in that direction. still the admiral would not swerve from his purpose, and kept his course westerly. on sunday, the "nina" fired a bombard and hoisted a flag as a signal that she saw land, but it proved a delusion. observing towards evening a flock of birds flying to the southwest, the admiral yielded to pinzon's belief, and shifted his course to follow the birds. he records as a further reason for it that it was by following the flight of birds that the portuguese had been so successful in discovering islands in other seas. [sidenote: cipango.] columbus now found himself two hundred miles and more farther than the three thousand miles west of spain, where he supposed cipango to lie, and he was 25-1/2° north of the equator, according to his astrolabe. the true distance of cipango or japan was sixty-eight hundred miles still farther, or beyond both north america and the pacific. how much beyond that island, in its supposed geographical position, columbus expected to find the asiatic main we can only conjecture from the restorations which modern scholars have made of toscanelli's map, which makes the island about 10° east of asia, and from behaim's globe, which makes it 20°. it should be borne in mind that the knowledge of its position came from marco polo, and he does not distinctly say how far it was from the asiatic coast. in a general way, as to these distances from spain to china, toscanelli and behaim agreed, and there is no reason to believe that the views of columbus were in any noteworthy degree different. [sidenote: relations of pinzon to the change of course.] in the trial, years afterwards, when the fiscal contested the rights of diego colon, it was put in evidence by one vallejo, a seaman, that pinzon was induced to urge the direction to be changed to the southwest, because he had in the preceding evening observed a flight of parrots in that direction, which could have only been seeking land. it was the main purpose of the evidence in this part of the trial to show that pinzon had all along forced columbus forward against his will. how pregnant this change of course in the vessels of columbus was has not escaped the observation of humboldt and many others. a day or two further on his westerly way, and the gulf stream would, perhaps, insensibly have borne the little fleet up the atlantic coast of the future united states, so that the banner of castile might have been planted at carolina. [sidenote: october 7.] [sidenote: october 8-10.] on the 7th of october, columbus was pretty nearly in latitude 25° 50',--that of one of the bahama islands. just where he was by longitude there is much more doubt, probably between 65° and 66°. on the next day the land birds flying along the course of the ships seemed to confirm their hopes. on the 10th the journal records that the men began to lose patience; but the admiral reassured them by reminding them of the profits in store for them, and of the folly of seeking to return, when they had already gone so far. [sidenote: story of a mutiny.] it is possible that, in this entry, columbus conceals the story which later came out in the recital of oviedo, with more detail than in the _historie_ and las casas, that the rebellion of his crew was threatening enough to oblige him to promise to turn back if land was not discovered in three days. most commentators, however, are inclined to think that this story of a mutinous revolt was merely engrafted from hearsay or other source by oviedo upon the more genuine recital, and that the conspiracy to throw the admiral into the sea has no substantial basis in contemporary report. irving, who has a dramatic tendency throughout his whole account of the voyage to heighten his recital with touches of the imagination, nevertheless allows this, and thinks that oviedo was misled by listening to a pilot, who was a personal enemy of the admiral. the elucidations of the voyage which were drawn out in the famous suit of diego with the crown in 1513 and 1515, afford no ground for any belief in this story of the mutiny and the concession of columbus to it. it is not, however, difficult to conceive the recurrent fears of his men and the incessant anxiety of columbus to quiet them. from what peter martyr tells us,--and he may have got it directly from columbus's lips,--the task was not an easy one to preserve subordination and to instill confidence. he represents that columbus was forced to resort in turn to argument, persuasion, and enticements, and to picture the misfortunes of the royal displeasure. [sidenote: 1492. october 11.] the next day, notwithstanding a heavier sea than they had before encountered, certain signs sufficed to lift them out of their despondency. these were floating logs, or pieces of wood, one of them apparently carved by hand, bits of cane, a green rush, a stalk of rose berries, and other drifting tokens. [sidenote: 1492. october 11. steer west.] [sidenote: columbus sees a light.] their southwesterly course had now brought them down to about the twenty-fourth parallel, when after sunset on the 11th they shifted their course to due west, while the crew of the admiral's ship united, with more fervor than usual, in the _salve regina_. at about ten o'clock columbus, peering into the night, thought he saw--if we may believe him--a moving light, and pointing out the direction to pero gutierrez, this companion saw it too; but another, rodrigo sanchez, situated apparently on another part of the vessel, was not able to see it. it was not brought to the attention of any others. the admiral says that the light seemed to be moving up and down, and he claimed to have got other glimpses of its glimmer at a later moment. he ordered the _salve_ to be chanted, and directed a vigilant watch to be set on the forecastle. to sharpen their vision he promised a silken jacket, beside the income of ten thousand maravedis which the king and queen had offered to the fortunate man who should first descry the coveted land. this light has been the occasion of much comment, and nothing will ever, it is likely, be settled about it, further than that the admiral, with an inconsiderate rivalry of a common sailor who later saw the actual land, and with an ungenerous assurance ill-befitting a commander, pocketed a reward which belonged to another. if oviedo, with his prejudices, is to be believed, columbus was not even the first who claimed to have seen this dubious light. there is a common story that the poor sailor, who was defrauded, later turned mohammedan, and went to live among that juster people. there is a sort of retributive justice in the fact that the pension of the crown was made a charge upon the shambles of seville, and thence columbus received it till he died. whether the light is to be considered a reality or a fiction will depend much on the theory each may hold regarding the position of the landfall. when columbus claimed to have discovered it, he was twelve or fourteen leagues away from the island where, four hours later, land was indubitably found. was the light on a canoe? was it on some small, outlying island, as has been suggested? was it a torch carried from hut to hut, as herrera avers? was it on either of the other vessels? was it on the low island on which, the next morning, he landed? there was no elevation on that island sufficient to show even a strong light at a distance of ten leagues. was it a fancy or a deceit? no one can say. it is very difficult for navarrete, and even for irving, to rest satisfied with what, after all, may have been only an illusion of a fevered mind, making a record of the incident in the excitement of a wonderful hour, when his intelligence was not as circumspect as it might have been. [illustration: the landfall of columbus, 1492. [after ruge.]] [sidenote: 1492, october 12, land discovered.] [sidenote: guanahani.] four hours after the light was seen, at two o'clock in the morning, when the moon, near its third quarter, was in the east, the "pinta" keeping ahead, one of her sailors, rodrigo de triana, descried the land, two leagues away, and a gun communicated the joyful intelligence to the other ships. the fleet took in sail, and each vessel, under backed sheets, was pointed to the wind. thus they waited for daybreak. it was a proud moment of painful suspense for columbus; and brimming hopes, perhaps fears of disappointment, must have accompanied that hour of wavering enchantment. it was friday, october 12, of the old chronology, and the little fleet had been thirty-three days on its way from the canaries, and we must add ten days more, to complete the period since they left palos. the land before them was seen, as the day dawned, to be a small island, "called in the indian tongue" guanahani. some naked natives were descried. the admiral and the commanders of the other vessels prepared to land. columbus took the royal standard and the others each a banner of the green cross, which bore the initials of the sovereign with a cross between, a crown surmounting every letter. thus, with the emblems of their power, and accompanied by rodrigo de escoveda and rodrigo sanchez and some seamen, the boat rowed to the shore. they immediately took formal possession of the land, and the notary recorded it. [illustration: columbus's armor.] [illustration: bahama islands antonio de herrera 1601. [from major's _select letters of columbus_, 2d edition.]] [illustration: bahama islands modern [from major's _select letters of columbus_, 2d edition.]] [sidenote: columbus lands and utters a prayer.] the words of the prayer usually given as uttered by columbus on taking possession of san salvador, when he named the island, cannot be traced farther back than a collection of _tablas chronologicas_, got together at valencia in 1689, by a jesuit father, claudio clemente. harrisse finds no authority for the statement of the french canonizers that columbus established a form of prayer which was long in vogue, for such occupations of new lands. las casas, from whom we have the best account of the ceremonies of the landing, does not mention it; but we find pictured in his pages the grave impressiveness of the hour; the form of columbus, with a crimson robe over his armor, central and grand; and the humbleness of his followers in their contrition for the hours of their faint-heartedness. [sidenote: the island described.] columbus now enters in his journal his impressions of the island and its inhabitants. he says of the land that it bore green trees, was watered by many streams, and produced divers fruits. in another place he speaks of the island as flat, without lofty eminence, surrounded by reefs, with a lake in the interior. the courses and distances of his sailing both before and on leaving the island, as well as this description, are the best means we have of identifying the spot of this portentous landfall. the early maps may help in a subsidiary way, but with little precision. [sidenote: identification of the landfall.] there is just enough uncertainty and contradiction respecting the data and arguments applied in the solution of this question, to render it probable that men will never quite agree which of the bahamas it was upon which these startled and exultant europeans first stepped. though las casas reports the journal of columbus unabridged for a period after the landfall, he unfortunately condenses it for some time previous. there is apparently no chance of finding geographical conditions that in every respect will agree with this record of columbus, and we must content ourselves with what offers the fewest disagreements. an obvious method, if we could depend on columbus's dead reckoning, would be to see for what island the actual distance from the canaries would be nearest to his computed run; but currents and errors of the eye necessarily throw this sort of computation out of the question, and capt. g. a. fox, who has tried it, finds that cat island is three hundred and seventeen, the grand turk six hundred and twenty-four nautical miles, and the other supposable points at intermediate distances out of the way as compared with his computation of the distance run by columbus, three thousand four hundred and fifty-eight of such miles. [sidenote: the bahamas.] [sidenote: san salvador, or cat island.] [sidenote: other islands.] [sidenote: methods of identification.] [sidenote: acklin island.] the reader will remember the bahama group as a range of islands, islets, and rocks, said to be some three thousand in number, running southeast from a point part way up the florida coast, and approaching at the other end the coast of hispaniola. in the latitude of the lower point of florida, and five degrees east of it, is the island of san salvador or cat island, which is the most northerly of those claimed to have been the landfall of columbus. proceeding down the group, we encounter watling's, samana, acklin (with the plana cays), mariguana, and the grand turk,--all of which have their advocates. the three methods of identification which have been followed are, first, by plotting the outward track; second, by plotting the track between the landfall and cuba, both forward and backward; third, by applying the descriptions, particularly columbus's, of the island first seen. in this last test, harrisse prefers to apply the description of las casas, which is borrowed in part from that of the _historie_, and he reconciles columbus's apparent discrepancy when he says in one place that the island was "pretty large," and in another "small," by supposing that he may have applied these opposite terms, the lesser to the plana cays, as first seen, and the other to the crooked group, or acklin island, lying just westerly, on which he may have landed. harrisse is the only one who makes this identification; and he finds some confirmation in later maps, which show thereabout an island, triango or triangulo, a name said by las casas to have been applied to guanahani at a later day. there is no known map earlier than 1540 bearing this alternative name of triango. [sidenote: san salvador.] san salvador seems to have been the island selected by the earliest of modern inquirers, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and it has had the support of irving and humboldt in later times. captain alexander slidell mackenzie of the united states navy worked out the problem for irving. it is much larger than any of the other islands, and could hardly have been called by columbus in any alternative way a "small" island, while it does not answer columbus's description of being level, having on it an eminence of four hundred feet, and no interior lagoon, as his guanahani demands. the french canonizers stand by the old traditions, and find it meet to say that "the english protestants not finding the name san salvador fine enough have substituted for it that of cat, and in their hydrographical atlases the island of the holy saviour is nobly called cat island." [sidenote: watling's island.] the weight of modern testimony seems to favor watling's island, and it so far answers to columbus's description that about one third of its interior is water, corresponding to his "large lagoon." muñoz first suggested it in 1793; but the arguments in its favor were first spread out by captain becher of the royal navy in 1856, and he seems to have induced oscar peschel in 1858 to adopt the same views in his history of the range of modern discovery. major, the map custodian of the british museum, who had previously followed navarrete in favoring the grand turk, again addressed himself to the problem in 1870, and fell into line with the adherents of watling's. no other considerable advocacy of this island, if we except the testimony of gerard stein in 1883, in a book on voyages of discovery, appeared till lieut. j. b. murdoch, an officer of the american navy, made a very careful examination of the subject in the _proceedings of the united states naval institute_ in 1884, which is accepted by charles a. schott in the _bulletin of the united states coast survey_. murdoch was the first to plot in a backward way the track between guanahani and cuba, and he finds more points of resemblance in columbus's description with watling's than with any other. the latest adherent is the eminent geographer, clements r. markham, in the bulletin of the italian geographical society in 1889. perhaps no cartographical argument has been so effective as that of major in comparing modern charts with the map of herrera, in which the latter lays guanahani down. [sidenote: samana.] [sidenote: grand turk island.] an elaborate attempt to identify samana as the landfall was made by the late capt. gustavus vasa fox, in an appendix to the _report of the united states coast survey_ for 1880. varnhagen, in 1864, selected mariguana, and defended his choice in a paper. this island fails to satisfy the physical conditions in being without interior water. such a qualification, however, belongs to the grand turk island, which was advocated first by navarrete in 1826, whose views have since been supported by george gibbs, and for a while by major. it is rather curious to note that caleb cushing, who undertook to examine this question in the _north american review_, under the guidance of navarrete's theory, tried the same backward method which has been later applied to the problem, but with quite different results from those reached by more recent investigators. he says, "by setting out from nipe [which is the point where columbus struck cuba] and proceeding in a retrograde direction along his course, we may surely trace his path, and shall be convinced that guanahani is no other than turk's island." chapter x. among the islands and the return voyage. [sidenote: the natives of guanahani.] we learn that, after these ceremonies on the shore, the natives began fearlessly to gather about the strangers. columbus, by causing red caps, strings of beads, and other trinkets to be distributed among them, made an easy conquest of their friendship. later the men swam out to the ship to exchange their balls of thread, their javelins, and parrots for whatever they could get in return. the description which columbus gives us in his journal of the appearance and condition of these new people is the earliest, of course, in our knowledge of them. his record is interesting for the effect which the creatures had upon him, and for the statement of their condition before the spaniards had set an impress upon their unfortunate race. they struck columbus as, on the whole, a very poor people, going naked, and, judging from a single girl whom he saw, this nudity was the practice of the women. they all seemed young, not over thirty, well made, with fine shapes and faces. their hair was coarse, and combed short over the forehead; but hung long behind. the bodies of many were differently colored with pigments of many hues, though of some only the face, the eyes, or the nose were painted. columbus was satisfied that they had no knowledge of edged weapons, because they grasped his sword by the blade and cut themselves. their javelins were sticks pointed with fishbones. when he observed scars on their bodies, they managed to explain to him that enemies, whom the admiral supposed to come from the continent, sometimes invaded their island, and that such wounds were received in defending themselves. they appeared to him to have no religion, which satisfied him that the task of converting them to christianity would not be difficult. they learned readily to pronounce such words as were repeated to them. [sidenote: 1492. october 13.] [sidenote: affinities of the lucayans.] on the next day after landing, saturday, columbus describes again the throng that came to the shore, and was struck with their broad foreheads. he deemed it a natural coincidence, being in the latitude of the canaries, that the natives had the complexion prevalent among the natives of those islands. in this he anticipated the conclusions of the anthropologists, who have found in the skulls preserved in caves both in the bahamas and in the canaries, such striking similarities as have led to the supposition that ocean currents may have borne across the sea some of the old guanche stock of the canaries, itself very likely the remnant of the people of the european river-drift. professor w. k. brooks, of the johns hopkins university, who has recently published in the _popular science monthly_ (november, 1889) a study of the bones of the lucayans as found in caves in the bahamas, reports that these relics indicate a muscular, heavy people, about the size of the average european, with protuberant square jaws, sloping eyes, and very round skulls, but artificially flattened on the forehead,--a result singularly confirming columbus's description of broader heads than he had ever seen. [sidenote: hammocks.] "the ceboynas," says a recent writer on these indians, "gave us the hammock, and this one lucayan word is their only monument," for a population larger than inhabits these islands to-day were in twelve years swept from the surface of the earth by a system devised by columbus. [sidenote: canoes.] the admiral also describes their canoes, made in a wonderful manner of a single tree-trunk, and large enough to hold forty or forty-five men, though some were so small as to carry a single person only. their oars are shaped like the wooden shovels with which bakers slip their loaves into ovens. if a canoe upsets, it is righted as they swim. [sidenote: gold among them.] columbus was attracted by bits of gold dangling at the nose of some among them. by signs he soon learned that a greater abundance of this metal could be found on an island to the south; but they seemed unable to direct him with any precision how to reach that island, or at least it was not easy so to interpret any of their signs. "poor wretches!" exclaims helps, "if they had possessed the slightest gift of prophecy, they would have thrown these baubles into the deepest sea." [sidenote: columbus traffics with them.] they pointed in all directions, but towards the east as the way to other lands; and implied that those enemies who came from the northwest often passed to the south after gold. he found that broken dishes and bits of glass served as well for traffic with them as more valuable articles, and balls of threads of cotton, grown on the island, seemed their most merchantable commodity. [sidenote: 1492. october 14, sails towards cipango.] with this rude foretaste, columbus determined to push on for the richer cipango. on the next day he coasted along the island in his boats, discovering two or three villages, where the inhabitants were friendly. they seemed to think that the strangers had come from heaven,--at least columbus so interpreted their prostrations and uplifted hands. columbus, fearful of the reefs parallel to the shore, kept outside of them, and as he moved along, saw a point of land which a ditch might convert into an island. he thought this would afford a good site for a fort, if there was need of one. [sidenote: 1492. october 14.] [sidenote: columbus proposes to enslave the natives.] [sidenote: 1492. october 15.] [sidenote: 1492. october 16.] it was on this sunday that columbus, in what he thought doubtless the spirit of the day in dealing with heathens, gives us his first intimation of the desirability of using force to make these poor creatures serve their new masters. on returning to the ships and setting sail, he soon found that he was in an archipelago. he had seized some natives, who were now on board. these repeated to him the names of more than a hundred islands. he describes those within sight as level, fertile, and populous, and he determined to steer for what seemed the largest. he stood off and on during the night of the 14th, and by noon of the 15th he had reached this other island, which he found at the easterly end to run five leagues north and south, and to extend east and west a distance of ten leagues. lured by a still larger island farther west he pushed on, and skirting the shore reached its western extremity. he cast anchor there at sunset, and named the island santa maria de la concepcion. the natives on board told him that the people here wore gold bracelets. columbus thought this story might be a device of his prisoners to obtain opportunities to escape. on the next day, he repeated the forms of landing and taking possession. two of the prisoners contrived to escape. one of them jumped overboard and was rescued by a native canoe. the spaniards overtook the canoe, but not till its occupants had escaped. a single man, coming off in another canoe, was seized and taken on board; but columbus thought him a good messenger of amity, and loading him with presents, "not worth four maravedis," he put him ashore. columbus watched the liberated savage, and judged from the wonder of the crowds which surrounded him that his ruse of friendship had been well played. [sidenote: columbus sees a large island.] another large island appeared westerly about nine leagues, famous for its gold ornaments, as his prisoners again declared. it is significant that in his journal, since he discovered the bits of gold at san salvador, columbus has not a word to say of reclaiming the benighted heathen; but he constantly repeats his hope "with the help of our lord," of finding gold. on the way thither he had picked up a second single man in a canoe, who had apparently followed him from san salvador. he determined to bestow some favors upon him and let him go, as he had done with the other. [sidenote: 1492. october 16.] this new island, which he reached october 16, and called fernandina, he found to be about twenty-eight leagues long, with a safer shore than the others. he anchored near a village, where the man whom he had set free had already come, bringing good reports of the stranger, and so the spaniards got a kind reception. great numbers of natives came off in canoes, to whom the men gave trinkets and molasses. he took on board some water, the natives assisting the crew. getting an impression that the island contained a mine of gold, he resolved to follow the coast, and find samaot, where the gold was said to be. columbus thought he saw some improvement in the natives over those he had seen before, remarking upon the cotton cloth with which they partly covered their persons. he was surprised to find that distinct branches of the same tree bore different leaves. a single tree, as he says, will show as many as five or six varieties, not done by grafting, but a natural growth. he wondered at the brilliant fish, and found no land creatures but parrots and lizards, though a boy of the company told him that he had seen a snake. on wednesday he started to sail around the island. in a little haven, where they tarried awhile, they first entered the native houses. [sidenote: hammocks.] they found everything in them neat, with nets extended between posts, which they called _hamacs_,--a name soon adopted by sailors for swinging-beds. the houses were shaped like tents, with high chimneys, but not more than twelve or fifteen together. dogs were running about them, but they could not bark. columbus endeavored to buy a bit of gold, cut or stamped, which was hanging from a man's nose; but the savage refused his offers. [illustration: indian beds.] [sidenote: 1492. october 19.] the ships continued their course about the island, the weather not altogether favorable; but on october 19 they veered away to another island to the west of fernandina, which columbus named isabella, after his queen. this he pronounced the most beautiful he had seen; and he remarks on the interior region of it being higher than in the other islands, and the source of streams. the breezes from the shore brought him odors, and when he landed he became conscious that his botanical knowledge did not aid him in selecting such dyestuffs, medicines, and spices as would command high prices in spain. he saw a hideous reptile, and the canonizers, after their amusing fashion, tell us that "to see and attack him were the same thing for columbus, for he considered it of importance to accustom spanish intrepidity to such warfare." [sidenote: to find gold columbus's main object.] [sidenote: 1492. october 21.] the reptile proved inoffensive. the signs of his prisoners were interpreted to repeat here the welcome tale of gold. he understood them to refer to a king decked with gold. "i do not, however," he adds, "give much credit to these accounts, for i understand the natives but imperfectly." "i am proceeding solely in quest of gold and spices," he says again. [sidenote: cuba heard of.] [sidenote: 1492. october 24. isabella.] on sunday they went ashore, and found a house from which the occupants had recently departed. the foliage was enchanting. flocks of parrots obscured the sky. specimens were gathered of wonderful trees. they killed a snake in a lake. they cajoled some timid natives with beads, and got their help in filling their water cask. they heard of a very large island named colba, which had ships and sailors, as the natives were thought to say. they had little doubt that these stories referred to cipango. they hoped the native king would bring them gold in the night; but this not happening, and being cheered by the accounts of colba, they made up their minds that it would be a waste of time to search longer for this backward king, and so resolved to run for the big island. [sidenote: october 26.] starting from isabella at midnight on october 24, and passing other smaller islands, they finally, on sunday, october 26, entered a river near the easterly end of cuba. [sidenote: cuba.] the track of columbus from san salvador to cuba has been as variously disputed as the landfall; indeed, the divergent views of the landfall necessitate such later variations. [sidenote: pearls.] they landed within the river's mouth, and discovered deserted houses, which from the implements within they supposed to be the houses of fishermen. columbus observed that the grass grew down to the water's edge; and he reasoned therefrom that the sea could never be rough. he now observed mountains, and likened them to those of sicily. he finally supposed his prisoners to affirm by their signs that the island was too large for a canoe to sail round it in twenty days. there were the old stories of gold; but the mention of pearls appears now for the first time in the journal, which in this place, however, we have only in las casas's abridgment. [sidenote: columbus supposes himself at mangi.] when the natives pointed to the interior and said, "cubanacan," meaning, it is supposed, an inland region, columbus imagined it was a reference to kublai khan; and the cuban name of mangon he was very ready to associate with the mangi of mandeville. as he still coasted westerly he found river and village, and made more use of his prisoners than had before been possible. they seem by this time to have settled into an acquiescent spirit. he wondered in one place at statues which looked like women. he was not quite sure whether the natives kept them for the love of the beautiful, or for worship. [sidenote: columbus supposes himself on the coast of cathay.] he found domesticated fowl; and saw a skull, which he supposed was a cow's, which was probably that of the sea-calf, a denizen of these waters. he thought the temperature cooler than in the other islands, and ascribed the change to the mountains. he observed on one of these eminences a protuberance that looked like a mosque. such interpretation as the spaniards could make of their prisoners' signs convinced them that if they sailed farther west they would find some potentate, and so they pushed on. bad weather, however, delayed them, and they again opened communication with the natives. they could hear nothing of gold, but saw a silver trinket; and learned, as they thought, that news of their coming had been carried to the distant king. columbus felt convinced that the people of these regions were banded enemies of the great khan, and that he had at last struck the continent of cathay, and was skirting the shores of the zartun and quinsay of marco polo. taking an observation, columbus found himself to be in 21° north latitude, and as near as he could reckon, he was 1142 leagues west of ferro. he really was 1105. [sidenote: 1492. november 2-5.] [sidenote: cuba explored.] [sidenote: tobacco.] [sidenote: potatoes.] from friday, november 2, to monday, november 5, two spaniards, whom columbus had sent into the interior, accompanied by some indians, had made their way unmolested in their search for a king. they had been entertained here and there with ceremony, and apparently worshiped as celestial comers. the evidences of the early spanish voyagers give pretty constant testimony that the whites were supposed to have come from the skies. columbus had given to his envoys samples of cinnamon, pepper, and other spices, which were shown to the people. in reply, his messengers learned that such things grew to the southeast of them. columbus later, in his first letter, speaks of cinnamon as one of the spices which they found, but it turned out to be the bark of a sort of laurel. las casas, in mentioning this expedition, says that the spaniards found the natives smoking small tubes of dried leaves, filled with other leaves, which they called _tobacos_. sir arthur helps aptly remarks on this trivial discovery by the spaniards of a great financial resource of modern statesmen, since tobacco has in the end proved more productive to the spanish crown than the gold which columbus sought. the spaniards found no large villages; but they perceived great stores of fine cotton of a long staple. they found the people eating what we must recognize as potatoes. the absence of gold gave columbus an opportunity to wish more fervently than before for the conversion of some of these people. [sidenote: one-eyed and dog-faced men.] [sidenote: cannibals.] while this party was absent, columbus found a quiet beach, and careened his ships, one at a time. in melting his tar, the wood which he used gave out a powerful odor, and he pronounced it the mastic gum, which europe had always got from chios. as this work was going on, the spaniards got from the natives, as best they could, many intimations of larger wealth and commerce to the southeast. other strange stories were told of men with one eye, and faces like dogs, and of cruel, bloodthirsty man-eaters, who fought to appease their appetite on the flesh of the slain. [sidenote: 1492. november 12.] [sidenote: babeque.] it was not till the 12th of november that columbus left this hospitable haven, at daybreak, in search of a place called babeque, "where gold was collected at night by torch-light upon the shore, and afterward hammered into bars." he the more readily retraced his track, that the coast to the westward seemed to trend northerly, and he dreaded a colder climate. he must leave for another time the sight of men with tails, who inhabited a province in that direction, as he was informed. again the historian recognizes how a chance turned the spaniards away from a greater goal. if columbus had gone on westerly and discovered the insular character of cuba, he might have sought the main of mexico and yucatan, and anticipated the wonders of the conquest of cortez. he never was undeceived in believing that cuba was the asiatic main. [sidenote: columbus captures some natives.] columbus sailed back over his course with an inordinate idea of the riches of the country which he was leaving. he thought the people docile; that their simple belief in a god was easily to be enlarged into the true faith, whereby spain might gain vassals and the church a people. he managed to entice on board, and took away, six men, seven women, and three children, condoning the act of kidnapping--the canonizers call it "retaining on board"--by a purpose to teach them the spanish language, and open a readier avenue to their benighted souls. he allowed the men to have women to share their durance, as such ways, he says, had proved useful on the coast of guinea. the admiral says in his first letter, referring to his captives, "that we immediately understood each other, either by words or signs." this was his message to expectant europe. his journal is far from conveying that impression. [sidenote: 1492. november 14.] the ships now steered east-by-south, passing mountainous lands, which on november 14 he tried to approach. after a while he discovered a harbor, which he could enter, and found it filled with lofty wooded islands, some pointed and some flat at the top. he was quite sure he had now got among the islands which are made to swarm on the asiatic coast in the early accounts and maps. he now speaks of his practice in all his landings to set up and leave a cross. he observed, also, a promontory in the bay fit for a fortress, and caught a strange fish resembling a hog. he was at this time embayed in the king's garden, as the archipelago is called. [sidenote: pinzon deserts.] [sidenote: 1492. november 23.] shortly after this, when they had been baffled in their courses, martin alonso pinzon, incited, as the record says, by his cupidity to find the stores of gold to which some of his indian captives had directed him, disregarded the admiral's signals, and sailed away in the "pinta." the flagship kept a light for him all night, at the mast-head; but in the morning the caravel was out of sight. the admiral takes occasion in his journal to remark that this was not the first act of pinzon's insubordination. on friday, november 23, the vessels approached a headland, which the indians called bohio. [sidenote: 1492. november 24.] the prisoners here began to manifest fear, for it was a spot where the one-eyed people and the cannibals dwelt; but on saturday, november 24, the ships were forced back into the gulf with the many islands, where columbus found a desirable roadstead, which he had not before discovered. [sidenote: 1492. november 25.] on sunday, exploring in a boat, he found in a stream "certain stones which shone with spots of a golden hue; and recollecting that gold was found in the river tagus near the sea, he entertained no doubt that this was the metal, and directed that a collection of the stones should be made to carry to the king and queen." it becomes noticeable, as columbus goes on, that every new place surpasses all others; the atmosphere is better; the trees are more marvelous. he now found pines fit for masts, and secured some for the "nina." as he coasted the next day along what he believed to be a continental coast, he tried in his journal to account for the absence of towns in so beautiful a country. that there were inhabitants he knew, for he found traces of them on going ashore. he had discovered that all the natives had a great dread of a people whom they called caniba or canima, and he argued that the towns were kept back from the coast to avoid the chances of the maritime attacks of this fierce people. there was no doubt in the mind of columbus that these inroads were conducted by subjects of the great khan. while he was still stretching his course along this coast, observing its harbors, seeing more signs of habitation, and attempting to hold intercourse with the frightened natives, now anchoring in some haven, and now running up adjacent rivers in a galley, he found time to jot down in this journal for the future perusal of his sovereigns some of his suspicions, prophecies, and determinations. he complains of the difficulty of understanding his prisoners, and seems conscious of his frequent misconceptions of their meaning. he says he has lost confidence in them, and somewhat innocently imagines that they would escape if they could! then he speaks of a determination to acquire their language, which he supposes to be the same through all the region. "in this way," he adds, "we can learn the riches of the country, and make endeavors to convert these people to our religion, for they are without even the faith of an idolater." he descants upon the salubrity of the air; not one of his crew had had any illness, "except an old man, all his life a sufferer from the stone." there is at times a somewhat amusing innocence in his conclusions, as when finding a cake of wax in one of the houses, which las casas thinks was brought from yucatan, he "was of the opinion that where wax was found there must be a great many other valuable commodities." [sidenote: 1492. december 4.] [sidenote: leaves cuba or juana.] [sidenote: bohio. española.] [sidenote: tortuga.] the ships were now detained in their harbor for several days, during which the men made excursions, and found a populous country; they succeeded at times in getting into communication with the natives. finally, on december 4, he left the puerto santo, as he called it, and coasting along easterly he reached the next day the extreme eastern end of what we now know to be cuba, or juana as he had named it, after prince juan. cruising about, he seems to have had an apprehension that the land he had been following might not after all be the main, for he appears to have looked around the southerly side of this end of cuba and to have seen the southwesterly trend of its coast. he observed, the same day, land in the southeast, which his indians called bohio, and this was subsequently named española. las casas explains that columbus here mistook the indian word meaning house for the name of the island, which was really in their tongue called haiti. it is significant of the difficulty in identifying the bays and headlands of the journal, that at this point las casas puts on one side, and navarrete on the opposite side, of the passage dividing cuba from española, one of the capes which columbus indicates. changing his course for this lofty island, he dispatched the "nina" to search its shore and find a harbor. that night the admiral's ship beat about, waiting for daylight. when it came, he took his observations of the coast, and espying an island separated by a wide channel from the other land, he named this island tortuga. finding his way into a harbor--the present st. nicholas--he declares that a thousand caracks could sail about in it. here he saw, as before, large canoes, and many natives, who fled on his approach. the spaniards soon began as they went on to observe lofty and extensive mountains, "the whole country appearing like castile." they saw another reminder of spain as they were rowing about a harbor, which they entered, and which was opposite tortuga, when a skate leaped into their boat, and the admiral records it as a first instance in which they had seen a fish similar to those of the spanish waters. he says, too, that he heard on the shore nightingales "and other spanish birds," mistaking of course their identity. he saw myrtles and other trees "like those of castile." there was another obvious reference to the old country in the name of española, which he now bestowed upon the island. he could find few of the inhabitants, and conjectured that their towns were back from the coast. the men, however, captured a handsome young woman who wore a bit of gold at her nose; and having bestowed upon her gifts, let her go. soon after, the admiral sent a party to a town of a thousand houses, thinking the luck of the woman would embolden the people to have a parley. the inhabitants fled in fear at first; but growing bolder came in great crowds, and brought presents of parrots. [sidenote: columbus finds his latitude.] it was here that columbus took his latitude and found it to be 17°,--while in fact it was 20°. the journal gives numerous instances during all these explorations of the bestowing of names upon headlands and harbors, few of which have remained to this day. it was a common custom to make such use of a saint's name on his natal day. [sidenote: saints' names.] dr. shea in a paper which he published in 1876, in the first volume of the _american catholic quarterly_, has emphasized the help which the roman nomenclature of saints' days, given to rivers and headlands, affords to the geographical student in tracking the early explorers along the coasts of the new world. this method of tracing the progress of maritime discovery suggested itself early to oviedo, and has been appealed to by henry c. murphy and other modern authorities on this subject. [sidenote: 1492. december 14.] [sidenote: tortuga.] finally, on friday, december 14, they sailed out of the harbor toward tortuga. he found this island to be under extensive cultivation like a plain of cordoba. the wind not holding for him to take the course which he wished to run, columbus returned to his last harbor, the puerto de la concepcion. again on saturday he left it, and standing across to tortuga once more, he went towards the shore and proceeded up a stream in his boats. the inhabitants fled as he approached, and burning fires in tortuga as well as in española seemed to be signals that the spaniards were moving. [sidenote: babeque.] during the night, proceeding along the channel between the two islands, the admiral met and took on board a solitary indian in his canoe. the usual gifts were put upon him, and when the ships anchored near a village, he was sent ashore with the customary effect. the beach soon swarmed with people, gathered with their king, and some came on board. the spaniards got from them without difficulty the bits of gold which they wore at their ears and noses. one of the captive indians who talked with the king told this "youth of twenty-one," that the spaniards had come from heaven and were going to babeque to find gold; and the king told the admiral's messenger, who delivered to him a present, that if he sailed in a certain course two days he would arrive there. this is the last we hear of babeque, a place columbus never found, at least under that name. humboldt remarks that columbus mentions the name of babeque more than fourteen times in his journal, but it cannot certainly be identified with española, as the _historie_ of 1571 declares it to be. d'avezac has since shared humboldt's view. las casas hesitatingly thought it might have referred to jamaica. then the journal describes the country, saying that the land is lofty, but that the highest mountains are arable, and that the trees are so luxuriant that they become black rather than green. the journal further describes this new people as stout and courageous, very different from the timid islanders of other parts, and without religion. with his usual habit of contradiction, columbus goes on immediately to speak of their pusillanimity, saying that three spaniards were more than a match for a thousand of them. he prefigures their fate in calling them "well-fitted to be governed and set to work to till the land and do whatsoever is necessary." [sidenote: 1492. december 17.] [sidenote: cannibals.] it was on monday, december 17, while lying off española, that the spaniards got for the first time something more than rumor respecting the people of caniba or the cannibals. these new evidences were certain arrows which the natives showed to them, and which they said had belonged to those man-eaters. they were pieces of cane, tipped with sticks which had been hardened by fire. [sidenote: cacique.] "they were exhibited by two indians who had lost some flesh from their bodies, eaten out by the cannibals. this the admiral did not believe." it was now, too, that the spaniards found gold in larger quantities than they had seen it before. they saw some beaten into thin plates. the cacique--here this word appears for the first time--cut a plate as big as his hand into pieces and bartered them, promising to have more to exchange the next day. he gave the spaniards to understand that there was more gold in tortuga than in española. it is to be remarked, also, in the admiral's account, that while "our lord" is not recorded as indicating to him any method of converting the poor heathen, it was "our lord" who was now about to direct the admiral to babeque. [sidenote: 1492. december 18.] the next day, december 18, the admiral lay at anchor, both because wind failed him, and because he would be able to see the gold which the cacique had promised to bring. it also gave him an opportunity to deck his ships and fire his guns in honor of the annunciation of the blessed virgin. in due time the king appeared, borne on a sort of litter by his men, and boarding the ship, that chieftain found columbus at table in his cabin. the cacique was placed beside the admiral, and similar viands and drinks were placed before him, of which he partook. two of his dusky followers, sitting at his feet, followed their master in the act. columbus, observing that the hangings of his bed had attracted the attention of the savage, gave them to him, and added to the present some amber beads from his own neck, some red shoes, and a flask of orange-flower water. "this day," says the record, "little gold was obtained; but an old man indicated that at a distance of a hundred leagues or more were some islands, where much gold could be found, and in some it was so plentiful that it was collected and bolted with sieves, then melted and beaten into divers forms. one of the islands was said to be all gold, and the admiral determined to go in the direction which this man pointed." [sidenote: 1492. december 20.] [sidenote: st. thomas island.] that night they tried in vain to stand out beyond tortuga, but on the 20th of december, the record places the ships in a harbor between a little island, which columbus called st. thomas, and the main island. during the following day, december 21, he surveyed the roadstead, and going about the region in his boats, he had a number of interviews with the natives, which ended with an interchange of gifts and courtesies. [sidenote: 1492. december 22.] on saturday, december 22, they encountered some people, sent by a neighboring cacique, whom the admiral's own indians could not readily understand, the first of this kind mentioned in the journal. writing in regard to a party which columbus at this time sent to visit a large town not far off, he speaks of having his secretary accompany them, in order to repress the spaniards' greediness,--an estimate of his followers which the admiral had not before suffered himself to record, if we can trust the las casas manuscript. the results of this foray were three fat geese and some bits of gold. as he entered the adventure in his journal, he dwelt on the hope of gold being on the island in abundance, and if only the spot could be found, it might be got for little or nothing. "our lord, in whose hands are all things, be my help," he cries. "our lord, in his mercy, direct me where i may find the gold mine." [sidenote: cibao.] the admiral now learns the name of another chief officer, nitayno, whose precise position was not apparent, but las casas tells us later that this word was the title of one nearest in rank to the cacique. when an indian spoke of a place named cibao, far to the east, where the king had banners made of plates of gold, the admiral, in his eager confidence, had no hesitation in identifying it with cipango and its gorgeous prince. it proved to be the place where in the end the best mines were found. [sidenote: 1492. december 23.] in speaking of the next day, sunday, december 23, las casas tells us that columbus was not in the habit of sailing on sunday, not because he was superstitious, but because he was pious; but that he did not omit the opportunity at this time of coursing the coast, "in order to display the symbols of redemption." [sidenote: columbus shipwrecked.] christmas found them in distress. the night before, everything looking favorable, and the vessel sailing along quietly, columbus had gone to bed, being much in need of rest. the helmsman put a boy at the tiller and went to sleep. the rest of the crew were not slow to do the same. the vessel was in this condition, with no one but the boy awake, when, carried out of her course by the current, she struck a sand bank. the cry of the boy awakened the admiral, and he was the first to discover the danger of their situation. he ordered out a boat's crew to carry an anchor astern, but, bewildered or frightened, the men pulled for the "nina." the crew of that caravel warned them off, to do their duty, and sent their own boat to assist. help, however, availed nothing. the "santa maria" had careened, and her seams were opening. her mast had been cut away, but she failed to right herself. the admiral now abandoned her and rowed to the "nina" with his men. communicating with the cacique in the morning, that chieftain sent many canoes to assist in unloading the ship, so that in a short time everything of value was saved. this assistance gave occasion for mutual confidences between the spaniards and the natives. "they are a loving, uncovetous people," he enters in his journal. one wonders, with the later experience of his new friends, if the cacique could have said as much in return. the admiral began to be convinced that "the lord had permitted the shipwreck in order that he might choose this place for a settlement." the canonizers go further and say, "the shipwreck made him an engineer." irving, whose heedless embellishments of the story of these times may amuse the pastime reader, but hardly satisfy the student, was not blind to the misfortunes of what columbus at the time called the divine interposition. "this shipwreck," irving says, "shackled and limited all columbus's future discoveries. it linked his fortunes for the remainder of his life to this island, which was doomed to be to him a source of cares and troubles, to involve him in a thousand perplexities, and to becloud his declining years with humiliation and disappointment." [sidenote: fort built.] the saving of his stores and the loss of his ship had indeed already suggested what some of his men had asked for, that they might be left there, while the admiral returned to spain with the tidings of the discovery, if--as the uncomfortable thought sprung up in his mind--he had not already been anticipated by the recreant commander of the "pinta." accordingly columbus ordered the construction of a fort, with tower and ditch, and arrangements were soon made to provide bread and wine for more than a year, beside seed for the next planting-time. the ship's long-boat could be left; and a calker, carpenter, cooper, engineer, tailor, and surgeon could be found among his company, to be of the party who were to remain and "search for the gold mine." he says that he expected they would collect a ton of gold in the interval of his absence; "for i have before protested to your highnesses," he adds as he makes an entry for his sovereigns to read, "that the profits shall go to making a conquest of jerusalem." [sidenote: garrison of la navidad.] we know the names of those who agreed to stay on the island. navarrete discovered the list in a proclamation made in 1507 to pay what was due them to their next of kin. this list gives forty names, though some accounts of the voyage say they numbered a few less. the company included the irishman and englishman already mentioned. [sidenote: 1492. december 27.] [sidenote: december 30.] [sidenote: december 31.] on the 27th of december, columbus got the first tidings of the "pinta" since she deserted him; and he sent a spaniard, with indians to handle the canoe, to a harbor at the end of the island, where he supposed pinzon's ship to be. columbus was now perfecting his plans for the fort, and tried to make out if guacanagari, the king, was not trying to conceal from him the situation of the mines. on sunday, december 30, the spanish and native leaders vied with each other in graciousness. the savage put his crown upon the admiral. columbus took off his necklace and scarlet cloak and placed them on the king. he clothed the savage's naked feet with buskins and decked the dusky hand with a silver ring. on monday, work was resumed in preparing for their return to spain, for, with the "pinta" gone--for the canoe sent to find her had returned unsuccessful--and the "nina" alone remaining, it was necessary to diminish the risk attending the enterprise. [sidenote: 1493. january 2.] on january 2, 1493, there was to be leave-taking of the cacique. to impart to him and to his people a dread of spanish power, in the interests of those to be left, he made an exhibition of the force of his bombards, by sending a shot clean through the hull of the dismantled wreck. it is curious to observe how irving, with a somewhat cheap melodramatic instinct, makes this shot tear through a beautiful grove like a bolt from heaven! the king made some return by ordering an effigy of columbus to be finished in gold, in ten days,--as at least so columbus understood one of his indians to announce the cacique's purpose. [sidenote: 1493. january 4.] [sidenote: january 6.] having commissioned diego de arana as commander and pedro gutierrez and roderigo de escoveda to act as his lieutenants of the fort and its thirty-nine men, columbus now embarked, but not before he had addressed all sorts of good advice to those he was to leave behind,--advice that did no good, if the subsequent events are clearly divined. it was not, however, till friday, january 4, 1493, that the wind permitted him to stand out of the harbor of the villa de navidad, as he had named the fort and settlement from the fact of his shipwreck there on the day of the nativity. two days later they met the "pinta," and pinzon, her commander, soon boarded the admiral to explain his absence, "saying he had left against his will." the admiral doubted such professions; but did not think it prudent to show active resentment, as las casas tells us. the fact apparently was that pinzon had not found the gold he went in search of and so he had returned to meet his commander. he had been coasting the island for over twenty days, and had been seen by the natives, who made the report to the admiral already mentioned. some indians whom he had taken captive were subsequently released by the admiral, for the usual ulterior purpose. it is curious to observe how an act of kidnapping which emulated the admiral's, if done by pinzon, is called by the canonizers, "joining violence to rapine." [sidenote: jamaica.] at this time columbus records his first intelligence respecting an island, yamaye, south of cuba, which seems to have been jamaica, where, as he learned, gold was to be found in grains of the size of beans, while in española the grains were nearly the size of kernels of wheat. he was also informed of an island to the east, inhabited by women only. he also understood that the people of the continent to the south were clothed, and did not go naked like those of the islands. both vessels now having made a harbor, and the "nina" beginning to leak, a day was spent in calking her seams. columbus was not without apprehension that the two brothers, martin alonso pinzon of the "pinta," and vicente jañez pinzon who had commanded the "nina," might now with their adherents combine for mischief. he was accordingly all the more anxious to hasten his departure, without further following the coast of española. going up a river to replenish his water, he found on taking the casks on board that the crevices of the hoops had gathered fine bits of gold from the stream. this led him to count the neighboring streams, which he supposed might also contain gold. [sidenote: columbus sees mermaids.] it was not only gold which he saw. three mermaids stood high out of the water, with not very comely faces to be sure, but similar to those of human beings; and he recalled having seen the like on the pepper coast in guinea. the commentators suppose they may have been sea-calves indistinctly seen. [sidenote: 1493. january 10. the ships sail for spain.] [sidenote: january 12. caribs.] the two ships started once more on the 10th, sometimes lying to at night for fear of shoals, making and naming cape after cape. on the 12th, entering a harbor, columbus discovered an indian, whom he took for a carib, as he had learned to call the cannibals which he so often heard of. his own indians did not wholly understand this strange savage. when they sent him ashore the spaniards found fifty-five indians armed with bows and wooden swords. they were prevailed upon at first to hold communication; but soon showed a less friendly spirit, and columbus for the first time records a fight, in which several of the natives were wounded. an island to the eastward was now supposed to be the carib region, and he desired to capture some of its natives. navarrete supposes that porto rico is here referred to. he also observed, as his vessels went easterly, that he was encountering some of the same sort of seaweed which he had sailed through when steering west, and it occurred to him that perhaps these islands stretched easterly, so as really to be not far distant from the canaries. it may be observed that this propinquity of the new islands to those of the atlantic, longer known, was not wholly eradicated from the maps till well into the earlier years of the sixteenth century. [sidenote: caribs and amazons.] they had secured some additional indians near where they had had their fight, and one of them now directed columbus towards the island of the caribs. the leaks of the vessels increasing and his crews desponding, columbus soon thought it more prudent to shift his course for spain direct, supposing at the same time that it would take him near matinino, where the tribe of women lived. he had gotten the story somehow, very likely by a credulous adaptation of marco polo, that the caribs visited this island once a year and reclaimed the male offspring, leaving the female young to keep up the tribe. in following the admiral along these coasts of cuba and española, no attempt has here been made to identify all his bays and rivers. navarrete and the other commentators have done so, but not always with agreement. [sidenote: 1493. january 16.] on the 16th, they had their last look at a distant cape of española, and were then in the broad ocean, with seaweed and tunnies and pelicans to break its monotony. the "pinta," having an unsound mast, lagged behind, and so the "nina" had to slacken sail. [sidenote: homeward voyage.] columbus now followed a course which for a long time, owing to defects in the methods of ascertaining longitude, was the mariner's readiest recourse to reach his port. this was to run up his latitudes to that of his destination, and then follow the parallel till he sighted a familiar landmark. [sidenote: 1493. february 10.] [sidenote: february 13.] [sidenote: a gale.] by february 10, when they began to compare reckonings, columbus placed his position in the latitude of flores, while the others thought they were on a more southern course, and a hundred and fifty leagues nearer spain. by the 12th it was apparent that a gale was coming on. the next day, february 13, the storm increased. during the following night both vessels took in all sail and scudded before the wind. they lost sight of each other's lights, and never joined company. the "pinta" with her weak mast was blown away to the north. the admiral's ship could bear the gale better, but as his ballast was insufficient, he had to fill his water casks with sea-water. sensible of their peril, his crew made vows, to be kept if they were saved. they drew lots to determine who should carry a wax taper of five pounds to st. mary of guadalupe, and the penance fell to the admiral. a sailor by another lot was doomed to make a pilgrimage to st. mary of lorette in the papal territory. a third lot was drawn for a night watch at st. clara de mogues, and it fell upon columbus. then they all vowed to pay their devotions at the nearest church of our lady if only they got ashore alive. [sidenote: a narrative of his voyage thrown overboard.] there was one thought which more than another troubled columbus at this moment, and this was that in case his ship foundered, the world might never know of his success, for he was apprehensive that the "pinta" had already foundered. not to alarm the crew, he kept from them the fact that a cask which they had seen him throw overboard contained an account of his voyage, written on parchment, rolled in a waxed cloth. he trusted to the chance of some one finding it. he placed a similar cask on the poop, to be washed off in case the ship went down. he does not mention this in the journal. [sidenote: 1493. january 15.] [sidenote: january 16. land seen.] [sidenote: at the azores.] [sidenote: 1493. february 18.] after sunset on the 15th there were signs of clearing in the west, and the waves began to fall. the next morning at sunrise there was land ahead. now came the test of their reckoning. some thought it the rock of cintra near lisbon; others said madeira; columbus decided they were near the azores. the land was soon made out to be an island; but a head wind thwarted them. other land was next seen astern. while they were saying their _salve_ in the evening, some of the crew discerned a light to leeward, which might have been on the island first seen. then later they saw another island, but night and the clouds obscured it too much to be recognized. the journal is blank for the 17th of february, except that under the next day, the 18th, columbus records that after sunset of the 17th they sailed round an island to find an anchorage; but being unsuccessful in the search they beat out to sea again. in the morning of the 18th they stood in, discovered an anchorage, sent a boat ashore, and found it was st. mary's of the azores. columbus was right! [sidenote: 1493. february 21.] after sunset he received some provisions, which juan de casteñeda, the portuguese governor of the island, had sent to him. meanwhile three spaniards whom columbus sent ashore had failed to return, not a little to his disturbance, for he was aware that there might be among the portuguese some jealousy of his success. to fulfill one of the vows made during the gale, he now sent one half his crew ashore in penitential garments to a hermitage near the shore, intending on their return to go himself with the other half. the record then reads: "the men being at their devotion, they were attacked by casteñeda with horse and foot, and made prisoners." not being able to see the hermitage from his anchorage, and not suspecting this event, but still anxious, he made sail and proceeded till he got a view of the spot. now he saw the horsemen, and how presently they dismounted, and with arms in their hands, entering a boat, approached the ship. then followed a parley, in which columbus thought he discovered a purpose of the portuguese to capture him, and they on their part discovered it to be not quite safe to board the admiral. to enforce his dignity and authority as a representative of the sovereigns of castile, he held up to the boats his commission with its royal insignia; and reminded them that his instructions had been to treat all portuguese ships with respect, since a spirit of amity existed between the two crowns. it behooved the portuguese, as he told them, to be wary lest by any hostile act they brought upon themselves the indignation of those higher in authority. the lofty bearing of casteñeda continuing, columbus began to fear that hostilities might possibly have broken out between spain and portugal. so the interview ended with little satisfaction to either, and the admiral returned to his old anchorage. the next day, to work off the lee shore, they sailed for st. michael's, and the weather continuing stormy he found himself crippled in having but three experienced seamen among the crew which remained to him. so not seeing st. michael's they again bore away, on thursday the 21st, for st. mary's, and again reached their former anchorage. the storms of these latter days here induced columbus in his journal to recall how placid the sea had been among those other new-found islands, and how likely it was the terrestrial] paradise was in that region, as theologians and learned philosophers had supposed. from these thoughts he was aroused by a boat from shore with a notary on board, and columbus, after completing his entertainment of the visitors, was asked to show his royal commission. he records his belief that this was done to give the portuguese an opportunity of retreating from their belligerent attitude. at all events it had that effect, and the spaniards who had been restrained were at once released. it is surmised that the conduct of casteñeda was in conformity with instructions from lisbon, to detain columbus should he find his way to any dependency of the portuguese crown. [sidenote: 1493. february 24.] [sidenote: february 25.] [sidenote: rock of cintra seen.] [sidenote: in the tagus.] [sidenote: sends letter to the king of portugal.] on sunday, the 24th, the ship again put out to sea; on wednesday, they encountered another gale; and on the following sunday, they were again in such peril that they made new vows. at daylight the next day, some land which they had seen in the night, not without gloomy apprehension of being driven upon it, proved to be the rock of cintra. the mouth of the tagus was before them, and the people of the adjacent town, observing the peril of the strange ship, offered prayers for its safety. the entrance of the river was safely made and the multitude welcomed them. up the tagus they went to rastelo, and anchored at about three o'clock in the afternoon. here columbus learned that the wintry roughness which he had recently experienced was but a part of the general severity of the season. from this place he dispatched a messenger to spain to convey the news of his arrival to his sovereigns, and at the same time he sent a letter to the king of portugal, then sojourning nine leagues away. he explained in it how he had asked the hospitality of a portuguese port, because the spanish sovereigns had directed him to do so, if he needed supplies. he further informed the king that he had come from the "indies," which he had reached by sailing west. he hoped he would be allowed to bring his caravel to lisbon, to be more secure; for rumors of a lading of gold might incite reckless persons, in so lonely a place as he then lay, to deeds of violence. [sidenote: name of india.] the _historie_ says that columbus had determined beforehand to call whatever land he should discover, india, because he thought india was a name to suggest riches, and to invite encouragement for his project. while this letter to the portuguese king was in transit, the attempt was made by certain officers of the portuguese navy in the port of rastelo to induce columbus to leave his ship and give an account of himself; but he would make no compromise of the dignity of a castilian admiral. when his resentment was known and his commission was shown, the portuguese officers changed their policy to one of courtesy. the next day, and on the one following, the news of his arrival being spread about, a vast multitude came in boats from all parts to see him and his indians. [sidenote: 1493. march 8.] [sidenote: columbus visits the king.] on the third day, a royal messenger brought an invitation from the king to come and visit the court, which columbus, not without apprehension, accepted. the king's steward had been sent to accompany him and provide for his entertainment on the way. on the night of the following day, he reached val do paraiso, where the king was. this spot was nine leagues from lisbon, and it was supposed that his reception was not held in that city because a pest was raging there. a royal greeting was given to him. the king affected to believe that the voyage of columbus was made to regions which the portuguese had been allowed to occupy by a convention agreed upon with spain in 1479. the admiral undeceived him, and showed the king that his ships had not been near guinea. we have another account of this interview at val do paraiso, in the pages of the portuguese historian, barros, tinged, doubtless, with something of pique and prejudice, because the profit of the voyage had not been for the benefit of portugal. that historian charges columbus with extravagance, and even insolence, in his language to the king. he says that columbus chided the monarch for the faithlessness that had lost him such an empire. he is represented as launching these rebukes so vehemently that the attending nobles were provoked to a degree which prompted whispers of assassination. that columbus found his first harbor in the tagus has given other of the older portuguese writers, like faria y sousa, in his _europa portuguesa_, and vasconcelles and resende, in their lives of joão ii., occasion to represent that his entering it was not so much induced by stress of weather as to seek a triumph over the portuguese king in the first flush of the news. it is also said that the resolution was formed by the king to avail himself of the knowledge of two portuguese who were found among columbus's men. with their aid he proposed to send an armed expedition to take possession of the new-found regions before columbus could fit out a fleet for a second voyage. francisco de almeida was even selected, according to the report, to command this force. we hear, however, nothing more of it, and the bull of demarcation put an end to all such rivalries. if, on the contrary, we may believe columbus himself, in a letter which he subsequently wrote, he did not escape being suspected in spain of having thus put himself in the power of the portuguese in order to surrender the indies to them. [sidenote: 1493. march 11. columbus leaves the court.] [sidenote: sails from the tagus.] [sidenote: reaches palos, march 15, 1493.] spending sunday at court, columbus departed on monday, march 11, having first dispatched messages to the king and queen of spain. an escort of knights was provided for him, and taking the monastery of villafranca on his way, he kissed the hand of the portuguese queen, who was there lodging, and journeying on, arrived at his caravel on tuesday night. the next day he put to sea, and on thursday morning was off cape st. vincent. the next morning they were off the island of saltes, and crossing bar with the flood, he anchored on march 15, 1493, not far from noon, where he had unmoored the "santa maria" over seven months before. "i made the passage thither in seventy-one days," he says in his published letter; "and back in forty-eight, during thirteen of which number i was driven about by storms." [sidenote: the "pinta's" experiences.] the "pinta," which had parted company with the admiral on the 14th of february, had been driven by the gale into bayona, a port of gallicia, in the northwest corner of spain, whence pinzon, its commander, had dispatched a messenger to give information of his arrival and of his intended visit to the court. a royal order peremptorily stayed, however, his projected visit, and left the first announcement of the news to be proclaimed by columbus himself. this is the story which later writers have borrowed from the _historie_. [sidenote: she reaches palos.] [sidenote: death of pinzon.] oviedo tells us that the "pinta" put to sea again from the gallician harbor, and entered the port of palos on the same day with columbus, but her commander, fearing arrest or other unpleasantness, kept himself concealed till columbus had started for barcelona. not many days later pinzon died in his own house in palos. las casas would have us believe that his death arose from mortification at the displeasure of his sovereigns; but harrisse points out that when charles v. bestowed a coat-armor on the family, he recognized his merit as the discoverer of española. there is little trustworthy information on the matter, and muñoz, whose lack of knowledge prompts inferences on his part, represents that it was pinzon's request to explain his desertion of columbus, which was neglected by the court, and impressed him with the royal displeasure. chapter xi. columbus in spain again; march to september, 1493. peter martyr tells us of the common ignorance and dread pervading the ordinary ranks of society, before and during the absence of columbus, in respect to all that part of the earth's circumference which the sun looked upon beyond gades, till it again cast its rays upon the golden chersonesus. during this absence from the known and habitable regions of the globe, that orb was thought to sweep over the ominous and foreboding sea of darkness. no one could tell how wide that sea was. the learned disagreed in their estimates. a conception, far under the actual condition, had played no small part in making the voyage of columbus possible. men possessed legends of its mysteries. fables of its many islands were repeated; but no one then living was credibly thought to have tested its glooms except by sailing a little beyond the outermost of the azores. [sidenote: palos aroused at the return of columbus.] it calls for no stretch of the imagination to picture the public sentiment in little palos during the months of anxiety which many households had endured since that august morning, when in its dim light columbus, the pinzons, and all their companions had been wafted gently out to sea by the current and the breeze. the winter had been unusually savage and weird. the navigators to the atlantic islands had reported rough passages, and the ocean had broken wildly for long intervals along the rocks and sands of the peninsular shores. it is a natural movement of the mind to wrap the absent in the gloom of the present hour; and while columbus had been passing along the gentle waters of the new archipelago, his actual experiences had been in strange contrast to the turmoil of the sea as it washed the european shores. he had indeed suffered on his return voyage the full tumultuousness of the elements, and we can hardly fail to recognize the disquiet of mind and falling of heart which those savage gales must have given to the kin and friends of the untraceable wanderers. the stories, then, which we have of the thanksgiving and jubilation of the people of palos, when the "nina" was descried passing the bar of the river, fall readily among the accepted truths of history. we can imagine how despondency vanished amid the acclaims of exultation; how multitudes hung upon the words of strange revelations; how the gaping populace wondered at the bedecked indians; and how throngs of people opened a way that columbus might lead the votive procession to the church. the canonizers of course read between the lines of the records that it was to the church of rabida that columbus with his men now betook themselves. it matters little. there was much to mar the delight of some in the households. comforting reports must be told of those who were left at la navidad. no one had died, unless the gale had submerged the "pinta" and her crew. she had not been seen since the "nina" parted with her in the gale. the story of her rescue has already been told. she entered the river before the rejoicings of the day were over, and relieved the remaining anxiety. [sidenote: the court at barcelona.] the spanish court was known to be at this time at barcelona, the catalan port on the mediterranean. columbus's first impulse was to proceed thither in his caravel; but his recent hazards made him prudent, and so dispatching a messenger to the court, he proceeded to seville to wait their majesties' commands. of the native prisoners which he had brought away, one had died at sea, three were too sick to follow him, and were left at palos, while six accompanied him on his journey. [sidenote: 1493. march 30. columbus summoned to court.] the messenger with such startling news had sped quickly; and columbus did not wait long for a response to his letter. the document (march 30) showed that the event had made a deep impression on the court. the new domain of the west dwarfed for a while the conquests from the moors. there was great eagerness to complete the title, and gather its wealth. columbus was accordingly instructed to set in motion at once measures for a new expedition, and then to appear at court and explain to the monarchs what action on their part was needful. the demand was promptly answered; and having organized the necessary arrangements in seville for the preparation of a fleet, he departed for barcelona to make homage to his sovereigns. his indians accompanied him. porters bore his various wonders from the new islands. his story had preceded him, and town after town vied with each other in welcoming him, and passing him on to new amazements and honors. [sidenote: 1493. april. in barcelona.] [sidenote: received by the sovereigns.] by the middle of april he approached barcelona, and was met by throngs of people, who conducted him into the city. his indians, arrayed in effective if not accustomed ornament of gold, led the line. bearers of all the marvels of the indies followed, with their forty parrots and other strange birds of liveliest plumage, with the skins of unknown animals, with priceless plants that would now supplant the eastern spices, and with the precious ornaments of the dusky kings and princes whom he had met. next, on horseback, came columbus himself, conspicuous amid the mounted chivalry of spain. thus the procession marched on, through crowded streets, amid the shouts of lookers-on, to the alcazar of the moorish kings in the calle ancha, at this time the residence of the bishop of urgil, where it is supposed ferdinand and isabella had caused their thrones to be set up, with a canopy of brocaded gold drooping about them. here the monarchs awaited the coming of columbus. [sidenote: king ferdinand.] [sidenote: queen isabella.] ferdinand, as the accounts picture him, was a man whose moderate stature was helped by his erectness and robes to a decided dignity of carriage. his expression in the ruddy glow of his complexion, clearness of eye, and loftiness of brow, grew gracious in any pleasurable excitement. the queen was a very suitable companion, grave and graceful in her demeanor. her blue eyes and auburn tresses comported with her outwardly benign air, and one looked sharply to see anything of her firmness and courage in the prevailing sweetness of her manner. the heir apparent, prince juan, was seated by their side. the dignitaries of the court were grouped about. [sidenote: columbus before the court.] las casas tells us how commanding columbus looked when he entered the room, surrounded by a brilliant company of cavaliers. when he approached the royal dais, both monarchs rose to receive him standing; and when he stooped to kiss their hands, they gently and graciously lifted him, and made him sit as they did. they then asked to be told of what he had seen. as columbus proceeded in his narrative, he pointed out the visible objects of his speech,--the indians, the birds, the skins, the barbaric ornaments, and the stores of gold. we are told of the prayer of the sovereigns at the close, in which all joined; and of the chanted _te deum_ from the choir of the royal chapel, which bore the thoughts of every one, says the narrator, on the wings of melody to celestial delights. this ceremony ended, columbus was conducted like a royal guest to the lodgings which had been provided for him. it has been a question if the details of this reception, which are put by irving in imaginative fullness, and are commonly told on such a thread of incidents as have been related, are warranted by the scant accounts which are furnished us in the _historie_, in las casas, and in peter martyr, particularly since the incident does not seem to have made enough of an impression at the time to have been noticed at all in the _dietaria_ of the city, a record of events embodying those of far inferior interest as we would now value them. mr. george sumner carefully scanned this record many years ago, and could find not the slightest reference to the festivities. he fancies that the incidents in the mind of the recorder may have lost their significance through an aragonese jealousy of the supremacy of leon and castile. it is certainly true that in peter martyr, the contemporary observer of this supposed pageantry, there is nothing to warrant the exuberance of later writers. martyr simply says that columbus was allowed to sit in the sovereigns' presence. whatever the fact as to details, it seems quite evident that this season at barcelona made the only unalloyed days of happiness, freed of anxiety, which columbus ever experienced. he was observed of all, and everybody was complacent to him. his will was apparently law to king and subject. las casas tells us that he passed among the admiring throngs with his face wreathed with smiles of content. an equal complacency of delight and expectation settled upon all with whom he talked of the wonders of the land which he had found. they dreamed as he did of entering into golden cities with their hundred bridges, that might cause new exultations, to which the present were as nothing. it was a fatal lure to the proud spanish nature, and no one was doomed to expiate the folly of the delusion more poignantly than columbus himself. [sidenote: spread of the news.] now that india had been found by the west, as was believed, and barcelona was very likely palpitating with the thought, the news spread in every direction. what were the discoveries of the phoenicians to this? what questions of ethnology, language, species, migrations, phenomena of all sorts, in man and in the natural world, were pressing upon the mind, as the results were considered? were not these parrots which columbus had exhibited such as pliny tells us are in asia? the great event had fallen in the midst of geographical development, and was understood at last. marco polo and the others had told their marvels of the east. the navigators of prince henry had found new wonders on the sea. regiomontanus, behaim, and toscanelli had not communed in vain with cosmographical problems. even errors had been stepping-stones; as when the belief in the easterly over-extension of asia had pictured it near enough in the west to convince men that the hazard of the sea of darkness was not so great after all. [sidenote: peter martyr records the event.] spain was then the centre of much activity of mind. "i am here," records peter martyr, "at the source of this welcome intelligence from the new found lands, and as the historian of such events, i may hope to go down to posterity as their recorder." we must remember this profession when we try to account for his meagre record of the reception at barcelona. that part of the letter of peter martyr, dated at barcelona, on the ides of may, 1493, which conveyed to his correspondent the first tidings of columbus's return, is in these words, as translated by harrisse: "a certain christopher colonus, a ligurian, returned from the antipodes. he had obtained for that purpose three ships from my sovereigns, with much difficulty, because the ideas which he expressed were considered extravagant. he came back and brought specimens of many precious things, especially gold, which those regions naturally produce." martyr also tells us that when pomponius laetus got such news, he could scarcely refrain "from tears of joy at so unlooked-for an event." "what more delicious food for an ingenious mind!" said martyr to him in return. "to talk with people who have seen all this is elevating to the mind." the confidence of martyr, however, in the belief of columbus that the true indies had been found was not marked. he speaks of the islands as adjacent to, and not themselves, the east. [sidenote: the news in england.] sebastian cabot remembered the time when these marvelous tidings reached the court of henry vii. in london, and he tells us that it was accounted a "thing more divine than human." [sidenote: columbus's first letter.] a letter which columbus had written and early dispatched to barcelona, nearly in duplicate, to the treasurers of the two crowns was promptly translated into latin, and was sent to italy to be issued in numerous editions, to be copied in turn by the paris and antwerp printers, and a little more sluggishly by those of germany. [sidenote: influence of the event.] there is, however, singularly little commenting on these events that passed into print and has come down to us; and we may well doubt if the effect on the public mind, beyond certain learned circles, was at all commensurate with what we may now imagine the recognition of so important an event ought to have been. nordenskiöld, studying the cartography and literature of the early discoveries in america in his _facsimile atlas_, is forced to the conclusion that "scarcely any discovery of importance was ever received with so much indifference, even in circles where sufficient genius and statesmanship ought to have prevailed to appreciate the changes they foreshadowed in the development of the economical and political conditions of mankind." [sidenote: 1493. june 19. carjaval's oration.] it happened on june 19, 1493, but a few weeks after the pope had made his first public recognition of the discovery, that the spanish ambassador at the papal court, bernardin de carjaval, referred in an oration to "the unknown lands, lately found, lying towards the indies;" and at about the same time there was but a mere reference to the event in the _los tratados_ of doctor alonso ortis, published at seville. [sidenote: columbus in favor.] while this strange bruit was thus spreading more or less, we get some glimpses of the personal life of columbus during these days of his sojourn in barcelona. we hear of him riding through the streets on horseback, on one side of the king, with prince juan on the other. [sidenote: reward for first seeing land.] we find record of his being awarded the pension of thirty crowns, as the first discoverer of land, by virtue of the mysterious light, and irving thinks that we may condone this theft from the brave sailor who unquestionably saw land the first, by remembering that "columbus's whole ambition was involved." it seems to others that his whole character was involved. [sidenote: story of the egg.] we find him a guest at a banquet given by cardinal mendoza, and the well-known story of his making an egg stand upright, by chipping one end of it, is associated with this merriment of the table. an impertinent question of a shallow courtier had induced columbus to show a table full of guests that it was easy enough to do anything when the way was pointed out. the story, except as belonging to a traditional stock of anecdotes, dating far back of columbus, always ready for an application, has no authority earlier than benzoni, and loses its point in the destruction of the end on which the aim was to make it stand. this has been so palpable to some of the repeaters of the story that they have supposed that the feat was accomplished, not by cracking the end of the egg, but by using a quick motion which broke the sack which holds the yolk, so that that weightier substance settled at one end, and balanced the egg in an upright position. so passed the time with the new-made hero, in drinking, as irving expresses it, "the honeyed draught of popularity before enmity and detraction had time to drug it with bitterness." [sidenote: 1493. may 20. receives a coat of arms.] we find the sovereigns bestowing upon him, on the 20th of may, a coat of arms, which shows a castle and a lion in the upper quarters, and in those below, a group of golden islands in a sea of waves, on the one hand, and the arms to which his family had been entitled, on the other. humboldt speaks of this archipelago as the first map of america, but he apparently knew only oviedo's description of the arms, for the latter places the islands in a gulf formed by a mainland, and in this fashion they are grouped in a blazon of the arms which is preserved at the ministry of foreign affairs at paris--a duplicate being at genoa. harrisse says that this design is the original water-color, made under columbus's eye in 1502. in this picture,--which is the earliest blazonry which has come down to us,--the other lower quarter has the five golden anchors on a blue ground, which it is claimed was adjudged to columbus as the distinctive badge of an admiral of spain. the personal arms are relegated to a minor overlying shield at the lower point of the escutcheon. oviedo also says that trees and other objects should be figured on the mainland. [illustration: the arms of columbus. [from oviedo's _cosmica_.]] the lion and castle of the original grant were simply reminders of the arms of leon and castile; but columbus seems, of his own motion, so far as harrisse can discover, to have changed the blazonry of those objects in the drawing of 1502 to agree with those of the royal arms. it was by the same arrogant license, apparently, that he introduced later the continental shore of the archipelago; and harrisse can find no record that the anchors were ever by any authority added to his blazon, nor that the professed family arms, borne in connection, had any warrant whatever. the earliest engraved copy of the arms is in the _historia general_ of oviedo in 1535, where a profile helmet supports a crest made of a globe topped by a cross. in oviedo's _coronica_ of 1547, the helmet is shown in front view. there seems to have been some wide discrepancies in the heraldic excursions of these early writers. las casas, for instance, puts the golden lion in a silver field,--when heraldry abhors a conjunction of metals, as much as nature abhors a vacuum. the discussion of the family arms which were added by columbus to the escutcheon made a significant part of the arguments in the suit, many years later, of baldassare (balthazar) colombo to possess the admiral's dignities; and as harrisse points out, the emblem of those italian colombos of any pretensions to nobility was invariably a dove of some kind,--a device quite distinct from those designated by columbus. this assumption of family arms by columbus is held by harrisse to be simply a concession to the prejudices of his period, and to the exigencies of his new position. the arms have been changed under the dukes of veragua to show silver-capped waves in the sea, while a globe surmounted by a cross is placed in the midst of a gulf containing only five islands. [sidenote: his alleged motto.] there is another later accompaniment of the arms, of which the origin has escaped all search. it is far more familiar than the escutcheon, on which it plays the part of a motto. it sometimes represents that columbus found for the allied crowns a new world, and at other times that he gave one to them. por castilla é por leon nuevo mundo halló colon. a castilla, y a leon nuevo mundo dió colon. oviedo is the earliest to mention this distich in 1535. it is given in the _historie_, not as a motto of the arms, but as an inscription placed by the king on the tomb of columbus some years after his death. if this is true, it does away with the claims of gomara that columbus himself added it to his arms. * * * * * [sidenote: diplomacy of the bull of demarcation.] but diplomacy had its part to play in these events. as the christian world at that time recognized the rights of the holy father to confirm any trespass on the possessions of the heathen, there was a prompt effort on the part of ferdinand to bring the matter to the attention of the pope. as early as 1438, bulls of martin v. and eugene iv. had permitted the spaniards to sail west and the portuguese south; and a confirmation of the same had been made by pope nicholas the fifth. in 1479, the rival crowns of portugal and spain had agreed to respect their mutual rights under these papal decisions. the messengers whom ferdinand sent to rome were instructed to intimate that the actual possession which had been made in their behalf of these new regions did not require papal sanction, as they had met there no christian occupants; but that as dutiful children of the church it would be grateful to receive such a benediction on their energies for the faith as a confirmatory bull would imply. ferdinand had too much of wiliness in his own nature, and the practice of it was too much a part of the epoch, wholly to trust a man so notoriously perverse and obstinate as alexander vi. was. though muñoz calls alexander the friend of ferdinand, and though the pope was by birth an aragonese, experience had shown that there was no certainty of his support in a matter affecting the interest of spain. [sidenote: 1493. may 3. the bull issued.] a folio printed leaf in gothic characters, of which the single copy sold in london in 1854 is said to be the only one known to bibliographers, made public to the world the famous bull of demarcation of alexander vi., bearing date may 3, 1493. if one would believe hakluyt, the pope had been induced to do this act by his own option, rather than at the intercession of the spanish monarchs. under it, and a second bull of the day following, spain was entitled to possess, "on condition of planting the catholic faith," all lands not already occupied by christian powers, west of a meridian drawn one hundred leagues west of the azores and cape de verde islands, evidently on the supposition that these two groups were in the same longitude, the fact being that the most westerly of the southern, and the most easterly of the northern, group possessed nearly the same meridian. though portugal was not mentioned in describing this line, it was understood that there was reserved to her the same privilege easterly. [illustration: pope alexander vi. [a bust in the berlin museum.]] there was not as yet any consideration given to the division which this great circle meridian was likely to make on the other side of the globe, where portugal was yet to be most interested. the cape of good hope had not then been doubled, and the present effect of the division was to confine the portuguese to an exploration of the western african coast and to adjacent islands. it will be observed that in the placing of this line the magnetic phenomena which columbus had observed on his recent voyage were not forgotten, if the coincidence can be so interpreted. humboldt suggests that it can. [sidenote: line of no variation.] to make a physical limit serve a political one was an obvious recourse at a time when the line of no variation was thought to be unique and of a true north and south direction; but within a century the observers found three other lines, as acosta tells us in his _historia natural de las indias_, in 1589; and there proved to be a persistent migration of these lines, all little suited to terrestrial demarcations. roselly de lorgues and the canonizers, however, having given to columbus the planning of the line in his cell at rabida, think, with a surprising prescience on his part, and with a very convenient obliviousness on their part, that he had chosen "precisely the only point of our planet which science would choose in our day,--a mysterious demarcation made by its omnipotent creator," in sovereign disregard, unfortunately, of the laws of his own universe! [sidenote: suspicious movements in portugal.] meanwhile there were movements in portugal which ferdinand had not failed to notice. an ambassador had come from its king, asking permission to buy certain articles of prohibited exportation for use on an african expedition which the portuguese were fitting out. ferdinand suspected that the true purpose of this armament was to seize the new islands, under a pretense as dishonorable as that which covered the ostensible voyage to the cape de verde islands, by whose exposure columbus had been driven into spain. the spanish monarch was alert enough to get quite beforehand with his royal brother. before the ambassador of which mention has been made had come to the spanish court, ferdinand had dispatched lope de herrera to lisbon, armed with a conciliatory and a denunciatory letter, to use one or the other, as he might find the conditions demanded. the portuguese historian resende tells us that joão, in order to give a wrong scent, had openly bestowed largesses on some and had secretly suborned other members of ferdinand's cabinet, so that he did not lack for knowledge of the spanish intentions from the latter members. he and his ambassadors were accordingly found by ferdinand to be inexplicably prepared at every new turn of the negotiations. in this way joão had been informed of the double mission of herrera, and could avoid the issue with him, while he sent his own ambassadors to spain, to promise that, pending their negotiations, no vessel should sail on any voyage of discovery for sixty days. they were also to propose that instead of the papal line, one should be drawn due west from the canaries, giving all new discoveries north to the spaniards, and all south to the portuguese. this new move ferdinand turned to his own advantage, for it gave him the opportunity to enter upon a course of diplomacy which he could extend long enough to allow columbus to get off with a new armament. he then sent a fresh embassy, with instructions to move slowly and protract the discussion, but to resort, when compelled, to a proposition for arbitration. joão was foiled and he knew it. "these ambassadors," he said, "have no feet to hurry and no head to propound." the spanish game was the best played, and the portuguese king grew fretful under it, and intimated sometimes a purpose to proceed to violence, but he was restrained by a better wisdom. we depend mainly upon the portuguese historians for understanding these complications, and it is to be hoped that some time the archives of the vatican may reveal the substance of these tripartite negotiations of the papal court and the two crowns. * * * * * [sidenote: 1493. may. honors of columbus confirmed.] [sidenote: may 28. columbus leaves barcelona.] [sidenote: june. in seville.] [sidenote: fonseca.] before columbus had left barcelona, a large gratuity had been awarded to him by his sovereigns; an order had been issued commanding free lodgings to be given to him and his followers, wherever he went, and the original stipulations as to honors and authority, made by the sovereigns at santa fé, had been confirmed (may 28). a royal seal was now confided to his keeping, to be set to letters patent, and to commissions that it might be found necessary to issue. it might be used even in appointing a deputy, to act in the absence of columbus. his appointments were to hold during the royal pleasure. his own power was defined at the same time, and in particular to hold command over the entire expedition, and to conduct its future government and explorations. he left barcelona, after leavetakings, on may 28; and his instructions, as printed by navarrete, were signed the next day. it is not unlikely they were based on suggestions of columbus made in a letter, without date, which has recently been printed in the _cartas de indias_ (1877). early in june, he was in seville, and soon after he was joined by juan rodriguez de fonseca, archdeacon of seville, who, as representative of the crown, had been made the chief director of the preparations. it is claimed by harrisse that this priest has been painted by the biographers of columbus much blacker than he really was, on the strength of the objurgations which the _historie_ bestows upon him. las casas calls him worldly; and he deserves the epithet if a dominating career of thirty years in controlling the affairs of the indies is any evidence of fitness in such matters. his position placed him where he had purposes to thwart as well as projects to foster, and the record of this age of discovery is not without many proofs of selfish and dishonorable motives, which fonseca might be called upon to repress. that his discrimination was not always clear-sighted may be expected; that he was sometimes perfidious may be true, but he was dealing mainly with those who could be perfidious also. that he abused his authority might also go without dispute; but so did columbus and the rest. in the game of diamond-cut-diamond, it is not always just to single out a single victim for condemnation, as is done by irving and the canonizers. it was while at seville, engaged in this work of preparation, that fonseca sought to check the demands of columbus as respects the number of his personal servitors. that these demands were immoderate, the character of columbus, never cautious under incitement, warrants us in believing; and that the official guardian of the royal treasury should have views of his own is not to be wondered at. the story goes that the sovereigns forced fonseca to yield, and that this was the offense of columbus which could neither be forgotten nor forgiven by fonseca, and for which severities were visited upon him and his heirs in the years to come. irving is confident that fonseca has escaped the condemnation which spanish writers would willingly have put upon him, for fear of the ecclesiastical censors of the press. [sidenote: council for the indies.] the measures which were now taken in accordance with the instructions given to columbus, already referred to, to regulate the commerce of the indies, with a custom house at cadiz and a corresponding one in española under the control of the admiral, ripened in time into what was known as the council for the indies. it had been early determined (may 23) to control all emigration to the new regions, and no one was allowed to trade thither except under license from the monarchs, columbus, or fonseca. [sidenote: new fleet equipped.] a royal order had put all ships and appurtenances in the ports of andalusia at the demand of fonseca and columbus, for a reasonable compensation, and compelled all persons required for the service to embark in it on suitable pay. two thirds of the ecclesiastical tithes, the sequestered property of banished jews, and other resources were set apart to meet these expenses, and the treasurer was authorized to contract a loan, if necessary. to eke out the resources, this last was resorted to, and 5,000,000 maravedis were borrowed from the duke of medina-sidonia. all the transactions relating to the procuring and dispensing of moneys had been confided to a treasurer, francisco pinelo; with the aid of an accountant, juan de soria. everything was hurriedly gathered for the armament, for it was of the utmost importance that the preparations should move faster than the watching diplomacy. artillery which had been in use on shipboard for more than a century and a half was speedily amassed. the arquebuse, however, had not altogether been supplanted by the matchlock, and was yet preferred in some hands for its lightness. military stores which had been left over from the moorish war and were now housed in the alhambra, at this time converted into an arsenal, were opportunely drawn upon. [sidenote: beradi and vespucius.] the labor of an intermediary in much of this preparation fell upon juonato beradi, a florentine merchant then settled in seville, and it is interesting to know that americus vespucius, then a mature man of two and forty, was engaged under beradi in this work of preparation. [sidenote: 1493. june 20.] from the fact that certain horsemen and agriculturists were ordered to be in seville on june 20, and to hold themselves in readiness to embark, it may be inferred that the sailing of some portion of the fleet may at that time have been expected at a date not much later. [illustration: crossbow-maker. [from jost amman's _beschreibung_, 1586.]] [sidenote: isabella's interest.] [sidenote: indians baptized.] the interest of isabella in the new expedition was almost wholly on its emotional and intellectual side. she had been greatly engrossed with the spiritual welfare of the indians whom columbus had taken to barcelona. their baptism had taken place with great state and ceremony, the king, queen, and prince juan officiating as sponsors. it was intended that they should reëmbark with the new expedition. prince juan, however, picked out one of these indians for his personal service, and when the fellow died, two years later, it was a source of gratification, as herrera tells us, that at last one of his race had entered the gates of heaven! only four of the six ever reached their native country. we know nothing of the fate of those left sick at palos. [sidenote: father buil.] the pope, to further all methods for the extension of the faith, had commissioned (june 24) a benedictine monk, bernardo buil (boyle), of catalonia, to be his apostolic vicar in the new world, and this priest was to be accompanied by eleven brothers of the order. the queen intrusted to them the sacred vessels and vestments from her own altar. the instructions which columbus received were to deal lovingly with the poor natives. we shall see how faithful he was to the behest. isabella's musings were not, however, all so piously confined. she wrote to columbus from segovia in august, requiring him to make provisions for bringing back to spain specimens of the peculiar birds of the new regions, as indications of untried climates and seasons. [sidenote: astronomy and navigation.] again, in writing to columbus, september 5, she urged him not to rely wholly on his own great knowledge, but to take such a skillful astronomer on his voyage as fray antonio de marchena,--the same whom columbus later spoke of as being one of the two persons who had never made him a laughing-stock. muñoz says the office of astronomer was not filled. dealing with the question of longitude was a matter in which there was at this time little insight, and no general agreement. columbus, as we have seen, suspected the variation of the needle might afford the basis of a system; but he grew to apprehend, as he tells us in the narrative of his fourth voyage, that the astronomical method was the only infallible one, but whether his preference was for the opposition of planets, the occultations of stars, the changes in the moon's declination, or the comparisons of jupiter's altitude with the lunar position,--all of which were in some form in vogue,--does not appear. the method by conveyance of time, so well known now in the use of chronometers, seems to have later been suggested by alonso de santa cruz,--too late for the recognition of columbus; but the instrumentality of water-clocks, sand-clocks, and other crude devices, like the timing of burning wicks, was too uncertain to obtain even transient sanction. [sidenote: astrolabe.] the astrolabe, for all the improvements of behaim, was still an awkward instrument for ascertaining latitude, especially on a rolling or pitching ship, and we know that vasco da gama went on shore at the cape de verde islands to take observations when the motion of the sea balked him on shipboard. [illustration: the clock-maker. [from jost amman's _beschreibung_, frankfort.]] [sidenote: cross-staff and jackstaff.] whether the cross-staff or jackstaff, a seaboard implement somewhat more convenient than the astrolabe, was known to columbus is not very clear,--probably it was not; but the navigators that soon followed him found it more manageable on rolling ships than the older instruments. it was simply a stick, along which, after one end of it was placed at the eye, a scaled crossbar was pushed until its two ends touched, the lower, the horizon, and the upper, the heavenly body whose altitude was to be taken. a scale on the stick then showed, at the point where the bar was left, the degree of latitude. [sidenote: errors in latitude.] the best of such aids, however, did not conduce to great accuracy, and the early maps, in comparison with modern, show sometimes several degrees of error in scaling from the equator. an error once committed was readily copied, and different cartographical records put in service by the professional map makers came sometimes by a process of averages to show some surprising diversities, with positive errors of considerable extent. the island of cuba, for instance, early found place in the charts seven and eight degrees too far north, with dependent islands in equally wrong positions. * * * * * [sidenote: seventeen vessels ready.] as the preparations went on, a fleet of seventeen vessels, large and small, three of which were called transports, had, according to the best estimates, finally been put in readiness. scillacio tells us that some of the smallest had been constructed of light draft, especially for exploring service. horses and domestic animals of all kinds were at last gathered on board. every kind of seed and agricultural implement, stores of commodities for barter with the indians, and all the appurtenances of active life were accumulated. muñoz remarks that it is evident that sugar cane, rice, and vines had not been discovered or noted by columbus on his first voyage, or we would not have found them among the commodities provided for the second. [sidenote: ojeda.] [sidenote: their companies.] in making up the company of the adventurers, there was little need of active measures to induce recruits. many an hidalgo and cavalier took service at their own cost. galvano, who must have received the reports by tradition, says that such was the "desire of travel that the men were ready to leap into the sea to swim, if it had been possible, into these new found parts." traffic, adventure, luxury, feats of arms,--all were inducements that lured one individual or another. some there were to make names for themselves in their new fields. such was alonso de ojeda, a daring youth, expert in all activities, who had served his ambition in the moorish wars, and had been particularly favored by the duke of medina-celi, the friend of columbus. [sidenote: las casas, ponce de leon, la cosa, etc.] we find others whose names we shall again encounter. the younger brother of columbus, diego colon, had come to spain, attracted by the success of christopher. the father and uncle of las casas, from whose conversations with the admiral that historian could profit in the future, juan ponce de leon, the later discoverer of florida, juan de la cosa, whose map is the first we have of the new world, and dr. chanca, a physician of seville, who was pensioned by the crown, and to whom we owe one of the narratives of the voyage, were also of the company. [sidenote: 1,500 souls embark.] the thousand persons to which the expedition had at first been limited became, under the pressure of eager cavaliers, nearer 1,200, and this number was eventually increased by stowaways and other hangers-on, till the number embarked was not much short of 1,500. this is oviedo's statement. bernaldez and peter martyr make the number 1,200, or thereabouts. perhaps these were the ordinary hands, and the 300 more were officers and the like, for the statements do not render it certain how the enumerations are made. so far as we know their names, but a single companion of columbus in his first voyage was now with him. the twenty horsemen, already mentioned are supposed to be the only mounted soldiers that embarked. columbus says, in a letter addressed to their majesties, that "the number of colonists who desire to go thither amounts to two thousand," which would indicate that a large number were denied. the letter is undated, and may not be of a date near the sailing; if it is, it probably indicates to some degree the number of persons who were denied embarkation. as the day approached for the departure there was some uneasiness over a report of a portuguese caravel sailing westward from madeira, and it was proposed to send some of the fleet in advance to overtake the vessel; but after some diplomatic fence between ferdinand and joão, the disquiet ended, or at least nothing was done on either side. at one time columbus had hoped to embark on the 15th of august; but it was six weeks later before everything was ready. chapter xii. the second voyage. 1493-1494. [sidenote: the embarkation.] the last day in port was a season of solemnity and gratulation. coma, a spaniard, who, if not an eyewitness, got his description from observers, thus describes the scene in a letter to scillacio in pavia: "the religious rites usual on such occasions were performed by the sailors; the last embraces were given; the ships were hung with brilliant cloths; streamers were wound in the rigging; and the royal standard flapped everywhere at the sterns of the vessels. the pipers and harpers held in mute astonishment the nereids and even the sirens with their sweet modulations. the shores reëchoed the clang of trumpets and the braying of clarions. the discharge of cannon rolled over the water. some venetian galleys chancing to enter the harbor joined in the jubilation, and the cheers of united nations went up with prayers for blessings on the venturing crews." [sidenote: 1493. september 25. the fleet sails.] night followed, calm or broken, restful or wearisome, as the case might be, for one or another, and when the day dawned (september 25, 1493) the note of preparation was everywhere heard. it was the same on the three great caracks, on the lesser caravels, and on the light craft, which had been especially fitted for exploration. the eager and curious mass of beings which crowded their decks were certainly a motley show. there were cavalier and priest, hidalgo and artisan, soldier and sailor. the ambitious thoughts which animated them were as various as their habits. there were those of the adventurer, with no purpose whatever but pastime, be it easy or severe. there was the greed of the speculator, counting the values of trinkets against stores of gold. [sidenote: columbus's character.] there was the brooding of the administrators, with unsolved problems of new communities in their heads. there were ears that already caught the songs of salvation from native throats. there was columbus himself, combining all ambitions in one, looking around this harbor of cadiz studded with his lordly fleet, spreading its creaking sails, lifting its dripping anchors. it was his to contrast it with the scene at palos a little over a year before. this needy genoese vested with the viceroyalty of a new world was more of an adventurer than any. he was a speculator who overstepped them all in audacious visions and golden expectancies. he was an administrator over a new government, untried and undivined. to his ears the hymns of the church soared with a militant warning, dooming the heathen of the indies, and appalling the moslem hordes that imperiled the holy sepulchre. [sidenote: 1493. october 1. canaries.] under the eye of this one commanding spirit, the vessels fell into a common course, and were wafted out upon the great ocean under the lead of the escorting galleys of the venetians. the responsibility of the captain-general of the great armament had begun. he had been instructed to steer widely clear of the portuguese coast, and he bore away in the lead directly to the southwest. on the seventh day (october 1) they reached the gran canaria, where they tarried to repair a leaky ship. on the 5th they anchored at gomera. two days were required here to complete some parts of their equipment, for the islands had already become the centre of great industries and produced largely. "they have enterprising merchants who carry their commerce to many shores," wrote coma to scillacio. there were wood and water to be taken on board. a variety of domestic animals, calves, goats, sheep, and swine; some fowls, and the seed of many orchard and garden fruits, oranges, lemons, melons, and the like, were gathered from the inhabitants and stowed away in the remaining spaces of the ships. [sidenote: 1493. october 13. at sea.] on the 7th the fleet sailed, but it was not till the 13th that the gentle winds had taken them beyond ferro and the unbounded sea was about the great admiral. he bore away much more southerly than in his first voyage, so as to strike, if he could, the islands that were so constantly spoken of, the previous year, as lying southeasterly from española. [sidenote: st. elmo's light.] his ultimate port was, of course, the harbor of la navidad, and he had issued sealed instructions to all his commanders, to guide any one who should part company with the fleet. the winds were favorable, but the dull sailing of the admiral's ship restrained the rest. in ten days they had overshot the longitude of the sargossa sea without seeing it, leaving its floating weeds to the north. in a few days more they experienced heavy tempests. they gathered confidence from an old belief, when they saw st. elmo waving his lambent flames about the upper rigging, while they greeted his presence with their prayers and songs. "the fact is certain," says coma, "that two lights shone through the darkness of the night on the topmast of the admiral's ship. forthwith the tempest began to abate, the sea to remit its fury, the waves their violence, and the surface of the waves became as smooth as polished marble." this sudden gale of four hours' duration came on st. simon's eve. the same authority represents that the protracted voyage had caused their water to run low, for the admiral, confident of his nearness to land, and partly to reassure the timid, had caused it to be served unstintingly. "you might compare him to moses," adds coma, "encouraging the thirsty armies of the israelites in the dry wastes of the wilderness." [sidenote: 1493. november 2.] [sidenote: november 3.] [sidenote: dominica island.] [sidenote: marigalante.] [sidenote: 1493. november 3. guadaloupe.] on saturday, november 2, the leaders compared reckonings. some thought they had come 780 leagues from ferro; others, 800. there were anxiety and weariness on board. the constant fatigue of bailing out the leaky ships had had its disheartening effect. columbus, with a practiced eye, saw signs of land in the color of the water and the shifting winds, and he signaled every vessel to take in sail. it was a waiting night. the first light of sunday glinted on the top of a lofty mountain ahead, descried by a watch at the admiral's masthead. as the island was approached, the admiral named it, in remembrance of the holy day, dominica. the usual service with the _salve regina_ was chanted throughout the fleet, which moved on steadily, bringing island after island into view. columbus could find no good anchorage at dominica, and leaving one vessel to continue the search, he passed on to another island, which he named from his ship, marigalante. here he landed, set up the royal banner in token of possession of the group,--for he had seen six islands,--and sought for inhabitants. he could find none, nor any signs of occupation. there was nothing but a tangle of wood in every direction, a sparkling mass of leafage, trembling in luxurious beauty and giving off odors of spice. some of the men tasted an unknown fruit, and suffered an immediate inflammation about the face, which it required remedies to assuage. the next morning columbus was attracted by the lofty volcanic peak of another island, and, sailing up to it, he could see cascades on the sides of this eminence. [illustration: guadaloupe, marie galante, and dominica. [from henrique's _les colonies françoises_, paris, 1889.]] "among those who viewed this marvelous phenomena at a distance from the ships," says coma, "it was at first a subject of dispute whether it were light reflected from masses of compact snow, or the broad surface of a smooth-worn road. at last the opinion prevailed that it was a vast river." [sidenote: november 4.] columbus remembered that he had promised the monks of our lady of guadaloupe, in estremadura, to place some token of them in this strange world, and so he gave this island the name of guadaloupe. landing the next day, a week of wonders followed. [sidenote: cannibals.] the exploring parties found the first village abandoned; but this had been done so hastily that some young children had been left behind. these they decked with hawks' bells, to win their returning parents. one place showed a public square surrounded by rectangular houses, made of logs and intertwined branches, and thatched with palms. they went through the houses and noted what they saw. they observed at the entrance of one some serpents carved in wood. they found netted hammocks, beside calabashes, pottery, and even skulls used for utensils of household service. they discovered cloth made of cotton; bows and bone-tipped arrows, said sometimes to be pointed with human shin-bones; domesticated fowl very like geese; tame parrots; and pineapples, whose flavor enchanted them. they found what might possibly be relics of europe, washed hither by the equatorial currents as they set from the african coasts,--an iron pot, as they thought it (we know this from the _historie_), and the stern-timber of a vessel, which they could have less easily mistaken. they found something to horrify them in human bones, the remains of a feast, as they were ready enough to believe, for they were seeking confirmation of the stories of cannibals which columbus had heard on his first voyage. they learned that boys were fattened like capons. [illustration: [from philoponus's _nota typis transacta navigatio_.]] the next day they captured a youth and some women, but the men eluded them. columbus was now fully convinced that he had at last discovered the cannibals, and when it was found that one of his captains and eight men had not returned to their ship, he was under great apprehensions. he sent exploring parties into the woods. they hallooed and fired their arquebuses, but to no avail. as they threaded their way through the thickets, they came upon some villages, but the inhabitants fled, leaving their meals half cooked; and they were convinced they saw human flesh on the spit and in the pots. while this party was absent, some women belonging to the neighboring islands, captives of this savage people, came off to the ships and sought protection. columbus decked them with rings and bells, and forced them ashore, while they begged to remain. the islanders stripped off their ornaments, and allowed them to return for more. these women said that the chief of the island and most of the warriors were absent on a predatory expedition. [sidenote: ojeda's expedition.] the party searching for the lost men returned without success, when alonso de ojeda offered to lead forty men into the interior for a more thorough search. this party was as unsuccessful as the other. ojeda reported he had crossed twenty-six streams in going inland, and that the country was found everywhere abounding in odorous trees, strange and delicious fruits, and brilliant birds. while this second party was gone, the crews took aboard a supply of water, and on ojeda's return columbus resolved to proceed, and was on the point of sailing, when the absent men appeared on the shore and signaled to be taken off. they had got lost in a tangled and pathless forest, and all efforts to climb high enough in trees to see the stars and determine their course had been hopeless. finally striking the sea, they had followed the shore till they opportunely espied the fleet. they brought with them some women and boys, but reported they had seen no men. [sidenote: cannibals.] among the accounts of these early experiences of the spaniards with the native people, the story of cannibalism is a constant theme. to circulate such stories enhanced the wonder with which europe was to be impressed. [sidenote: caribs.] the cruelty of the custom was not altogether unwelcome to warrant a retaliatory mercilessness. historians have not wholly decided that this is enough to account for the most positive statements about man-eating tribes. fears and prejudices might do much to raise such a belief, or at least to magnify the habits. irving remarks that the preservation of parts of the human body, among the natives of española, was looked upon as a votive service to ancestors, and it may have needed only prejudice to convert such a custom into cannibalism when found with the caribs. the adventurousness of the nature of this fierce people and their wanderings in wars naturally served to sharpen their intellects beyond the passive unobservance of the pacific tribes on which they preyed; so they became more readily, for this reason, the possessors of any passion or vice that the european instinct craved to fasten somewhere upon a strange people. [sidenote: caribs and lucayans.] the contiguity of these two races, the fierce carib and the timid tribes of the more northern islands, has long puzzled the ethnologist. irving indulged in some rambling notions of the origin of the carib, derived from observations of the early students of the obscure relations of the american peoples. larger inquiry and more scientific observation has since irving's time been given to the subject, still without bringing the question to recognizable bearings. the craniology of the caribs is scantily known, and there is much yet to be divulged. the race in its purity has long been extinct. lucien de rosny, in an anthropological study of the antilles published by the french society of ethnology in 1886, has amassed considerable data for future deductions. it is a question with some modern examiners if the distinction between these insular peoples was not one of accident and surroundings rather than of blood. * * * * * [sidenote: 1493. november 10. columbus leaves guadaloupe.] when columbus sailed from guadaloupe on november 10, he steered northwest for española, though his captives told him that the mainland lay to the south. he passed various islands, but did not cast anchor till the 14th, when he reached the island named by him santa cruz, and found it still a region of caribs. it was here the spaniards had their first fight with this fierce people in trying to capture a canoe filled with them. the white men rammed and overturned the hollowed log; but the indians fought in the water so courageously that some of the spanish bucklers were pierced with the native poisoned arrows, and one of the spaniards, later, died of such a wound inflicted by one of the savage women. all the caribs, however, were finally captured and placed in irons on board ship. one was so badly wounded that recovery was not thought possible, and he was thrown overboard. the fellow struck for the shore, and was killed by the spanish arrows. the accounts describe their ferocious aspect, their coarse hair, their eyes circled with red paint, and the muscular parts of their limbs artificially extended by tight bands below and above. [sidenote: porto rico.] proceeding thence and passing a group of wild and craggy islets, which he named after st. ursula and her eleven thousand virgins, columbus at last reached the island now called porto rico, which his captives pointed out to him as their home and the usual field of the carib incursions. the island struck the strangers by its size, its beautiful woods and many harbors, in one of which, at its west end, they finally anchored. there was a village close by, which, by their accounts, was trim, and not without some pretensions to skill in laying out, with its seaside terraces. the inhabitants, however, had fled. two days later, the fleet weighed anchor and steered for la navidad. [sidenote: 1493. november 22. española.] it was the 22d of november when the explorers made a level shore, which they later discovered to be the eastern end of española. they passed gently along the northern coast, and at an attractive spot sent a boat ashore with the body of the biscayan sailor who had died of the poisoned arrow, while two of the light caravels hovered near the beach to protect the burying party. coming to the spot where columbus had had his armed conflict with the natives the year before, and where one of the indians who had been baptized at barcelona was taken, this fellow, loaded with presents and decked in person, was sent on shore for the influence he might exert on his people. this supposable neophyte does not again appear in history. only one of these native converts now remained, and the accounts say that he lived faithfully with the spaniards. five of the seven who embarked had died on the voyage. [sidenote: 1493. november 25.] [sidenote: 1493. november 27. off la navidad.] on the 25th, while the fleet was at anchor at monte christo, where columbus had found gold in the river during his first voyage, the sailors discovered some decomposed bodies, one of them showing a beard, which raised apprehensions of the fate of the men left at la navidad. the neighboring natives came aboard for traffic with so much readiness, however, that it did much to allay suspicion. it was the 27th when, after dark, columbus cast anchor opposite the fort, about a league from land. it was too late to see anything more than the outline of the hills. expecting a response from the fort, he fired two cannons; but there was no sound except the echoes. the spaniards looked in vain for lights on the shore. the darkness was mysterious and painful. before midnight a canoe was heard approaching, and a native twice asked for the admiral. a boat was lowered from one of the vessels, and towed the canoe to the flag-ship. the natives were not willing to board her till columbus himself appeared at the waist, and by the light of a lantern revealed his countenance to them. this reassured them. their leader brought presents--some accounts say ewers of gold, others say masks ornamented with gold--from the cacique, guacanagari, whose friendly assistance had been counted upon so much to befriend the little garrison at la navidad. [sidenote: its garrison killed.] these formalities over, columbus inquired for diego de arana and his men. the young lucayan, now columbus's only interpreter, did the best he could with a dialect not his own to make a connected story out of the replies, which was in effect that sickness and dissension, together with the withdrawal of some to other parts of the island, had reduced the ranks of the garrison, when the fort as well as the neighboring village of guacanagari was suddenly attacked by a mountain chieftain, caonabo, who burned both fort and village. those of the spaniards who were not driven into the sea to perish had been put to death. in this fight the friendly cacique had been wounded. the visitors said that this chieftain's hurt had prevented his coming with them to greet the admiral; but that he would come in the morning. coma, in his account of this midnight interview, is not so explicit, and leaves the reader to infer that columbus did not get quite so clear an apprehension of the fate of his colony. when the dawn came, the harbor appeared desolate. not a canoe was seen where so many sped about in the previous year. a boat was sent ashore, and found every sign that the fort had been sacked as well as destroyed. fragments of clothing and bits of merchandise were scattered amid its blackened ruins. there were indians lurking behind distant trees, but no one approached, and as the cacique had not kept the word which he had sent of coming himself in the morning, suspicions began to arise that the story of its destruction had not been honestly given. the new-comers passed a disturbed night with increasing mistrust, and the next morning columbus landed and saw all for himself. he traveled farther away from the shore than those who landed on the preceding day, and gained some confirmation of the story in finding the village of the cacique a mass of blackened ruins. cannon were again discharged, in the hopes that their reverberating echoes might reach the ears of those who were said to have abandoned the fort before the massacre. the well and ditch were cleaned out to see if any treasure had been cast into it, as columbus had directed in case of disaster. nothing was found, and this seemed to confirm the tale of the suddenness of the attack. columbus and his men went still farther inland to a village; but its inmates had hurriedly fled, so that many articles of european make, stockings and a moorish robe among them, had been left behind, spoils doubtless of the fort. returning nearer the fort, they discovered the bodies of eleven men buried, with the grass growing above them, and enough remained of their clothing to show they were europeans. this is dr. chanca's statement, who says the men had not been dead two months. coma says that the bodies were unburied, and had lain for nearly three months in the open air; and that they were now given christian burial. [sidenote: guacanagari and caonabo.] later in the day, a few of the natives were lured by friendly signs to come near enough to talk with the lucayan interpreter. the story in much of its details was gradually drawn out, and columbus finally possessed himself of a pretty clear conception of the course of the disastrous events. it was a tale of cruelty, avarice, and sensuality towards the natives on the part of the spaniards, and of jealousy and brawls among themselves. no word of their governor had been sufficient to restrain their outbursts of passionate encounter, and no sense of insecurity could deter them from the most foolhardy risks while away from the fort's protection. those who had been appointed to succeed arana, if there were an occasion, revolted against him, and, being unsuccessful in overthrowing him, they went off with their adherents in search of the mines of cibao. this carried them beyond the protection of guacanagari, and into the territory of his enemy, caonabo, a wandering carib who had offered himself to the interior natives as their chieftain, and who had acquired a great ascendency in the island. this leader, who had learned of the dissensions among the spaniards, was no sooner informed of the coming of these renegades within his reach than he caused them to be seized and killed. this emboldened him to join forces with another cacique, a neighbor of guacanagari, and to attempt to drive the spaniards from the island, since they had become a standing menace to his power, as he reasoned. the confederates marched stealthily, and stole into the vicinity of the fort in the night. arana had but ten men within the stockade, and they kept no watch. other spaniards were quartered in the adjacent village. the onset was sudden and effective, and the dismal ruins of the fort and village were thought to confirm the story. [sidenote: doña catalina.] other confirmations followed. a caravel was sent to explore easterly, and was soon boarded by two indians from the shore, who invited the captain, maldonado, to visit the cacique, who lay ill at a neighboring village. the captain went, and found guacanagari laid up with a bandaged leg. the savage told a story which agreed with the one just related, and on its being repeated to columbus, the admiral himself, with an imposing train, went to see the cacique. guacanagari seemed anxious, in repeating the story, to convince the admiral of his own loyalty to the spaniards, and pointed to his wounds and to those of some of his people as proof. there was the usual interchange of presents, hawks' bells for gold, and similar reckonings. before leaving, columbus asked to have his surgeon examine the wound, which the cacique said had been occasioned by a stone striking the leg. to get more light, the chieftain went out-of-doors, leaning upon the admiral's arm. when the bandage was removed, there was no external sign of hurt; but the cacique winced if the flesh was touched. father boyle, who was in the admiral's train, thought the wound a pretense, and the story fabricated to conceal the perfidy of the cacique, and urged columbus to make an instant example of the traitor. the admiral was not so confident as the priest, and at all events he thought a course of pacification and procrastination was the better policy. the interview did not end, according to coma, without some strange manifestations on the part of the cacique, which led the spaniards for a moment to fear that a trial of arms was to come. the chief was not indisposed to try his legs enough to return with the admiral to his ship that very evening. here he saw the carib prisoners, and the accounts tell us how he shuddered at the sight of them. he wondered at the horses and other strange creatures which were shown to him. coma tells us that the indians thought that the horses were fed on human flesh. the women who had been rescued from the caribs attracted, perhaps, even more the attention of the savage, and particularly a lofty creature among them, whom the spaniards had named doña catalina. guacanagari was observed to talk with her more confidingly than he did with the others. father boyle urged upon the admiral that a duress similar to that of catalina was none too good for the perfidious cacique, as the priest persisted in calling the savage, but columbus hesitated. there was, however, little left of that mutual confidence which had characterized the relations of the admiral and the chieftain during the trying days of the shipwreck, the year before. when the admiral offered to hang a cross on the neck of his visitor, and the cacique understood it to be the christian emblem, he shrank from the visible contact of a faith of which the past months had revealed its character. with this manifestation they parted, and the cacique was set ashore. coma seems to unite the incidents of this interview on the ship with those of the meeting ashore. [sidenote: the cacique and catalina.] there comes in here, according to the received accounts, a little passage of indian intrigue and gallantry. a messenger appeared the next day to inquire when the admiral sailed, and later another to barter gold. this last held some talk with the indian women, and particularly with catalina. about midnight a light appeared on the shore, and catalina and her companions, while the ship's company, except a watch, were sleeping, let themselves down the vessel's side, and struck out for the shore. the watch discovered the escape, but not in time to prevent the women having a considerable start. boats pursued, but the swimmers touched the beach first. four of them, however, were caught, but catalina and the others escaped. when, the next morning, columbus sent a demand for the fugitives, it was found that guacanagari had moved his household and all his effects into the interior of the island. the story got its fitting climax in the suspicious minds of the spaniards, when they supposed that the fugitive beauty was with him. here was only a fresh instance of the savage's perfidy. * * * * * [sidenote: columbus abandons la navidad.] columbus had before this made up his mind that the vicinity of his hapless fort was not a good site for the town which he intended to build. the ground was low, moist, and unhealthy. there were no building stones near at hand. there was need of haste in a decision. the men were weary of their confinement on shipboard. the horses and other animals suffered from a like restraint. accordingly expeditions were sent to explore the coast, and it soon became evident that they must move beyond the limits of guacanagari's territory, if they would find the conditions demanded. melchior maldonado, in command of one of these expeditions, had gone eastward until he coasted the country of another cacique. this chief at first showed hostility, but was won at last by amicable signs. from him they learned that guacanagari had gone to the mountains. from another they got the story of the massacre of the fort, almost entirely accordant with what they had already discovered. [sidenote: isabella founded.] [sidenote: cibao gold mines.] not one of the reports from these minor explorations was satisfactory, and december 7, the entire fleet weighed anchor to proceed farther east. stress of weather caused them to put into a harbor, which on examination seemed favorable for their building project. the roadstead was wide. a rocky point offered a site for a citadel. there were two rivers winding close by in an attractive country, and capable of running mills. nature, as they saw it, was variegated and alluring. flowers and fruits were in abundance. "garden seeds came up in five days after they were sown," says coma of their trial of the soil, "and the gardens were speedily clothed in green, producing plentifully onions and pumpkins, radishes and beets." "vegetables," wrote dr. chanca, "attain a more luxuriant growth here in eight days than they would in spain in twenty." it was also learned that the gold mines of the cibao mountains were inland from the spot, at no great distance. the disembarkation began. days of busy exertion followed. horses, livestock, provisions, munitions, and the varied merchandise were the centre of a lively scene about their encampment. this they established near a sheet of water. artificers, herdsmen, cavaliers, priests, laborers, and placemen made up the motley groups which were seen on all sides. [sidenote: sickness in the colony.] in later years, the spaniards regulated all the formalities and prescribed with precision the proceedings in the laying out of towns in the new world, but columbus had no such directions. the planting of a settlement was a novel and untried method. it was a natural thought to commemorate in the new christian city the great patroness of his undertaking, and the settlement bore from the first the name of isabella. his engineers laid out square and street. a site for the church was marked, another for a public storehouse, another for the house of the admiral,--all of stone. the ruins of these three buildings are the most conspicuous relics in the present solitary waste. the great mass of tenements, which were stretched along the streets back from the public square, where the main edifice stood, were as hastily run up as possible, to cover in the colony. it was time enough for solider structures later to take their places. parties were occupied in clearing fields and setting out orchards. there were landing piers to be made at the shore. so everybody tasked bodily strength in rival endeavors. the natural results followed in so incongruous a crowd. those not accustomed to labor broke down from its hardships. the seekers for pleasure, not finding it in the common toil, rushed into excesses, and imperiled all. the little lake, so attractive to the inexperienced, was soon, with its night vapors, the source of disease. few knew how to protect themselves from the insidious malaria. discomfort induced discouragement, and the mental firmness so necessary in facing strange and exacting circumstances gave way. [sidenote: columbus sick.] forebodings added greater energy to the disease. it was not long before the colony was a camp of hospitals, about one half the people being incapacitated for labor. in the midst of all this downheartedness columbus himself succumbed, and for some weeks was unable to direct the trying state of affairs, except as he could do so in the intervals of his lassitude. but as the weeks went on a better condition was apparent. work took a more steady aspect. the ships had discharged their burdens. they lay ready for the return voyage. [sidenote: sends ojeda to seek the cibao mines.] columbus had depended on the exertions of the little colony at la navidad to amass a store of gold and other precious commodities with which to laden the returning vessels. he knew the disappointment which would arise if they should carry little else than the dismal tale of disaster. nothing lay upon his mind more weightily than this mortification and misfortune. there was nothing to be done but to seek the mines of cibao, for the chance of sending more encouraging reports. gold had indeed been brought in to the settlement, but only scantily; and its quantity was not suited to make real the gorgeous dreams of the east with which spain was too familiar. so an expedition to cibao was organized, and ojeda was placed in command. the force assigned to him was but fifteen men in all, but each was well armed and courageous. they expected perils, for they had to invade the territory of caonabo, the destroyer of la navidad. [sidenote: 1494. january. first mass.] the march began early in january, 1494; perhaps just after they had celebrated their first solemn mass in a temporary chapel on january 6. for two days their progress was slow and toilsome, through forests without a sign of human life, for the savage denizens had moved back from the vicinity of the spaniards. the men encamped, the second night, on the top of a mountain, and when the dawn broke they looked down on its further side over a broad valley, with its scattered villages. they boldly descended, and met nothing but hospitality from the villagers. their course now lay towards and up the opposite slope of the valley. they pushed on without an obstacle. [sidenote: gold found.] [sidenote: gorvalan's expedition.] the rude inhabitants of the mountains were as friendly as those of the valley. they did not see nor did they hear anything of the great caonabo. every stream they passed glittered with particles of gold in its sand. the natives had an expert way of separating the metal, and the spaniards flattered them for their skill. occasionally a nugget was found. ojeda picked up a lump which weighed nine ounces, and peter martyr looked upon it wonderingly when it reached spain. if all this was found on the surface, what must be the wealth in the bowels of these astounding mountains? the obvious answer was what ojeda hastened back to make to columbus. a similar story was got from a young cavalier, gorvalan, who had been dispatched in another direction with another force. there was in all this the foundation of miracles for the glib tongue and lively imagination. one of these exuberant stories reached coma, and scillacio makes him say that "the most splendid thing of all (which i should be ashamed to commit to writing, if i had not received it from a trustworthy source) is that, a rock adjacent to a mountain being struck with a club, a large quantity of gold burst out, and particles of gold of indescribable brightness glittered all around the spot. ojeda was loaded down by means of this outburst." it was stories like these which prepared the way for the future reaction in spain. [sidenote: columbus writes to the sovereigns.] there was material now to give spirit to the dispatch to his sovereigns, and columbus sat down to write it. it has come down to us, and is printed in navarrete's collection, just as it was perused by the king and queen, who entered in the margins their comments and orders. columbus refers at the beginning to letters already written to their highnesses, and mentions others addressed to father buele and to the treasurer, but they are not known. then, speaking of the expeditions of ojeda and gorvalan, he begs the sovereigns to satisfy themselves of the hopeful prospects for gold by questioning gorvalan, who was to return with the ships. he advises their highnesses to return thanks to god for all this. those personages write in the margin, "their highnesses return thanks to god!" he then explains his embarrassment from the sickness of his men,--the "greater part of all," as he adds,--and says that the indians are very familiar, rambling about the settlement both day and night, necessitating a constant watch. as he makes excuses and gives his reasons for not doing this or that, the compliant monarchs as constantly write against the paragraphs, "he has done well." columbus says he is building stone bulwarks for defense, and when this is done he shall provide for accumulating gold. "exactly as should be done," chime in the monarchs. he then asks for fresh provisions to be sent to him, and tells how much they have done in planting. "fonseca has been ordered to send further seeds," is the comment. he complains that the wine casks had been badly coopered at seville, and that the wine had all run out, so that wine was their prime necessity. he urges that calves, heifers, asses, working mares, be sent to them; and that above all, to prevent discouragement, the supplies should arrive at isabella by may, and that particularly medicines should come, as their stock was exhausted. he then refers to the cannibals whom he would send back, and asks that they may be made acquainted with the true faith and taught the spanish tongue. "his suggestions are good," is the marginal royal comment. [sidenote: columbus proposes a trade in slaves.] now comes the vital point of his dispatch. we want cattle, he says. they can be paid for in carib slaves. let yearly caravels conduct this trade. it will be easy, with the boats which are building, to capture a plenty of these savages. duties can be levied on these importations of slaves. on this point he urges a reply. the monarchs see the fatality of the step, and, according to the marginal comment, suspend judgment and ask the admiral's further thoughts. "a more distinct suggestion for the establishment of a slave trade was never proposed," is the modern comment of arthur helps. columbus then adds that he has bought for the use of the colony certain of the vessels which brought them out, and these would be retained at isabella, and used in making further discoveries. the comment is that fonseca will pay the owners. he then intimates that more care should be exercised in the selection of placemen sent to the colony, for the enterprise had suffered already from unfitness in such matters. the monarchs promise amends. he complains that the granada lancemen, who offered themselves in seville mounted on fine horses, had subsequently exchanged these animals to their own personal advantage for inferior horses. he says the footmen made similar exchanges to fill their own pockets. [sidenote: 1404. january 30. signs his letter.] [sidenote: gold, the christians' god!] [sidenote: 1494. february 2. the fleet returns to spain.] [sidenote: chanca's narrative.] so, dating this memorial on january 30, 1494, the man who was ambitious to become the first slave-driver of the new world laid down his quill, praising god, as he asked his sovereigns to do. the poor creatures who wandered in and about among the cabins of the spaniards were fast forming their own comments, which were quite as astute as those of the admiral's royal masters. holding up a piece of gold, the natives learned to say,--and columbus had given them their first lesson in such philosophy,--"behold the christians' god!" benzoni, the first traveler who came among them with his eyes open, and daring to record the truth, heard them say this. intrusting his memorial to antonio de torres, and putting him in command of the twelve ships that were to return to spain, columbus saw the fleet sail away on february 2, 1494. there would seem to have been committed to some one on the ships two other accounts of the results of this second voyage up to this time, which have come down to us. one of these is a narrative by dr. chanca, the physician of the colony, whom columbus, in his memorial to the monarchs, credits with doing good service in his profession at a sacrifice of the larger emoluments which the practice of it had brought to him in seville. the narrative of chanca had been sent by him to the cathedral chapter of seville. the original is thought to be lost; but navarrete used a transcript which belonged to a collection formed by father antonio de aspa, a monk of the monastery of the mejorada, where columbus is known to have deposited some of his papers. major has given us an english translation of it in his _select letters of columbus_. major's text will also be found in the late james lenox's english version of the other account, which he gave to scholars in 1859. [sidenote: coma's narrative.] there is a curious misconception in this last document, which represents that columbus had reached these new regions by the african route of the portuguese,--a confusion doubtless arising from the imperfect knowledge which the italian translator, nicholas scillacio, had of the current geographical developments. a spaniard, guglielmo coma, seems to have written about the new discoveries in some letters, apparently revived in some way from somebody's personal observation, which scillacio put into a latin dress, and published at pavia, or possibly at pisa. this little tract is of the utmost rarity, and mr. lenox, considering the suggestion of ronchini, that the blunder of scillacio may have caused the destruction of the edition, replies by calling attention to the fact that it is scarcely rarer than many other of the contemporary tracts of columbus's voyage, about which there exists no such reason. [sidenote: verde's letters.] we get also some reports by torres himself on the affairs of the colony in various letters of a florentine merchant, simone verde, to whom he had communicated them. these letters have been recently (1875) found in the archives of florence, and have been made better known still later by harrisse. chapter xiii. the second voyage, continued. 1494. [sidenote: life in isabella.] the departure of the fleet made conspicuous at last a threatening faction of those whose terms of service had prevented their taking passage in the ships. this organized discontent was the natural result of a depressing feeling that all the dreams of ease and plenty which had sustained them in their embarkation were but delusions. life in isabella had made many of them painfully conscious of the lack of that success and comfort which had been counted upon. the failure of what in these later days is known as the commissariat was not surprising. with all our modern experience in fitting out great expeditions, we know how often the fate of such enterprises is put in jeopardy by rascally contractors. their arts, however, are not new ones. fonseca was not so wary, columbus was not so exacting, that such arts could not be practiced in seville, as to-day in london and new york. this jobbery, added to the scant experience of honest endeavor, inevitably brought misfortune and suffering through spoiled provisions and wasted supplies. [sidenote: mutinous factions.] the faction, taking advantage of this condition, had two persons for leaders, whose official position gave the body a vantage-ground. bernal diaz de pisa was the comptroller of the colony, and his office permitted him to have an oversight of the admiral's accounts. it is said that before this time he had put himself in antagonism to authority by questioning some of the doings of the admiral. he began now to talk to the people of the admiral's deceptive and exaggerating descriptions intended for effect in spain, and no doubt represented them to be at least as false as they were. diaz drew pictures that produced a prevailing gloom beyond what the facts warranted, for deceit is a game of varying extremes. [sidenote: their schemes discovered.] he was helped on by the assayer of the colony, fermin cado, who spoke as an authority on the poor quality of the gold, and on the indian habit of amassing it in their families, so that the moderate extent of it which the natives had offered was not the accretions of a day, but the result of the labor of generations. with leaders acting in concert, it had been planned to seize the remaining ships, and to return to spain. this done, the mutineers expected to justify their conduct by charges against the admiral, and a statement of them had already been drawn up by bernal diaz. the mutiny, however, was discovered, and columbus had the first of his many experiences in suppressing a revolt. bernal diaz was imprisoned on one of the ships, and was carried to spain for trial. other leaders were punished in one way and another. to prevent the chances of success in future schemes of revolt, all munitions and implements of war were placed together in one of the ships, under a supervision which columbus thought he could trust. the prompt action of the admiral had not been taken without some question of his authority, or at least it was held that he had been injudicious in the exercise of it. the event left a rankling passion among many of the colonists against what was called columbus's vindictiveness and presumptuous zeal. with it all was the feeling that a foreigner was oppressing them, and was weaving about them the meshes of his arbitrary ambition. * * * * * [sidenote: columbus goes to the gold mines.] [sidenote: diego colon.] columbus now determined to go himself to the gold regions of the interior. he arranged that diego, his brother,--another foreigner!--should have the command in his absence. las casas pictures for us this younger of the colombos, and calls him gentle, unobtrusive, and kindly. he allows to him a priest's devotion, but does not consider him quite worldly enough in his dealings with men to secure himself against ungenerous wiles. [sidenote: 1494. march 12.] it was the 12th of march when columbus set out on his march. he conducted a military contingent of about 400 well-armed men, including what lancers he could mount. in his train followed an array of workmen, miners, artificers, and porters, with their burdens of merchandise and implements. a mass of the natives hovered about the procession. [sidenote: columbus makes a road.] [sidenote: the vega real.] their progress was as martial as it could be made. banners were flaunted. drums and trumpets were sounded. their armor was made to glisten. crossing the low land, they came to a defile in the mountain. there was nothing before them but a tortuous native trail winding upward among the rocks and through tangled forest. it was ill suited for the passage of a heavily burdened force. some of the younger cavaliers sprang to the front, and gathering around them woodmen and pioneers, they opened the way; and thus a road was constructed through the pass, the first made in the new world. this work of the proud cavaliers was called _el puerto de los hidalgos_. the summit of the mountain afforded afresh the grateful view of the luxuriant valley which had delighted ojeda,--royally rich as it was in every aspect, and deserving the name which columbus now gave it of the vega real. [sidenote: erects a cross.] here, on the summit of santo cerro, the tradition of the island goes that columbus caused that cross to be erected which the traveler to-day looks upon in one of the side chapels of the cathedral at santo domingo. it stood long enough to perform many miracles, as the believers tell us, and was miraculously saved in an earthquake. de lorgues does not dare to connect the actual erection with the holy trophy of the cathedral. descending to the lowlands, the little army and its followers attracted the notice of the amazed natives by clangor and parade. this display was made more astounding whenever the horses were set to prancing, as they approached and passed a native hamlet. las casas tells us that the first horseman who dismounted was thought by the natives to have parceled out a single creature into convenient parts. the indians, timid at first, were enticed by a show of trinkets, and played upon by the interpreters. thus they gradually were won over to repay all kindnesses with food and drink, while they rendered many other kindly services. the army came to a large stream, and columbus called it the river of reeds. it was the same which, the year before, knowing it only where it emptied into the sea, he had called the river of gold, because he had been struck with the shining particles which he found among its sands. here they encamped. the men bathed. they found everything about them like the dales of paradise, if we may believe their rehearsals. the landscape was very different from that which bernal diaz was to tell of, if only once he got the ears of the court in seville. [sidenote: cibao mountains.] the river was so wide and deep that the men could not ford it, so they made rafts to take over everything but the horses. these swam the current. then the force passed on, but was confronted at last by the rugged slopes of the cibao mountains. the soldiers clambered up the defile painfully and slowly. the pioneers had done what they could to smooth the way, but the ascent was wearying. they could occasionally turn from their toil to look back over this luxuriant valley which they were leaving, and lose their vision in its vast extent. las casas describes it as eighty leagues one way, and twenty or thirty the other. [sidenote: fort st. thomas.] it was a scene of bewildering beauty that they left behind; it was one of sterile heights, scraggy pines, and rocky precipices which they entered. the leaders computed that they were eighteen leagues from isabella, and as columbus thought he saw signs of gold, amber, lapis lazuli, copper, and one knows not what else of wealth, all about him, he was content to establish his fortified position hereabouts, without pushing farther. he looked around, and found at the foot of one of the declivities of the interior of this mountainous region a fertile plain, with a running river, gurgling over beds of jasper and marble, and in the midst of it a little eminence, which he could easily fortify, as the river nearly surrounded it like a natural ditch. here he built his fort. recent travelers say that an overgrowth of trees now covers traces of its foundations. the fortress was, as he believed, so near the gold that one could see it with his eyes and touch it with his hands, and so, as las casas tells us, he named it st. thomas. the indians had already learned to recognize the christian's god. they found the golden deity in bits in the streams. they took the idol tenderly to his militant people. for their part, the poor natives much preferred rings and hawks' bells, and so a basis of traffic was easily found. in this way columbus got some gold, but he more readily got stories of other spots, whither the natives pointed vaguely, where nuggets, which would dwarf all these bits, could be found. columbus began to wonder why he never reached the best places. [sidenote: country examined.] [sidenote: columbus returns to isabella.] the spaniards soon got to know the region better. juan de luxan, who had been sent out with a party to see what he could find, reported that the region was mountainous and in its upper parts sterile, to be sure, but that there were delicious valleys, and plenty of land to cultivate, and pasturing enough for herds. when he came back with these reports, the men put a good deal of heart in the work which they were bestowing on the citadel of st. thomas, so that it was soon done. pedro margarite was placed in command with fifty-six men, and then columbus started to return to isabella. [sidenote: natives of the valley.] when the admiral reached the valley, he met a train of supplies going forward to st. thomas, and as there were difficulties of fording and other obstacles, he spent some time in examining the country and marking out lines of communication. this brought him into contact with the villages of the valley, and he grew better informed of the kind of people among whom his colonists were to live. he did not, however, discern that under a usually pacific demeanor there was no lack of vigorous determination in this people, which it might not be so wise to irritate to the point of vengeance. he found, too, that they had a religion, perhaps prompting to some virtues he little suspected in his own, and that they jealously guarded their idols. he discovered that experience had given them no near acquaintance with the medicinal properties of the native herbs and trees. they associated myths with places, and would tell you that the sun and moon were but creatures of their island which had escaped from one of their caverns, and that mankind had sprung from the crannies of their rocky places. the bounteousness of nature, causing little care for the future, had spread among them a love of hospitality, and columbus found himself welcome everywhere, and continued to be so till he and his abused their privileges. [sidenote: 1494. march 29. columbus in isabella.] on the 29th of march, columbus was back in isabella, to find that the plantings of january were already yielding fruits, and the colony, in its agricultural aspects, at least, was promising, for the small areas that had already been cultivated. but the tidings from the new fort in the mountains which had just come in by messenger were not so cheering, for it seemed to be the story of la navidad repeated. the license and exactions of the garrison had stirred up the neighboring natives, and pedro margarite, in his message, showed his anxiety lest caonabo should be able to mass the savages, exasperated by their wrongs, in an attack upon the post. columbus sent a small reinforcement to st. thomas, and dispatched a force to make a better road thither, in order to facilitate any future operations. [sidenote: condition of the town.] the admiral's more immediate attention was demanded by the condition of isabella. intermittent fever and various other disturbances incident to a new turning of a reeking soil were making sad ravages in the colony. the work of building suffered in consequence. the sick engrossed the attention of men withdrawn from their active labors, or they were left to suffer from the want of such kindly aid. the humidity of the climate and a prodigal waste had brought provisions so low that an allowance even of the unwholesome stock which remained was made necessary. in order to provide against impending famine, men were taken from the public works and put to labor on a mill, in order that they might get flour. no respect was paid to persons, and cavalier and priest were forced into the common service. the admiral was obliged to meet the necessities by compulsory measures, for even an obvious need did not prevent the indifferent from shirking, and the priest and hidalgo from asserting their privileged rights. any authority that enforced sacrifice galled the proud spirits, and the indignity of labor caused a mortification and despair that soon thinned the ranks of the best blood of the colony. dying voices cursed the delusion which had brought them to the new world, the victims, as they claimed, of the avarice and deceit of a hated alien to their race. [sidenote: ojeda sent to st. thomas.] supineness in the commander would have brought everything in the colony to a disastrous close. a steady progression of some sort might be remedial. the admiral's active mind determined on the diversion of further exploration with such a force as could be equipped. he mustered a little army, consisting of 250 men armed with crossbows, 100 with matchlocks, 16 mounted lancemen, and 20 officers. ojeda was put at their head, with orders to lead them to st. thomas, which post he was to govern while margarite took the expeditionary party and scoured the country. navarrete has preserved for us the instructions which columbus imparted. they counseled a considerate regard for the natives, who must, however, be made to furnish all necessaries at fair prices. above all, every spaniard must be prevented from engaging in private trade, since the profits of such bartering were reserved to the crown, and it did not help columbus in his dealings with the refractory colonists to have it known that a foreign interloper, like himself, shared this profit with the crown. margarite was also told that he must capture, by force or stratagem, the cacique caonabo and his brothers. [sidenote: 1494. april 9.] when ojeda, who had started on april 9, reached the vega real, he learned that three spaniards, returning from st. thomas, had been robbed by a party of indians, people of a neighboring cacique. ojeda seized the offenders, the ears of one of whom he cut off, and then capturing the cacique himself and some of his family, he sent the whole party to isabella. columbus took prompt revenge, or made the show of doing so; but just as the sentence of execution was to be inflicted, he yielded to the importunities of another cacique, and thought to keep by it his reputation for clemency. presently another horseman came in from st. thomas, who, on his way, had rescued, single-handed and with the aid of the terror which his animal inspired, another party of five spaniards, whom he had found in the hands of the same tribe. [sidenote: diego and the junto.] such easy conquests convinced columbus that only proper prudence was demanded to maintain the spanish supremacy with even a diminished force. he had not forgotten the fears of the portuguese which were harassing the spanish court when he left seville, and, to anticipate them, he was anxious to make a more thorough examination of cuba, which was a part of the neighboring main of cathay, as he was ready to suppose. he therefore commissioned a sort of junto to rule, while in person he should conduct such an expedition by water. his brother diego was placed in command during his absence, and he gave him four counselors, father boyle, pedro fernandez coronel, alonso sanchez carvajal, and juan de luxan. he took three caravels, the smallest of his little fleet, as better suited to explore, and left the two large ones behind. [sidenote: 1494. april 24. columbus sails for cuba.] it was april 24 when columbus sailed from isabella, and at once he ran westerly. he stopped at his old fort, la navidad, but found that guacanagari avoided him, and no time could be lost in discovering why. on the 29th, he left española behind and struck across to the cuban shore. here, following the southern side of that island, he anchored first in a harbor where there were preparations for a native feast; but the people fled when he landed, and the not overfed spaniards enjoyed the repast that was abandoned. the lucayan interpreter, who was of the party, managed after a while to allure a single indian, more confident than the rest, to approach; and when this cuban learned from one of a similar race the peaceful purposes of the spaniards, he went and told others, and so in a little while columbus was able to hold a parley with a considerable group. he caused reparation to be made for the food which his men had taken, and then exchanged farewells with the astounded folk. [sidenote: 1494. may 1. on the cuban coast.] on may 1, he raised anchor, and coasted still westerly, keeping near the shore. the country grew more populous. the amenities of his intercourse with the feast-makers had doubtless been made known along the coast, and as a result he was easily kept supplied with fresh fruits by the natives. their canoes constantly put off from the shore as the ships glided by. he next anchored in the harbor which was probably that known to-day as st. jago de cuba, where he received the same hospitality, and dispensed the same store of trinkets in return. [sidenote: 1494. may 3. steers for jamaica.] here, as elsewhere along the route, the lucayan had learned from the natives that a great island lay away to the south, which was the source of what gold they had. the information was too frequently repeated to be casual, and so, on may 3, columbus boldly stood off shore, and brought his ships to a course due south. [sidenote: natives of jamaica.] [sidenote: a dog set upon them.] [sidenote: santiago or jamaica.] [sidenote: character of natives.] it was not long before thin blue films appeared on the horizon. they deepened and grew into peaks. it was two days before the ships were near enough to their massive forms to see the signs of habitations everywhere scattered along the shore. the vessels stood in close to the land. a native flotilla hovered about, at first with menaces, but their occupants were soon won to friendliness by kindly signs. not so, however, in the harbor, where, on the next day, he sought shelter and an opportunity to careen a leaky ship. here the shore swarmed with painted men, and some canoes with feathered warriors advanced to oppose a landing. they hurled their javelins without effect, and filled the air with their screams and whoops. columbus then sent in his boats nearer the shore than his ships could go, and under cover of a discharge from his bombards a party landed, and with their crossbows put the indians to flight. bernaldez tells that a dog was let loose upon the savages, and this is the earliest mention of that canine warfare which the spaniards later made so sanguinary. columbus now landed and took possession of the island under the name of santiago, but the name did not supplant the native jamaica. the warning lesson had its effect, and the next day some envoys of the cacique of the region made offers of amity, which were readily accepted. for three days this friendly intercourse was kept up, with the customary exchange of gifts. the spaniards could but observe a marked difference in the character of this new people. they were more martial and better sailors than any they had seen since they left the carib islands. the enormous mahogany-trees of the islands furnished them with trunks, out of which they constructed the largest canoes. columbus saw one which was ninety-six feet long and eight broad. there was also in these people a degree of merriment such as the spaniards had not noticed before, more docility and quick apprehension, and peter martyr gathered from those with whom he had talked that in almost all ways they seemed a manlier and experter race. their cloth, utensils, and implements were of a character not differing from others the explorers had seen, but of better handiwork. as soon as he floated his ship, columbus again stretched his course to the west, finding no further show of resistance. the native dugout sallied forth to trade from every little inlet which was passed. finally, a youth came off and begged to be taken to the spaniards' home, and the _historie_ tells us that it was not without a scene of distress that he bade his kinsfolk good-by, in spite of all their endeavors to reclaim him. columbus was struck with the courage and confidence of the youth, and ordered special kindnesses to be shown to him. we hear nothing more of the lad. [sidenote: columbus returns to cuba.] [sidenote: 1494. may 18.] [sidenote: the queen's gardens.] reaching now the extreme westerly end of jamaica, and finding the wind setting right for cuba, columbus shifted his course thither, and bore away to the north. on the 18th of may, he was once more on its coast. the people were everywhere friendly. they told him that cuba was an island, but of such extent that they had never seen the end of it. this did not convince columbus that it was other than the mainland. so he went on towards the west, in full confidence that he would come to cathay, or at least, such seemed his expectation. he presently rounded a point, and saw before him a large archipelago. he was now at that point where the cabo de la cruz on the south and this archipelago in the northwest embay a broad gulf. the islands seemed almost without number, and they studded the sea with verdant spots. he called them the queen's gardens. he could get better seaway by standing further south, and so pass beyond the islands; but suspecting that they were the very islands which lay in masses along the coast of cathay, as marco polo and mandeville had said, he was prompted to risk the intricacies of their navigation; so he clung to the shore, and felt that without doubt he was verging on the territories of the great khan. he began soon to apprehend his risks. the channels were devious. the shoals perplexed him. there was often no room to wear ship, and the boats had to tow the caravels at intervals to clearer water. they could not proceed at all without throwing the lead. the wind was capricious, and whirled round the compass with the sun. sudden tempests threatened danger. with all this anxiety, there was much to beguile. every aspect of nature was like the descriptions of the east in the travelers' tales. the spaniards looked for inhabitants, but none were to be seen. at last they espied a village on one of the islands, but on landing (may 22), not a soul could be found,--only the spoils of the sea which a fishing people would be likely to gather. another day, they met a canoe from which some natives were fishing. the men came on board without trepidation and gave the spaniards what fish they wanted. they had a wonderful way of catching fish. they used a live fish much as a falcon is used in catching its quarry. this fish would fasten itself to its prey by suckers growing about the head. the native fishermen let it out with a line attached to its tail, and pulled in both the catcher and the caught when the prey had been seized. these people also told the same story of the interminable extent westerly of the cuban coast. [sidenote: 1494. june 3.] [sidenote: men with tails.] columbus now passed out from among these islands and steered towards a mountainous region, where he again landed and opened intercourse with a pacific tribe on june 3. an old cacique repeated the same story of the illimitable land, and referred to the province of mangon as lying farther west. this name was enough to rekindle the imagination of the admiral. was not mangi the richest of the provinces that sir john mandeville had spoken of? he learned also that a people with tails lived there, just as that veracious narrator had described, and they wore long garments to conceal that appendage. what a sight a procession of these asiatics would make in another reception at the spanish court! [sidenote: gulf of xagua.] [sidenote: white-robed men.] there was nothing now to impede the progress of the caravels, and on the vessels went in their westward course. every day the crews got fresh fruits from the friendly canoes. they paid nothing for the balmy odors from the land. they next came to the gulf of xagua, and passing this they again sailed into shallow waters, whitened with the floating sand, which the waves kept in suspension. the course of the ships was tortuous among the bars, and they felt relieved when at last they found a place where their anchors would hold. to make sure that a way through this labyrinth could be found, columbus sent his smallest caravel ahead, and then following her guidance, the little fleet, with great difficulty, and not without much danger at times, came out into clearer water. later, he saw a deep bay on his right, and tacking across the opening he lay his course for some distant mountains. here he anchored to replenish his water-casks. an archer straying into the forest came back on the run, saying that he had seen white-robed people. here, then, thought columbus, were the people who were concealing their tails! he sent out two parties to reconnoitre. they found nothing but a tangled wilderness. it has been suggested that the timorous and credulous archer had got half a sight of a flock of white cranes feeding in a savanna. such is the interpretation of this story by irving, and humboldt tells us there is enough in his experience with the habits of these birds to make it certain that the interpretation is warranted. [sidenote: columbus believes he sees the golden chersonesus,] still the admiral went on westerly, opening communication occasionally with the shore, but to little advantage in gathering information, for the expedition had gone beyond the range of dialects where the lucayan interpreter could be of service. the shore people continued to point west, and the most that could be made of their signs was that a powerful king reigned in that direction, and that he wore white robes. this is the story as bernaldez gives it; and columbus very likely thought it a premonition of prester john. the coast still stretched to the setting sun, if columbus divined the native signs aright, but no one could tell how far. the sea again became shallow, and the keels of the caravels stirred up the bottom. the accounts speak of wonderful crowds of tortoises covering the water, pigeons darkening the sky, and gaudy butterflies sweeping about in clouds. the shore was too low for habitation; but they saw smoke and other signs of life in the high lands of the interior. when the coast line began to trend to the southwest,--it was marco polo who said it would,--there could be little doubt that the golden chersonesus of the ancients, which we know to-day as the malacca peninsula, must be beyond. [sidenote: by which he would return to spain.] what next? was the thought which passed through the fevered brain of the admiral. he had an answer in his mind, and it would make a new sensation for his poor colony at isabella to hear of him in spain. passing the golden chersonesus, had he not the alternative of steering homeward by way of ceylon and the cape of good hope, and so astound the portuguese more than he did when he entered the tagus? or, abandoning the indian ocean and entering the red sea, could he not proceed to its northern extremity, and there, deserting his ships, join a caravan passing through jerusalem and jaffa, and so embark again on the mediterranean and sail into barcelona, a more wonderful explorer than before? these were the sublimating thoughts that now buoyed the admiral, as he looked along the far-stretching coast,--or at least his friend bernaldez got this impression from his intercourse with columbus after his return to spain. [sidenote: his crew rebel.] if the compliant spirit of his crew had not been exhausted, he would perhaps have gone on, and would have been forced by developments to a revision of his geographical faith. his vessels, unfortunately, were strained in all their seams. their leaks had spoiled his provisions. incessant labor had begun to tell upon the health of the crew. they much preferred the chances of a return to isabella, with all its hazards, than a sight of jaffa and the mediterranean, with the untold dangers of getting there. the admiral, however, still pursued his course for a few days more to a point, as humboldt holds, opposite the st. philip keys, when, finding the coast trending sharply to the southwest, and his crew becoming clamorous, he determined to go no farther. [sidenote: 1494. june 12. he turns back.] it was now the 12th of june, 1494, and if we had nothing but the _historie_ to guide us, we should be ignorant of the singular turn which affairs took. whoever wrote that book had, by the time it was written, become conscious that obliviousness was sometimes necessary to preserve the reputation of the admiral. the strange document which interests us, however, has not been lost, and we can read it in navarrete. [sidenote: enforces an oath upon his men] it is not difficult to understand the disquietude of columbus's mind. he had determined to find cathay as a counterpoise to the troubled conditions at isabella, both to assuage the gloomy forebodings of the colonists and to reassure the public mind in spain, which might receive, as he knew, a shock by the reports which torres's fleet had carried to europe. he had been forced by a mutinous crew to a determination to turn back, but his discontented companions might be complacent enough to express an opinion, if not complacent enough to run farther hazards. so columbus committed himself to the last resort of deluded minds, when dealing with geographical or historical problems,--that of seeking to establish the truth by building monuments, placing inscriptions, and certifications under oath. he caused the eighty men who constituted the crew of his little squadron--and we find their name in duro's _colón y pinzón_--to swear before a notary that it was possible to go from cuba to spain by land, across asia. [sidenote: that cuba is a continent.] it was solemnly affirmed by this official that if any should swerve from this belief, the miserable skeptic, if an officer, should be fined 10,000 maravedis; and if a sailor, he should receive a hundred lashes and have his tongue pulled out. such were the scarcely heroic measures that columbus thought it necessary to employ if he would dispel any belief that all these islands of the indies were but an ocean archipelago after all, and that the width of the unknown void between europe and asia, which he was so confident he had traversed, was yet undetermined. to make cuba a continent by affidavit was easy; to make it appear the identical kingdom of the great khan, he hoped would follow. during his first voyage, so far as he could make out an intelligible statement from what the natives indicated, he was of the opinion that cuba was an island. it is to be feared that he had now reached a state of mind in which he did not dare to think it an island. if we believe the _historie_,--or some passages in it, at least,--written, as we know, after the geography of the new world was fairly understood, and if we accept the evidence of the copyist, herrera, columbus never really supposed he was in asia. if this is true, he took marvelous pains to deceive others by appearing to be deceived himself, as this notarial exhibition and his solemn asseveration to the pope in 1502 show. the writers just cited say that he simply juggled the world by giving the name india to these regions, as better suited to allure emigration. such testimony, if accepted, establishes the fraudulent character of these notarial proceedings. it is fair to say, however, that he wrote to peter martyr, just after the return of the caravels to isabella, expressing a confident belief in his having come near to the region of the ganges; and divesting the testimony of all the jugglery with which others have invested it, there seems little doubt that in this belief, at least, columbus was sincere. * * * * * [illustration: mass on shore. [from philoponus's _nova typis transacta navigatio_.]] [sidenote: 1494. june 13.] [sidenote: 1494. june 30.] [sidenote: 1494. july 7.] on the next day, columbus, standing to the southeast, reached a large island, the present isle of pines, which he called evangelista. in endeavoring to skirt it on the south, he was entangled once more in a way that made him abandon the hope of a directer passage to española that way, and to resolve to follow the coast back as he had come. he lost ten days in these uncertain efforts, which, with his provisions rapidly diminishing, did not conduce to reassure his crew. on june 30, trying to follow the intricacies of the channels which had perplexed him before, the admiral's ship got a severe thump on the bottom, which for a while threatened disaster. she was pulled through, however, by main force, and after a while was speeding east in clear water. they had now sailed beyond those marshy reaches of the coast, where they were cut off from intercourse with the shore, and hoped soon to find a harbor, where food and rest might restore the strength of the crew. their daily allowance had been reduced to a pound of mouldy bread and a swallow or two of wine. it was the 7th of july when they anchored in an acceptable harbor. here they landed, and interchanged the customary pledges of amity with a cacique who presented himself on the shore. men having been sent to cut down some trees, a large cross was made, and erected in a grove, and on this spot, with a crowd of natives looking on, the spaniard celebrated high mass. a venerable indian, who watched all the ceremonials with close attention, divining their religious nature, made known to the admiral, through the lucayan interpreter, something of the sustaining belief of his own people, in words that were impressive. columbus's confidence in the incapacity of the native mind for such high conceptions as this poor indian manifested received a grateful shock when the old man, grave in his manner and unconscious in his dignity, pictured the opposite rewards of the good and bad in another world. then turning to the admiral, he reminded him that wrong upon the unoffending was no passport to the blessings of the future. the historian who tells us this story, and recounts how it impressed the admiral, does not say that its warnings troubled him much in the times to come, when the unoffending were grievously wronged. perhaps there was something of this forgetful spirit in the taking of a young indian away from his friends, as the chroniclers say he did, in this very harbor. [sidenote: 1494. july 16.] [sidenote: 1494. july 18.] [sidenote: on the coast of jamaica.] on july 16, columbus left the harbor, and steering off shore to escape the intricate channels of the queen's gardens which he was now re-approaching, he soon found searoom, and bore away toward española. a gale coming on, the caravels were forced in shore, and discovered an anchorage under cabo de cruz. here they remained for three days, but the wind still blowing from the east, columbus thought it a good opportunity to complete the circuit of jamaica. he accordingly stood across towards that island. he was a month in beating to the eastward along its southern coast, for the winds were very capricious. every night he anchored under the land, and the natives supplied him with provisions. at one place, a cacique presented himself in much feathered finery, accompanied by his wife and relatives, with a retinue bedizened in the native fashion, and doing homage to the admiral. it was shown how effective the lucayan's pictures of spanish glory and prowess had been, when the cacique proposed to put himself and all his train in the admiral's charge for passage to the great country of the spanish king. the offer was rather embarrassing to the admiral, with his provisions running low, and his ships not of the largest. he relieved himself by promising to conform to the wishes of the cacique at a more opportune moment. [sidenote: 1494. august 19.] [sidenote: española.] [sidenote: 1494. august 23.] [sidenote: alto velo.] by the 19th of august, columbus had passed the easternmost extremity of jamaica, and on the next day he was skirting the long peninsula which juts from the southwestern angle of española. he was not, however, aware of his position till on the 23d a cacique came off to the caravels, and addressed columbus by his title, with some words of castilian interlarded in his speech. it was now made clear that the ships had nearly reached their goal, and nothing was left but to follow the circuit of the island. it was no easy task to do so with a wornout crew and crazy ships. the little fleet was separated in a gale, and when columbus made the lofty rocky island which is now known as alto velo, resembling as it does in outline a tall ship under sail, he ran under its lee, and sent a boat ashore, with orders for the men to scale its heights, to learn if the missing caravels were anywhere to be seen. this endeavor was without result, but it was not long before the fleet was reunited. further on, the admiral learned from the natives that some of the spaniards had been in that part of the island, coming from the other side. finding thus through the native reports that all was quiet at isabella, he landed nine men to push across the island and report his coming. somewhat further to the east, a storm impending, he found a harbor, where the weather forced him to remain for eight days. the admiral's vessel had succeeded in entering a roadstead, but the others lay outside, buffeting the storm,--naturally a source of constant anxiety to him. [sidenote: columbus observes eclipse of the moon.] it was while in this suspense that columbus took advantage of an eclipse of the moon, to ascertain his longitude. his calculations made him five hours and a half west of seville,--an hour and a quarter too much, making an error of eighteen degrees. this mistake was quite as likely owing to the rudeness of his method as to the pardonable errors of the lunar tables of regiomontanus (venice, 1492), then in use. these tables followed methods which had more or less controlled calculations from the time of hipparchus. the error of columbus is not surprising. even a century later, when robert hues published his treatise on the molineaux globe (1592), the difficulties were in large part uncontrollable. "the most certain of all for this purpose," says this mathematician, "is confessed by all writers to be by eclipses of the moon. but now these eclipses happen but seldom, but are more seldom seen, yet most seldom and in very few places observed by the skillful artists in this science. so that there are but few longitudes of places designed out by this means. but this is an uncertain and ticklish way, and subject to many difficulties. others have gone other ways to work, as, namely, by observing the space of the equinoctial hours betwixt the meridians of two places, which they conceive may be taken by the help of sundials, or clocks, or hourglasses, either with water or sand or the like. but all these conceits, long since devised, having been more strictly and accurately examined, have been disallowed and rejected by all learned men--at least those of riper judgments--as being altogether unable to perform that which is required of them. i shall not stand here to discover the errors and uncertainties of these instruments. away with all such trifling, cheating rascals!" [sidenote: 1494. september 24.] [sidenote: columbus reaches isabella.] the weather moderating, columbus stood out of the channel of saona on september 24, and meeting the other caravels, which had weathered the storm, he still steered to the east. they reached the farthest end of española opposite porto rico, and ran out to the island of mona, in the channel between the two larger islands. shortly after leaving mona, columbus, worn with the anxieties of a five months' voyage, in which his nervous excitement and high hopes had sustained him wonderfully, began to feel the reaction. his near approach to isabella accelerated this recoil, till his whole system suddenly succumbed. he lay in a stupor, knowing little, remembering nothing, his eyes dim and vitality oozing. under other command, the little fleet sorrowfully, but gladly, entered the harbor of isabella. our most effective source for the history of this striking cruise is the work of bernaldez, already referred to. chapter xiv. the second voyage, continued. 1494-1496. [sidenote: 1494. september 29. columbus in isabella.] it was the 29th of september, 1494, when the "nina," with the senseless admiral on board, and her frail consorts stood into the harbor of isabella. taken ashore, the sick man found no restorative like the presence of his brother bartholomew, who had reached isabella during the admiral's absence. [sidenote: finds bartholomew columbus there.] [sidenote: bartholomew's career in england.] several years had elapsed since the two congenial brothers had parted. we have seen that this brother had probably been with bartholomew diaz when he discovered the african cape. it is supposed, from the inscriptions on it, that the map delivered by bartholomew to henry vii. had shown the results of diaz's discoveries. this chart had been taken to england, when bartholomew had gone thither, to engage the interest of henry vii. in columbus's behalf. there is some obscurity about the movements of bartholomew at this time, but there is thought by some to be reason to believe that he finally got sufficient encouragement from that tudor prince to start for spain with offers for his brother. the _historie_ tells us that the propositions of bartholomew were speedily accepted by henry, and this statement prevails in the earlier english writers, like hakluyt and bacon; but oviedo says the scheme was derided, and geraldini says it was declined. bartholomew reached paris just at the time when word had come there of columbus's return from his first voyage. his kinship to the admiral, and his own expositions of the geographical problem then attracting so much attention, drew him within the influence of the french court, and charles viii. is said to have furnished him the means--as bartholomew was then low in purse--to pursue his way to spain. [sidenote: in spain.] he was, however, too late to see the admiral, who had already departed from cadiz on this second voyage. finding that it had been arranged for his brother's sons to be pages at court, he sought them, and in company with them he presented himself before the spanish monarchs at valladolid. these sovereigns were about fitting out a supply fleet for española, and bartholomew was put in command of an advance section of it. sailing from cadiz on april 30, 1494, with three caravels, he reached isabella on st. john's day, after the admiral had left for his western cruise. [sidenote: his character.] [sidenote: created adelantado.] if it was prudent for columbus to bring another foreigner to his aid, he found in bartholomew a fitter and more courageous spirit than diego possessed. the admiral was pretty sure now to have an active and fearless deputy, sterner, indeed, in his habitual bearing than columbus, and with a hardihood both of spirit and body that fitted him for command. these qualities were not suited to pacify the haughty hidalgos, but they were merits which rendered him able to confront the discontent of all settlers, and gave him the temper to stand in no fear of them. he brought to the government of an ill-assorted community a good deal that the admiral lacked. he was soberer in his imagination; not so prone to let his wishes figure the future; more practiced, if we may believe las casas, in the arts of composition, and able to speak and write much more directly and comprehensibly than his brother. he managed men better, and business proceeded more regularly under his control, and he contrived to save what was possible from the wreck of disorder into which his brother's unfitness for command had thrown the colony. this is the man whom las casas enables us to understand, through the traits of character which he depicts. columbus was now to create this brother his representative, in certain ways, with the title of adelantado. it was also no small satisfaction to the admiral, in his present weakness, to learn of the well-being of his children, and of the continued favor with which he was held at court, little anticipating the resentment of ferdinand that an office of the rank of adelantado should be created by any delegated authority. [sidenote: papal bull of extension.] columbus had pursued his recent explorations in some measure to forestall what he feared the portuguese might be led to attempt in the same direction, for he had not been unaware of the disturbance in the court at lisbon which the papal line of demarcation had created. he was glad now to learn from his brother that his own fleet had hardly got to sea from cadiz, in september, 1493, when the pope, by another bull on the 26th of that month, had declared that all countries of the eastern indies which the spaniards might find, in case they were not already in christian hands, should be included in the grant made to spain. this bull of extension, as it was called, was a new thorn in the side of portugal, and time would reveal its effect. alexander had resisted all importunities to recede from his position, taken in may. * * * * * [sidenote: events in española during the absence of columbus.] let us look now at what had happened in española during the absence of columbus; but in the first place, we must mark out the native division of the island with whose history columbus's career is so associated. just back of isabella, and about the vega real, whose bewildering beauties of grove and savanna have excited the admiration of modern visitors, lay the territory tributary to a cacique named guarionex, which was bounded south by the cibao gold mountains. south of these interior ridges and extending to the southern shore of the island lay the region (maguana) of the most warlike of all the native princes, caonabo, whose wife, anacaona, was a sister of behechio, who governed xaragua, as the larger part of the southern coast, westward of caonabo's domain, including the long southwestern peninsula, was called. the northeastern part of the island (marien) was subject to guacanagari, the cacique neighboring to la navidad. the eastern end (higuay) of the island was under the domination of a chief named cotabanana. it will be remembered that before starting for cuba the admiral had equipped an expedition, which, when it arrived at st. thomas, was to be consigned to the charge of pedro margarite. this officer had instructions to explore the mountains of cibao, and map out its resources. he was not to harass the natives by impositions, but he was to make them fear his power. it was also his business to avoid reducing the colony's supplies by making the natives support this exploring force. if he could not get this support by fair means, he was to use foul means. such instructions were hazardous enough; but margarite was not the man to soften their application. he had even failed to grasp the spirit of the instructions which had been given by columbus to ensnare caonabo, which were "as thoroughly base and treacherous as could well be imagined," says helps, and the reader can see them in navarrete. [illustration: native divisions of española. [from charlevoix's _l'isle espagnole_, amsterdam, 1733.]] this commander had spent his time mainly among the luxurious scenes of the vega real, despoiling its tribes of their provisions, and squandering the energies of his men in sensual diversions. the natives, who ought to have been his helpers, became irritated at his extortions and indignant at the invasion of their household happiness. the condition in the tribes which this riotous conduct had induced looked so threatening that diego columbus, as president of the council, wrote to margarite in remonstrance, and reminded him of the admiral's instructions to explore the mountains. [sidenote: factions.] the haughty spaniard, taking umbrage at what he deemed an interference with his independent command, readily lent himself to the faction inimical to columbus. with his aid and with that of father boyle, a brother catalonian, who had proved false to his office as a member of the ruling council and even finally disregardful of the royal wishes that he should remain in the colony, an uneasy party was soon banded together in isabella. the modern french canonizers, in order to reconcile the choice by the pope of this recusant priest, claim that his holiness, or the king for him, confounded a benedictine and franciscan priest of the same name, and that the benedictine was an unlucky changeling--perhaps even purposely--for the true monk of the franciscans. in the face of diego, this cabal found little difficulty in planning to leave the island for spain in the ships which had come with bartholomew columbus. diego had no power to meet with compulsion the defiance of these mutineers, and was subjected to the sore mortification of seeing the rebels sail out of the harbor for spain. there was left to diego, however, some satisfaction in feeling that such dangerous ringleaders were gone; but it was not unaccompanied with anxiety to know what effect their representations would have at court. a like anxiety now became poignant in the admiral's mind, on his return. the stories which diego and bartholomew were compelled to tell columbus of the sequel of this violent abandonment of the colony were sad ones. the license which pedro margarite had permitted became more extended, when the little armed force of the colony found itself without military restraint. it soon disbanded in large part, and lawless squads of soldiers were scattered throughout the country, wherever passion or avarice could find anything to prey upon. the long-suffering indians soon reached the limits of endurance. a few acts of vengeance encouraged them to commit others, and everywhere small parties of the spaniards were cut off as they wandered about for food and lustful conquests. the inhabitants of villages turned upon such stragglers as abused their hospitalities. houses where they sheltered themselves were fired. detached posts were besieged. [sidenote: caonabo and fort st. thomas.] while this condition prevailed, caonabo planned to surprise fort st. thomas. ojeda, here in control with fifty men, commanded about the only remnant of the spanish forces which acknowledged the discipline of a competent leader. the vigilant ojeda did not fail to get intelligence of caonabo's intentions. he made new vows to the virgin, before an old flemish picture of our lady which hung in his chamber in the fort, and which never failed to encourage him, wherever he tarried or wherever he strayed. every man was under arms, and every eye was alert, when their commander, as great in spirit as he was diminutive in stature, marshaled his fifty men along his ramparts, as caonabo with his horde of naked warriors advanced to surprise him. the outraged cacique was too late. no unclothed natives dared to come within range of the spanish crossbows and arquebuses. ojeda met every artful and stealthy approach by a sally that dropped the bravest of caonabo's warriors. the cacique next tried to starve the spaniards out. his parties infested every path, and if a foraging force came out, or one of succor endeavored to get in, multitudes of the natives foiled the endeavor. famine was impending in the fort. the procrastinations of the arts of beleaguering always help the white man behind his ramparts, when the savage is his enemy. the native force dwindled under the delays, and caonabo at last abandoned the siege. [sidenote: caonabo's league.] the native leader now gave himself to a larger enterprise. his spies told him of the weakened condition of isabella, and he resolved to form a league of the principal caciques of the island to attack that settlement. wherever the spaniards had penetrated, they had turned the friendliest feelings into hatred, and in remote parts of the island the reports of the spanish ravages served, almost as much as the experience of them, to embitter the savage. it was no small success for caonabo to make the other caciques believe that the supernatural character of the spaniards would not protect them if a combined attack should be arranged. he persuaded all of them but guacanagari, for that earliest friend of columbus remained firm in his devotion to the spaniards. the admiral's confidence in him had not been misplaced. he was subjected to attacks by the other chieftains, but his constancy survived them all. in these incursions of his neighbors, his wives were killed and captured, and among them the dauntless catalina, as is affirmed; but his zeal for his white neighbors did not abate. [sidenote: columbus and guacanagari.] when guacanagari heard that columbus had returned, he repaired to isabella, and from this faithful ally the admiral learned of the plans which were only waiting further developments for precipitate action. [sidenote: fort conception.] columbus, thus forewarned, was eager to break any confederacy of the indians before it could gather strength. he had hardly a leader disengaged whom he could send on the warpath. it was scarcely politic to place bartholomew in any such command over the few remaining spanish cavaliers whose spirit was so necessary to any military adventure. he sent a party, however, to relieve a small garrison near the villages of guatiguana, a tributary chief to the great cacique guarionex; but the party resorted to the old excesses, and came near defeating the purposes of columbus. guatiguana was prevailed upon, however, to come to the spanish settlement, and columbus, to seal his agreement of amity with him, persuaded him to let the lucayan interpreter marry his daughter. to this diplomatic arrangement the admiral added the more powerful argument of a fort, called la concepcion, which he later built where it could command the vega real. * * * * * [sidenote: torres's ships arrive.] it was not long before four ships, with antonio torres in command, arrived from spain, bringing a new store of provisions, another physician, and more medicines, and, what was much needed, artificers and numerous gardeners. there was some hope now that the soil could be made to do its part in the support of the colony. [sidenote: 1494. june 7. treaty of tordesillas.] to the admiral came a letter, dated august 16, from ferdinand and isabella, giving him notice that all the difficulties with portugal had been amicably adjusted. the court of lisbon, finding that pope alexander was not inclined to recede from his position, and spain not courting any difference that would lead to hostilities, both countries had easily been brought to an agreement, which was made at tordesillas, june 7, 1494, to move the line of demarcation so much farther as to fall 370 leagues west of the cape de verde islands. each country then bound itself to respect its granted rights under the bull thus modified. the historical study of this diplomatic controversy over the papal division of the world is much embarrassed by the lack of documentary records of the correspondence carried on by spain, portugal, and the pope. [sidenote: the sovereign's letter to columbus,] this letter of august 16 must have been very gratifying to columbus. their majesties told him that one of the principal reasons of their rejoicing in his discoveries was that they felt it all due to his genius and perseverance, and that the events had justified his foreknowledge and their expectations. so now, in their desire to define the new line of demarcation, and in the hope that it might be found to run through some ocean island, where a monument could be erected, they turned to him for assistance, and they expected that if he could not return to assist in these final negotiations, he would dispatch to them some one who was competent to deal with the geographical problem. [sidenote: and to the colonists.] torres had also brought a general letter of counsel to the colonists, commanding them to obey all the wishes and to bow to the authority of the admiral. whatever his lack of responsibility, in some measure at least, for the undoubted commercial failure of the colony, its want of a product in any degree commensurate both with expectation and outlay could not fail, as he well understood, to have a strong effect both on the spirit of the people and on the constancy of his royal patrons, who might, under the urging of margarite and his abettors, have already swerved from his support. [sidenote: 1495. february 24. the fleet returns to spain.] [sidenote: carrying slaves.] [sidenote: columbus and slavery.] reasons of this kind made it imperative that the newly arrived ships should be returned without delay, and with such reassuring messages and returns as could be furnished. the fleet departed on february 24, 1495. himself still prostrate, and needing his brother bartholomew to act during this season of his incapacity, there was no one he could spare so well to meet the wishes of the sovereigns as his other brother. so armed with maps and instructions, and with the further mission of protecting the admiral's interest at court, diego embarked in one of the caravels. all the gold which had been collected was consigned to diego's care, but it was only a sorry show, after all. there had been a variety of new fruits and spices, and samples of baser metals gathered, and these helped to complete the lading. there was one resource left. he had intimated his readiness to avail himself of it in the communication of his views to the sovereigns, which torres had already conveyed to them. he now gave the plan the full force of an experiment, and packed into the little caravels full five hundred of the unhappy natives, to be sold as slaves. "the very ship," says helps, "which brought that admirable reply from ferdinand and isabella to columbus, begging him to seek some other way to christianity than through slavery, even for wild man-devouring caribs, should go back full of slaves taken from among the mild islanders of hispaniola." the act was a long step in the miserable degradation which columbus put upon those poor creatures whose existence he had made known to the world. almost in the same breath, as in his letter to santangel, he had suggested the future of a slave traffic out of that very existence. it is an obvious plea in his defense that the example of the church and of kings had made such heartless conduct a common resort to meet the financial burdens of conquest. the portuguese had done it in africa; the spaniards had done it in spain. the contemporary history of that age may be said to ring with the wails and moans of such negro and moorish victims. a holy religion had unblushingly been made the sponsor for such a crime. theologians had proved that the word of god could ordain misery in this world, if only the recompense came--or be supposed to come--in a passport to the christian's heaven. the merit which columbus arrogated to himself was that he was superior to the cosmographical knowledge of his time. it was the merit of las casas that he threw upon the reeking passions of the enslaver the light of a religion that was above sophistry and purer than cupidity. the existence of las casas is the arraignment of columbus. it may be indeed asking too much of weak humanity to be good in all things, and therein rests the pitiful plea for columbus, the originator of american slavery. * * * * * [sidenote: attacked by bloodhounds.] events soon became ominous. a savage host began to gather in the vega real, and all that columbus, now recovering his strength, could marshal in his defense was about two hundred foot and twenty horse, but they were cased in steel, and the natives were naked. in this respect, the fight was unequal, and the more so that the spaniards were now able to take into the field a pack of twenty implacable bloodhounds. the bare bodies of the indians had no protection against their insatiate thirst. [sidenote: 1495. march 27. columbus marches,] [sidenote: and fights in the vega real.] it was the 27th of march, 1495, when columbus, at the head of this little army, marched forth from isabella, to confront a force of the natives, which, if we choose to believe the figures that are given by las casas, amounted to 100,000 men, massed under the command of manicaotex. the whites climbed the pass of the hidalgos, where columbus had opened the way the year before, and descended into that lovely valley, no longer a hospitable paradise. as they approached the hostile horde, details were sent to make the attacks various and simultaneous. the indians were surprised at the flashes of the arquebuses from every quarter of the woody covert, and the clang of their enemies' drums and the bray of their trumpets drowned the savage yells. the native army had already begun to stagger in their wonder and perplexity, when ojeda, seizing the opportune moment, dashed with his mounted lancemen right into the centre of the dusky mass. the bloodhounds rushed to their sanguinary work on his flanks. the task was soon done. the woods were filled with flying and shrieking savages. the league of the caciques was broken, and it was only left for the conquerors to gather up their prisoners. guacanagari, who had followed the white army with a train of his subjects, looked on with the same wonder which struck the indians who were beaten. [sidenote: 1495. april 25.] there was no opportunity for him to fight at all. the rout had been complete. this notable conflict taking place on april 25, 1495, is a central point in a somewhat bewildering tangle of events, as our authorities relate them, so that it is not easy in all cases to establish their sequence. * * * * * [sidenote: caonabo captured by ojeda.] the question of dealing with caonabo was still the most important of all. it was solved by the cunning and dash of ojeda. presenting his plan to the admiral, he was commanded to carry it out. taking ten men whom he could trust, ojeda boldly sought the village where caonabo was quartered, and with as much intrepidity as cunning put himself in the power of that cacique. the chieftain was not without chivalry, and the confidence and audacity of ojeda won him. hospitality was extended, and the confidences of a mutual respect soon ensued. ojeda proposed that caonabo should accompany him to isabella, to make a compact of friendship with the viceroy. all then would be peaceful. caonabo, who had often wondered at the talking of the great bell in the chapel at isabella, as he had heard it when skulking about the settlement, eagerly sprang to the lure, when ojeda promised that he should have the bell. ojeda, congratulating himself on the success of his bait, was disconcerted when he found that the cacique intended that a large force of armed followers should make the visit with him. to prevent this, ojeda resorted to a stratagem, which is related by las casas, who says it was often spoken of when that priest first came to the island, six years later. muñoz was not brought to believe the tale; but helps sees no obstacle to giving it credence. the spaniards and the indians were all on the march together, and had encamped by a river. ojeda produced a set of burnished steel manacles, and told the cacique that they were ornaments such as the king of spain wore on solemn occasions, and that he had been commanded to give them to the most distinguished native prince. he first proposed a bath in the river. the swim over, caonabo was prevailed upon to be put behind ojeda astride the same horse. then the shining baubles were adjusted, apparently without exciting suspicion, amid the elation of the savage at his high seat upon the wondrous beast. a few sweeping gallops of the horse, guided by ojeda, and followed by the other mounted spearmen, scattered the amazed crowd of the cacique's attendants. then at a convenient gap in the circle ojeda spurred his steed, and the whole mounted party dashed into the forest and away. the party drew up only when they had got beyond pursuit, in order to bind the cacique faster in his seat. so in due time, this little cavalcade galloped into isabella with its manacled prisoner. [sidenote: meets columbus.] the meeting of columbus and his captive was one of very different emotions in the two,--the admiral rejoicing that his most active foe was in his power, and the cacique abating nothing of the defiance which belonged to his freedom. las casas tells us that, as caonabo lay in his shackles in an outer apartment of the admiral's house, the people came and looked at him. he also relates that the bold ojeda was the only one toward whom the prisoner manifested any respect, acknowledging in this way his admiration for his audacity. he would maintain only an indifferent haughtiness toward the admiral, who had not, as he said, the courage to do himself what he left to the bravery of his lieutenant. [sidenote: ojeda attacks the indians.] ojeda presently returned to his command at st. thomas, only to find that a brother of caonabo had gathered the indians for an assault. dauntless audacity again saved him. he had brought with him some new men, and so, leaving a garrison in the fort, he sallied forth with his horsemen and with as many foot as he could muster and attacked the approaching host. a charge of the glittering horse, with the flashing of sabres, broke the dusky line. the savages fled, leaving their commander a prisoner in ojeda's hands. columbus followed up these triumphs by a march through the country. every opposition needed scarce more than a dash of ojeda's cavalry to break it. the vega was once more quiet with a sullen submission. the confederated caciques all sued for peace, except behechio, who ruled the southwestern corner of the island. the whites had not yet invaded his territory, and he retired morosely, taking with him his sister, anacaona, the wife of the imprisoned caonabo. [sidenote: repartimientos and encomiendas.] the battle and the succeeding collapse had settled the fate of the poor natives. the policy of subjecting men by violence to pay the tribute of their lives and property to spanish cupidity was begun in earnest, and it was shortly after made to include the labor on the spanish farms, which, under the names of repartimientos and encomiendas, demoralized the lives of master and slave. when prisoners were gathered in such numbers that to guard them was a burden, there could be but little delay in forcing the issue of the slave trade upon the crown as a part of an established policy. to the mind of columbus, there was now some chance of repelling the accusations of margarite and father boyle by palpable returns of olive flesh and shining metal. a scheme of enforced contribution of gold was accordingly planned. each native above the age of fourteen was required to pay every three months, into the spanish coffers, his share of gold, measured by the capacity of a hawk's bell for the common person, and by that of a calabash for the cacique. in the regions distant from the gold deposits, cotton was accepted as a substitute, twenty-five pounds for each person. a copper medal was put on the neck of every indian for each payment, and new exactions were levied upon those who failed to show the medals. the amount of this tribute was more than the poor natives could find, and guarionex tried to have it commuted for grain; but the golden greed of columbus was inexorable. he preferred to reduce the requirements rather than vary the kind. a half of a hawk's bell of gold was better than stores of grain. "it is a curious circumstance," says irving, "that the miseries of the poor natives should thus be measured out, as it were, by the very baubles which first fascinated them." [sidenote: forts built.] to make this payment sure, it was necessary to establish other armed posts through the country; and there were speedily built that of magdalena in the vega, one called esperanza in cibao, another named catalina, beside la concepcion, which has already been mentioned. [sidenote: the natives debased.] the change which ensued in the lives of the natives was pitiable. the labor of sifting the sands of the streams for gold, which they had heretofore made a mere pastime to secure bits to pound into ornaments, became a depressing task. to work fields under a tropical sun, where they had basked for sportive rest, converted their native joyousness into despair. they sang their grief in melancholy songs, as peter martyr tells us. gradually they withdrew from their old haunts, and by hiding in the mountains, they sought to avoid the exactions, and to force the spaniards, thus no longer supplied by native labor with food, to abandon their posts and retire to isabella, if not to leave the island. [sidenote: guacanagari disappears.] scant fare for themselves and the misery of dank lurking-places were preferable to the heavy burdens of the taskmasters. they died in their retreats rather than return to their miserable labors. even the long-tried friend of the spaniards, guacanagari, was made no exception. he and his people suffered every exaction with the rest of their countrymen. the cacique himself is said eventually to have buried himself in despair in the mountain fastnesses, and so passed from the sight of men. the spaniards were not so easily to be thwarted. they hunted the poor creatures like game, and, under the goading of lashes, such as survived were in time returned to their slavery. so thoroughly was every instinct of vengeance rooted out of the naturally timid nature of the indians that a spaniard might, as las casas tells us, march solemnly like an army through the most solitary parts of the island and receive tribute at every demand. * * * * * [sidenote: columbus's interests in spain.] it is time to watch the effect of the representations of margarite and father boyle at the spanish court. columbus had been doubtless impelled, in these schemes of cruel exaction, by the fear of their influence, and with the hope of meeting their sneers at his ill success with substantial tribute to the crown. the charges against columbus and his policy and against his misrepresentation had all the immediate effect of accusations which are supported by one-sided witnesses. every sentiment of jealousy and pride was played upon, and every circumstance of palliation and modification was ignored. the suspicious reservation which had more or less characterized the bearing of ferdinand towards the transactions of the hero could become a background to the newer emotions. fonseca and the comptroller juan de soria are charged with an easy acceptance of every insinuation against the viceroy. the canonizers cannot execrate fonseca enough. they make him alternately the creature and beguiler of the king. his subserviency, his trading in bishoprics, and his alleged hatred of columbus are features of all their portraits of him. [sidenote: aguado sent to española.] the case against the admiral was thus successfully argued. testimony like that of the receiver of the crown taxes in rebuttal of charges seemed to weigh little. movements having been instituted at once (april 7, 1495) to succor the colony by the immediate dispatch of supplies, it was two days later agreed with beradi--the same with whom vespucius had been associated, as we have seen--to furnish twelve ships for española. the resolution was then taken to send an agent to investigate the affairs of the colony. if he should find the admiral still absent,--for the length of his cruise to cuba had already, at that time, begun to excite apprehension of his safety,--this same agent was to superintend the distribution of the supplies which he was to take. at this juncture, in april, 1495, torres, arriving with his fleet, reported the admiral's safe return, and submitted the notarial document, in which columbus had made it clear to his own satisfaction that the golden chersonesus was in sight. whether that freak of geographical prescience threw about his expedition a temporary splendor, and again wakened the gratitude of the sovereigns, as irving says it did, may be left to the imagination; but the fact remains that the sovereigns did not swerve from their purpose to send an inquisitor to the colony, and the same juan aguado who had come back with credentials from the admiral himself was selected for the mission. [sidenote: 1495. april 10. all spaniards allowed to explore.] [sidenote: nameless voyagers.] there were some recent orders of the crown which aguado was to break to the admiral, from which columbus could not fail to discover that the exclusiveness of his powers was seriously impaired. on the 10th of april, 1495, it had been ordered that any native-born spaniard could invade the seas which had been sacredly apportioned to columbus, that such navigator might discover what he could, and even settle, if he liked, in española. this order was a ground of serious complaint by columbus at a later day, for the reason that this license was availed of by unworthy interlopers. he declares that after the way had been shown even the very tailors turned explorers. it seems tolerably certain that this irresponsible voyaging, which continued till columbus induced the monarchs to rescind the order in june, 1497, worked developments in the current cartography of the new regions which it is difficult to trace to their distinct sources. gomara intimates that during this period there were nameless voyagers, of whose exploits we have no record by which to identify them, and navarrete and humboldt find evidences of explorations which cannot otherwise be accounted for. [sidenote: enemies of columbus.] how far this condition of affairs was brought about by the importunities of the enemies of columbus is not clear. the surviving pinzons are said to have been in part those who influenced the monarchs, but doubtless a share of profits, which the crown required from all such private speculation, was quite as strong an incentive as any importunities of eager mariners. the burdens of the official expeditions were onerous for an exhausted treasury, and any resource to replenish its coffers was not very narrowly scrutinized in the light of the pledges which columbus had exacted from a crown that was beginning to understand the impolicy of such concessions. [sidenote: fonseca and diego colon.] there was also at this time a passage of words between fonseca and diego colon that was not without irritating elements. the admiral's brother had brought some gold with him, which he claimed as his own. fonseca withheld it, but in the end obeyed the sovereign's order and released it. it was no time to add to the complications of the crown's relations with the distant viceroy. [sidenote: royal letter to columbus.] aguado bore a royal letter, which commanded columbus to reduce the dependents of the colony to five hundred, as a necessary retrenchment. there had previously been a thousand. directions were also given to control the apportionment of rations. a new metallurgist and master-miner, pablo belvis, was sent out, and extraordinary privileges in the working of the mines were given to him. muñoz says that he introduced there the quicksilver process of separating the gold from the sand. a number of new priests were collected to take the place of those who had returned, or who desired to come back. [sidenote: columbus and slavery.] such were the companions and instructions that aguado was commissioned to bear to columbus. there was still another movement in the policy of the crown that offered the viceroy little ground for reassurance. the prisoners which he had sent by the ships raised a serious question. it was determined that any transaction looking to the making slaves of them had not been authorized; but the desire of columbus so to treat them had at first been met by a royal order directing their sale in the marts of andalusia. a few days later, under the influence of isabella, this order had been suspended, till an inquiry could be made into the cause of the capture of the indians, and until the theologians could decide upon the justifiableness of such a sale. if we may believe bernaldez, who pictures their misery, they were subsequently sold in seville. muñoz, however, says that he could not find that the trouble which harassed the theologians was ever decided. such hesitancy was calculated to present a cruel dilemma to the viceroy, since the only way in which the clamor of the court for gold could be promptly appeased came near being prohibited by what columbus must have called the misapplied mercy of the queen. he failed to see, as muñoz suggests, why vassals of the crown, entering upon acts of resistance, should not be subjected to every sort of cruelty. humboldt wonders at any hesitancy when the grand inquisitor, torquemada, was burning heretics so fiercely at this time that such expiations of the poor moors and jews numbered 8,800 between 1481 and 1498! [sidenote: 1495. october. aguado at isabella.] aguado, with four caravels, and diego columbus accompanying him, having sailed from cadiz late in august, 1495, reached the harbor of isabella some time in october. the new commissioner found the admiral absent, occupied with affairs in other parts of the island. aguado soon made known his authority. it was embraced in a brief missive, dated april 9, 1495, and as irving translates it, it read: "cavaliers, esquires, and other persons, who by our orders are in the indies, we send to you juan aguado, our groom of the chambers, who will speak to you on our part. we command you to give him faith and credit." the efficacy of such an order depended on the royal purpose that was behind it, and on the will of the commissioner, which might or might not conform to that purpose. it has been a plea of irving and others that aguado, elated by a transient authority, transcended the intentions of the monarchs. it is not easy to find a definite determination of such a question. it appears that when the instrument was proclaimed by trumpet, the general opinion did not interpret the order as a suspension of the viceroy's powers. the adelantado, who was governing in columbus's absence, saw the new commissioner order arrests, countermand directions, and in various ways assume the functions of a governor. bartholomew was in no condition to do more than mildly remonstrate. it was clearly not safe for him to provoke the great body of the discontented colonists, who professed now to find a champion sent to them by royal order. [sidenote: meets columbus.] columbus heard of aguado's arrival, and at once returned to isabella. aguado, who had started to find him with an escort of horse, missed him on the road, and this delayed their meeting a little. when the conference came, columbus, with a dignified and courteous air, bowed to a superior authority. it has passed into history that aguado was disappointed at this quiet submission, and had hoped for an altercation, which might warrant some peremptory force. it is also said that later he endeavored to make it appear how columbus had not been so complacent as was becoming. it was soon apparent that this displacement of the admiral was restoring even the natives to hope, and their caciques were not slow in presenting complaints, not certainly without reason, to the ascendant power, and against the merciless extortions of the admiral. [sidenote: accuses columbus.] the budget of accusations which aguado had accumulated was now full enough, and he ordered the vessels to make ready to carry him back to spain. the situation for columbus was a serious one. he had in all this trial experienced the results of the intrigues of margarite and father boyle. he knew of the damaging persuasiveness of the pinzons. he had not much to expect from the advocacy of diego. there was nothing for him to do but to face in person the charges as reënforced by aguado. he resolved to return in the ships. "it is not one of the least singular traits in his history," says irving, "that after having been so many years in persuading mankind that there was a new world to be discovered, he had almost an equal trouble in proving to them the advantage of the discovery." he himself never did prove it. [sidenote: ships wrecked in the harbor.] the ships were ready. they lay at anchor in the roadstead. a cloud of vapor and dust was seen in the east. it was borne headlong before a hurricane such as the spaniards had never seen, and the natives could not remember its equal. it cut a track through the forests. it lashed the sea until its expanse seethed and writhed and sent its harried waters tossing in a seeming fright. the uplifted surges broke the natural barriers and started inland. the ships shuddered at their anchorage; cables snapped; three caravels sunk, and the rest were dashed on the beach. the tumult lasted for three hours, and then the sun shone upon the havoc. [illustration: spanish settlements in española. [from charlevoix's _l'isle espagnole_ (amsterdam, 1733).]] there was but one vessel left in the harbor, and she was shattered. it was the "nina," which had borne columbus in his western cruise. as soon as the little colony recovered its senses, men were set to work repairing the solitary caravel, and constructing another out of the remnants of the wrecks. [sidenote: miguel diaz finds gold.] [sidenote: hayna mines.] [sidenote: solomon's ophir.] while this was going on, a young spaniard, miguel diaz by name, presented himself in isabella. he had been in the service of the adelantado, and was not unrecognized. he was one who had some time before wounded another spaniard in a duel, and, supposing that the wound was mortal, he had, with a few friends, fled into the woods and wandered away till he came to the banks of the ozema, a river on the southern coast of the island, at the mouth of which the city of santo domingo now stands. here, as he said, he had attracted the attention of a female cacique, there reigning, and had become her lover. she confided to him the fact that there were rich gold mines in her territory, and to make him more content in her company, she suggested that perhaps the admiral, if he knew of the mines, would abandon the low site of isabella, and find a better one on the ozema. acting on this suggestion, diaz, with some guides, returned to the neighborhood of isabella, and lingered in concealment till he learned that his antagonist had survived his wound. then, making bold, he entered the town, as we have seen. his story was a welcome one, and the adelantado was dispatched with a force to verify the adventurer's statement. in due time, the party returned, and reported that at a river named hayna they had found such stores of gold that cibao was poor in comparison. the explorers had seen the metal in all the streams; they observed it in the hillsides. they had discovered two deep excavations, which looked as if the mines had been worked at some time by a more enterprising people, since of these great holes the natives could give no account. once more the admiral's imagination was fired. he felt sure that he had come upon the ophir of solomon. these ancient mines must have yielded the gold which covered the great temple. had the admiral not discovered already the course of the ships which sought it? did they not come from the persian gulf, round the golden chersonesus, and so easterly, as he himself had in the reverse way tracked the very course? here was a new splendor for the court of spain. if the name of india was redolent of spices, that of ophir could but be resplendent with gold! that was a message worth taking to europe. the two caravels were now ready. the adelantado was left in command, with diego to succeed in case of his death. francisco roldan was commissioned as chief magistrate, and the fathers juan berzognon and roman pane remained behind to pursue missionary labors among the natives. instructions were left that the valley of the ozema should be occupied, and a fort built in it. diaz, with his queenly catalina, had become important. [sidenote: 1496. march 10. columbus and aguado sail for spain, carrying caonabo.] there was a motley company of about two hundred and fifty persons, largely discontents and vagabonds, crowded into the two ships. columbus was in one, and aguado in the other. so they started on their adventurous and wearying voyage on march 10, 1496. they carried about thirty indians in confinement, and among them the manacled caonabo, with some of his relatives. columbus told bernaldez that he took the chieftain over to impress him with spanish power, and that he intended to send him back and release him in the end. his release came otherwise. there is some disagreement of testimony on the point, some alleging that he was drowned during the hurricane in the harbor, but the better opinion seems to be that he died on the voyage, of a broken spirit. at any rate, he never reached spain, and we hear of him only once while on shipboard. [sidenote: 1496. april 6.] we have seen that on his return voyage in 1492 columbus had pushed north before turning east. it does not appear how much he had learned of the experience of torres's easterly passages. perhaps it was only to make a new trial that he now steered directly east. he met the trade winds and the calms of the tropics, and had been almost a month at sea when, on april 6, he found himself still neighboring to the islands of the caribs. his crew needed rest and provisions, and he bore away to seek them. he anchored for a while at marigalante, and then passed on to guadaloupe. [sidenote: at guadaloupe.] [sidenote: 1496. june.] [sidenote: 1496. june 11. cadiz.] he had some difficulty in landing, as a wild, screaming mass of natives was gathered on the beach in a hostile manner. a discharge of the spanish arquebuses cleared the way, and later a party scouring the woods captured some of the courageous women of the tribe. these were all released, however, except a strong, powerful woman, who, with a daughter, refused to be left, for the reason, as the story goes, that she had conceived a passion for caonabo. by the 20th, the ships again set sail; but the same easterly trades baffled them, and another month was passed without much progress. by the beginning of june, provisions were so reduced that there were fears of famine, and it began to be considered whether the voyagers might not emulate the caribs and eat the indians. columbus interfered, on the plea that the poor creatures were christian enough to be protected from such a fate; but as it turned out, they were not christian enough to be saved from the slave-block in andalusia. the alert senses of columbus had convinced him that land could not be far distant, and he was confirmed in this by his reckoning. these opinions of columbus were questioned, however, and it was not at all clear in the minds of some, even of the experienced pilots who were on board, that they were so near the latitude of cape st. vincent as the admiral affirmed. some of these navigators put the ships as far north as the bay of biscay, others even as far as the english channel. columbus one night ordered sail to be taken in. they were too near the land to proceed. in the morning, they saw land in the neighborhood of cape st. vincent. on june 11, they entered the harbor of cadiz. chapter xv. in spain, 1496-1498. da gama, vespucius, cabot. [sidenote: 1496. columbus arrives at cadiz,] "the wretched men crawled forth," as irving tells us of their debarkation, "emaciated by the diseases of the colony and the hardships of the voyage, who carried in their yellow countenances, says an old writer, a mockery of that gold which had been the object of their search, and who had nothing to relate of the new world but tales of sickness, poverty, and disappointment." this is the key to the contrasts in the present reception of the adventurers with that which greeted columbus on his return to palos. when columbus landed at cadiz, he was clothed with the robe and girdled with the cord of the franciscans. his face was unshaven. whether this was in penance, or an assumption of piety to serve as a lure, is not clear. oviedo says it was to express his humility; and his humbled pride needed some such expression. [sidenote: and learns the condition of the public mind.] he found in the harbor three caravels just about starting for española with tardy supplies. it had been intended to send some in january; but the ships which started with them suffered wreck on the neighboring coasts. he had only to ask pedro alonso niño, the commander of this little fleet, for his dispatches, to find the condition of feeling which he was to encounter in spain. they gave him a sense, more than ever before, of the urgent necessity of making the colony tributary to the treasury of the crown. it was clear that discord and unproductiveness were not much longer to be endured. so he wrote a letter to the adelantado, which was to go by the ships, urging expedition in quieting the life of the colonists, and in bringing the resources of the island under such control that it could be made to yield a steady flow of treasure. [sidenote: 1496. june 17. columbus writes to bartholomew.] to this end, the new mines of hayna must be further explored, and the working of them started with diligence. a port of shipment should be found in their neighborhood, he adds. with such instructions to bartholomew, the caravels sailed on june 17, 1496. it must have been with some trepidation that columbus forwarded to the court the tidings of his arrival. if the two dispatches which he sent could have been preserved, we might better understand his mental condition. [sidenote: invited to court.] as soon as the messages of columbus reached their majesties, then at almazan, they sent, july 12, 1496, a letter inviting him to court, and reassuring him in his despondency by expressions of kindness. so he started to join the court in a somewhat better frame of mind. he led some of his bedecked indians in his train, not forgetting "in the towns" to make a cacique among them wear conspicuously a golden necklace. bernaldez tells us that it was in this wily fashion that columbus made his journey into the country of castile,--"the which collar," that writer adds, "i have seen and held in these hands;" and he goes on to describe the other precious ornaments of the natives, which columbus took care that the gaping crowds should see on this wandering mission. it is one of the anachronisms of the _historie_ of 1571 that it places the court at this time at burgos, and makes it there to celebrate the marriage of the crown prince with margaret of austria. the author of that book speaks of seeing the festivities himself, then in attendance as a page upon don juan. it was a singular lapse of memory in ferdinand columbus--if this statement is his--to make two events like the arrival of his father at court, with all the incidental parade as described in the book, and the ceremonies of that wedding festival identical in time. the wedding was in fact nine months later, in april, 1497. [sidenote: received by the sovereigns.] [sidenote: makes new demands.] columbus's reception, wherever it was, seems to have been gracious, and he made the most of the amenities of the occasion to picture, in his old exaggerating way, the wealth of the ophir mines. he was encouraged by the effect which his enthusiasm had produced to ask to be supplied with another fleet, partly to send additional supplies to española, but mainly to enable him to discover that continental land farther south, of which he had so constantly heard reports. it was easy for the monarchs to give fair promises, and quite as easy to forget them, for a while at least, in the busy scenes which their political ambitions were producing. belligerent relations with france necessitated a vigilant watch about the pyrenees. there were fleets to be maintained to resist, both in the mediterranean and on the atlantic coast, attacks which might unexpectedly fall. an imposing armada was preparing to go to flanders to carry thither the princess juana to her espousal with philip of austria. the same fleet was to bring back philip's sister margaret to become the bride of prince juan, in those ceremonials to which reference has already been made. [sidenote: 1496. autumn. a new expedition ordered.] these events were too engrossing for the monarchs to give much attention to the wishes of columbus, and it was not till the autumn of 1496 that an appropriation was made to equip another little squadron for him. the hopes it raised were soon dashed, for having some occasion to need money promptly, at a crisis of the contest which the king was waging with france, the money which had been intended for columbus was diverted to the new exigency. what was worse in the eyes of columbus, it was to be paid out of some gold which it was supposed that niño had brought back from the mines of hayna. this officer on arriving at cadiz had sent to the court some boastful messages about his golden lading, which were not confirmed when in december the sober dispatch of the adelantado, which niño had kept back, came to be read. the nearest approach to gold which the caravels brought was another crowd of dusky slaves, and the dispatches of bartholomew pictured the colony in the same conditions of destitution as before. there was no stimulant in such reports either for the admiral or for the court, and the new world was again dismissed from the minds of all, or consigned to their derision. [sidenote: 1497. spring. columbus's rights reaffirmed.] [sidenote: new powers.] [illustration: ferdinand of aragon. [from an ancient medallion given in buckingham smith's _coleccion_.]] when the spring months of 1497 arrived, there were new hopes. the wedding of prince juan at burgos was over, and the queen was left more at liberty to think of her patronage of the new discoveries. the king was growing more and more apathetic, and some of the leading spirits of the court were inimical, either actively or reservedly. by the queen's influence, the old rights bestowed upon columbus were reaffirmed (april 23, 1497), and he was offered a large landed estate in española, with a new territorial title; but he was wise enough to see that to accept it would complicate his affairs beyond their present entanglement. he was solicitous, however, to remove some of his present pecuniary embarrassments, and it was arranged that he should be relieved from bearing an eighth of the cost of the ventures of the last three years, and that he should surrender all rights to the profits; while for the three years to come he should have an eighth of the gross income, and a further tenth of the net proceeds. later, the original agreement was to be restored. his brother bartholomew was created adelantado, giving thus the royal sanction to the earlier act of the admiral. [sidenote: fonseca allowed to grant licenses.] in the letters patent made out previous to columbus's second voyage, the crown distinctly reserved the right to grant other licenses, and invested fonseca with the power to do so, allowing to columbus nothing more than one eighth of the tonnage; and in the ordinance of june 2, 1497, in which they now revoked all previous licenses, the revocation was confined to such things as were repugnant to the rights of columbus. it was also agreed that the crown should maintain for him a body of three hundred and thirty gentlemen, soldiers, and helpers, to accompany him on his new expedition, and this number could be increased, if the profits of the colony warranted the expenditure. power was given to him to grant land to such as would cultivate the soil for four years; but all brazil-wood and metals were to be reserved for the crown. [illustration: bartholomew columbus. [from barcia's _herrera_.]] all this seemed to indicate that the complaints which had been made against the oppressive sternness of the admiral's rule had not as yet broken down the barriers of the queen's protection. indeed, we find up to this time no record of any serious question at court of his authority, and irving thinks nothing indicates any symptom of the royal discontent except the reiterated injunctions, in the orders given to him respecting the natives and the colonists, that leniency should govern his conduct so far as was safe. [sidenote: 1498. february 22. makes a will.] permission being given to him to entail his estates, he marked out in a testamentary document (february 22, 1498) the succession of his heirs,--male heirs, with ferdinand's rights protected, if diego's line ran out; then male heirs of his brothers; and if all male heirs failed, then the estates were to descend by the female line. the title admiral was made the paramount honor, and to be the perpetual distinction of his representatives. the entail was to furnish forever a tenth of its revenues to charitable uses. genoa was placed particularly under the patronage of his succeeding representatives, with injunctions always to do that city service, as far as the interests of the church and the spanish crown would permit. investments were to be made from time to time in the bank of st. george at genoa, to accumulate against the opportune moment when the recovery of the holy sepulchre seemed feasible, either to help to that end any state expedition or to fit out a private one. he enjoined upon his heirs a constant, unwavering devotion to the papal church and to the spanish crown. at every season of confession, his representative was commanded to lay open his heart to the confessor, who must be prompted by a perusal of the will to ask the crucial questions. it was in the same document that columbus prescribed the signature of his representatives in succeeding generations, following a formula which he always used himself. [sidenote: columbus's signature.] .s. .s.a.s. x m y [greek: chr~o] ferens. the interpretation of this has been various: _servus supplex altissimi salvatoris, christus, maria, yoseph, christo ferens_, is one solution; _servidor sus altezas sacras, christo, maria ysabel_, is another; and these are not all. * * * * * [sidenote: unpopularity of columbus.] the complacency of the queen was soothing; her appointment of his son ferdinand as her page (february 18, 1498) was gratifying, but it could not wholly compensate columbus for the condition of the public mind, of which he was in every way forcibly reminded. there were both the whisper of detraction spreading abroad, and the outspoken objurgation. the physical debility of his returned companions was made a strong contrast to his reiterated stories of paradise. fortunes wrecked, labor wasted, and lives lost had found but a pitiable compensation in a few cargoes of miserable slaves. the people had heard of his enchanting landscapes, but they had found his aloes and mastic of no value. hidalgoes said there was nothing of the luxury they had been told to expect. the gorgeous cities of the great khan had not been found. such were the kind of taunts to which he was subjected. [sidenote: his sojourn with bernaldez.] columbus, during this period of his sojourn in spain, spent a considerable interval under the roof of andres bernaldez, and we get in his history of the spanish kings the advantage of the talks which the two friends had together. the admiral is known to have left with bernaldez various documents which were given to him in the presence of juan de fonseca. from the way in which bernaldez speaks of these papers, they would seem to have been accounts of the voyage of columbus then already made, and it was upon these documents that bernaldez says he based his own narratives. [sidenote: bernaldez's opinions.] this ecclesiastic had known columbus at an earlier day, when the genoese was a vender of books in andalusia, as he says; in characterizing him, he calls his friend in another place a man of an ingenious turn, but not of much learning, and he leaves one to infer that the book-vender was not much suspected of great familiarity with his wares. we get as clearly from bernaldez as from any other source the measure of the disappointment which the public shared as respects the conspicuous failure of these voyages of columbus in their pecuniary relations. [sidenote: scant returns of gold.] the results are summed up by that historian to show that the cost of the voyages had been so great and the returns so small that it came to be believed that there was in the new regions no gold to speak of. taking the first voyage,--and the second was hardly better, considering the larger opportunities,--harrisse has collated, for instance, all the references to what gold columbus may have gathered; and though there are some contradictory reports, the weight of testimony seems to confine the amount to an inconsiderable sum, which consisted in the main of personal ornaments. there are legends of the gold brought to spain from this voyage being used to gild palaces and churches, to make altar ornaments for the cathedral at toledo, to serve as gifts of homage to the pope, but we may safely say that no reputable authority supports any such statements. notwithstanding this seeming royal content of which the signs have been given, there was, by virtue of a discontented and irritated public sentiment, a course open to columbus in these efforts to fit out his new expedition which was far from easy. there was so much disinclination in the merchants to furnish ships that it required a royal order to seize them before the small fleet could be gathered. [sidenote: difficulties in fitting out the new expedition.] [sidenote: criminals enlisted.] the enlistments to man the ships and make up the contingent destined for the colony were more difficult still. the alacrity with which everybody bounded to the summons on his second voyage had entirely gone, and it was only by the foolish device which columbus decided upon of opening the doors of the prisons and of giving pardon to criminals at large, that he was enabled to help on the registration of his company. [sidenote: 1498. two caravels sail.] finding that all went slowly, and knowing that the colony at española must be suffering from want of supplies, the queen was induced to order two caravels of the fleet to sail at once, early in 1498, under the command of pedro fernandez coronel. this was only possible because the queen took some money which she had laid aside as a part of a dower which was intended for her daughter isabella, then betrothed to emmanuel, the king of portugal. [sidenote: fonseca's lack of heart.] so much was gratifying; but the main object of the new expedition was to make new discoveries, and there were many harassing delays yet in store for columbus before he could depart with the rest of his fleet. these delays, as we shall see, enabled another people, under the lead of another italian, to precede him and make the first discovery of the mainland. the queen was cordial, but an affliction came to distract her, in the death of prince juan. fonseca, who was now in charge of the fitting out of the caravels, seems to have lacked heart in the enterprise; but it serves the purpose of columbus's adulatory biographers to give that agent of the crown the character of a determined enemy of columbus. [sidenote: columbus's altercation with fonseca's accountant.] even the prisons did not disgorge their vermin, as he had wished, and his company gathered very slowly, and never became full. las casas tells us that troubles followed him even to the dock. the accountant of fonseca, one ximeno de breviesca, got into an altercation with the admiral, who knocked him down and exhibited other marks of passion. las casas further tells us that this violence, through the representations of it which fonseca made, produced a greater effect on the monarchs than all the allegations of the admiral's cruelty and vindictiveness which his accusers from española had constantly brought forward, and that it was the immediate cause of the change of royal sentiment towards him, which soon afterwards appeared. columbus seems to have discovered the mistake he had made very promptly, and wrote to the monarchs to counteract its effect. it was therefore with this new anxiety upon his mind that he for the third time committed himself to his career of adventure and exploration. the canonizers would have it that their sainted hero found it necessary to prove by his energy in personal violence that age had not impaired his manhood for the trials before him! * * * * * before following columbus on this voyage, the reader must take a glance at the conditions of discovery elsewhere, for these other events were intimately connected with the significance of columbus's own voyagings. [sidenote: da gama's passage of the african cape.] the problem which the portuguese had undertaken to solve was, as has been seen, the passage to india by the stormy cape of africa. even before columbus had sailed on his first voyage, word had come in 1490 to encourage king joão ii. his emissaries in cairo had learned from the arab sailors that the passage of the cape was practicable on the side of the indian ocean. the success of his spanish rivals under columbus in due time encouraged the portuguese king still more, or at least piqued him to new efforts. [illustration: vasco da gama. [from stanley's _da gama_.]] [sidenote: reaches calicut may 20, 1498.] vasco da gama was finally put in command of a fleet specially equipped. it was now some years since his pilot, pero de alemquer, had carried diaz well off the cape. on sunday, july 8, 1497, da gama sailed from below lisbon, and on november 22 he passed with full sheets the formidable cape. it was not, however, till december 17 that he reached the point where diaz had turned back. his further progress does not concern us here. suffice it to say that he cast anchor at calicut may 20, 1498, and india was reached ten days before columbus started a third time to verify his own beliefs, but really to find them errors. towards the end of august, or perhaps early in september, of the next year (1499), da gama arrived at lisbon on his return voyage, anticipated, indeed, by one of his caravels, which, separated from the commander in april or may, had pushed ahead and reached home on the 10th of july. portugal at once resounded with jubilation. the fleet had returned crippled with disabled crews, and half the vessels had disappeared; but the solution of a great problem had been reached. the voyage of da gama, opening a trade eagerly pursued and eagerly met, offered, as we shall see, a great contrast to the small immediate results which came from the futile efforts of columbus to find a western way to the same regions. [illustration: southern part of africa. [from the ptolemy of 1513.]] [sidenote: supposed voyage of vespucius.] there have been students of these early explorers who have contended that, while columbus was harassed in spain with these delays in preparing for his third voyage, the florentine vespucius, whom we have encountered already as helping berardi in the equipment of columbus's fleets, had, in a voyage of which we have some confused chronology, already in 1497 discovered and coursed the northern shores of the mainland south of the caribbean sea. [illustration: earliest representation of south american natives, 1497-1504. [from stevens's reproduction in his _american bibliographer_.]] bernaldez tells us that, during the interval between the second and third voyages of columbus, the admiral "accorded permission to other captains to make discoveries at the west, who went and discovered various islands." whether we can connect this statement with any such voyage as is now to be considered is a matter of dispute. [sidenote: who discovered south america?] this question of the first discovery of the mainland of south america,--we shall see that north america's mainland had already been discovered,--whether by columbus or vespucius, is one which has long vexed the historian and still does perplex him, though the general consensus of opinion at the present day is in favor of columbus, while pursuing the voyage through which we are soon to follow him. the question is much complicated by the uncertainties and confusion of the narratives which are our only guides. the discovery, if not claimed by vespucius, has been vigorously claimed for him. its particulars are also made a part of the doubt which has clouded the recitals concerning the voyage of pinzon and solis to the honduras coast, which are usually placed later; but by oviedo and gomara this voyage is said to have preceded that of columbus. [sidenote: claimed for vespucius.] the claim for vespucius is at the best but an enforced method of clarifying the published texts concerning the voyages, in the hopes of finding something like consistency in their dates. any commentator who undertakes to get at the truth must necessarily give himself up to some sort of conjecture, not only as respects the varied inconsistencies of the narrative, but also as regards the manifold blunders of the printer of the little book which records the voyages. muñoz had it in mind, it is understood, to prove that vespucius could not have been on the coast at the date of his alleged discovery; but in the opinions of some the documents do not prove all that muñoz, navarrete, and humboldt have claimed, while the advocacy of varnhagen in favor of vespucius does not allow that writer to see what he apparently does not desire to see. the most, perhaps, that we can say is that the proof against the view of varnhagen, who is in favor of such a voyage in 1497, is not wholly substantiated. the fact seems to be, so far as can be made out, that vespucius passed from one commander's employ to another's, at a date when ojeda, in 1499, had not completed his voyage, and when pinzon started. so supposing a return to spain in order for vespucius to restart with pinzon, it is also supposable that the year 1499 itself may have seen him under two different leaders. if this is the correct view, it of course carries forward the date to a time later than the discovery of the mainland by columbus. it is nothing but plausible conjecture, after all; but something of the nature of conjecture is necessary to dissipate the confusion. the belief of this sharing of service is the best working hypothesis yet devised upon the question. if vespucius was thus with pinzon, and this latter navigator did, as oviedo claims, precede columbus to the mainland, there is no proof of it to prevent a marked difference of opinion among all the writers, in that some ignore the florentine navigator entirely, and others confidently construct the story of his discovery, which has in turn taken root and been widely believed. [sidenote: alleged voyage of 1497.] a voyage of 1497 does not find mention in any of the contemporary portuguese chroniclers. this absence of reference is serious evidence against it. it seems to be certain that within twenty years of their publication, there were doubts raised of the veracity of the narratives attributed to vespucius, and sebastian cabot tells us in 1505 that he does not believe them in respect to this one voyage at any rate, and las casas is about as well convinced as cabot was that the story was unfounded. las casas's papers passed probably to herrera, who, under the influence of them, it would seem, formulated a distinct allegation that vespucius had falsified the dates, converting 1499 into 1497. to destroy all the claims associated with pinzon and solis, herrera carried their voyage forward to 1506. it was in 1601 that this historian made these points, and so far as he regulated the opinions of europe for a century and a half, including those of england as derived through robertson, vespucius lived in the world's regard with a clouded reputation. the attempt of bandini in the middle of the last century to lift the shadow was not very fortunate, but better success followed later, when canovai delivered an address which then and afterwards, when it was reinforced by other publications of his, was something like a gage thrown to the old-time defamatory spirit. this denunciatory view was vigorously worked, with navarrete's help, by santarem in the _coleccion_ of that spanish scholar, whence irving in turn got his opinions. santarem professed to have made most extensive examinations of portuguese and french manuscripts without finding a trace of the florentine. undaunted by all such negative testimony, the portuguese varnhagen, as early as 1839, began a series of publications aimed at rehabilitating the fame of vespucius, against the views of all the later writers, humboldt, navarrete, santarem, and the rest. humboldt claimed to adduce evidence to show that vespucius was all the while in europe. varnhagen finally brought himself to the belief that in this disputed voyage of 1497 vespucius, acting under the orders of vicente yañez pinzon and juan diaz de solis, really reached the main at honduras, whence he followed the curvatures of the coast northerly till he reached the capes of chesapeake. thence he steered easterly, passed the bermudas, and arrived at seville. if this is so, he circumnavigated the archipelago of the antilles, and disproved the continental connection of cuba. varnhagen even goes so far as to maintain that vespucius had not been deceived into supposing the coast was that of asia, but that he divined the truth. varnhagen stands, however, alone in this estimate of the evidence. valentini, in our day, has even supposed that the incomplete cuba of the ruysch map of 1508 was really the yucatan shore, which vespucius had skirted. the claim which some french zealots in maritime discovery have attempted to sustain, of norman adventurers being on the brazil coast in 1497-98, is hardly worth consideration. * * * * * [sidenote: the english expedition under cabot.] we turn now to other problems. the bull of demarcation was far from being acceptable as an ultimate decision in england, and the spirit of her people towards it is well shown in the _westerne planting_ of hakluyt. this chronicler mistrusts that its "certain secret causes"--which words he had found in the papal bull, probably by using an inaccurate version--were no other than "the feare and jelousie that king henry of england, with whom bartholomew columbus had been to deal in this enterprise, and who even now was ready to send him into spain to call his brother christopher to england, should put a foot into this action;" and so the pope, "fearing that either the king of portugal might be reconciled to columbus, or that he might be drawn into england, thought secretly by his unlawful division to defraud england and portugal of that benefit." so england and portugal had something like a common cause, and the record of how they worked that cause is told in the stories of cabot first, and of cortereal later. we will examine at this point the cabot story only. [sidenote: newfoundland fisheries.] bristol had long been the seat of the english commerce with iceland, and one of the commodities received in return for english goods was the stockfish, which cabot was to recognize on the newfoundland banks. these stories of the codfish noticed by cabot recalled in the mind of galvano in 1555, and again more forcibly to hakluyt a half century later, when germany was now found to be not far from the latitude of baccalaos, that there was a tale of some strange men, in the time of frederick barbarossa (a. d. 1153), being driven to lubec in a canoe. it is by no means beyond possibility that the basque and other fishermen of europe may have already strayed to these fishing grounds of newfoundland, at some period anterior to this voyage of cabot, and even traces of their frequenting the coast in bradore bay have been pointed out, but without convincing as yet the careful student. [sidenote: john cabot.] a venetian named zuan caboto, settling in england, and thenceforward calling himself john cabot, being a man of experience in travel, and having seen at one time at mecca the caravans returning from the east, was impressed, as columbus had been, with a belief in the roundness of the earth. it is not unlikely that this belief had taken for him a compelling nature from the stories which had come to england of the successful voyage of the spaniards. indeed, ramusio distinctly tells us that it was the bruit of columbus's first voyage which gave to cabot "a great flame of desire to attempt some notable thing." [sidenote: 1496. march 5. cabot's patent.] [sidenote: 1497. may. cabot sails.] when cabot had received for himself and his three sons--one of whom was sebastian cabot--a patent (march 5, 1496) from henry vii. to discover and trade with unknown countries beyond the seas, the envoy of ferdinand and isabella at the english court was promptly instructed to protest against any infringement of the rights of spain in the western regions. whether this protest was accountable for the delay in sailing, or not, does not appear, for cabot did not set sail from bristol till may, 1497. [sidenote: ruysch with cabot.] it is inferred from what beneventanus says in his _ptolemy_ of 1508 that ruysch, who gives us the earliest engraved map of cabot's discoveries, was a companion of cabot in this initial voyage. when that editor says that he learned from ruysch of his experiences in sailing from the south of england to a point in 53 degrees of north latitude, and thence due west, it may be referred to such participancy in this expedition from bristol. we know from a conversation which is reported in ramusio--unless there is some mistake in it--that cabot apprehended the nature of what we call great circle sailing, and claimed that his course to the northwest would open india by a shorter route than the westerly run of columbus. [sidenote: 1497. june 24. cabot sees land.] [sidenote: date of the voyage, 1494 or 1497?] when cabot had ventured westerly 700 leagues, he found land, june 24, 1497. there has been some confidence at different times, early and late, that the date of this first cabot voyage was in reality three years before this. the belief arose from the date of 1494 being given in what seem to have been early copies of a map ascribed to sebastian cabot, whence the date 1494 was copied by hakluyt in 1589, though eleven years later he changed it to 1497. it is sufficient to say that few of the critics of our day, except d'avezac, hold to this date of 1494. major supposes that the map of 1544, now in the paris library and ascribed to cabot, was a re-drawn draft from the lost spanish original, in which the date in roman letters, vii, may have been so carelessly made in joining the arms of the v that it was read iiii; and some such inference was apparently in the mind of henry stevens when he published his little tract on sebastian cabot in 1870. the country which cabot thus first saw was supposed by him to be a part of asia, and to be occupied, though no inhabitants were seen. [sidenote: cabot's landfall.] cabot was for over three hundred years considered as having made his landfall on the coast of labrador, or at least we find no record that the legend of the map of 1544, placing it at cape breton, had impressed itself authoritatively upon the minds of cabot's contemporaries and successors. biddle and humboldt, in the early part of the present century, accepted the labrador landfall with little question. so it happened that when, in 1843, the cabot mappemonde of 1544 was discovered, and it was found to place the landfall at the island of cape breton, a certain definiteness, where there had been so much vagueness, afforded the student some relief; but as the novelty of the sensation wore off, confidence was again lost, inasmuch as the various uncertainties of the document give much ground for the rejection of all parts of its testimony at variance with better vouched beliefs. it is quite possible that more satisfactory proofs can be adduced of another region for the landfall, but none such have yet been presented to scholars. it is commonly held now that, sighting land at cape breton, cabot coursed northerly, passed the present prince edward island, and then sailed out of the strait of belle isle,--or at least this is as reasonable a route to make out of the scant record as any, though there is nothing like a commonly received opinion on his track. there is some ground for thinking that he could not have entered the gulf of st. lawrence at all. he landed nowhere and saw no inhabitants. if he struck the mainland, it was probably the coasts of new brunswick or labrador bordering on the gulf of st. lawrence. the two islands which he observed on his right may have been headlands of newfoundland, seeming to be isolated. [sidenote: 1497. august. cabot returns.] he reached bristol in august, having been absent about three months. raimondo de soncino, under date of the 24th of that month, wrote to italy of cabot's return, and a fortnight earlier (august 10) we find record of a gratuity of ten pounds given to cabot in recognition of this service. it proved to be an expedition which was to create a greater sensation of its kind than the english had before known. bristol had nurtured for some years a race of hardy seamen. they had risked the dangers of the great unknown ocean in efforts to find the fabulous island of brazil, and they had pushed adventurously westward at times, but always to return without success. the intercourse of england with the northern nations and with iceland may have given them tidings of greenland; but there is no reason to believe that they ever supposed that country to be other than an extended peninsula of europe, enfolding the north atlantic. [sidenote: cabot in england.] cabot's telling of a new land, his supposing it the empire of the great khan, his tales of the wonderful fishing ground thereabouts, where the water was so dense with fish that his vessels were impeded, and his expectation of finding the land of spices if he went southward from the region of his landfall, were all stories calculated to incite wonder and speculation. it was not strange, then, that england found she had her new sea-hero, as spain had hers in columbus; that the king gave him money and a pension; and that, conscious of a certain dignity, cabot went about the city, drawing the attention of the curious by reason of the fine silks in which he arrayed himself. [sidenote: spain jealous of england.] cabot had no sooner returned than pedro de ayala, the spanish envoy in london, again entered a protest, and gave notice to the english king that the land which had been discovered belonged to his master. there is some evidence that spain kept close watch on the country at the north through succeeding years, and even intended settlement. [sidenote: cabot in seville?] this spanish ambassador wrote home from london, july 25, 1498, that after his first voyage, cabot had been in seville and lisbon. this renders somewhat probable the suspicion that he may have had conferences with la cosa and columbus. [sidenote: cabot's charts.] that john cabot, on returning from his first voyage, produced a chart which he had made, and that on this and on a solid globe, also of his construction, he had laid down what he considered to be the region he had reached, now admit of no doubt. foreign residents at the english court reported such facts to the courts of italy and of spain. in the map of la cosa (1500), we find what is considered a reflex of this cabot chart, in the words running along a stretch of the northeast coast of asia, which announce the waters adjacent as those visited by the english, and a neighboring headland as the cape of the english. even la cosa's use of the cabot map was lost sight of before long, and this record of la cosa remained unknown till humboldt discovered the map in paris, in 1832, in the library of baron walckenaer, whence it passed in 1853 into the royal museum at madrid. the views of cabot respecting this region seem to have been soon obscured by the more current charts showing the voyages of the cortereals, when the cape of the english readily disappeared in the "cabo de portogesi," a forerunner, very likely, of what we know to-day as cape race. [sidenote: 1497-98. february. the second cabot voyage.] such an appetizing tale as that of the first cabot expedition was not likely to rest without a sequel. on the 3d of february, 1497-98, nearly four months before columbus sailed on his third voyage, the english king granted a new patent to john cabot, giving him the right to man six ships if he could, and in may he was at sea. though his sons were not mentioned in the patent, it is supposed that sebastian cabot accompanied his father. one vessel putting back to ireland, five others went on, carrying john cabot westward somewhere and to oblivion, for we never hear of him again. stevens ventures the suggestion that john cabot may have died on the voyage of 1498, whereby sebastian came into command, and so into a prominence in his own recollections of the voyage, which may account for the obscuration of his father's participancy in the enterprise. one of the ships would seem to have been commanded by lanslot thirkill, of london. what we know of this second voyage are mentions in later years, vague in character, and apparently traceable to what sebastian had said of it, and not always clearly, for there is an evident commingling of events of this and of the earlier voyage. we get what we know mainly from peter martyr, who tells us that cabot called the region baccalaos, and from ramusio, who reports at second hand sebastian's account, made forty years after the event. from such indefinite sources we can make out that the little fleet steered northwesterly, and got into water packed with ice, and found itself in a latitude where there was little night. thence turning south they ran down to 36° north latitude. the crews landed here and there, and saw people dressed in skins, who used copper implements. when they reached england we do not know, but it was after october, 1498. [sidenote: extent of this voyage.] the question of this voyage having extended down the atlantic seaboard of the present united states to the region of florida, as has been urged, seems to be set at rest in stevens's opinion, from the fact that, had cabot gone so far, he would scarcely have acquiesced in the claims of ponce de leon, ayllon, and gomez to have first tracked parts of this coast, when sebastian cabot as pilot major of spain (1518), and as president of the congress of badajoz (1524), had to adjudicate on such pretensions. there are some objections to this view, in that the results of _unofficial_ explorers as shown in the portuguese map of cantino--if that proposition is tenable--and the rival english discoverers, of whom cabot had been one, might easily have been held to be beyond the spanish jurisdiction. it is not difficult to demonstrate in these matters the spanish constant unrecognition of other national explorations. it has also sometimes been held that the wild character of the coast along which cabot sailed must have convinced him that he was bordering some continental region intervening between him and the true coast of asia; that with the "great displeasure" he had felt in finding the land running north, cabot, in fact, must have comprehended the geographical problem of america long before it was comprehended by the spaniards. the testimony of the la cosa and ruysch maps is not favorable to such a belief. [sidenote: england rests her claim on it.] it seems pretty certain that the success of the cabot voyage in any worldly gain was not sufficient to move the english again for a long period. still, the political effect was to raise a claim for england to a region not then known to be a new continent, but of an appreciable acquisition, and england never afterwards failed to rest her rights upon this claim of discovery; and even her successors, the american people, have not been without cause to rest valuable privileges upon the same. the geographical effect was seen in the earliest map which we possess of the new lands as discovered by spain and england, the great oxhide map of juan de la cosa, the companion of columbus on his second voyage, and the cartographer of his discoveries, which has already been mentioned, and of which a further description will be given later. [sidenote: scant knowledge of the cabot voyages.] why is it that we know no more of these voyages of the cabots? there seems to be some ground for the suspicion that the "maps and discourses" which sebastian cabot left behind him in the hands of william worthington may have fallen, through the subornation by spain of the latter, into the hands of the rivals of england at a period just after the publication (1582) of hakluyt's _divers voyages_, wherein the possession of them by worthington was made known; at least, biddle has advanced such a theory, and it has some support in what may be conjectured of the history of the famous cabot map of 1544, only brought to light three hundred years later. [sidenote: the cabot mappemonde.] here was a map evidently based in part on such information as was known in spain. it was engraved, as seems likely, though purporting to be the work of cabot, in the low countries, and was issued without name of publisher or place, as if to elude responsibility. notwithstanding it was an engraved map, implying many copies, it entirely disappeared, and would not have been known to exist except that there are references to such a map as having hung in the gallery at whitehall, as used by ortelius before 1570, and as noted by sanuto in 1588. so thorough a suppression would seem to imply an effort on the part of the spanish authorities to prevent the world's profiting by the publication of maritime knowledge which in some clandestine way had escaped from the spanish hydrographical office. that this suppression was in effect nearly successful may be inferred from the fact that but a single copy of the map has come down to us, the one now in the great library at paris, which was found in germany by von martius in 1843. [sidenote: writers on cabot.] there has been a good deal done of late years--beginning with biddle's _sebastian cabot_ in 1831, a noteworthy book, showing how much the critical spirit can do to unravel confusion, and ending with the chapter on cabot by the late dr. charles deane in the _narrative and critical history of america_, and with the _jean et sébastien cabot_ of harrisse (paris, 1882)--to clear up the great obscurity regarding the two voyages of john cabot in 1497 and 1498, an obscurity so dense that for two hundred years after the events there was no suspicion among writers that there had been more than a single voyage. it would appear that this obscurity had mainly arisen from the way in which sebastian cabot himself spoke of his explorations, or rather from the way in which he is reported to have spoken. chapter xvi. the third voyage. 1498-1500. [sidenote: sources. columbus's letters and journal.] in following the events of the third voyage, we have to depend mainly on two letters written by columbus himself. one is addressed to the spanish monarchs, and is preserved in a copy made by las casas. what peter martyr tells us seems to have been borrowed from this letter. the other is addressed to the "nurse" of prince juan, of which there are copies in the columbus custodia at genoa, and in the muñoz collection of the royal academy of history at madrid. they are both printed in navarrete and elsewhere, and major in his _select letters of columbus_ gives english versions. there are also some evidences that the account of this voyage given in the _itinerarium portugalensium_ was based on columbus's journal, which las casas is known to have had, and to have used in his _historia_, adding thereto some details which he got from a recital by bernaldo de ibarra, one of columbus's companions,--indeed, his secretary. the map which accompanied these accounts by columbus is lost. we only know its existence through the use of it made by ojeda and others. las casas interspersed among the details which he recorded from columbus's journal some particulars which he got from alonso de vallejo. one of the pilots, hernan perez matheos, enabled oviedo to add still something more to the other sources; and then we have additional light from the mouths of various witnesses in the columbus lawsuit. there is a little at second hand, but of small importance, in a letter of simon verde printed by harrisse. [sidenote: columbus's son diego.] before setting sail, columbus prepared some directions for his son diego, of which we have only recently had notes, such appearing in the bulletin of the italian geographical society for december, 1889. he commands in these injunctions that diego shall have an affectionate regard for the mother of his half-brother ferdinand, adds some rules for the guidance of his bearing towards his sovereigns and his fellow-men, and recommends him to resort to father gaspar gorricio whenever he might feel in need of advice. [sidenote: 1498. may 30. columbus sails.] [sidenote: rumors of a southern continent.] columbus lifted anchor in the port of san lucar de barrameda on may 30, 1498. he was physically far from being in a good condition for so adventurous an undertaking. he had hoped, he says to his sovereigns, "to find repose in spain; whereas on the contrary i have experienced nothing but opposition and vexation." his six vessels stood off to the southwest, to avoid a french--some say a portuguese--fleet which was said to be cruising near cape st. vincent. his plan was a definite one, to keep in a southerly course till he reached the equatorial regions, and then to proceed west. by this course, he hoped to strike in that direction the continental mass of which he had intimation both from the reports of the natives in española and from the trend which he had found in his last voyage the cuban coast to have. herrera tells us that the portuguese king professed to have some knowledge of a continent in this direction, and we may connect it, if we choose, with the stories respecting behaim and others, who had already sailed thitherward, as some reports go; but it is hard to comprehend that any belief of that kind was other than a guess at a compensating scheme of geography beyond the atlantic, to correspond with the balance of africa against europe in the eastern hemisphere. it is barely possible, though there is no positive evidence of it, that the reports from england of the cabot discoveries at the north may have given a hint of like prolongation to the south. but a more impelling instinct was the prevalent one of his time, which accompanied what michelet calls that terrible malady breaking out in this age of europe, the hunger and thirst for gold and other precious things, and which associated the possession of them with the warmer regions of the globe. "to the south," said peter martyr. "he who would find riches must avoid the cold north!" [sidenote: jayme ferrer.] navarrete preserves a letter which was written to columbus by jayme ferrer, a lapidary of distinction. this jeweler confirmed the prevalent notion, and said that in all his intercourse with distant marts, whence europe derived its gold and jewels, he had learned from their vendors how such objects of commerce usually came in greatest abundance from near the equator, while black races were those that predominated near such sources. therefore, as ferrer told columbus, steer south and find a black race, if you would get at such opulent abundance. the admiral remembered he had heard in española of blacks that had come from the south to that island in the past, and he had taken to spain some of the metal which had been given to him as of the kind with which their javelins had been pointed. the spanish assayers had found it a composition of gold, copper, and silver. [sidenote: columbus steers southerly.] [sidenote: 1498. june 16. at gomera.] so it was with expectations like these that columbus now worked his way south. he touched for wood and water at porto santo and madeira, and thence proceeded to gomera. here, on june 16, he found a french cruiser with two spanish prizes, but the three ships eluded his grasp and got to sea. he sent three caravels in pursuit, and the spanish prisoners rising on the crew of one of the prizes, she was easily captured and brought into port. [sidenote: sends three ships direct to española.] the spanish fleet sailed again on june 21. the admiral had detailed three of his ships to proceed direct to española to find the new port on its southern side near the mines of hayna. their respective captains were to command the little squadron successively a week at a time. these men were: alonso sanchez de carvajal, a man of good reputation; pedro de arona, a brother of beatrix de henriquez, who had borne ferdinand to the admiral; and juan antonio colombo, a genoese and distant kinsman of the admiral. [sidenote: columbus at the cape de verde islands.] parting with these vessels off ferro, columbus, with the three others,--one of which, the flagship, being decked, of a hundred tons burthen, and requiring three fathoms of water,--steered for the cape de verde islands. his stay here was not inspiring. a depressing climate of vapor and an arid landscape told upon his health and upon that of his crew. encountering difficulties in getting fresh provisions and cattle, he sailed again on july 5, standing to the southwest. [sidenote: 1498. july 15.] [sidenote: calms and torrid heats.] [sidenote: 1498. july 31. trinidad seen.] [sidenote: august 1.] calms and the currents among the islands baffled him, however, and it was the 7th before the high peak of del fuego sank astern. by the 15th of july he had reached the latitude of 5° north. he was now within the verge of the equatorial calms. the air soon burned everything distressingly; the rigging oozed with the running tar; the seams of the vessels opened; provisions grew putrid, and the wine casks shrank and leaked. the fiery ordeal called for all the constancy of the crew, and the admiral himself needed all the fortitude he could command to bear a brave face amid the twinges of gout which were prostrating him. he changed his course to see if he could not run out of the intolerable heat, and after a tedious interval, with no cessation of the humid and enervating air, the ships gradually drew into a fresher atmosphere. a breeze rippled the water, and the sun shone the more refreshing for its clearness. he now steered due west, hoping to find land before his water and provisions failed. he did not discover land as soon as he expected, and so bore away to the north, thinking to see some of the carib islands. on july 31 relief came, none too soon, for their water was nearly exhausted. a mariner, about midday, peering about from the masthead, saw three peaks just rising above the horizon. the cry of land was like a benison. the _salve regina_ was intoned in every part of the ship. columbus now headed the fleet for the land. as the ships went on and the three peaks grew into a triple mountain, he gave the island the name of trinidad, a reminder in its peak of the trinity, which he had determined at the start to commemorate by bestowing that appellation on the first land he saw. he coasted the shore of this island for some distance before he could find a harbor to careen his ships and replenish his water casks. on august 1 he anchored to get water, and was surprised at the fresh luxuriance of the country. he could see habitations in the interior, but nowhere along the shore were any signs of occupation. his men, while filling the casks, discovered footprints and other traces of human life, but those who made them kept out of sight. [sidenote: first sees the south american coast.] he was now on the southern side of the island, and in that channel which separates trinidad from the low country about the mouths of the orinoco. before long he could see the opposite coast stretching away for twenty leagues, but he did not suspect it to be other than an island, which he named la isla santa. it was indeed strange but not surprising that columbus found an island of a new continent, and supposed it the mainland of the old world, as happened during his earlier voyages; and equally striking it was that now when he had actually seen the mainland of a new world he did not know it. [sidenote: 1498. august 2.] by the 2d of august the admiral had approached that narrow channel where the southwest corner of trinidad comes nearest to the mainland, and here he anchored. a large canoe, containing five and twenty indians, put off towards his ships, but finally its occupants lay upon their paddles a bowshot away. columbus describes them as comely in shape, naked but for breech-cloths, and wearing variegated scarfs about their heads. they were lighter in skin than any indians he had seen before. this fact was not very promising in view of the belief that precious products would be found in a country inhabited by blacks. the men had bucklers, too, a defense he had never seen before among these new tribes. he tried to lure them on board by showing trinkets, and by improvising some music and dances among his crew. the last expedient was evidently looked upon as a challenge, and was met by a flight of arrows. two crossbows were discharged in return, and the canoe fled. the natives seemed to have less fear of the smaller caravels, and approached near enough for the captain of one of them to throw some presents to them, a cap, and a mantle, and the like; but when the indians saw that a boat was sent to the admiral's ship, they again fled. while here at anchor, the crew were permitted to go ashore and refresh themselves. they found much delight in the cool air of the morning and evening, coming after their experiences of the torrid suffocation of the calm latitudes. nature had appeared to them never so fresh. [sidenote: the gulf stream.] [sidenote: boca del sierpe.] [sidenote: gulf of paria.] [sidenote: boca del drago.] columbus grew uneasy in his insecure anchorage, for he had discovered as yet no roadstead. he saw the current flowing by with a strength that alarmed him. the waters seemed to tumble in commotion as they were jammed together in the narrow pass before him. it was his first experience of that african current which, setting across the ocean, plunges hereabouts into the caribbean sea, and, sweeping around the great gulf, passes north in what we know as the gulf stream. columbus was as yet ignorant, too, of the great masses of water which the many mouths of the orinoco discharge along this shore; and when at night a great roaring billow of water came across the channel,--very likely an unusual volume of the river water poured out of a sudden,--and he found his own ship lifting at her anchor and one of his caravels snapping her cable, he felt himself in the face of new dangers, and of forces of nature to which he was not accustomed. to a seaman's senses not used to such phenomena, the situation of the ships was alarming. before him was the surging flow of the current through the narrow pass, which he had already named the mouth of the serpent (boca del sierpe). to attempt its passage was almost foolhardy. to return along the coast stemming such a current seemed nearly impossible. he then sent his boats to examine the pass, and they found more water than was supposed, and on the assurances of the pilot, and the wind favoring, he headed his ships for the boiling eddies, passed safely through, and soon reached the placid water beyond. the shore of trinidad stretched northerly, and he turned to follow it, but somebody getting a taste of the water found it to be fresh. here was a new surprise. he had not yet comprehended that he was within a land-locked gulf, where the rush of the orinoco sweetens the tide throughout. as he approached the northwestern limit of trinidad, he found that a lofty cape jutted out opposite a similar headland to the west, and that between them lay a second surging channel, beset with rocks and seeming to be more dangerous than the last. so he gave it a more ferocious name, the mouth of the dragon (boca del drago). to follow the opposite coast presented an alternative that did not require so much risk, and, still ignorant of the way in which his fleet was embayed in this marvelous water, he ran across on sunday, august 5, to the opposite shore. he now coasted it to find a better opening to the north, for he had supposed this slender peninsula to be another island. the water grew fresher as he went on. the shore attracted him, with its harbors and salubrious, restful air, but he was anxious to get into the open sea. he saw no inhabitants. the liveliest creatures which he observed were the chattering monkeys. at length, the country becoming more level, he ran into the mouth of a river and cast anchor. it was perhaps here that the spaniards first set foot on the continent. the accounts are somewhat confused, and need some license in reconciling them. they had, possibly, landed earlier. [illustration: gulf of paria.] [sidenote: paria.] a canoe with three natives now came out to the caravel nearest shore. the spanish captain secured the men by a clever trick. after a parley, he gave them to understand he would go on shore in their boat, and jumping violently on its gunwale, he overturned it. the occupants were easily captured in the water. being taken on board the flagship, the inevitable hawks' bells captivated them, and they were set on shore to delight their fellows. other parleys and interchanges of gifts followed. columbus now ascertained, as well as he could by signs, that the word "paria," which he heard, was the name of the country. the indians pointed westerly, and indicated that men were much more numerous that way. the spaniards were struck with the tall stature of the men, and noted the absence of braids in their hair. it was curious to see them smell of everything that was new to them,--a piece of brass, for instance. it seemed to be their sense of inquiry and recognition. it is not certain if columbus participated in this intercourse on shore. he was suffering from a severe eruption of the eyes, and one of the witnesses said that the formal taking possession of the country was done by deputy on that account. this statement is contradicted by others. [sidenote: the natives.] as he went on, the country became even more attractive, with its limpid streams, its open and luxuriant woods, its clambering vines, all enlivened with the flitting of brilliant birds. so he called the place the gardens. the natives appeared to him to partake of the excellence of the country. they were, as he thought, manlier in bearing, shapelier in frame, with greater intelligence in their eyes, than any he had earlier discovered. their arts were evidently superior to anything he had yet seen. their canoes were handier, lighter, and had covered pavilions in the waist. there were strings of pearls upon the women which raised in the spaniards an increased sense of cupidity. the men found oysters clinging to the boughs that drooped along the shore. columbus recalled how he had read in pliny of the habit of the pearl oyster to open the mouth to catch the dew, which was converted within into pearls. the people were as hospitable as they were gracious, and gave the strangers feasts as they passed from cabin to cabin. they pointed beyond the hills, and signified that another coast lay there, where a greater store of pearls could be found. [sidenote: 1498. august 10.] to leave this paradise was necessary, and on august 10 the ships went further on, soon to find the water growing still fresher and more shallow. at last, thinking it dangerous to push his flagship into such shoals, columbus sent his lightest caravel ahead, and waited her coming back. on the next day she returned, and reported that there was an inner bay beyond the islands which were seen, into which large volumes of fresh water poured, as if a huge continent were drained. here were conditions for examination under more favorable circumstances, and on august 11 columbus turned his prow toward the dragon's mouth. his stewards declared the provisions growing bad, and even the large stores intended for the colony were beginning to spoil. it was necessary to reach his destination. columbus's own health was sinking. his gout had little cessation. his eyes had almost closed with a weariness that he had before experienced on the cuban cruise, and he could but think of the way in which he had been taken prostrate into isabella on returning from that expedition. [sidenote: passes the boca del drago.] [sidenote: tobago and grenada.] [sidenote: cubagua and margarita.] near the dragon's mouth he found a harbor in which to prepare for the passage of the tumultuous strait. there seemed no escape from the trial. the passage lay before him, wide enough in itself, but two islands parted its currents and forced the boiling waters into narrower confines. columbus studied their motion, and finally made up his mind that the turmoil of the waters might after all come from the meeting of the tide and the fresh currents seeking the open sea, and not from rocks or shoals. at all events, the passage must be made. the wind veering round to the right quarter, he set sail and entered the boisterous currents. as long as the wind lasted there was a good chance of keeping his steering way. unfortunately, the wind died away, and so he trusted to luck and the sweeping currents. they carried him safely beyond. once without, he was brought within sight of two islands to the northeast. they were apparently those we to-day call tobago and grenada. it was now the 15th of august, and columbus turned westward to track the coast. he came to the islands of cubagua and margarita, and surprised some native canoes fishing for pearls. [sidenote: pearls.] his crews soon got into parley with the natives, and breaking up some valentia ware into bits, the spaniards bartered them so successfully that they secured three pounds, as columbus tells us, of the coveted jewels. he had satisfied himself that here was a new field for the wealth which could alone restore his credit in spain; but he could not tarry. as he wore ship, he left behind a mountainous reach of the coast that stretched westerly, and he would fain think that india lay that way, as it had from cuba. at that island and here, he had touched, as he thought, the confines of asia, two protuberant peninsulas, or perhaps masses of the continent, separated by a strait, which possibly lay ahead of him. [sidenote: columbus's geographical delusions.] there was much that had been novel in all these experiences. columbus felt that the new world was throwing wider open the gates of its sublime secrets. lying on his couch, almost helpless from the cruel agonies of the gout, and sightless from the malady of his eyes, the active mind of the admiral worked at the old problems anew. we know it all from the letter which a few weeks later he drafted for the perusal of his sovereigns, and from his reports to peter martyr, which that chronicler has preserved for us. we know from this letter that his thoughts were still dwelling on the mount sopora of solomon, "which mountain your highnesses now possess in the island of española,"--a convenient stepping-stone to other credulous fancies, as we shall see. the sweetness and volume of the water which had met him in the gulf of paria were significant to him of a great watershed behind. he reverted to the statement in esdras of the vast preponderance on the globe of land, six parts to one of water, and thought he saw a confirmation of it in the immense flow that argued a corresponding expansion of land. he recalled all that he recollected of aristotle and the other sages. he went back to his experiences in mid-ocean, when he was startled at the coincidence of the needle and the pole star. he remembered how he had found all the conditions of temperature and the other physical aspects to be changed as he passed that line, and it seemed as if he was sweeping into regions more ethereal. he had found the same difference when he passed, a few weeks before, out of the baleful heats of the tropical calms. he grew to think that this line of no variation of magnetism with corresponding marvels of nature marked but the beginning of a new section of the earth that no one had dreamed of. st. augustine, st. basil, and st. ambrose had placed the garden of eden far in the old world's east, apart from the common vicinage of men, high up above the baser parts of the earth, in a region bathed in the purest ether, and so high that the deluge had not reached it. all the stories of the middle ages, absorbed in the speculative philosophy of his own time, had pointed to the distant east as the seat of paradise, and was he not now coming to it by the western passage? if the scant riches of the soil could not restore the enthusiasm which his earlier discoveries aroused in the dull spirits of europe, would not a glimpse of the ecstatic pleasures of eden open their eyes anew? he had endeavored to make his contemporaries feel that the earth was round, and he had proved it, as he thought, by almost touching, in a westward passage, the golden chersonesus. it is significant that the later _historie_ of 1571 omits this vagary of paradise. the world had moved, and geographical discovery had made some records in the interim, awkward for the biographer of columbus. [illustration: pre-columbian mappemonde, preserved at ravenna, restored by gravier after d'avezac in _bulletin de la société normande_, 1888.] [sidenote: paradise found.] there was a newer belief linked with this hope of paradise. all this wondrous life and salubrity which columbus saw and felt, if it had not been able to restore his health, could only come from his progress up a swelling apex of the earth, which buttressed the garden of eden. it was clear to his mind that instead of being round the earth was pear-shaped, and that this great eminence, up which he had been going, was constantly lifting him into purer air. the great fountain which watered the spacious garden of the early race had discharged its currents down these ethereal slopes, and sweetened all this gulf that had held him so close within its embaying girth. if such were the wonders of these outposts of the celestial life, what must be the products to be seen as one journeyed up, along the courses of such celestial streams? as he steered for española, he found the currents still helped him, or he imagined they did. was it not that he was slipping easily down this wonderful declivity? [sidenote: columbus and vespucius.] that he had again discovered the mainland he was convinced by such speculations. he had no conception of the physical truth. the vagaries of his time found in him the creature of their most rampant hallucinations. this aberration was a potent cause in depriving him of the chance to place his own name on this goal of his ambition. it accounts much for the greater impression which americus vespucius, with his clearer instincts, was soon to make on the expectant and learned world. the voyage of that florentine merchant, one of those trespassers that columbus complained of, was, before the admiral should see spain again, to instigate the publication of a narrative, which took from its true discoverer the rightful baptism of the world he had unwittingly found. the wild imaginings of columbus, gathered from every resource of the superstitious past, moulded by him into beliefs that appealed but little to the soberer intelligence of his time, made known in tumultuous writings, and presently to be expressed with every symptom of mental wandering in more elaborate treatises, offered to his time an obvious contrast to the steadier head of vespucius. the latter's far more graphic description gained for him, as we shall see, the position of a recognized authority. while columbus was puzzling over the aberration of the pole star and misshaping the earth, vespucius was comprehending the law of gravitation upon our floating sphere, and ultimately representing it in the diagram which illustrated his narrative. we shall need to return on a later page to these causes which led to the naming of america. * * * * * [sidenote: 1498. august 19. columbus sees española.] [sidenote: his observations of nature.] [sidenote: meets the adelantado.] for four days columbus had sailed away to the northwest, coming to the wind every night as a precaution, before he sighted española on august 19, being then, as he made out, about fifty leagues west of the spot where he supposed the port had been established for the mines of hayna. he thought that he had been steering nearer that point, but the currents had probably carried him unconsciously west by night, as they were at that moment doing with the relief ships that he had parted with off ferro. as columbus speculated on this steady flow of waters with that keenness of observation upon natural phenomena which attracted the admiration of humboldt, and which is really striking, if we separate it from his turbulent fancies, he accounted by its attrition for the predominating shape of the islands which he had seen, which had their greatest length in the direction of the current. he knew that its force would, perhaps, long delay him in his efforts to work eastward, and so he opened communication with the shore in hopes to find a messenger by whom to dispatch a letter to the adelantado. this was easily done, and the letter reached its destination, whereupon bartholomew started out in a caravel to meet the little fleet. it was with some misgiving that columbus resumed his course, for he had seen a crossbow in the hands of a native. it was not an article of commerce, and it might signify another disaster like that of la navidad. he was accordingly relieved when he shortly afterwards saw a spanish caravel approaching, and, hailing the vessel, found that the adelantado had come to greet him. there was much interchange of news and thought to occupy the two in their first conference; and columbus's anxiety to know the condition of the colony elicited a wearisome story, little calculated to make any better record in spain than the reports of his own rule in the island. [sidenote: events in española during the absence of columbus.] [sidenote: santo domingo founded.] [sidenote: columbus and slavery.] the chief points of it were these: bartholomew had early carried out the admiral's behests to occupy the hayna country. he had built there a fortress which he had named st. cristoval, but the workmen, finding particles of gold in the stones and sands which they used, had nicknamed it the golden tower. while this was doing, there was difficulty in supporting the workmen. provisions were scarce, and the indians were not inclined to part with what they had. the adelantado could go to the vega and exact the quarterly tribute under compulsion; but that hardly sufficed to keep famine from the door at st. cristoval. nothing had as yet been done to plant the ground near the fort, nor had herds been moved there. the settlement of isabella was too far away for support. meanwhile niño had arrived with his caravels, but he had not brought all the expected help, for the passage had spoiled much of the lading. it was by niño that bartholomew received that dispatch from his brother which he had written in the harbor of cadiz when, on his arrival from his second voyage, he had discerned the condition of public opinion. it was at this time, too, that he repeated to bartholomew the decision of the theologians, that to be taken in war, or to be guilty of slaying any of their majesties' liege subjects, was quite enough to render the indians fit subjects for the slave-block. the admiral's directions, therefore, were to be sure that this test kept up the supply of slaves; and as there was nobody to dispute the judgment of his deputy, niño had taken back to spain those three hundred, which were, as we have seen, so readily converted into reputed gold on his arrival. [sidenote: santo domingo named.] bartholomew had selected the site for a new town near the mouth of the ozema, convenient for the shipment of the hayna treasure, and, naming it at first the new isabella, it soon received the more permanent appellation of santo domingo, which it still bears. [sidenote: xaragua conquered.] [sidenote: behechio and anacaona.] bartholomew had a pleasing story to tell of the way in which he had brought behechio and his province of xaragua into subjection. this territory was the region westward from about the point where columbus had touched the island a few days before. anacaona, the wife of caonabo,--now indeed his widow,--had taken refuge with behechio, her brother, after the fall of her husband. she is represented as a woman of fine appearance, and more delicate and susceptible in her thoughts than was usual among her people; and perhaps bartholomew told his brother what has since been surmised by spanish writers, that she had managed to get word to him of her friendly sentiments for celestial visitors. bartholomew found, as he was marching thither with such forces as he could spare for the expedition, that the cacique who met him in battle array was easily disposed, for some reason or other, perhaps through anacaona's influence, to dismiss his armed warriors, and to escort his visitor through his country with great parade of hospitality. when they reached the cacique's chief town, a sort of fête was prepared in the adelantado's honor, and a mock battle, not without sacrifice of life, was fought for his delectation. peter martyr tells us that when the comely young indian maidens advanced with their palm branches and saluted the adelantado, it seemed as if the beautiful dryads of the olden tales had slipped out of the vernal woods. then anacaona appeared on a litter, with no apparel but garlands, the most beautiful dryad of them all. everybody feasted, and bartholomew, to ingratiate himself with his host, eat and praised their rarest delicacy, the guana lizard, which had been offered to them many times before, but which they never as yet had tasted. it became after this a fashion with the spaniards to dote on lizard flesh. everything within the next two or three days served to cement this new friendship, when the adelantado put it to a test, as indeed had been his purpose from the beginning. he told the cacique of the great power of his master and of the spanish sovereigns; of their gracious regard for all their distant subjects, and of the poor recompense of a tribute which was expected for their protection. "gold!" exclaimed the cacique, "we have no gold here." "oh, whatever you have, cotton, hemp, cassava bread,--anything will be acceptable." so the details were arranged. the cacique was gratified at being let off so easy, and the spaniards went their way. [sidenote: native conspiracy.] this and the subsequent visit of bartholomew to xaragua to receive the tribute were about the only cheery incidents in the dreary retrospect to which the admiral listened. the rest was trouble and despair. a line of military posts had been built connecting the two spanish settlements, and the manning of them, with their dependent villages, enabled the adelantado to scatter a part of the too numerous colony at isabella, so that it might be relieved of so many mouths to feed. this done, there was a conspiracy of the natives to be crushed. two of the priests had made some converts in the vega, and had built a chapel for the use of the neophytes. one of the spaniards had outraged a wife of the cacique. either for this cause, or for the audacious propagandism of the priests, some natives broke into the spanish chapel, destroyed its shrine, and buried some of its holy vessels in a field. plants grew up there in the form of a cross, say the veracious narrators. this, nevertheless, did not satisfy the spaniards. they seized such indians as they considered to have been engaged in the desecration, and gave them the fire and fagots, as they would have done to moor or jew. the horrible punishment aroused the cacique guarionex with a new fury. he leagued the neighboring caciques into a conspiracy. their combined forces were threatening fort conception when the adelantado arrived with succor. by an adroit movement, bartholomew ensnared by night every one of the leaders in their villages, and executed two of them. the others he ostentatiously pardoned, and he could tell columbus of the great renown he got for his clemency. [sidenote: roldan's revolt.] there was nothing in all the bad tidings which bartholomew had to rehearse quite so disheartening as the revolt of roldan, the chief judge of the island,--a man who had been lifted from obscurity to a position of such importance that columbus had placed the administration of justice in his hands. the reports of the unpopularity of columbus in spain, and the growing antipathy in isabella to the rule of bartholomew as a foreigner, had served to consolidate the growing number of the discontented, and roldan saw the opportunity of easily raising himself in the popular estimate by organizing the latent spirit of rebellion. it was even planned to assassinate the adelantado, under cover of a tumult, which was to be raised at an execution ordered by him; but as the adelantado had pardoned the offender, the occasion slipped by. bartholomew's absence in xaragua gave another opportunity. he had sent back from that country a caravel loaded with cotton, as a tribute, and diego, then in command at isabella, after unlading the vessel, drew her up on the beach. the story was busily circulated that this act was done simply to prevent any one seizing the ship and carrying to spain intelligence of the misery to which the rule of the columbuses was subjecting the people. the populace made an issue on that act, and asked that the vessel be sent to cadiz for supplies. diego objected, and to divert the minds of the rebellious, as well as to remove roldan from their counsels, he sent him with a force into the vega, to overawe some caciques who had been dilatory in their tribute. this mission, however, only helped roldan to consolidate his faction, and gave him the chance to encourage the caciques to join resistance. [sidenote: the mutineers in the vega real.] [sidenote: at isabella.] roldan had seventy well-armed men in his party when he returned to isabella to confront bartholomew, who had by this time got back from xaragua. the adelantado was not so easily frightened as roldan had hoped, and finding it not safe to risk an open revolt, this mutinous leader withdrew to the vega with the expectation of surprising fort conception. that post, however, as well as an outlying fortified house, was under loyal command, and roldan was for a while thwarted. bartholomew was not at all sure of any of the principal spaniards, but how far the disaffection had gone he was unable to determine. although he knew that certain leading men were friendly to roldan, he was not prepared to be passive. his safety depended on resolution, and so he marched at once to the vega. roldan was in the neighborhood, and was invited to a parley. it led to nothing. the mutineers, making up their minds to fly to the delightful pleasures of xaragua, suddenly marched back to isabella, plundered the arsenal and storehouses, and tried to launch the caravel. the vessel was too firmly imbedded to move, and roldan was forced to undertake the journey to xaragua by land. to leave the adelantado behind was a sure way to bring an enemy in his rear, and he accordingly thought it safer to reduce the garrison at conception, and perhaps capture the adelantado. [sidenote: coronel arrives.] this movement failed; but it resulted in roldan's ingratiating himself with the tributary caciques, and intercepting the garrison's supplies. it was at this juncture, when everything looked desperate for bartholomew, shut up in the vega fort, that news reached him of the arrival (february 3, 1498) at the new port of santo domingo of the advance section of the admiral's fleet, sent thither, as we have seen, by the queen's assiduity, under the command of pedro fernandez coronel. bartholomew could tell the admiral of the good effect which the intelligence received through coronel had on the colony. his own title of adelantado, it was learned, was legitimated by the act of the sovereigns; and columbus himself had been powerful enough to secure confirmation of his old honors, and to obtain new pledges for the future. the mutineers soon saw that the aspects of their revolt were changed. they could not, it would seem, place that dependence on the unpopularity of the admiral at court which had been a good part of their encouragement. [sidenote: bartholomew's new honors.] proceeding to santo domingo, bartholomew proclaimed his new honors, and, anxious to pacificate the island before the arrival of columbus, he dispatched coronel to communicate with roldan, who had sulkily followed the adelantado in his march from the vega. roldan refused all intercourse, and, shielding himself behind a pass in the mountains, he warned off the pacificator. he would yield to no one but the admiral. [sidenote: the rebels go to xaragua.] there was nothing for the adelantado to do but to outlaw the rebels, who, in turn, sped away to what irving calls the "soft witcheries" of the xaragua dryads. the archrebel was thus well out of the way for a time; but his influence still worked among the indians of the vega, and bartholomew had not long left conception before the garrison was made aware of a native conspiracy to surprise it. [sidenote: guarionex's revolt.] word was sent to santo domingo, and the adelantado was promptly on the march for relief. guarionex, who had headed the revolt again, fled to the mountains of ciguay, where a mountain cacique, mayobanex, the same who had conducted the attack on the spaniards at the gulf of samana during the first voyage, received the fugitive chief of the valley. it was into these mountain fastnesses that the adelantado now pursued the fugitives, with a force of ninety foot, a few horse, and some auxiliary indians. he boldly thridded the defiles, and crossed the streams, under the showers of lances and arrows. as the native hordes fled before him, he fired their villages in the hope of forcing the ciguayans to surrender their guest; but the mountain leaders could not be prevailed upon to wrong the rights of hospitality. when no longer able to resist in arms, mayobanex and guarionex fled to the hills. the adelantado now sent all of his men back to the vega to look after the crops, except about thirty, and with these he scoured the region. he would not have had success by mere persistency, but he got it by artifice and treachery. both mayobanex and guarionex were betrayed in their hiding-places and captured. clemency was shown to their families and adherents, and they were released; but both caciques remained in their bonds as hostages for the maintenance of the quiet which was now at last in some measure secured. [sidenote: 1498. august 30. columbus arrives.] such was the condition of affairs when columbus arrived and heard the story of these two troubled years and more during which he had been absent. * * * * * it was the 30th of august when columbus and his brother landed at santo domingo. there had not been much to encourage the admiral in this story of the antecedent events. no portrayal of riot, dissolution, rapine, intrigue, and idleness could surpass what he saw and heard of the bedraggled and impoverished settlement at isabella. the stores which he had brought would be helpful in restoring confidence and health; but it was a source of anxiety to him that nothing had been heard of the three caravels from which he had parted off ferro. [sidenote: roldan and the belated ships.] these vessels appeared not long afterwards, bringing a new perplexity. forced by currents which their crews did not understand, they had been carried westerly, and had wandered about in the unknown seas in search of española. a few days before reaching santo domingo, the ships had anchored off the territory of behechio, where roldan and his followers already were. the mutineers observed the approach of the caravels, not quite sure of their character, thinking possibly that they had been dispatched against their band; but roldan boldly went on board, and, ascertaining their condition, he had the address to represent that he was stationed in that region to collect the tribute, and was in need of stores, arms, and munitions. the commander of the vessel at once sent on shore what he demanded; and while this was going on, roldan's men ingratiated themselves with the company on board the caravels, and readily enlisted a part of them in the revolt. the new-comers, being some of the emancipated convicts which columbus had so unwisely registered among his crews, were not difficult to entice to a life of pleasure. by the time roldan had secured his supplies and was ready to announce his true character, it was not certain how far the captains of the vessels could trust their crews. the chief of these commanders undertook, when the worst was known, to bring the revolters back to their loyalty; but he argued in vain. the wind being easterly, and to work up against it to santo domingo being a slow process, it was decided that one of the captains, colombo, should conduct about forty armed men by land to the new town. when he landed them, the insidious work of the mutineers became apparent. only eight of his party stood to his command, and over forty marched over to the rebels, each with his arms. the overland march was necessarily given up, and the three caravels, to prevent further desertions, hoisted sail and departed. carvajal remained behind to urge roldan to duty; but the most he could do was to exact a promise that he would submit to the admiral if pardoned, but not to the adelantado. [sidenote: 1498. september 12.] the report which carvajal made to columbus, when shortly afterwards he joined his companions in santo domingo, coming by land, was not very assuring. columbus was too conscious of the prevalence of discontent, and he had been made painfully aware of the uncertainty of convict loyalty. he then made up his mind that all such men were a menace, and that they were best got rid of. accordingly he announced that five ships were ready to sail for spain and would take any who should desire to go, and that the passage would be free. [sidenote: roldan and ballester.] [sidenote: 1498. october 18. the ships sail for spain.] learning from carvajal that roldan was likely soon to lead his men near fort conception, columbus notified miguel ballester, its commander, to be on his guard. he also directed him to seek an interview with the rebel leader, in order to lure him back to duty by offer of pardon from the admiral. as soon as ballester heard of roldan's arrival in the neighborhood, he went out to meet him. roldan, however, was in no mood to succumb. his force had grown, and some of the leading spaniards had been drawn towards him. so he defied the admiral in his speeches, and sent him word that if he had any further communications to make to him they should be sent by carvajal, for he would treat with no other. columbus, on receiving this message, and not knowing how far the conspiracy had extended among those about him, ordered out the military force of the settlement. there were not more than seventy men to respond; nor did he feel much confidence in half of these. there being little chance of any turn of affairs for the better with which he could regale the sovereigns, columbus ordered the waiting ships to sail, and on october 18 they put to sea. [sidenote: columbus and slavery.] the ships carried two letters which columbus had written to the monarchs. in the one he spoke of his new discoveries, and of the views which had developed in his mind from the new phenomena, as has already been represented, and promised that the adelantado should soon be dispatched with three caravels to make further explorations. in the other he repeated the story of events since he had landed at santo domingo. he urged that roldan might be recalled to spain for examination, or that he might be committed to the custody of carvajal and ballester to determine the foundation of his grievances. at the same time he requested that a further license be given, to last two years, for the capture and transmission of slaves. it was not unlikely that the case of roldan and his abettors was represented with equal confidence in other letters, for there were many hands among the passengers to which they could be confided. [sidenote: columbus seeks to quiet the colony.] [sidenote: 1498. october 20.] the ships gone, the admiral gave himself to the difficult task of pacificating the colony. the vigorous rule of the adelantado had made enemies who were to be propitiated, though las casas tells us that the rule had been strict no farther than that it had been necessarily imperative in emergencies. columbus wrote on october 20 an expostulatory letter to roldan. to send it by carvajal, as was necessary, if roldan was to receive it, would be to intrust negotiations to a person who was already committed in some sort to the rebel's plan, or at least some of the admiral's leading councilors believed such to be the case, apparently too hastily. columbus did not share that distrust, and carvajal was sent. this letter crossed one from the leading rebels, in which they demanded from columbus release from his service, and expressed their determination to maintain independence. [sidenote: conferences with roldan.] [sidenote: 1498. november 6. roldan's terms.] when carvajal reached bonao, where the rebels were gathered,--and ballester had accompanied him,--their joint persuasions had some effect on roldan and others, principal rebels; but the followers, as a mass, objected to the leaders entering into any conference except under a written guaranty of safety for them and those that should accompany them. this message was accordingly returned to columbus, and ballester at the same time wrote to him that the revolt was fast making head; that the garrisons were disaffected, and losing by desertion; and that the common people could not be trusted to stand by the admiral if it came to war. he advised, therefore, a speedy reconciliation or agreement of some sort. the guaranty was sent, and roldan soon presented himself to the admiral. the demands of the rebel and the prerogatives of the admiral were, it proved, too widely apart for any accommodation. so roldan, having possessed himself of the state of feeling in santo domingo, returned to his followers, promising to submit definite terms in writing. these were sent under date of november 6, 1498, with a demand for an answer before the 11th. the terms were inadmissible. to disarm charges of exaction, columbus made public proclamation of a readiness to grant pardon to all who should return to allegiance within thirty days, and to such he would give free transportation to spain. carvajal carried this paper to roldan, and was accompanied by columbus's major-domo, diego de salamanca, in the hopes that the two might yet arrange some terms, mutually acceptable. [illustration: española, ramusio, 1555.] [sidenote: columbus agrees to them.] the messenger found roldan advanced from bonao, and besieging ballester in conception. the revolt had gone too far, apparently, to be stayed, but the persuasion of the mediators at last prevailed, and terms were arranged. these provided full pardon and certificates of good conduct; free passage from xaragua, to which point two caravels should be sent; the full complement of slaves which other returning colonists had; liberty for such as had them to take their native wives, and restoration of sequestered property. roldan and his companions signed this agreement on november 16, and agreed to wait eight days for the signature of the admiral. columbus signed it on the 21st, and further granted indulgences of one kind or another to such as chose to remain in española. [sidenote: delays in carrying out the agreement.] [sidenote: new agreement.] [sidenote: signed september 28, 1499.] under the agreement, the ships were to be ready in fifty days, but columbus, in the disorganized state of the colony, found it impossible to avoid delays, and his self-congratulations that he had got rid of the turbulent horde were far from warranted. while under this impression, and absent with the adelantado, inspecting the posts throughout the island, and deciding how best he could restore the regularities of life and business, the arrangements which he had made for carrying out the agreement with roldan had sorely miscarried. nearly double the time assigned to the preparation of the caravels had elapsed, when the vessels at last left santo domingo for xaragua. a storm disabling one of them, there were still further delays; and when all were ready, the procrastination in their outfit offered new grounds for dispute, and it was found necessary to revise the agreement. carvajal was still the mediator. roldan met the admiral on a caravel, which had sailed toward xaragua. the terms which roldan now proposed were that he should be permitted to send some of his friends, fifteen in number, if he desired so many, to spain; that those who remained should have grants of land; that proclamation should be made of the baseless character of the charges against him and his accomplices; and that he himself should be restored to his office of alcalde mayor. columbus, who had received a letter from fonseca in the meanwhile, showing that there was little chance of relief from spain, saw the hopelessness of his situation, and sufficiently humbled himself to accept the terms. when they were submitted to the body of the mutineers, this assembly added another clause giving them the right to enforce the agreement by compulsion in case the admiral failed to carry it out. this, also, was agreed to in despair; while the admiral endeavored to relieve the mortification of the act by inserting a clause enforcing obedience to the commands of the sovereigns, of himself, and of his regularly appointed justices. this agreement was ratified at santo domingo, september 28, 1499. [sidenote: roldan reinstated.] [sidenote: repartimientos.] [sidenote: columbus and slavery.] it was not a pleasant task for columbus to brook the presence of roldan and his victorious faction in santo domingo. the reinstated alcalde had no occasion to be very complaisant after he had seen the admiral cringe before him. columbus endeavored, in making the grants of lands, to separate the restored rebels as much as he could, in order to avoid the risks of other mutinous combinations. he agreed with the caciques that they should be relieved from the ordinary tribute of treasure if they would furnish these new grantees with laborers for their farms. thus at the hands of columbus arose the beginning of that system of _repartimientos_, with all its miseries for the poor natives, which ended in their extermination. the apologists of columbus consider that the exigencies of his situation forced him into these fiendish enactments, and that he is not to be held responsible for them as of his free will. they forget the expressions of his first letter to santangel, which prefigured all the misery which fell upon myriads of these poor creatures. the record, unfortunately, shows that it was columbus who invariably led opinion in all these oppressions, and not he who followed it. his artfulness never sprang to a new device so exultingly as when it was a method of increasing the revenue at the cost of the natives. when we read, in the letter written to his sovereigns during this absence, of his always impressing on the natives, in his intercourse with them, "the courtesy and nobleness of all christians," we shudder at the hollowness of the profession. [sidenote: roldan's demands.] the personal demands of roldan under the capitulation were also to be met. they included restoration of lands which he called his own, new lands to be granted, the stocking of them from the public herds; and columbus met them, at least, until the grants should be confirmed at court. this was not all. roldan visited bonao, and made one of his late lieutenants an assistant alcalde,--an assumption of the power of appointment at which columbus was offended, as some tell us; but if the _historie_ is to be depended on, the appointment invited no unfavorable comment from columbus. when it was found that this new officer was building a structure ostensibly for farm purposes, but of a character more like a fortress, suitable for some new mutiny to rally in, columbus at last rose on his dignity and forbade it. [sidenote: 1499. october. caravels sent to spain.] [sidenote: columbus sends ballester to support his cause in spain.] in october, 1499, the admiral dispatched two caravels to spain. it did not seem safe for him to embark in them, though he felt his presence was needed at court to counteract the mischief of his enemies and roldan's friends. some of the latter went in the ships. the most he could do was to trust his cause to miguel ballester and garcia de barrantes, who embarked as his representatives. they bore his letters to the monarchs. in these he enumerated the compulsions under which he had signed the capitulation with roldan, and begged their majesties to treat it as given under coercion, and to bring the rebels to trial. he then mentioned what other assistants he needed in governing the colony, such as a learned judge and some discreet councilors. he ended with asking that his son, diego, might be spared from court to assist him. * * * * * [sidenote: royal infringements of columbus's privileges.] [sidenote: 1499. ojeda's voyage.] while columbus was making these requests, he was ignorant of the way in which the spanish court had already made serious trespasses upon his prerogatives as admiral of the indies. he had said in his letter to the sovereigns, "your majesties will determine on what is to be done," in consequence of these new discoveries at paria. he was soon to become painfully conscious of what was done. the real hero of columbus's second voyage, alonso de ojeda, comes again on the scene. he was in spain when the accounts which columbus had transmitted to court of his discoveries about the gulf of paria reached seville. such glowing descriptions fired his ambition, and learning from columbus's other letters and from the reports by those who had returned of the critical condition of affairs in española, he anticipated the truth when he supposed that the admiral could not so smother the disquiet of his colony as to venture to leave it for further explorations. he saw, too, the maps which columbus had sent back and the pearls which he had gathered. he acknowledged all this in a deposition taken at santo domingo in 1513. so he proposed to fonseca that he might be allowed to undertake a private voyage, and profit, for himself and for the crown, by the resources of the country, inasmuch as it must be a long time before columbus himself could do so. fonseca readily commended the plan and gave him a license, stipulating that he should avoid any portuguese possession and any lands that columbus had discovered before 1495. it was the purpose, by giving this date, to throw open the paria region. [sidenote: vespucius with ojeda.] [sidenote: juan de la cosa.] [sidenote: 1499. may 20. ojeda sails.] [sidenote: at venezuela.] the ships were fitted out at seville in the early part of 1499, and some men, famous in these years, made part of the company which sailed on them. there was americus vespucius, who was seemingly now for the first time to embark for the new world, since it is likely that out of this very expedition the alleged voyage of his in 1497 has been made to appear by some perversion of chronology. there was juan de la cosa, a famous hydrographer, who was the companion of columbus in his second cuban cruise. irving says that he was with columbus in his first voyage; but it is thought that it was another of the same name who appears in the registers of that expedition. several of those who had returned from española after the paria cruise of columbus were also enlisted, and among them bartholomew roldan, the pilot of that earlier fleet. the expedition of ojeda sailed may 20, 1499. they made land 200 leagues east of the orinoco, and then, guided by columbus's charts, the ships followed his track through the serpent's and the dragon's mouths. thence passing margarita, they sailed on towards the mountains which columbus had seen, and finally entered a gulf, where they saw some pile dwellings of the natives. they accordingly named the basin venezuela, in reference to the great sea-built city of the adriatic. it is noteworthy that ojeda, in reporting to their majesties an account of this voyage, says that he met in this neighborhood some english vessels, an expedition which may have been instigated by cabot's success. it is to be observed, at the same time, that this is the only authority which we have for such an early visit of the english to this vicinity, and the statement is not credited by biddle, helps, and other recent writers. ojeda turned eastward not long after, having run short of provisions. he then approached the prohibited española, and hoped to elude notice while foraging at its western end. [sidenote: 1499. september 5. ojeda touches at española.] it was while here that ojeda's caravels were seen and tidings of their presence were transmitted to santo domingo. ignorance of what he had to deal with in these intruders was one of the reasons which made it out of the question for columbus to return to spain in the ships which he had dispatched in october. ojeda had appeared on the coast on september 5, 1499, and as succeeding reports came to columbus, it was divulged that ojeda was in command, and that he was cutting dyewoods thereabouts. [sidenote: columbus sends roldan to warn ojeda off.] now was the time to heal the dissensions of roldan, and to give him a chance to recover his reputation. so the admiral selected his late bitter enemy to manage the expedition which he thought it necessary to dispatch to the spot. roldan sailed in command of two caravels on september 29, and, approaching unobserved the place where ojeda's ships were at anchor, he landed with twenty-five men, and sent out scouts. they soon reported that ojeda was some distance away from his ships at an indian village, making cassava bread. ojeda heard of the approach, but not in time to prevent roldan getting between him and his ships. the intruder met him boldly, said he was on an exploring expedition, and had put in for supplies, and that if roldan would come on board his ships, he would show his license signed by fonseca. when roldan went on board, he saw the document. he also learned from those he talked with in the ships--and there were among them some whom he knew, and some who had been in española--that the admiral's name was in disgrace at court, and there was imminent danger of his being deprived of his command at española. moreover, the queen, who had befriended him against all others, was ill beyond recovery. ojeda promising to sail round to santo domingo and explain his conduct to the admiral, roldan left him, and carried back the intelligence to columbus. the viceroy waited patiently for ojeda's vessels to appear, and to hear the explanation of what he deemed a flagrant violation of his rights. ojeda, having got rid of roldan, had accomplished all that he intended by the promise. when he set sail, it was to pass round the coast easterly to the shore of xaragua, where he anchored, and opened communication with the spanish settlers, remnants of roldan's party, who had not been quite satisfied to find their reinstated leader acting as an emissary of columbus. ojeda, with impetuous sympathy, listened to their complaints, and had agreed to be their leader in marching to santo domingo to demand some redresses, when roldan, sent by columbus to watch him, once more appeared. ojeda declined a conference, and kept on his ship. [sidenote: 1500. june. ojeda reaches cadiz.] roldan had harbored a deserter from one of ojeda's fleet, and as he refusedto give him up, ojeda watched his opportunity and seized two of roldan's men to hold as hostages. so the two wary adventurers watched each other for an advantage. after a while, ojeda, in his ships, stood down the coast. roldan followed along the shore. coming up to where the ships were anchored, roldan induced ojeda to send a boat ashore, when, by an artifice, he captured the boat and its crew. this game of stratagems ended with an agreement on ojeda's part to leave the island, while roldan restored the captive boat. the prisoners were exchanged. ojeda bore off shore, and though roldan heard of his landing again at a distant point, he was gone when the pursuers reached the spot. las casas says that ojeda made for some islands, where he completed his lading of slaves, and set sail for spain, arriving at cadiz in june, 1500. * * * * * [sidenote: niño's voyage to the pearl coast.] [sidenote: guerra aids him.] while columbus was congratulating himself on being well rid of this dangerous visitor, he was not at all aware of the uncontrollable eagerness which the joyous reports of pearls had engendered in the adventurous spirits of the spanish seaports. among such impatient sailors was the pilot, pedro alonso niño, who had accompanied columbus on his first voyage, and had also but recently returned from the paria coast, having been likewise with the admiral on his third voyage. he found fonseca as willing, if only the crown could have its share, as ojeda had found him, and just as forgetful of the vested rights of columbus. so the license was granted only a few days after that given to ojeda, and of similar import. niño, being a poor man, sought the aid of luis guerra in fitting out a small caravel of only fifty tons; and in consideration of this assistance, guerra's brother, cristoval, was placed in command, with a crew, all told, of thirty-three souls. they sailed from palos early in june, 1499, and were only fifteen days behind ojeda on the coast. they had some encounters and some festivities with the natives; but they studiously attended to their main object of bartering for pearls, and when they reached spain on their return in april, 1500, and laid out the shares for the crown, for guerra, and for the crew, of the rich stores of pearls which they had gathered, men said, "here at last is one voyage to the new islands from which some adequate return is got." and so the first commensurate product of the indies, instead of saving the credit of columbus, filled the pockets of an interloping adventurer. * * * * * [sidenote: v. y. pinzon's voyage.] [sidenote: 1499. december.] [sidenote: pinzon crosses the equator.] [sidenote: the southern sky.] but a more considerable undertaking of the same illegitimate character was that of vicente yañez pinzon, the companion of columbus on his first voyage. leaguing with him a number of the seamen of the admiral, including some of his pilots on his last voyage, pinzon fitted out at palos four caravels, which sailed near the beginning of december, 1499, not far from the time when columbus was thinking, because of the flight of ojeda, that an end was at last coming to these intrusions within his prescribed seas. pinzon was not so much influenced by greed as by something of that spirit which had led him to embark with columbus in 1492, the genuine eagerness of the explorer. he was destined to do what columbus had been prevented from doing by the intense heat and by the demoralized condition of his crew,--strike the new world in the equatorial latitudes. so he stood boldly southwest, and crossed the equator, the first to do it west of the line of demarcation. here were new constellations as well as a new continent for the transatlantic discoverer. the north star had sunk out of sight. thus it was that the southern heavens brought a new difficulty to navigation, as well as unwonted stellar groups to the curious observer. the sailor of the northern seas had long been accustomed to the fixity of the polar star in making his observations for latitude. the southern heavens were without any conspicuous star in the neighborhood of the pole: and in order to determine such questions, the star at the foot of the southern cross was soon selected, but it necessitated an allowance of 30° in all observations. [sidenote: 1500. january 20. sees cape consolation.] [sidenote: coasts north.] it was on january 20, 1500, or thereabouts, that pinzon saw a cape which he called consolation, and which very likely was the modern cape st. augustine,--though the identification is not established to the satisfaction of all,--which would make pinzon the first european to see the most easterly limit of the great southern continent. a belief like this requires us, necessarily, to reject varnhagen's view that as early as the previous june (1499) ojeda had made his landfall just as far to the east. pinzon took possession of the country, and then, sailing north, passed the mouth of the amazon, and found that even out of sight of land he could replenish his water-casks from the flow of fresh waters, which the great river poured into the ocean. it did not occur to his practical mind, as it had under similar circumstances to columbus, that he was drinking the waters of paradise! [sidenote: 1500. june. pinzon at española.] [sidenote: reaches palos, september, 1500.] reaching the gulf of paria, pinzon passed out into the caribbean sea, and touched at española in the latter part of june, 1500. proceeding thence to the lucayan islands, two of his caravels were swallowed up in a gale, and the other two disabled. the remaining ships crossed to española to refit, whence sailing once more, they reached palos in september, 1500. * * * * * [sidenote: 1500. january. diego de lepe's voyage.] meanwhile, following pinzon, diego de lepe, sailing also from palos with two caravels in january, 1500, tracked the coast from below cape st. augustine northward. he was the first to double this cape, as he showed in the map which he made for fonseca, and doing so he saw the coast stretching ahead to the southwest. from this time south america presents on the charts this established trend of the coast. humboldt thinks that diego touched at española before returning to spain in june, 1500. * * * * * [sidenote: portuguese explorations by the african route.] we must now return to the further exploration of the portuguese by the african route, for we have reached a period when, by accident and because of the revised line of demarcation, the portuguese pursuing that route acquired at the same time a right on the american coast which they have since maintained in brazil, as against what seems to have been a little earlier discovery of that coast by pinzon, in the voyage already mentioned. [sidenote: 1500. march 9.] [sidenote: cabral discovers the brazil coast.] [sidenote: 1500. may 1.] in the year following the return to lisbon of da gama with the marvelous story of the african route to india, the portuguese government were prompted naturally enough to establish more firmly their commercial relations with calicut. they accordingly fitted out three ships to make trial once more of the voyage. the command was given to pedro alvarez cabral, and there were placed under him diaz, who had first rounded the stormy cape, and coelho, who had accompanied da gama. the expedition sailed on march 9, 1500. leaving the cape de verde islands, cabral shaped his course more westerly than da gama had done, but for what reason is not satisfactorily ascertained. perhaps it was to avoid the calms off the coast of guinea; perhaps to avoid breasting a storm; and indeed it may have been only to see if any land lay thitherward easterly of the great line of demarcation. whatever the motive, the fleet was brought on april 22 opposite an eminence, which received then the name of monte pascoal, and is to-day, as then it became by right of discovery, within the portuguese limits of south america, the land of the true cross, as he named it, vera cruz; later, however, to be changed to santa cruz. the coast was examined, and in the bay of porto seguro, on may 1, formal possession of the country was taken for the crown of portugal. cabral sent a caravel back with the news, expressed in a letter drawn up by pedro vaz de caminha. this letter, which is dated on the day possession was taken, was first made known by muñoz, who discovered it in the archives at lisbon. it was not till july 29 that the portuguese king, in a letter which is printed by navarrete, notified the spanish monarchs of cabral's discovery, and this letter was printed in rome, october 23, 1500. it seems to have been the apprehension of the portuguese, if we may trust this letter, that the new coast lay directly in the route to the cape of good hope, though on the right hand. [sidenote: cabral at calicut, september 13, 1500.] leaving two banished criminals to seek their chances of life in the country, and to ascertain its products, cabral set sail on may 22, and proceeded to the cape of good hope. fearful gales were encountered and four vessels were lost, and his subordinate, diaz, found an ocean grave off the stormy cape of his own finding. but calicut was at last reached, september 13. * * * * * [sidenote: date of cabral's discovery.] [sidenote: his landfall.] there is a day or two difference in the dates assigned by different authorities for this discovery of cabral. ramusio, quoting a pilot of the fleet fourteen months after the event, says april 24, and leading portuguese historians have followed him; but the letter which cabral sent back to portugal, as already related, says april 22. the question would be a trifling one, as humboldt suggests, except that it bears upon the question of just where this fortuitous landfall was made, involving estimates of distance sailed before cabral entered the harbor of porto seguro. it is probable that this was at a point a hundred and seventy leagues south of the spot reached earlier (january, 1500) by pinzon and de lepe. yet on this point there are some differences of opinion, which are recapitulated by humboldt. [sidenote: cabral and pinzon.] the most impartial critics, however, agree with humboldt in giving pinzon the lead, if not to the extent of the forty-eight days before cabral left lisbon, as humboldt contends. if barros is correct in his deductions, it was not known on board of cabral's fleet that columbus had already discovered in the paria region what he supposed an extension of the asiatic main. the first conclusion of the portuguese naturally was that they had stumbled either on a new group of islands, or perhaps on some outlying members of the group of the antilles. of course nothing was known at the time of the discoveries of pinzon and lepe. [sidenote: the results of the african route.] it has often been remarked that if columbus had not sailed in 1492, cabral would have revealed america in 1500. it is a striking fact that the portuguese had pursued their quest for india with an intelligence and prescience which geographical truth confirmed. the spaniards went their way in error, and it took them nearly thirty years to find a route that could bring them where they could defend at the antipodes their rights under the bull of demarcation. columbus sought india and found america without knowing it. cabral, bound for the cape of good hope, stumbled upon brazil, and preëmpted the share of portugal in the new world as da gama has already secured it in asia. thus the african route revealed both cathay and america. * * * * * [sidenote: the columbus lawsuit.] [sidenote: la cosa's map, 1500.] for these voyages commingling with those of columbus along the spaces of the caribbean sea, we get the best information, all things considered, from the testimonies of the participants in them, which were rendered in the famous lawsuit which the crown waged against the heirs of columbus. the well-known map of juan de la cosa posts us best on the cartographical results of these same voyages up to the summer of 1500. [illustration] [illustration: sketch of la cosa's map.] la cosa was, as las casas called him, the best of the pilots then living, and there is a story of his arrogating to himself a superiority to columbus, even. as la cosa returned to spain with ojeda in june, 1500, and sailed again in october with bastidas, this famous map was apparently made in that interval, since it purports in an inscription to have been drafted in 1500. in posting the geographical knowledge which he had acquired up to that date, la cosa drew upon his own experiences in the voyages which he had already made with columbus (1493-96), and with ojeda (1499-1500). it is to be regretted that we have from his pencil no later draft, for his experience in these seas was long and intimate, since he accompanied bastidas in 1500-2, led expeditions of his own in 1504-6 and 1507-8, and went again with ojeda in 1509. la cosa, indeed, does not seem to have improved his map on any subsequent date, and that he puts down cape st. augustine so accurately is another proof of that headland being seen by pinzon or lepe in 1500, and that news of its discovery had reached the map makers. [sidenote: objections to la cosa's map.] the objections to la cosa's map as a source of historical information have been that (1) he gives an incorrect shape to cuba, and makes it an island eight years before ocampo sailed around it; and that (2) he gives an unrecognizable coast northward from where the gulf of mexico should be. henry stevens, in his _historical and geographical notes_, undertakes to answer these objections. [sidenote: insularity of cuba.] first, stevens reverts to the belief of la cosa that he did not imagine cuba to be an island, because no one ever knew of an island 335 leagues long, as columbus and he, sailing along its southern side, had found it to be, taking the distance they had gone rather than the true limits. stevens depends much on the belief of columbus that the bay of islands which he fancied himself within, when he turned back, was the gulf of ganges,--supposing that peter martyr quoted columbus, when he wrote to that effect in august, 1495. if varnhagen is correct in his routes of vespucius, that navigator, in 1497, making the circuit of the gulf of mexico, had established the insularity of cuba. few modern scholars, it is fair to say, accept varnhagen's theories. it became a question, after humboldt had made the la cosa chart public in 1833, how its maker had got the information of the insularity of cuba. humboldt was convinced that though a "complacent witness" to columbus's ridiculous notarial transaction during his second voyage, la cosa had dared to tell the truth, even at the small risk of having his tongue pulled out. [illustration: ribero's antilles, 1529.] the admiral's belief, bolstered after his own fashion by suborning his crew, was far from being accepted by all. peter martyr not long afterward voiced the hesitancy which was growing. it was beginning to be believed that the earth was larger than columbus thought, and that his discoveries had not taken him as far as cathay. every new report veered the vane on this old gossiper's steeple, and he went on believing one day and disbelieving the next. [illustration: wytfliet's cuba.] we may perhaps question now if the official promulgation of the cuban circumnavigation by sebastian ocampo in 1508 was much more than the spanish acknowledgment of its insularity, when they could no longer deny it. henry stevens has claimed to put la cosa's island of cuba in accord with columbus, or at least partly so. he finds this western limit of cuba on the la cosa map drawn with "a dash of green paint," which he holds to be a color used to define unknown coasts. he studied the map in jomard's colored facsimile, and trusted it, not having examined the original to this end,--though he had apparently seen it in the paris auction-room in 1853, when, as a competitor, he had run up the price which the spanish government paid for it. he says that the same green emblem of unknown lands is also placed upon the coast of asia, where a peninsular cuba would have joined it. he seems to forget that he should have found, to support his theory, a gap rather than a supposable coast, and should rather have pointed to the vignette of st. christopher as affording that gap. [illustration: wytfliet's cuba.] ruysch in 1507 marked in his map this unknown western limit with a conventional scroll, while he made his north coast not unlike the asiatic coast of mauro (1457) and behaim (1492), and with no gap. stevens also interprets the st. dié map of 1508-13 as showing this peninsular cuba in what is there placed as the main, with a duplicated insular cuba in what is called isabella. the warrant for this supposition is the transfer under disguises of the la cosa and ruysch names of their cuba to the continental coast of the st. dié map, leaving the "isabella" entirely devoid of names. stevens ventures the opinion that la cosa may have been on the first voyage of columbus as well as on the second, and his reason for this is that the north coast of cuba, which columbus then coasted, is so correctly drawn; but this opinion ignores the probability, indeed the certainty, that this approximate accuracy could just as well be reached by copying from columbus's map of that first voyage. it should be borne in mind, however, that varnhagen, who had faith in the 1497 voyage of vespucius as having settled the insular character of cuba, interprets this st. dié map quite differently, as showing a rudimentary gulf of mexico and the mississippi mouth instead of the gulf of ganges. [sidenote: la cosa's coast of asia.] second, stevens grasps the obvious interpretation that la cosa simply drew in for this northern coast that of asia as he conceived it. this hardly needs elucidation. but his opinion is not so well grounded that the northern part of this asiatic coast, where la cosa intended to improve on the notions which had come from marco polo and the rest, is simply the _northern_ coast of the gulf of st. lawrence as laid down by the explorations of cabot. if it be taken as giving from cabot's recitals the trend of the coasts found by him, it seems to show that that navigator knew nothing of the southern entrance of that gulf. this adds further to the uncertainty of what is called the cabot mappemonde of 1544. that la cosa intended the coasts of the cabots' discoveries to belong to inland waters stevens thinks is implied by the sea thereabouts being called _mar_ instead of _mar oceanus_. it is difficult to see the force of these supplemental views of stevens, and to look upon the drawing of la cosa in this northern region as other than asia modified vaguely by the salient points of the outer coast lines as glimpsed by cabot. if the spanish envoy in england carried out his intention of sending a copy of cabot's chart to spain, it could hardly have escaped falling into the hands of la cosa. we have already mentioned the chance of john cabot having visited the peninsula in the interval between his two voyages. [sidenote: columbus and the cabot voyages.] the chief ground for believing that columbus ever heard of the voyages of the cabots--for there is no plain statement that he did--is that we know how la cosa had knowledge of them; and that upon his map the vignette of st. christopher bearing the infant christ may possibly have been, as it has sometimes been held to be, a direct reference to la cosa's commander, who may be supposed in that case to have been acquainted with the compliment paid him, and consequently with the map's record of the cabots. [sidenote: the cantino map.] whether la cosa understood the natives better than columbus, or whether he had information of which we have no record, it is certain that within two years rumor or fact brought it to the knowledge of the portuguese that the westerly end of cuba lay contiguous to a continental shore, stretching to the north, in much the position of the eastern seaboard of the united states. this is manifest from the cantino map, which was sent from lisbon to italy before november, 1502, and which prefigured the so-called admiral's map of the ptolemy of 1513. there will be occasion to discuss later the over-confident dictum of stevens that this supposed north american coast was simply a duplicated cuba, turned north and south, and stretching from a warm region, as the spaniards knew it, well up into the frozen north. cosa's map seems to have exerted little or no influence on the earliest printed maps of the new world, and in this it differs from the cantino map. [sidenote: minor expeditions.] we know not what unexpected developments may further have sprung from obscure and furtive explorations, which were now beginning to be common, and of which the record is often nothing more than an inference. stories of gold and pearls were great incentives. the age was full of a spirit of private adventure. the voyages of ojeda, niño, and pinzon were but the more conspicuous. chapter xvii. the degradation and disheartenment of columbus. 1500. columbus, writing to the spanish sovereigns from española, said, in reference to the lifelong opposition which he had encountered:-[sidenote: opponents of columbus.] "may it please the lord to forgive those who have calumniated and still calumniate this excellent enterprise of mine, and oppose and have opposed its advancement, without considering how much glory and greatness will accrue from it to your highnesses throughout all the world. they cannot state anything in disparagement of it except its expense, and that i have not immediately sent back the ships loaded with gold." [sidenote: charges against columbus.] was this an honest statement? columbus knew perfectly well that there had been much else than disappointment at the scant pecuniary returns. he knew that there was a widespread dissatisfaction at his personal mismanagement of the colony; at his alleged arrogance and cupidity as a foreigner; at his nepotism; at his inordinate exaltation of promise, and at his errant faith that brooked no dispute. he knew also that his enthusiasm had captivated the queen, and that as long as she could be held captive he could appeal to her not in vain. if there had been any honesty in the queen's professions in respect to the selling of slaves, he knew that he had outraged them. even when he was writing this letter, it came over him that there was a fearful hazard for him both in the persistency of this denunciation of others against him and in the heedless arrogance of such perverseness on his own part. "i know," he says, "that water dropping on a stone will at length make a hole." we shall see before long that foreboding cavity. [sidenote: columbus and roldan.] [sidenote: guevara.] [sidenote: anacaona's daughter.] [sidenote: adrian do moxica.] the defection of roldan turned so completely into servility is but one of the strange contrasts of the wonderful course of vicissitudes in the life of columbus. there presently came a new trial for him and for roldan. a young well-born spaniard, fernando de guevara, had appeared in española recently, and by his dissolute life he had created such scandals in santo domingo that columbus had ordered him to leave the island. he had been sent to xaragua to embark in one of ojeda's ships; but that adventurer had left the coast when the outlaw reached the port. while waiting another opportunity to embark, guevara was kept in that part of the island under roldan's eye. this implied no such restraint as to deny him access to the society of anacaona, with whose daughter, higuamota, who seems to have inherited something of her mother's commanding beauty and mental qualities, he fell in love, and found his passion requited. he sought companionship also with one of the lieutenants of roldan, who had been a leader in his late revolt, adrian de moxica, then living not far away, who had for him the additional attachment of kinship, for the two were cousins. las casas tells us that roldan had himself a passion for the young indian beauty, and it may have been for this as well as for his desire to obey the admiral that he commanded the young cavalier to go to a more distant province. the ardent lover had sought to prepare his way for a speedy marriage by trying to procure a priest to baptize the maiden. this caused more urgent commands from roldan, which were ostentatiously obeyed, only to be eluded by a clandestine return, when he was screened with some associates in the house of anacaona. this queenly woman seems to have favored his suit with her daughter. he was once more ordered away, when he began to bear himself defiantly, but soon changed his method to suppliancy. roldan was appeased by this. guevara, however, only made it the cloak for revenge, and with some of his friends formed a plot to kill roldan. this leaked out, and the youth and his accomplices were arrested and sent to santo domingo. this action aroused roldan's old confederate, moxica, and, indignant at the way in which the renegade rebel had dared to turn upon his former associates, moxica resolved upon revenge. [sidenote: moxica's plot.] [sidenote: moxica taken.] to carry it out he started on a tour through the country where the late mutineers were settled, and readily engaged their sympathies. among those who joined in his plot was pedro riquelme, whom roldan had made assistant alcalde. the old spirit of revolt was rampant. the confederates were ready for any excess, either upon roldan or upon the admiral. columbus was at conception in the midst of the aroused district, when a deserter from the plotters informed him of their plan. with a small party the admiral at once sped in the night to the unguarded quarters of the leaders, and moxica and several of his chief advisers were suddenly captured and carried to the fort. the execution of the ringleader was at once ordered. impatient at the way in which the condemned man dallied in his confessions to a priest, columbus ordered him pushed headlong from the battlements. the french canonists screen columbus for this act by making roldan the perpetrator of it. the other confederates were ironed in confinement at conception, except riquelme, who was taken later and conveyed to santo domingo. the revolt was thus summarily crushed. those who had escaped fled to xaragua, whither the adelantado and roldan pursued them without mercy. * * * * * [sidenote: columbus and his colony.] columbus had perhaps never got his colony under better control than existed after this vigorous exhibition of his authority. such a show of prompt and audacious energy was needed to restore the moral supremacy which his recusancy under the threats of roldan had lost. the fair weather was not to last long. [sidenote: 1500. august 23. bobadilla arrives.] early in the morning of august 23, 1500, two caravels were descried off the harbor of santo domingo. the admiral's brother diego was in authority, columbus being still at conception, and bartholomew absent with roldan. diego sent out a canoe to learn the purpose of the visitors. it returned, and brought word that a commissioner was come to inquire into the late rebellion of roldan. diego's messengers had at the same time informed the newcomer of the most recent defection of moxica, and that there were still other executions to take place, particularly those of riquelme and guevara, who were confined in the town. as the ships entered the river, the gibbets on either bank, with their dangling spaniards, showed the commissioner that there were other troublous times to inquire into than those named in his warrant. while the commissioner remained on board his ship, receiving the court of those who early sought to propitiate him, and while he was getting his first information of the condition of the island, mainly from those who had something to gain by the excess of their denunciations, it is necessary to go back a little in time, and ascertain who this important personage was, and what was the mission on which he had been sent. [illustration: ville de s^t. domingue. santo domingo. 1754.] [sidenote: growth of the royal dissatisfaction with columbus.] the arrangements for sending him had been made slowly. they were even outlined when ojeda had started on his voyage, for he had, in his interviews with roldan, blindly indicated that some astonishment of this sort was in store. evidently fonseca had not allowed ojeda to depart without some intimations. [sidenote: charges against columbus.] notwithstanding columbus professed to believe that nothing but the lack of pecuniary return for the great outlays of his expeditions could be alleged against them, he was well aware, and he had constantly acted as if well aware, of the great array of accusations which had been made against him in spain, with a principal purpose of undermining the indulgent regard of the queen for him. he had known it with sorrow during his last visit to spain, and had found, as we have seen, that he could not secure men to accompany him and put themselves under his control unless he unshackled criminals in the jails. he little thought that such utter disregard of the morals and self-respect of those whom he had settled in the new world would, by a sort of retributive justice, open the way, however unjustly, to put the displaced gyves on himself, amid the exultant feelings of these same criminals. such reiterated criminations were like the water-drops that wear the stone, and he had, as we have noted, felt the certainty of direful results. [sidenote: his exaggerations of the wealth of the indies.] [sidenote: columbus deceives the crown.] [sidenote: columbus's sons hooted at in the alhambra.] how much the disappointment at the lack of gold had to do with increasing the force of these charges, it is not difficult to imagine. columbus was certainly not responsible for that; but he was responsible for the inordinate growth of the belief in the profuse wealth of the new-found indies. his constantly repeated stories of the wonderful richness of the region had done their work. his professions of a purpose to enrich the world with noble benefactions, and to spend his treasure on the recovery of the holy sepulchre, were the vain boastings of a man who thought thereby to enroll his name among the benefactors of the church. he did not perceive that the populace would wonder whence these resources were to come, unless it was by defrauding the crown of its share, and by amassing gold while they could not get any. there is something ludicrous in the excuse which he later gave for concealing from the sovereigns his accumulation of pearls. he felt it sufficient to say that he thought he would wait till he could make as good a show of gold! there were some things that even fifteenth-century christians held to be more sacred than wresting jerusalem from the moslem, and these were money in hand when they had earned it, and food to eat when their misfortunes had beggared their lives. it was not an uncalled-for strain on their loyalty to the crown, when the notion prevailed that the sovereigns and their favorite were gathering riches out of their despair. there was little to be wondered at, in the crowd of these hungry and debilitated victims, wandering about the courts of the alhambra, under the royal windows, and clamoring for their pay. there was nothing to be surprised at in the hootings that followed the admiral's sons, pages of the queen, if they passed within sight of these embittered throngs. [sidenote: ferdinand's confessed blunder.] it was quite evident that ferdinand, who had never warmed to the admiral's enthusiasm, had long been conscious that in the exclusive and extended powers which had been given to columbus a serious administrative blunder had been made. he said as much at a later day to ponce de leon. the queen had been faithful, but the recurrent charges had given of late a wrench to her constancy. was it not certain that something must be wrong, or these accusations would not go on increasing? had not the great discoverer fulfilled his mission when he unveiled a new world? was it quite sure that the ability to govern it went along with the genius to find it? these were the questions which isabella began to put to herself. [sidenote: isabella begins to doubt.] [sidenote: columbus to be superseded.] [sidenote: witnesses against columbus.] she was not a person to hesitate at anything, when conviction came. she had shown this in the treatment of the jews, of the moors, and of other heretics. the conviction that columbus was not equal to his trust was now coming to her. the news of the serious outbreak of roldan's conspiracy brought the matter to a test, and in the spring of 1499 the purpose to send out some one with almost unlimited powers for any emergency was decided upon. still the details were not worked out, and there were occurrences in the internal and external affairs of spain that required the prior attention of the sovereigns. very likely the news of columbus's success in finding a new source of wealth in the pearls of paria may have had something to do with the delay. when the ships which carried to spain a crowd of roldan's followers arrived, the question took a fresh interest. columbus's friends, ballester and barrantes, now found their testimony could make little headway against the crowd of embittered witnesses on the other side. isabella, besides, was forced to see in the slaves that columbus had sent by the same ships something of an obstinate opposition to her own wishes. las casas tells us that so great was the queen's displeasure that it was only the remembrance of columbus's services that saved him from prompt disgrace. to be sure, the slaves had been sent in part by virtue of the capitulation which columbus had made with the rebels, but should the viceroy of the indies be forced to such capitulations? had he kept the colony in a condition worthy of her queenly patronage, when it could be reported to her that the daughters of caciques were found among these natives bearing their hybrid babes? "what authority had my viceroy to give my vassals to such ends?" she asked. [sidenote: columbus and the slave trade.] [sidenote: bobadilla appointed commissioner.] there were two things in recent letters of columbus which damaged his cause just at this juncture. one was his petition for a new lease of the slave trade. this isabella answered by ordering all slaves which he had sent home to be sought out and returned. her agents found a few. the other was the request of columbus for a judge to examine the dispute between himself and roldan. this ferdinand answered by appointing the commissioner whose arrival at santo domingo we have chronicled. he was francisco de bobadilla, an officer of the royal household. before disclosing what bobadilla did in santo domingo, it is best to try to find out what he was expected to do. [sidenote: his character.] there is no person connected with the career of columbus--hardly excepting fonseca--more generally defamed than this man, who was, nevertheless, if we may believe oviedo, a very honest and a very religious man. the historians of columbus need to mete out to bobadilla what very few have done, the same measure of palliation which they are more willing to bestow on columbus. with this parallel justice, it may be that he will not bear with discredit a comparison with columbus himself, in all that makes a man's actions excusable under provocation and responsibility. an indecency of haste may come from an excess of zeal quite as well as from an unbridled virulence. it may be in some ways a question if the conditions this man was sent to correct were the result of the weakness or inadaptability of columbus, or merely the outcome of circumstances, enough beyond his control to allow of excuses. there is, however, no question that the spanish government had duties to perform towards itself and its subjects which made it properly disinclined to jeopardize the interests which accompany such duties. [sidenote: bobadilla's powers.] bobadilla was, to be sure, invested with dangerous powers, but not with more dangerous ones than columbus himself had possessed. when two such personations of unbridled authority come in antagonism, the possessor of the greater authority is sure to confirm himself by commensurate exactions upon the other. bobadilla's commission was an implied warrant to that end. he might have been more prudent of his own state, and should have remembered that a trust of the nature of that with which he was invested was sure to be made accountable to those who imparted to him the power, and perhaps at a time when they chose to abandon their own instructions. he ought to have known that such an abandonment comes very easy to all governments in emergencies. he might have been more considerate of the man whom spain had so recently flattered. he should not have forgotten, if almost everybody else had, that the admiral had given a new world to spain. [sidenote: columbus and the criminals.] he should not have been unmindful, if almost every one else was, that this new world was a delusion now, but might dissolve into a beatific vision. but all this was rather more than human nature was capable of in an age like that. it is to be said of bobadilla that when he summoned columbus to santo domingo and prejudged him guilty, he had shown no more disregard of a rival power, which he was sent to regulate, than columbus had manifested for a deluded colony, when he selfishly infected it with the poison of the prisons. it must not, indeed, be forgotten that the strongest support of the new envoy came from the very elements of vice which columbus had implanted in the island. he grew to understand this, and later he was forced to give a condemnation of his own act when he urged the sending of such as are honorably known, "that the country may be peopled with honest men." [sidenote: bobadilla's character.] [sidenote: did he exceed his powers?] las casas tells us of bobadilla that his probity and disinterestedness were such that no one could attack them. if it be left for posterity to decide between the word of las casas and columbus, in estimates of virtue and honesty, there is no question of the result. when bobadilla was selected to be sent to española, there was every reason to choose the most upright of persons. there was every reason, also, to instruct him with a care that should consider every probable attendant circumstance. after this was done, the discretion of the man was to determine all. we can read in the records the formal instructions; but there were beside, as is expressly stated, verbal directions which can only be surmised. bobadilla was accused of exceeding the wishes of the queen. are we sure that he did? it is no sign of it that the monarchs subsequently found it politic to disclaim the act of their agent. such a desertion of a subordinate was not unusual in those times, nor indeed would it be now. if isabella, "for the love of christ and the virgin mary," could depopulate towns, as she said she did, by the ravages of the inquisition, and fill her coffers by the attendant sequestrations, it is not difficult to conceive that, with a similar and convenient conviction of duty, she would give no narrow range to her vindictiveness and religious zeal when she came to deal with an admiral whom she had created, and who was not very deferential to her wishes. [sidenote: bobadilla's powers.] a synopsis of the powers confided to bobadilla in writing needs to be presented. they begin with a letter of march 21, 1499, referring to reports of the roldan insurrection, and directing him, if on inquiry he finds any persons culpable, to arrest them and sequestrate their effects, and to call upon the admiral for assistance in carrying out these orders. two months later, may 21, a circular letter was framed and addressed to the magistrates of the islands, which seems to have been intended to accredit bobadilla to them, if the admiral should be no longer in command. this order gave notice to these magistrates of the full powers which had been given to bobadilla in civil and criminal jurisdiction. another order of the same date, addressed to the "admiral of the ocean sea," orders him to surrender all royal property, whether forts, arms, or otherwise, into bobadilla's hands,--evidently intended to have an accompanying effect with the other. of a date five days later another letter addressed to the admiral reads to this effect:-"we have directed francisco de bobadilla, the bearer of this, to tell you for us of certain things to be mentioned by him. we ask you to give faith and credence to what he says, and to obey him. may 26, 1499." [sidenote: his verbal orders.] [sidenote: 1500. july. bobadilla leaves spain.] this is an explicit avowal on the sovereigns' part of having given verbal orders. in addition to these instructions, a royal order required the commissioner to ascertain what was due from the crown for unpaid salaries, and to compel the admiral to join in liquidating such obligations so far as he was bound for them, "that there may be no more complaints." if one may believe columbus's own statements as made in his subsequent letter to the nurse of prince juan, it had been neglect, and not inability, on his part which had allowed these arrears to accrue. bobadilla was also furnished with blanks signed by the sovereigns, to be used to further their purposes in any way and at his discretion. with these extraordinary documents, and possessed of such verbal and confidential directions as we may imagine rather than prove, bobadilla had sailed in july, 1500, more than a year after the letters were dated. his two caravels brought back to española a number of natives, who were in charge of some franciscan friars. [sidenote: bobadilla lands at santo domingo.] we left bobadilla on board his ship, receiving court from all who desired thus early to get his ear. it was not till the next day that he landed, attended by a guard of twenty-five men, when he proceeded to the church to mass. [sidenote: his demands.] this over, the crowd gathered before the church. bobadilla ordered a herald to read his original commission of march 21, 1499, and then he demanded of the acting governor, diego, who was present, that guevara, riquelme, and the other prisoners should be delivered to him, together with all the evidence in their cases, and that the accusers and magistrates should appear before him. diego referred him to the admiral as alone having power in such matters, and asked for a copy of the document just read to send to columbus. this bobadilla declined to give, and retired, intimating, however, that there were reserved powers which he had, before which even the admiral must bow. the peremptoriness of this movement was, it would seem, uncalled for, and there could have been little misfortune in waiting the coming of the admiral, compared with the natural results of such sudden overturning of established authority in the absence of the holder of it. urgency may not, nevertheless, have been without its claims. it was desirable to stay the intended executions; and we know not what exaggerations had already filled the ears of bobadilla. at this time there would seem to have been the occasion to deliver the letter to columbus which had commanded his obedience to the verbal instructions of the sovereigns; and such a delivery might have turned the current of these hurrying events, for columbus had shown, in the case of agueda, that he was graciously inclined to authority. instead of this, however, bobadilla, the next day, again appeared at mass, and caused his other commissions to be read, which in effect made him supersede the admiral. this superiority diego and his councilors still unadvisedly declined to recognize. the other mandates were read in succession; and the gradual rise to power, which the documents seemed to imply, as the progress of the investigations demanded support, was thus reached at a bound. this is the view of the case which has been taken by columbus's biographers, as naturally drawn from the succession of the powers which were given to bobadilla. it is merely an inference, and we know not the directions for their proclamations, which had been verbally imparted to bobadilla. it is this uncertainty which surrounds the case with doubt. it is apparent that the reading of these papers had begun to impress the rabble, if not those in authority. that order which commanded the payment of arrears of salaries had a very gratifying effect on those who had suffered from delays. nothing, however, moved the representatives of the viceroy, who would not believe that anything could surpass his long-conceded authority. [sidenote: bobadilla assaults the fort.] there is nothing strange in the excitement of an officer who finds his undoubted supremacy thus obstinately spurned, and we must trace to such excitement the somewhat overstrained conduct which made a show of carrying by assault the fortress in which guevara and the other prisoners were confined. miguel diaz, who commanded the fort,--the same who had disclosed the hayna mines,--when summoned to surrender had referred bobadilla to the admiral from whom his orders came, and asked for copies of the letters patent and orders, for more considerate attention. it was hardly to be expected that bobadilla was to be beguiled by any such device, when he had a force of armed men at his back, aided by his crew and the aroused rabble, and when there was nothing before him but a weak citadel with few defenders. there was nothing to withstand the somewhat ridiculous shock of the assault but a few frail bars, and no need of the scaling ladders which were ostentatiously set up. diaz and one companion, with sword in hand, stood passively representing the outraged dignity of command. bobadilla was victorious, and the manacled guevara and the rest passed over to new and less stringent keepers. [sidenote: bobadilla in full possession.] bobadilla was now in possession of every channel of authority. he domiciled himself in the house of columbus, took possession of all his effects, including his papers, making no distinction between public and private ones, and used what money he could find to pay the debts of the admiral as they were presented to him. this proceeding was well calculated to increase his popularity, and it was still more enhanced when he proclaimed liberty to all to gather gold for twenty years, with only the payment of one seventh instead of a third to the crown. [sidenote: columbus hears of bobadilla.] [sidenote: columbus and the franciscans.] let us turn to columbus himself. the reports which reached him at fort conception did not at first convey to him an adequate notion of what he was to encounter. he associated the proceedings with such unwarranted acts as ojeda's and pinzon's in coming with their ships within his prescribed dominion. the greater audacity, however, alarmed him, and the threats which bobadilla had made of sending him to spain in irons, and the known success of his usurpation within the town, were little calculated to make columbus confident in the temporary character of the outburst. he moved his quarters to bonao to be nearer the confusion, and here he met an officer bearing to him a copy of the letters under which the government had been assumed by bobadilla. still the one addressed to columbus, commanding him to acquiesce, was held back. it showed palpably that bobadilla conceived he had passed beyond the judicial aim of his commission. columbus, on his part, was loath to reach that conclusion, and tried to gain time. he wrote to bobadilla an exculpating and temporizing letter, saying that he was about to leave for spain, when everything would pass regularly into bobadilla's control. he sent other letters, calculated to create delays, to the franciscans who had come with him. he had himself affiliated with that order, and perhaps thought his influence might not be unheeded. he got no replies, and perhaps never knew what the spirit of these friars was. they evidently reflected the kind of testimony which bobadilla had been accumulating. we find somewhat later, in a report of one of them, nicholas glassberger,--who speaks of the 1,500 natives whom they had made haste to baptize in santo domingo,--some of the cruel insinuations which were rife, when he speaks of "a certain admiral, captain, and chief, who had ill treated these natives, taking their goods and wives, and capturing their virgin daughters, and had been sent to spain in chains." [sidenote: bobadilla sends the sovereigns' letter to columbus.] columbus as yet could hardly have looked forward to any such indignity as manacles on his limbs. nor did he probably suspect that bobadilla was using the signed blanks, entrusted to him by the sovereigns, to engage the interests of roldan and other deputies of the viceroy scattered through the island. columbus, in these uncertainties, caused it to be known that he considered his perpetual powers still unrevoked, if indeed they were revocable at all. this state of his mind was rudely jarred by receiving a little later, at the hands of francisco velasquez, the deputy treasurer, and of juan de trasierra, one of the franciscans, the letter addressed to him by the sovereigns, commanding him to respect what bobadilla should tell him. here was tangible authority; and when it was accompanied by a summons from bobadilla to appear before him, he hesitated no longer, and, with the little state befitting his disgrace, proceeded at once to santo domingo. [sidenote: columbus approaches santo domingo.] [sidenote: 1500. august 23. columbus is imprisoned in chains.] the admiral's brother diego had already been confined in irons on one of the caravels; and bobadilla, affecting to believe, as irving holds, that columbus would not come in any compliant mood, made a bustle of armed preparation. there was, however, no such intention on columbus's part, nor had been, since the royal mandate of implicit obedience had been received. he came as quietly as the circumstances would permit, and when the new governor heard he was within his grasp, his orders to seize him and throw him into prison were promptly executed (august 23, 1500). in the southeastern part of the town, the tower still stands, with little signs of decay, which then received the dejected admiral, and from its summit all approaching vessels are signaled to-day. las casas tells us of the shameless and graceless cook, one of columbus's own household, who riveted the fetters. "i knew the fellow," says that historian, "and i think his name was espinosa." while the adelantado was at large with an armed force, bobadilla was not altogether secure in his triumph. he demanded of columbus to write to his brother and counsel him to come in and surrender. this columbus did, assuring the adelantado of their safety in trusting to the later justice of the crown. bartholomew obeyed, as the best authorities say, though peter martyr mentions a rumor that he came in no accommodating spirit, and was captured while in advance of his force. it is certain he also was placed in irons, and confined on one of the caravels. it was bobadilla's purpose to keep the leaders apart, so there could be no concert of action, and even to prevent their seeing any one who could inform them of the progress of the inquest, which was at once begun. [sidenote: charges against columbus.] it seems evident that bobadilla, either of his own impulse or in accordance with secret instructions, was acting with a secrecy and precipitancy which would have been justifiable in the presence of armed sedition, but was uncalled for with no organized opposition to embarrass him. columbus at a later day tells us that he was denied ample clothing, even, and was otherwise ill treated. he says, too, he had no statement of charges given to him. it is a later story, started by charlevoix, that such accusations were presented to him in writing, and met by him in the same method. the trial was certainly a remarkable procedure, except we consider it simply an _ex parte_ process for indictment only, as indeed it really was. irving lays stress on the reversal by bobadilla of the natural order of his acts, amounting, in fact, to prejudging a person he was sent to examine. he also thinks that the governor was hurried to his conclusions in order to make up a show of necessity for his precipitate action. it has something of that look. "the rebels he had been sent to judge became, by this singular perversion of rule," says irving, "necessary and cherished evidences to criminate those against whom they had rebelled." this is the mistake of the apologists for columbus. bobadilla seems to have been sent to judge between two parties, and not to assume that only one was culpable. even irving suspects the true conditions. he allows that bobadilla would not have dared to go to this length, had he not felt assured that "certain things," as the mandate to columbus expressed it, would not be displeasing to the king. the charges against the admiral had been stock ones for years, and we have encountered them more than once in the progress of this narrative. they are rehearsed at length in the documents given by navarrete, and are repeated and summarized by peter martyr. it is perhaps true that there was some novelty in the asseveration that columbus's recent refusal to have some indians baptized was simply because it deprived him of selling them as slaves. this accusation, considering columbus's relations to the slave trade which he had created, is as little to be wondered at as any. [sidenote: columbus and slavery.] las casas tells us how indignant isabella had been with his presumptuous way of dealing with what she called her subjects; and by a royal order of june 20, 1500, she had ordered, as we have seen, the return in bobadilla's fleet of nineteen of the slaves who had been sold. there was no better way of commending bobadilla's action to the queen, apparently, than by making the most of columbus's unfortunate relations to the slave trade. as the accusations were piled up, bobadilla saw the inquest leading, in his mind, to but one conclusion, the unnatural character of the viceroy and his unfitness for command,--a phrase not far from the truth, but hardly requiring the extraordinary proceedings which had brought the governor to a recognition of it. there is little question that the public sentiment of the colony, so far at least as it dare manifest itself, commended the governor. columbus in his dungeon might not see this with his own eyes, but if the reports are true, his ears carried it to his spirit, for howls and taunts against him came from beyond the walls, as the expression of the hordes which felt relieved by his fate. columbus himself confessed that bobadilla had "succeeded to the full" in making him hated of the people. all this was matter to brood upon in his loneliness. he magnified slight hints. he more than suspected he was doomed to a violent fate. when alonso de villejo, who was to conduct him to spain, in charge of the returning ships, came to the dungeon, columbus saw for the first time some recognition of his unfortunate condition. las casas, in recounting the interview, says that villejo was "an hidalgo of honorable character and my particular friend," and he doubtless got his account of what took place from that important participant. "villejo," said the prisoner, "whither do you take me?" "to embark on the ship, your excellency." "to embark, villejo? is that the truth?" "it is true," said the captain. for the first time the poor admiral felt that he yet might see spain and her sovereigns. [sidenote: 1500. october. columbus sent to spain.] [sidenote: his chains.] the caravels set sail in october, 1500, and soon passed out of earshot of the hootings that were sent after the miserable prisoners. the new keepers of columbus were not of the same sort as those who cast such farewell taunts. if the _historie_ is to be believed, bobadilla had ordered the chains to be kept on throughout the voyage, since, as the writer of that book grimly suggests, columbus might at any time swim back, if not secured. villejo was kind. so was the master of the caravel, andreas martin. they suggested that they could remove the manacles during the voyage; but the admiral, with that cherished constancy which persons feel, not always wisely, in such predicaments, thinking to magnify martyrdom, refused. "no," he said; "my sovereigns ordered me to submit, and bobadilla has chained me. i will wear these irons until by royal order they are removed, and i shall keep them as relics and memorials of my services." * * * * * [sidenote: degradation of columbus.] [sidenote: his letter to the nurse of prince juan analyzed.] [sidenote: charges against columbus.] the relations of columbus and bobadilla bring before us the most startling of the many combinations of events in the history of a career which is sadder, perhaps, notwithstanding its glory, than any other mortal presents in profane history. the degradation of such a man appeals more forcibly to human sympathy than almost any other event in the record of humanity. that sympathy has obscured the import of his degradation, and that mournful explanation of the events, which, either on his voyage or shortly after his return, columbus wrote and sent to the nurse of prince juan, has long worked upon the sensibilities of a world tender for his misfortunes. we cannot indeed read this letter without compassion, nor can we read it dispassionately without perceiving that the feelings of the man who wrote it had been despoiled of a judicial temper by his errors as well as by his miseries. his statements of the case are wholly one-sided. he never sees what it pains him to see. he forgets everything that an enemy would remember. he finds it difficult to tell the truth, and trusts to iterated professions to be taken for truths. he claims to have no conception why he was imprisoned, when he knew perfectly well, as he says himself, that he had endeavored to create an opposition to constituted authority "by verbal and written declarations;" and he reiterates this statement after he had bowed to royal commands that were as explicit as his own treatment of them had been recalcitrant. indeed, he puts himself in the rather ridiculous posture of answering a long series of charges, of which at the same time he professes to be ignorant. in the course of this letter, columbus set up a claim that he had been seriously misjudged in trying to measure his accountability by the laws that govern established governments rather than by those which grant indulgences to the conqueror of a numerous and warlike nation. the position is curiously inconsistent with his professed intentions, as the sole ruler of a colony, to be just in the eyes of god and men. the crown had given him its authority to establish precisely what he claims had not been established, a government of laws kindly disposed to protect both spaniard and native, and yet he did not understand why his doings were called in question. he had boasted repeatedly how far from warlike and dangerous the natives were, so that a score of spaniards could put seven thousand to rout, as he was eager to report in one case. the chief of the accusations against him did not pertain to his malfeasance in regard to the natives, but towards the spaniards themselves, and it was begging the question to consider his companions a conquered nation. if there were no established government as respects them, he would be the last to admit it; and if it were proved against him, there was no one so responsible for the absence of it as himself. again he says: "i ought to be judged by cavaliers who have gained victories themselves,--by gentlemen, and not by lawyers." the fact was that the case had been judged by hidalgoes without number, and to his disgrace, and it was taken from them to give him the protection of the law, such as it was; and, as he himself acknowledges, there is in the indies "neither civil right nor judgment seat." as he was the source of all the bulwarks of life and liberty in these same indies, he thus acknowledges the deficiencies of his own protective agencies. there is something childishly immature in the proposition which he advances that he should be judged by persons in his own pay. [sidenote: palliation.] it is of course necessary to allow the writer of this letter all the palliation that a man in his distressed and disordered condition might claim. columbus had in fact been perceptibly drifting into a state of delusion and aberration of mind ever since the sustaining power of a great cause had been lifted from him. from the moment when he turned his mule back at the instance of isabella's message, the lofty purpose had degenerated to a besetting cupidity, in which he made even the divinity a constant abettor. in this same letter he tells of a vision of the previous christmas, when the lord confronted him miraculously, and reminded him of his vow to amass treasure enough in seven years to undertake his crusade to jerusalem. this visible godhead then comforted him with the assurance that his divine power would see that it came to pass. "the seven years you were to await have not yet passed. trust in me and all will be right." it is easy to point to numerous such instances in columbus's career, and the canonizers do not neglect to do so, as evincing the sublime confidence of the devoted servant of the lord; but one can hardly put out of mind the concomitants of all such confidence. the most that we can allow is the unaccountableness of a much-vexed conscience. chapter xviii. columbus again in spain. 1500-1502. [sidenote: 1500. october. columbus reaches cadiz.] [sidenote: public sympathy at his degradation.] it was in october, 1500, after a voyage of less discomfort than usual, that the ships of villejo, carrying his manacled prisoners, entered the harbor of cadiz. if bobadilla had precipitately prejudged his chief prisoner, public sentiment, when it became known that columbus had arrived in chains, was not less headlong in its sympathetic revulsion. bobadilla would at this moment have stood a small chance for a dispassionate examination. the discoverer of the new world coming back from it a degraded prisoner was a discordant spectacle in the public mind, filled with recollections of those days of the first return to palos, when a new range had been given to man's conceptions of the physical world. this common outburst of indignation showed, as many times before and since, how the world's sense of justice has in it more of spirit than of steady discernment. the hectic flush was sure to pass,--as it did. [sidenote: columbus's letter to the nurse of prince juan.] it was while on his voyage, or shortly after his return, that columbus wrote the letter to the lady of the court usually spoken of as the nurse of prince juan, which has been already considered. before the proceedings of the inquest which bobadilla had forwarded by the ship were sent to the court, then in the alhambra, columbus, with the connivance of martin, the captain of his caravel, had got this exculpatory letter off by a special messenger. the lady to whom it was addressed was, it will be remembered, doña juana de la torre, an intimate companion of the queen, with whom the admiral's two sons, as pages of the queen, had been for some months in daily relations. the text of this letter has long been known. las casas copied it in his _historia_. navarrete gives it from another copy, but corrected by the text preserved at genoa; while harrisse tells us that the text in paris contains an important passage not in that at genoa. [sidenote: the sovereigns order columbus to be released.] while its ejaculatory arguments are not well calculated to impose on the sober historian, there was enough of fervor laid against its background of distressing humility to work on the sympathies of its recipient, and of the queen, to whom it was early and naturally revealed. "i have now reached that point that there is no man so vile, but thinks it his right to insult me," was the language, almost at its opening, which met their eyes. the further reading of the letter brought up a picture of the manacled admiral. very likely the rumor of the rising indignation spreading from cadiz to seville, and from seville elsewhere, as well as the letters of the alcalde of cadiz, into whose hands columbus had been delivered, and of villejo, who had had him in custody, added to the tumult of sensations mutually shared in that little circle of the monarchs and the doña juana. if we take the prompt action of the sovereigns in ordering the immediate release of columbus, their letter of sympathy at the baseness of his treatment, the two thousand ducats put at his disposal to prepare for a visit to the court, and the cordial royal summons for him to come,--if all these be taken at their apparent value, the candid observer finds himself growing distrustful of bobadilla's justification through his secret instructions. as the observer goes on in the story and notes the sequel, he is more inclined to believe that the sovereigns, borne on the rising tide of indignant sympathy, had defended themselves at the expense of their commissioner. we may never know the truth. [sidenote: 1500. december 17. columbus at court.] that was a striking scene when columbus, delivered from his irons on the 17th of december, 1500, held his first interview with the spanish monarchs. oviedo was an eyewitness of it; but we find more of its accompaniments in the story as told by herrera than in the scant narrative of the _historie_. humboldt fancies that it was the admiral's son who wrote it. the author of that book had no heart to record at much length the professions of regret on the part of the king, since they were not easily reconcilable with what, in that writer's judgment, would have been the honorable reception of bobadilla and roldan, had they escaped the fate of the tempests which later overwhelmed them. when the first warmth of columbus's reception had subsided, there would have been no reason to suspect that those absent servants of the crown would have been denied a suitable welcome. herrera tells us of the touching character of this interview of december 17; how the queen burst into tears, and the emotional admiral cast himself on the ground at her feet. when columbus could speak, he began to recall the reasons for which he had been imprisoned, and rehearsed them with humble and exculpatory professions. he forgot that in the letter which so excited their sympathy he had denied that he knew any such reasons, and the sovereigns forgot it too. the meeting had awakened the tenderer parts of their natures, and their hearts went out to him. they made verbal promises of largesses and professions of restitution, but harrisse could find no written expressions of this kind, till in the instructions of march 14, 1502, when they expressed their directions for his guidance during his next voyage. the admiral grew confident, as of old, in their presence. he had always reached a coign of vantage in his personal intercourse with the queen. he had evidently not lost that power. he began to picture his return to santo domingo with the triumph that he now enjoyed. it was a hollow hope. he was never again to be viceroy of the indies. [sidenote: columbus suspended from power.] [sidenote: other explorers in american waters.] [sidenote: portuguese claims.] the disorders in española were but a part of the reasons why it was now decided to suspend the patented rights of the admiral, if not permanently to deny the further exercise of them. we have seen how the government had committed itself to other discoveries, profiting, as it did, by the maps which columbus had sent back to spain. these discoveries were a new source of tribute which could not be neglected. rival nations too were alert, and ships of the portuguese and of the english had been found prowling about within the unquestioned limits allowed to spain by the new treaty line of tordesillas. at the north and at the south these same powers were pushing their search, to see if perchance portions of the new regions could not be found to project so far east as to bring them on the portuguese side of that same line. portugal had already claimed that cabral had found such territory under the equator and south of it. an eastward projection of brazil at the south, twenty degrees and more, is very common in the contemporary portuguese maps. [sidenote: 1501. may 13. coelho's voyage.] [sidenote: was vespucius on this voyage?] on the 13th of may, 1501, a new portuguese fleet of three ships, under the command of gonçalo coelho, sailed from lisbon to develop the coast of the southern vera cruz, as south america was now called, and to see if a way could be found through it to the moluccas. in june, the fleet, while at the cape de verde islands, met cabral with his vessels on their return from india. here it was that cabral's interpreter, gasparo, communicated the particulars of cabral's discovery to vespucius, who was, as seems pretty clear, though by no means certain, on board this outward-bound fleet. a letter exists, brought to light by count baldelli boni, not, however, in the hand of vespucius, in which the writer, under date of june 4, gave the results of his note-takings with cabral to pier francisco de medici. varnhagen is in some doubt about the genuineness of this document. indeed, the historian, if he weighs all the testimony that has been adduced for and against the participancy of vespucius in this voyage, can hardly be quite sure that the florentine was aboard at all, and santarem is confident he was not. navarrete thinks he was perhaps there in some subordinate capacity. humboldt is staggered at the profession of vespucius in still keeping the great bear above the horizon at 32° south, since it is lost after reaching 26°. [sidenote: the _mundus novus_ of vespucius.] with all this doubt, we have got to make something out of another letter, which in the published copy purports to have been written in 1503 about this voyage by vespucius himself, and from it we learn that his ship had struck the coast at cape st. roque, on august 17, 1501. the discoverers reached and named cape st. augustine on august 28. on november 1, they were at bahia. by the 3d of april, 1502, they had reached the latitude of 52° south, when, driven off the coast in a severe gale, they made apparently the island of georgia, whence they stood over to africa, and reached lisbon on september, 7, 1502. by what name vespucius called this south american coast we do not know, for his original italian text is lost, but the _mundus novus_ of the latin paraphrase or version raised a feeling of expectancy that something new had really been found, distinct from the spicy east. varnhagen is convinced that vespucius, different from columbus, had awakened to the conception of an absolutely new quarter of the earth. there is little ground for the belief, however, in its full extent and confidence. the little tract had in it the elements of popularity, and in 1504 and 1505 the german and french presses gave it currency in several editions in the latin tongue, whence it was turned into italian, german, and dutch, spreading through europe the fame of vespucius. we trace to this voyage the origin of the nomenclature of the coast of the south american continent which then grew up, and is represented in the earlier maps, like that of lorenz fries, for instance, in 1504. [illustration: mundus novus, first page.] [sidenote: discoveries of vespucius.] [sidenote: maps of early voyages.] a letter dated august 12, 1507, preserved in tritemius's _epistolarum familiarum libri duo_ (1536), has been thought to refer to a printed map which showed the discoveries of vespucius down to 10° south. this map is unknown, apparently, as the particulars given concerning it do not agree with the map of ruysch, the only one, so far as known, to antedate that epistle. it is possibly the missing map which waldseemüller is thought to have first made, and which became the prototype of the recognized waldseemüller map of the ptolemy of 1513, and was possibly the one from which the cantino map, yet to be described, was perfected in other parts than those of the cortereal discoveries. this anterior map may have been merely an early state of the plate, and lelewel gives reasons for believing that early impressions of this map were in the market in 1507. [sidenote: columbus and vespucius.] thus while columbus was nurturing his deferred hopes, neglected and poor, and awaiting what after all was but a tantalizing revival of royal interest, the rival portuguese, acting most probably under the influences of columbus's own countryman, this florentine, were stretching farther towards the true western route to the moluccas than the admiral had any conception of. vespucius was also at the same time unwittingly asserting claims which should in the end rob the great discoverer of the meed of bestowing his name on the new continent which he had just as unwittingly discovered. the contrast is of the same strange impressiveness which marks so many of the improbable turns in the career of columbus. * * * * * [sidenote: 1500. spanish purposes at the north.] meanwhile, what was going on in the north, where portugal was pushing her discoveries in the region already explored by cabot? the spaniards had been dilatory here. the monarchs, may 6, 1500, while they were distracted with the reports of the disquietude of española, had turned their attention in this direction, and had thought of sending ships into the seas which "sebastian cabot had discovered." they had done nothing, however, though navarrete finds that explorations thitherward, under juan dornelos and ojeda, had been planned. [illustration: straits of belle isle, showing site of early norman fishing station at bradore. [after reclus's _l'amerique_.]] [illustration: ms. of gaspar cortereal. [from harrisse's _cortereal_, _postscriptum_, 1883.]] [sidenote: bretons and normans at the north.] if we may believe some of the accounts of explorations this way on the part of the bretons and normans, they had founded a settlement called brest on the labrador coast, just within the straits of belle isle, on a bay now called bradore, as early as 1500. it is said that traces of their houses can be still seen there. but there is no definite contemporary record of their exploits. we have such records of the portuguese movements, though not through spanish sources. unaccountably, peter martyr, who kept himself alert for all such impressions, makes no reference to any portuguese voyages; and it is only when we come down to gomara (1551) that we find a spanish writer reverting to the narratives. in doing so, gomara makes, at the same time, some confusion in the chronology. [sidenote: cortereal voyages.] portugal had missed a great opportunity in discrediting columbus, but she had succeeded in finding one in da gama. she was now in wait for a chance to mate her southern route with a western, or rather with a northern,--at any rate, with one which would give her some warrant for efforts not openly in violation of the negotiations which had followed upon the bull of demarcation. opportunely, word came to lisbon of the successes of the cabot voyages, and there was the probability of islands and interjacent passages at the north very like the geographical configuration which the spaniards had found farther south. to appearances, cabot had met with such land on the portuguese side of the division line of the treaty of tordesillas. [sidenote: 1500. gaspar cortereal.] [sidenote: 1501. gaspar cortereal again.] king emanuel had a vassal in gaspar cortereal, who at this time was a man about fifty years old, and he had already in years past conducted explorations oceanward, though we have no definite knowledge of their results. it has been conjectured that columbus may have known him; but there is nothing to make this certain. at any rate, there was little in the surroundings of columbus at española, when he was subjected to chains in the summer of 1500, to remind him of any northern rivalry, though the visits of ojeda and pinzon to that island were foreboding. it was just at that time that cortereal sailed away from portugal to the northwest. he discovered the terra do labrador, which he named apparently because he thought its natives would increase very handily the slave labor of portugal. to follow up this quest, gaspar sailed again with three ships, may 15, 1501, which is the date given by damian de goes. harrisse is not so sure, but finds that gaspar was still in port april 21, 1501. cortereal ran a course a little more to the west, and came to a coast, two thousand miles away, as was reckoned, and skirted it without finding any end. he decided from the volume of its rivers, that it was probably a continental area. the voyagers found in the hands of some natives whom they saw a broken sword and two silver earrings, evidently of italian make. the natural inference is that they had fallen among tribes which cabot had encountered on his second voyage, if indeed these relics did not represent earlier visitors. cortereal also found in a high latitude a country which he called _terra verde_. two of the vessels returned safely, bringing home some of the natives, and the capture of such, to make good the name bestowed during the previous voyage, seems to have been the principal aim of the explorers. the third ship, with gaspar on board, was never afterwards heard of. [illustration: ms. of miguel cortereal. [from harrisse's _cortereal, postscriptum_.]] [sidenote: original sources on the cortereal voyages.] [sidenote: portuguese habit of concealing information.] it so happened that pasqualigo, the venetian ambassador in lisbon, made record of the return of the first of these vessels, in a letter which he wrote from lisbon, october 19, 1501; and it is from this, which made part of the well-known _paesi novamente retrovati_ (vicenza, 1507), that we derive what little knowledge we have of these voyages. the reports have fortunately been supplemented by harrisse in a dispatch dated october 17, 1501, which he has produced from the archives of modena, in which one alberto cantino tells how he heard the captain of the vessel which arrived second tell the story to the king. this dispatch to the duke of ferrara was followed by a map showing the new discoveries. this cartographical record had been known for some years before it was reproduced by harrisse on a large scale. it is apparent from this that the discoverers believed, or feigned to believe, that the new-found regions lay westward from ireland half-way to the american coasts. the evidence that they feigned to believe rather than that they knew these lands to be east of their limitary line may not be found; but it was probably some such doubt of their honesty which induced robert thorne, of bristol, to speak of the purpose which the portuguese had in falsifying their maps. nor were the frauds confined to maps. translations were distorted and narratives perverted. biddle, in his _life of cabot_, points out a marked instance of this, where the simple language of pasqualigo is twisted so as to convey the impression of a long acquaintance of the natives with italian commodities, as proving that the italians had formerly visited the region,--a hint which biddle supposed the zeni narrative at a later date was contrived to sustain, so as to deceive many writers. we shall soon revert to this cantino map. [sidenote: 1501. miguel cortereal.] the voyage which miguel cortereal is known to have undertaken in the summer of 1501, which has been connected with this series of northwest voyages, is held by harrisse, in his revised opinions, not to have been to the new world at all, but to have been conducted against the grand turk, and cortereal returned from it on november 4, 1501. [sidenote: 1502. miguel cortereal again.] to search for the missing gaspar cortereal, miguel, on may 10, 1502, again sailed to the northwest with two or three ships. they found the same coast as before, searched it without success, and returned again without a leader; for miguel's ship missed the others at a rendezvous and was never again heard of. [sidenote: terre des cortereal.] [sidenote: straits of anian.] the endeavors of the portuguese in this direction did not end here; and the region thus brought by them to the attention of the cartographer soon acquired in their maps the name of _terre des cortereal_, or _terra dos corte reals_, or, as latinized by sylvanus, _regalis domus_. there is little, however, to connect these earliest ventures with later history, except perhaps that from their experiences it is that a vague cartographical conception of the fabled straits of anian confronts us in many of the maps of the latter half of the sixteenth century. no one has made it quite sure whence the appellation or even the idea of such a strait came. by some it has been thought to have grown out of marco polo's ania, which was conceived to be in the north. by navarrete, humboldt, and others it has been made to grow in some way out of these cortereal voyages, and humboldt supposes that the entrance to hudson bay, under 60° north latitude, was thought at that time to lead to some sort of a transcontinental passage, going it is hardly known where. the name does not seem at first to have been magnified into all its later associations of a kingdom, or "regnum" of anian, as the latin nomenclature then had it. its great city of quivira did not appear till some time after the middle of the sixteenth century, and then it was not always quite certain to the cosmographical mind whether all this magnificence might not better be placed on the asiatic side of such a strait. this imaginary channel was made for a long period to run along the parallels of latitudes somewhere in the northern regions of the new world, after america had begun generally to have its independent existence recognized, south of the arctic regions at least. the next stage of the belief violently changed the course of the straits across the parallels, prefiguring the later discovered bering's straits; and this is made prominent in maps of zalterius (1566) and mercator (1569), and in the maps of those who copied these masters. [sidenote: spanish maps.] [sidenote: maps of the cortereal discoveries.] it took thirty years for the cortereal discoveries to work their way into the conceptions of the spanish map makers. whether this dilatory belief came from lack of information, obliviousness, or simply from an heroic persistence in ignoring what was not their boast, is a question to be decided through an estimate of the spanish character. there seems, however, to have been interest enough on the part of a single italian noble to seek information at once, as we see from the cantino map; but the knowledge was not, nevertheless, apparently a matter of such interest but it could escape ruysch in 1508. not till sylvanus issued his edition of ptolemy, in 1511, did any signs of these cortereal expeditions appear on an engraved map. [illustration: the cantino map.] [sidenote: the cantino map. 1502.] only a few years have passed since students of these cartographical fields were first allowed free study of this cantino map. it is, after la cosa, the most interesting of all the early maps of the american coast as its configuration had grown to be comprehended in the ten years which followed the first voyage of columbus. [sidenote: the cortereal discoveries east of the line of demarcation.] [sidenote: terra verde.] there are three special points of interest in this chart. the first is the evident purpose of the maker, when sending it (1502) to his correspondent in italy, to render it clear that the coasts which the portuguese had tracked in the northwest atlantic were sufficiently protuberant towards the rising sun to throw them on the portuguese side of the revised line of demarcation. it is by no means certain, however, in doing so, that they pretended their discoveries to have been other than neighboring to asia, since a peninsula north of these regions is called a "point of asia." the ordinary belief of geographers at that time was that our modern greenland was an extension of northern europe. so it does not seem altogether certain that the _terra verde_ of cortereal can be held to be identical with its namesake of the sagas. [sidenote: columbus and the cantino map in the paria region.] [sidenote: columbus in want.] the second point of interest is what seems to be the connection between this map and those which had emanated from the results of the columbus voyages, directly or indirectly. columbus had made a chart of his track through the gulf of paria, and had sent it to spain, and ojeda had coursed the same region by it. we know from a letter of angelo trivigiano, the secretary of the venetian ambassador in spain, dated at granada, august 21, 1501, and addressed to domenico malipiero, that at that time columbus, who had ingratiated himself with the writer of the letter, was living without money, in great want, and out of favor with the sovereigns. this letter-writer then speaks of his intercession with peter martyr to have copies of his narrative of the voyages of columbus made, and of his pleading with columbus himself to have transcripts of his own letters to his sovereigns given to him, as well as a map of the new discoveries from the admiral's own charts, which he then had with him in granada. there are three letters of trivigiano, but the originals are not known. foscarini in 1752 used them in his _della letteratura veneziana_, as found in the library of jacopo soranzo; but both these originals and foscarini's copies have eluded the search of harrisse, who gives them as printed or abstracted by zurla. what we have is not supposed to be the entire text, and we may well regret the loss of the rest. trivigiano says of the map that he expected it to be extremely well executed on a large scale, giving ample details of the country which had been discovered. he refers to the delays incident to sending to palos to have it made, because persons capable of such work could only be found there. no such copy as that made for malipiero is now known. harrisse thinks that if it is ever discovered it will be very like the cantino map, with the cortereal discoveries left out. this same commentator also points out that there are certainly indications in the cantino map that the maker of it, in drafting the region about the gulf of paria at least, worked either from columbus's map or from some copy of it, for his information seems to be more correct than that which la cosa followed. [sidenote: what is the coast north of cuba?] the third point of interest in this cantino map, and one which has given rise to opposing views, respects that coast which is drawn in it north of the completed cuba, and which at first glance is taken with little question for the atlantic coast of the united states from florida up. is it such? did the cartographers of that time have anything more than conjecture by which to run such a coast line? a letter of pasqualigo, dated at lisbon, october 18, 1501, and found by von ranke at venice in the diary of marino sanuto,--a running record of events, which begins in 1496,--has been interpreted by humboldt as signifying that at this time it was known among the portuguese observers of the maritime reports that a continental stretch of coast connected the spanish discoveries in the antilles with those of the portuguese at the north. harrisse questions this interpretation, and considers that what humboldt thinks knowledge was simply a tentative conjecture. if this knowledge is represented in the cantino map, there is certainly too great remoteness in the regions of the cortereal discoveries to form such a connection. it is of course possible that the map is a falsification in this respect, to make the line of demarcation serve the portuguese interests, and such falsification is by no means improbable. [sidenote: the cantino and la cosa maps at variance.] [sidenote: bimini.] it will be remembered that the la cosa map showed no hesitancy in placing the antilles on the coast of asia, and put the region of the cabot landfall on the coast of cathay. consequently, the difference between the la cosa and the cantino maps for this region north of cuba is phenomenal. in these two or three years (1500-1502), something had come to pass which seemed to raise the suspicion that this northern continental line might possibly not be asiatic after all, or at least it might not have the trend or contour which had before been given it on the asiatic theory. it is an interesting question from whom this information could have come. was this coast in the cantino map indeed not north american, but the coast of yucatan, misplaced, as one conjecture has been? but this involves a recognition of some voyage on the yucatan coast of which we have no record. was it the result of one of the voyages of vespucius, and was varnhagen right in tracking that navigator up the east florida shore? was it drawn by some unauthorized spanish mariners, who were--we know columbus complained of such--invading his vested rights, or perhaps by some of those to whom he was finally induced to concede the privilege of exploration? was it found by some english explorer who answers the description of ojeda in 1501, when he complains that people of this nation had been in these regions some years before? was it the discovery of some of those against whom a royal prohibition of discovery was issued by the catholic kings, september 3, 1501? was it anything more than the result of some vague information from the lucayan indians, aided by a sprinkling of supposable names, respecting a land called bimini lying there away? eight or nine years later, peter martyr, in the map which he published in 1511, seems to have thought so, and certain stories of a fountain of youth in regions lying in that direction were already prevalent, as martyr also shows us. the fact seems to be that we have no spanish map between the making of la cosa's in 1500 and this one of peter martyr in 1511, to indicate any spanish acquaintance with such a northern coast. [sidenote: peter martyr's map. 1511.] this map of 1511, if it is honest enough to show what the spanish government knew of florida, is indicative of but the vaguest information, and its divulgence of that coast may, in brevoort's opinion, account for the rarity of the chart, in view of the determination of spain to keep control as far as she could of all cartographical records of what her explorers found out. it is evident, if we accept the theory of this cantino map showing the coast of the united states, that we have in it a delineation nearer the source by several years than those which modern students have longer known in the waldseemüller map of 1508, the stobnicza map of 1512, the reisch map of 1515, and the so-called admiral's map of 1513,--all which arose, it is very clear, from much the same source as this of cantino. what is that source? there are some things that seem to indicate that this source was the description of portuguese rather than of other seamen. this belief falls in with what we know of the cordial relations of portugal and duke rené, under whose auspices waldseemüller at least worked. thus it would seem that while spain was impeding cartographical knowledge through the rest of europe, portugal was so assiduously helping it that for many years the ptolemies and other central and southern european publications were making known the cosmographical ideas which originated in portugal. it has been already said that humboldt in his _examen critique_ (iv. 262) refers to a letter which indicates that in october, 1501, the portuguese had already learned, or it may be only conjectured, that the coast from the region of the antilles ran uninterruptedly north till it united with the snowy shores of the northern discoveries. this, then, seems to indicate that it was a portuguese source that supplied conjecture, if not fact, to the maker of the cantino map. harrisse's solution of this matter, as also mentioned already, is that the letter found by von ranke and the letter which we know pasqualigo sent to venice about the cortereal voyages were one and the same, and that it was rather conjecture than fact that the portuguese possessed at this time. the obvious difficulty in the cartographical problem for the portuguese was, as has been said, to make it appear that they were not disregarding the agreement at tordesillas while they were securing a region for sovereignty. we have already said that this accounts for the extreme eastern position found in the cantino and the cognate maps of the newfoundland region, which, as thus drawn, it was not easy to connect with the coast line of eastern florida. hence the open sea-gap which exists between them in the maps, while the evidence of the descriptions would make the coast line continuous. we have thus suggested possible solutions of this continental shore above florida. it must be confessed that the truth is far from patent, and we must yet wait perhaps a long time before we discover, if indeed we ever do, to whom this mapping of the coast, as shown in the cantino map, was due. [sidenote: was the florida coast known?] there are evidences other than those of this cantino map that the portuguese were in this floridian region in the early years of the sixteenth century, and lelewel tried to work out their discoveries from scattered data, in a conjectural map, which he marks 1501-1504, and which resembles the ptolemy map of 1513. the bringing forward of the cantino map confirms much of the supposed cartography. there is one theory which to some minds gives a very easy solution of this problem, without requiring belief in any knowledge, clandestine or public, of such a land. brevoort in his _verrazano_ had already been inclined to the view later emphasized by stevens in his _schöner_, and reiterated by coote in his editorial revision of that posthumous work. stevens is content to allow ocampo, in 1508, to have been the earliest probable discoverer of this coast, and ponce de leon as the original attested finder in 1513. [sidenote: this cantino coast a duplicated cuba.] the stevens theory is that this seeming florida arose from a portuguese misconception of the first two voyages of columbus, by which two regions were thought to have been coasted instead of different sides of the same, and that what others consider an early premonition of florida and the upper coasts was simply a duplicated cuba, to make good the portuguese conception. it is not explained how so strange a misconception of very palpable truths could have arisen, or how a coast trending north and south so far could have been confounded with one stretching at right angles to such a course for so short a distance. stevens traces the influence of his "bogus cuba" in a long series of maps based on portuguese notions, in which he names those of waldseemüller (1513), stobnicza (1512), schöner (1515, 1520), reisch (1515), bordone (1528), solinus (1520), friess (1522), and grynæus (1532--made probably earlier), as opposed to the spanish and more truthful view, which is expressed by ruysch (1507-8) and peter martyr, (1511). it is a proposition not to be dismissed lightly nor accepted triumphantly on our present knowledge. we must wait for further developments. the fancy that this coast was asia and that cuba was asia might, indeed, have led to the transfer to it at one time of the names which columbus had placed along the north coast of his supposed peninsular cuba; but that proves a misplacement of the names, and not a creation of the coast. for a while this continental land was backed up on the maps against a meridian scale, which hid the secret of its western limits, and left it a possible segment of asia. then it stood out alone with a north and southwestern line, but with asia beyond, just as if it were no part of it, and this delineation was common even while there was a division of geographical belief as to north america and asia being one. [sidenote: cuba an island.] the fact that cuba, in the drafting of the la cosa and cantino maps, is represented as an island has at times been held to signify that the views of columbus respecting its peninsular rather than its insular character were not wholly shared by his contemporaries. that foolish act by which, under penalty, the admiral forced his crew to swear that it was a part of the main might well imply that he expected his assertions would be far from acceptable to other cosmographers. if varnhagen's opinion as to the track of vespucius in his voyage of 1497, following the contour of the gulf of mexico, be accepted as knowledge of the time, the insularity of cuba was necessarily proved even at that early day; but it is the opinion of henry stevens, as has been already shown, that the green outline of the western parts of cuba in la cosa's chart was only the conventional way of expressing an uncertain coast. consequently it did not imply insularity. if it is to be supposed that the portuguese had a similar method of expressing uncertainties of coast, they did not employ it in the cantino map, and cuba in 1502 is unmistakably an island. it is, moreover, sufficiently like the cuba of la cosa to show it was drawn from one and the same prototype. if the maker of the cantino map followed la cosa, or a copy of la cosa, or the material from which la cosa worked, there is no proof that he ever suspected the peninsularity of cuba. * * * * * [sidenote: columbus looking on at other explorations.] columbus, in his hours of neglect, and amid his unheeded pleas for recognition, during these two grewsome years in spain, may never have comprehended in their full significance these active efforts of the portuguese to anticipate his own hopes of a western passage beyond the golden chersonesus; but the doings of mendoza, cristobal guerra, and other fellow-subjects of spain were not wholly unknown to him. [sidenote: 1500. october. bastidas's expedition.] in october, 1500, and before columbus knew just what his reception in spain was going to be, rodrigo de bastidas, accompanied by la cosa and vasco nuñez balboa, sailed from cadiz on an expedition that had for its object to secure to the crown one quarter of the profits, and to make an examination of the coast line beyond the bay of venezuela, in order that it might be made sure that no channel to an open sea lay beyond. the two caravels followed the shore to nombre de dios, and at the narrowest part of the isthmus, without suspecting their nearness to the longed-for sea, the navigators turned back. finding their vessels unseaworthy, for the worms had riddled their bottoms, they sought a harbor in española, near which their vessels foundered after they had saved a part of their lading. a little later, this gave bobadilla a chance to arrest the commander for illicit trade with the natives. this transaction was nothing more, apparently, than the barter of trinkets for provisions, as he was leading his men across the island to the settlements. [sidenote: portuguese and english in these regions.] it was while with bastidas, in 1501-2, that la cosa reports seeing the portuguese prowling about the caribbean and mexican waters, seeking for a passage to calicut. it was while on a mission of remonstrance to lisbon that la cosa was later arrested and imprisoned, and remained till august, 1504, a prisoner in portugal. [sidenote: 1502. january. ojeda's voyage.] we have seen that in 1499 ojeda had met or heard of english vessels on the coast of terra firma, or professed that he had. the spanish government, suspecting they were but precursors of others who might attempt to occupy the coast, determined on thwarting such purposes, if possible, by anticipating occupation. ojeda was given the power to lead thither a colony, if he could do it without cost to the crown, which reserved a due share of his profits. he obtained the assistance of juan de vegara and garcia de ocampo, and with this backing he sailed with four ships from cadiz in january, 1502, while columbus was preparing his own little fleet for his last voyage. it was a venture, however, that came to naught. the natives, under ample provocation, proved hostile, food was lacking, the leaders quarreled, and the partners of ojeda, combining, overpowered (may, 1502) their leader, and sent him a prisoner to española, where he arrived in september, 1502. [sidenote: english in the west indies.] there has never been any clear definition as to who these englishmen were, or what was their project, during these earliest years of the sixteenth century. there is evidence that henry vii. about this time authorized some ventures in which his countrymen were joint sharers with the portuguese, but we know nothing further of the regions visited than that the privy purse expenses show how some bristol men received a gratuity for having been at the "newefounde launde." there is also a vague notion to be formed from an old entry that sebastian cabot himself again visited this region in 1503, and brought home three of the natives,--to say nothing of additional even vaguer suspicions of other ventures of the english at this time. * * * * * in enumerating the ocean movements that were now going on, some intimation has been given of the tiresome expectancy of something better which was intermittently beguiling the spirits of columbus during the eighteen months that he remained in spain. it is necessary to trace his unhappy life in some detail, though the particulars are not abundant. [sidenote: columbus's life in spain. 1500-1502.] ferdinand had not been unobservant of all these expeditionary movements, and they were quite as threatening to the spanish supremacy in the new world as his own personal defection was to the dejected admiral. it had become very clear that by tying his own hands, as he had in the compact which columbus was urging to have observed, the king had allowed opportunities to pass by which he could profit through the newly aroused enthusiasm of the seaports. [sidenote: ferdinand allows other expeditions.] we have seen that he had, nevertheless, through fonseca sanctioned the expeditions of ojeda, pinzon, and others, and had notably in that of niño got large profits for the exchequer. he had done this in defiance of the vested rights of columbus, and there is little doubt that to bring columbus into disgrace by the loss of his admiral's power served in part to open the field of discovery more as ferdinand wished. with the viceroy dethroned and become a waiting suitor, there was little to stay ferdinand's ambition in sending out other explorers. his experience had taught him to allow no stipulations on which explorers could found exorbitant demands upon the booty and profit of the ventures. anybody could sail westward now, and there was no longer the courage of conviction required to face an unknown sea and find an opposite shore. columbus, who had shown the way, was now easily cast off as a useless pilot. it was not difficult for the king to frame excuses when columbus urged his reinstatement. there was no use in sending back an unpopular viceroy before the people of the colony had been quieted. give them time. it might be seasonable enough to send to them their old master when they had forgotten their misfortunes under him. perhaps a better man than bobadilla could be found to still the commotions, and if so he might be sent. in the face of all this and the king's determination, columbus could do nothing but acquiesce, and so he gradually made up his mind to bide his time once more. it was not a new discipline for him. [sidenote: bobadilla's rule in española.] it was clear from the intelligence which was reaching spain that bobadilla would have to be superseded. freed from the restraints which had created so much complaint during the rule of columbus, and even courted with offers of indulgence, the miserable colony at española readily degenerated from bad to worse. the new governor had hoped to find that a lack of constraint would do for the people what an excess of it had failed to do. he erred in his judgment, and let the colony slip beyond his control. licentiousness was everywhere. the only exaction he required was the tribute of gold. he reduced the proportion which must be surrendered to the crown from a third to an eleventh, but he so apportioned the labor of the natives to the colonists that the yield of gold grew rapidly, and became more with the tax an eleventh than it had been when it was a third. this inhuman degradation of the poor natives had become an organized misery when, a little later, las casas arrived in the colony, and he depicts the baleful contrasts of the indians and their attractive island. gold was potent, but it was not potent enough to keep bobadilla in his place. the representations of the agony of life among the natives were so harrowing that it was decided to send a new governor at once. [sidenote: ovando sent to española.] the person selected was nicholas de ovando, a man of whom las casas, who went out with him, gives a high character for justice, sobriety, and graciousness. perhaps he deserved it. the sympathizers with columbus find it hard to believe such praise. ovando was commissioned as governor over all the continental and insular domains, then acquired or thereafter to be added to the crown in the new world. he was to have his capital at santo domingo. he was deputed, with about as much authority as bobadilla had had, to correct abuses and punish delinquents, and was to take one third of all gold so far stored up, and one half of what was yet to be gathered. he was to monopolize all trade for the crown. he was to segregate the colonists as much as possible in settlements. no supplies were to be allowed to the people unless they got them through the royal factor. new efforts were to be made through some franciscans, who accompanied ovando, to convert the indians. the natives were to be made to work in the mines as hired servants, paid by the crown. [sidenote: negro slaves to be introduced.] it had already become evident that such labor as the mining of gold required was too exhausting for the natives, and the death-rate among them was such that eyes were already opened to the danger of extermination. by a sophistry which suited a sixteenth-century christian, the existence of this poor race was to be prolonged by introducing the negro race from africa, to take the heavier burden of the toil, because it was believed they would die more slowly under the trial. so it was royally ordered that slaves, born of africans, in spain, might be carried to española. the promise of columbus's letter to sanchez was beginning to prove delusive. it was going to require the degradation of two races instead of one. that was all! [sidenote: 1501. columbus's property restored.] [sidenote: his factor.] to assuage the smart of all this forcible deprivation of his power, columbus was apprised that under a royal order of september 27, 1501, ovando would see to the restitution of any property of his which bobadilla had appropriated, and that the admiral was to be allowed to send a factor in the fleet to look after his interests under the articles which divided the gold and treasure between him and the crown. to this office of factor columbus appointed alonso sanchez de carvajal. [sidenote: ovando's fleet.] [sidenote: 1502. february 3. it sails.] the pomp and circumstance of the fleet were like a biting sarcasm to the poor admiral. one might expect he could have no high opinions of its pilots, for we find him writing to the sovereigns, on february 6, a letter laying before them certain observations on the art of navigation, in which he says: "there will be many who will desire to sail to the discovered islands; and if the way is known those who have had experience of it may safest traverse it." perhaps he meant to imply that better pilots were more important than much parade. he in his most favored time had never been fitted out with a fleet of thirty sail, so many of them large ships. he had never carried out so many cavaliers, nor so large a proportion of such persons of rank, as made a shining part of the 2,500 souls now embarked. he could contrast his franciscan gown and girdle of rope with ovando's brilliant silks and brocades which the sovereigns authorized him to wear. there was more state in the new governor's bodyguard of twenty-two esquires, mounted and foot, than columbus had ever dreamed of in santo domingo. instead of vile convicts there were respectable married men with their families, the guaranty of honorable living. so that when the fleet went to sea, february 13, 1502, there were hopes that a right method of founding a colony on family life had at last found favor. [sidenote: 1502. april. reaches santo domingo.] the vessels very soon encountered a gale, in which one ship foundered, and from the deck-loads which were thrown over from the rest and floated to the shore it was for a long time apprehended that the fleet had suffered much more severely. a single ship was all that failed finally to reach santo domingo about the middle of april, 1502. let us turn now to columbus himself. he had not failed, as we have said, to reach something like mental quiet in the conviction that he could expect nothing but neglect for the present. so his active mind engaged in those visionary and speculative trains of thought wherein, when his body was weary and his spirits harried, he was prone to find relief. [sidenote: columbus's _libros de las proficias_.] he set himself to the composition of a maundering and erratic paper, which, under the title of _libros de las proficias_, is preserved in the biblioteca colombina at seville. the manuscript, however, is not in the handwriting of columbus, and no one has thought it worth while to print the whole of it. [sidenote: isaiah's prophecy.] [sidenote: conquest of the holy land.] in it there is evidence of his study, with the assistance of a carthusian friar, of the bible and of the early fathers of the church, and it shows, as his letter to juan's nurse had shown, how he had at last worked himself into the belief that all his early arguments for the westward passage were vain; that he had simply been impelled by something that he had not then suspected; and that his was but a predestined mission to make good what he imagined was the prophecy of isaiah in the apocalypse. this having been done, there was something yet left to be accomplished before the anticipated eclipse of all earthly things came on, and that was the conquest of the holy land, for which he was the appointed leader. he addressed this driveling exposition, together with an urgent appeal for the undertaking of the crusade, to ferdinand and isabella, but without convincing them that such a self-appointed instrument of god was quite worthy of their employment. [sidenote: end of the world.] the great catastrophe of the world's end was, as columbus calculated, about 155 years away. he based his estimate upon an opinion of st. augustine that the world would endure for 7,000 years; and upon king alfonso's reckoning that nearly 5,344 years had passed when christ appeared. the 1,501 years since made the sum 6,845, leaving out of the 7,000 the 155 years of his belief. [sidenote: defeated by satan.] he also fancied, or professed to believe, in a letter which he subsequently wrote to the pope, that the present deprivation of his titles and rights was the work of satan, who came to see that the success of columbus in the indies would be only a preparation for the admiral's long-vaunted recovery of the holy land. the spanish government meanwhile knew, and they had reason to know, that their denial of his prerogatives had quite as much to do with other things as with a legion of diabolical powers. unfortunately for columbus, neither they nor the pope were inclined to act on any interpretation of fate that did not include a civil policy of justice and prosperity. [sidenote: his geographical whimsies.] [sidenote: would seek a passage westerly through the caribbean sea.] [sidenote: columbus misunderstands the currents.] these visions of columbus were harmless, and served to beguile him with pious whimsies. but the mood did not last. he next turned to his old geographical problems. the portuguese were searching north and south for the passage that would lead to some indefinite land of spices, and afford a new way to reach the trade with calicut and the moluccas, which at this time, by the african route, was pouring wealth into the portuguese treasury in splendid contrast to the scant return from the spanish indies. he harbored a belief that a better passage might yet be found beyond the caribbean sea. la cosa, in placing that vignette of st. christopher and the infant christ athwart the supposed juncture of asia and south america, had eluded the question, not solved it. columbus would now go and attack the problem on the spot. his expectation to find a desired opening in that direction was based on physical phenomena, but in fact on only partial knowledge of them. he had been aware of the strong currents which set westward through the caribbean sea, and he had found them still flowing west when he had reached the limit of his exploration of the southern coast of cuba. bastidas, who had just pushed farther west on the main coast, had turned back while the currents were still flowing on, along what seemed an endless coast beyond. bastidas did not arrive in spain till some months after columbus had sailed, for he was detained a prisoner in española at this time. some tidings of his experiences may have reached spain, however, or the admiral may not have got his confirmation of these views till he found that voyager at santo domingo, later. columbus had believed cuba to be another main, confining this onward waste of waters to the south of it. [sidenote: gulf stream.] it was clear to him that such currents must find an outlet to the west, and if found, such a passage would carry him on to the sea that washed the golden chersonesus. he indeed died without knowing the truth. this same current, deflected about honduras and yucatan, sweeps by a northerly circuit round the great gulf of mexico, and, passing out by the cape of florida, flows northward in what we now call the gulf stream. there is nothing in all the efforts of the canonizers more absurdly puerile than de lorgues's version of the way in which columbus came to believe in this strait. he had a vision, and saw it! the only difficulty in the matter was that the poor admiral was so ecstatic in his hallucination that he mistook the narrowness of an isthmus for the narrowness of a strait! [sidenote: a convenient relief to ferdinand to send columbus on such a search.] [sidenote: 1501. columbus prepares to equip his ships.] [sidenote: 1502. february. columbus writes to the pope.] the proposition of such a search was not inopportune in the eyes of ferdinand. there were those about the court who thought it unwise to give further employment to a man who was degraded from his honors; but to the king it was a convenient way of removing a persistent and active-minded complainant from the vicinity of the court, to send him on some quest or other, and no one could tell but there was some truth in his new views. it was worth while to let him try. so once again, by the royal permission, columbus set himself to work equipping a little fleet. it was the autumn of 1501 when he appeared in seville with the sovereign's commands. he varied his work of preparing the ships with spending some part of his time on his treatise on the prophecies, while a friar named gaspar gorricio helped him in the labor. early in 1502 he had got it into shape to present to the sovereigns, and in february he wrote the letter to pope alexander vii. which has already been mentioned. [sidenote: forbidden to touch at española.] as the preparations went on, he began to think of española, and how he might perhaps be allowed to touch there; but orders were given to him forbidding it on the outward passage, though suffering it on the return, for it was hoped by that time that the disorders of the island would be suppressed. it was arranged that the adelantado and his own son ferdinand should accompany him, and some interpreters learned in arabic were put on board, in case his success put him in contact with the people of the great khan. the suspension of his rights lay heavily on his mind, and early in march, 1502, he ventured to refer to the subject once more in a letter to the sovereigns. they replied, march 14, in some instructions which they sent from valencia de torre, advising him to keep his mind at ease, and leave such things to the care of his son diego. they assured him that in due time the proper restitution of all would be made, and that he must abide the time. [sidenote: 1502. january 5. columbus's care to preserve his titles, etc.] he had already taken steps to secure a perpetuity of the record of his honors and deeds, if nothing else could be permanent. it was at seville, january 5, 1502, that columbus, appearing before a notary in his own house, attested that series of documents respecting his titles and prerogatives which are so religiously preserved at genoa. these papers, as we have seen, were copies which columbus had lately secured from the documents in the spanish admiralty, among which he was careful to include the revocation of june 2, 1497, of the licenses which, much to columbus's annoyance, had been granted in 1495, to allow others than himself to explore in the new regions. we may not wonder at this, but we can hardly conjecture why a transaction of his which had caused as much as anything his wrongs, mortification, and the loss of his dignities should have been as assiduously preserved. these are the royal orders which enabled columbus, at his request, to fill up his colony with unshackled convicts. this he might as well have let the world forget. the royal order requiring bobadilla or his successor to restore all the sequestered property of columbus, and the new declaration of his rights, he might well have been anxious to preserve. [sidenote: columbus and the bank of st. george.] there was one other act to be done which lay upon his mind, now that the time of sailing approached. he wished to make provision that his heirs should be able to confer some favor on his native city, and he directed that investments should be made for that purpose in the bank of st. george at genoa. he then notified the managers of that bank of his intention in a letter which is so characteristic of his moods of dementation that it is here copied as harrisse translates it:-high noble lords:--although the body walks about here, the heart is constantly over there. our lord has conferred on me the greatest favor to any one since david. the results of my undertaking already appear, and would shine greatly were they not concealed by the blindness of the government. i am going again to the indies under the auspices of the holy trinity, soon to return; and since i am mortal, i leave it with my son diego that you receive every year, forever, one tenth of the entire revenue, such as it may be, for the purpose of reducing the tax upon corn, wine, and other provisions. if that tenth amounts to something, collect it. if not, take at least the will for the deed. i beg of you to entertain regard for the son i have recommended to you. nicolo de oderigo knows more about my own affairs than i do myself, and i have sent him the transcripts of any privileges and letters for safe-keeping. i should be glad if you could see them. my lords, the king and queen endeavor to honor me more than ever. may the holy trinity preserve your noble persons and increase your most magnificent house. done in sevilla, on the second day of april, 1502. the chief admiral of the ocean, viceroy and governor-general of the islands and continent of asia and the indies, of my lords, the king and queen, their captain-general of the sea, and of their council. .s. .s.a.s. x m y [greek: chr~o] ferens. [sidenote: 1502. december 8. the bank's reply.] the letter was handed by columbus to a genoese banker, then in spain, francisco de rivarolla, who forwarded it to oderigo; but as this ambassador was then on his way to spain, harrisse conjectures that he did not receive the letter till his return to genoa, for the reply of the bank is dated december 8, 1502, long after columbus had sailed. this response was addressed to diego, and inclosed a letter to the admiral. the great affection and good will of columbus towards "his first country" gratified them inexpressibly, as they said to the son; and to the father they acknowledged the act of his intentions to be "as great and extraordinary as that which has been recorded about any man in the world, considering that by your own skill, energy, and prudence, you have discovered such a considerable portion of this earth and sphere of the lower world, which during so many years past and centuries had remained unknown to its inhabitants." the letter of columbus to the bank remained on the files of that institution--a single sheet of paper, written on one side only, and pierced in the centre for the thread of the file--undiscovered till the archivist of the bank, attracted by the indorsement, m d ii, epla d. admirati don xrophori columbi, identified it in 1829, when, at the request of the authorities of genoa, it was transferred to the keeping of its archivists. it is to be seen at the city hall, to-day, placed between two glass plates, so that either side of the paper can be read. chapter xix. the fourth voyage. 1502-1504. [sidenote: 1502. march. columbus commanded to sail.] [sidenote: may 9-11. sailed.] their majesties, in march, 1502, were evidently disturbed at columbus's delays in sailing, since such detentions brought to them nothing but the admiral's continued importunities. they now instructed him to sail without the least delay. nevertheless, columbus, who had given out, as trivigiano reports, that he expected his discoveries on this voyage to be more surprising and helpful than any yet made, his purpose being, in fact, to circumnavigate the globe, did not sail from cadiz till may 9 or 11, 1502,--the accounts vary. he had four caravels, from fifty to seventy tons each, and they carried in all not over one hundred and fifty men. [sidenote: his instructions.] apparently not forgetting the admiral's convenient reservation respecting the pearls in his third voyage, their majesties in their instructions particularly enjoined upon him that all gold and other precious commodities which he might find should be committed at once to the keeping of françois de porras, who was sent with him to the end that the sovereigns might have trustworthy evidence in his accounts of the amount received. equally mindful of earlier defections, their further instructions also forbade the taking of any slaves. [sidenote: the physical and mental condition of columbus.] years had begun to rest heavily on the frame of columbus. his constitution had been strained by long exposures, and his spirits had little elasticity left. hope, to be sure, had not altogether departed from his ardent nature; but it was a hope that had experienced many reverses, and its pinions were clipped. there was still in him no lack of mental vitality; but his reason had lost equipoise, and his discernment was clouded with illusory visions. there was the utmost desire at this time on the part of their majesties that no rupture should break the friendly relations which were sustained with the portuguese court, and it had been arranged that, in case columbus should fall in with any portuguese fleet, there should be the most civil interchange of courtesies. the spanish monarchs had also given orders, since word had come of the moors besieging a portuguese post on the african coast, that columbus should first go thither and afford the garrison relief. [sidenote: columbus stops on the african coast.] [sidenote: 1502. may. at the canaries.] it was found, on reaching that african harbor on the 15th, that the moors had departed. so, with no longer delay than to exchange civilities, he lifted anchor on the same day and put to sea. it was while he was at the canaries, may 20-25, taking in wood and water, that columbus wrote to his devoted gorricio a letter, which navarrete preserves. "now my voyage will be made in the name of the holy trinity," he says, "and i hope for success." [sidenote: 1502. june 15. reaches martinico.] there is little to note on the voyage, which had been a prosperous one, and on june 15 he reached martinino (martinico). he himself professes to have been but twenty days between cadiz and martinino, but the statement seems to have been confused, with his usual inaccuracy. he thence pushed leisurely along over much the same track which he had pursued on his second voyage, till he steered finally for santo domingo. [sidenote: determines to go to española.] it will be recollected that the royal orders issued to him before leaving spain were so far at variance with columbus's wishes that he was denied the satisfaction of touching at española. there can be little question as to the wisdom of an injunction which the admiral now determined to disregard. his excuse was that his principal caravel was a poor sailer, and he thought he could commit no mistake in insuring greater success for his voyage by exchanging at that port this vessel for a better one. he forgot his own treatment of ojeda when he drove that adventurer from the island, where, to provision a vessel whose crew was starving, ojeda dared to trench on his government. when we view this pretense for thrusting himself upon an unwilling community in the light of his unusually quick and prosperous voyage and his failure to make any mention of his vessel's defects when he wrote from the canaries, we can hardly avoid the conclusion that his determination to call at española was suddenly taken. his whole conduct in the matter looks like an obstinate purpose to carry his own point against the royal commands, just as he had tried to carry it against the injunctions respecting the making of slaves. we must remember this when we come to consider the later neglect on the part of the king. we must remember, also, the considerate language with which the sovereigns had conveyed this injunction: "it is not fit that you should lose so much time; it is much fitter that you should go another way; though if it appears necessary, and god is willing, you may stay there a little while on your return." roselly de lorgues, with his customary disingenuousness, merely says that columbus came to santo domingo, to deliver letters with which he was charged, and to exchange one of his caravels. [sidenote: 1502. june 29. columbus arrives off santo domingo.] [sidenote: columbus forbidden to enter the harbor.] it was the 29th of june when the little fleet of columbus arrived off the port. he sent in one of his commanders to ask permission to shelter his ships, and the privilege of negotiating for another caravel, since, as he says, "one of his ships had become unseaworthy and could no longer carry sail." his request came to ovando, who was now in command. this governor had left spain in february, only a month before columbus received his final instructions, and there can be little doubt that he had learned from fonseca that those instructions would enjoin columbus not to complicate in any way ovando's assumption of command by approaching his capital. las casas seems to imply this. however it may be, ovando was amply qualified by his own instructions to do what he thought the circumstances required. columbus represented that a storm was coming on, or rather the _historie_ tells us that he did. it is to be remarked that columbus himself makes no such statement. at all events, word was sent back to columbus by his boat that he could not enter the harbor. irving calls this an "ungracious refusal," and it turned out that later events have opportunely afforded the apologists for the admiral the occasion to point a moral to his advantage, particularly since columbus, if we may believe the doubtful story, confident of his prognostications, had again sent word that the fleet lying in the harbor, ready to sail, would go out at great peril in view of an impending storm. it seems to be quite uncertain if at the time his crew had any knowledge of his reasons for nearing española, or of his being denied admittance to the port. at least porras, from the way he describes the events, leaves one to make such an inference. [sidenote: ovando's fleet.] [sidenote: bobadilla, roldan, and others on the fleet.] [sidenote: columbus's factor had placed his gold on one of the ships.] this fleet in the harbor was that which had brought ovando, and was now laden for the return. there was on board of it, as columbus might have learned from his messengers, the man of all men whom he most hated, bobadilla, who had gracefully yielded the power to ovando two months before, and of whom las casas, who was then fresh in his inquisitive seeking after knowledge respecting the indies and on the spot, could not find that any one spoke ill. on the same ship was columbus's old rebellious and tergiversating companion, roldan, whose conduct had been in these two months examined, and who was now to be sent to spain for further investigations. there was also embarked, but in chains, the unfortunate cacique of the vega, guarionex, to be made a show of in seville. the lading of the ships was the most wonderful for wealth that had ever been sent from the island. there was the gold which bobadilla had collected, including a remarkable nugget which an indian woman had picked up in a brook, and a large quantity which roldan and his friends were taking on their own account, as the profit of their separate enterprises. carvajal, whom columbus had sent out with ovando as his factor, to look after his pecuniary interests under the provisions which the royal commands had made, had also placed in one of the caravels four thousand pieces of the same precious metal, the result of the settlement of ovando with bobadilla, and the accretions of the admiral's share of the crown's profits. [sidenote: ovando's fleet puts to sea and is wrecked;] undismayed by the warnings of columbus, this fleet at once put to sea, the admiral's little caravels having meanwhile crept under the shore at a distance to find such shelter as they could. the larger fleet stood homeward, and was scarcely off the easterly end of española when a furious hurricane burst upon it. the ship which carried bobadilla, roldan, and guarionex succumbed and went down. [sidenote: but ship with columbus's gold is saved.] others foundered later. some of the vessels managed to return to santo domingo in a shattered condition. a single caravel, it is usually stated, survived the shock, so that it alone could proceed on the voyage; and if the testimony is to be believed, this was the weakest of them all, but she carried the gold of columbus. among the caravels which put back to santo domingo for repairs was one on which bastidas was going to spain for trial. this one arrived at cadiz in september, 1502. [sidenote: columbus's ships weather the gale.] the ships of columbus had weathered the gale. that of the admiral, by keeping close in to land, had fared best. the others, seeking sea-room, had suffered more. they lost sight of each other, however, during the height of the gale; but when it was over, they met together at port hermoso, at the westerly end of the island. the gale is a picture over which the glow of a retributive justice, under the favoring dispensation of chance, is so easily thrown by sympathetic writers that the effusions of the sentimentalists have got to stand at last for historic verity. de lorgues does not lose the opportunity to make the most of it. [sidenote: 1502. july 14. columbus sails away.] [sidenote: july 30. at guanaja.] [sidenote: meets a strange canoe.] columbus, having lingered about the island to repair his ships and refresh his crews, and also to avoid a second storm, did not finally get away till july 14, when he steered directly for terra firma. the currents perplexed him, and, as there was little wind, he was swept west further than he expected. he first touched at some islands near jamaica. thence he proceeded west a quarter southwest, for four days, without seeing land, as porras tells us, when, bewildered, he turned to the northwest, and then north. but finding himself (july 24) in the archipelago near cuba, which on his second voyage he had called the gardens, he soon after getting a fair wind (july 27) stood southwest, and on july 30 made a small island, off the northern coast of honduras, called guanaja by the natives, and isla de pinos by himself. he was now in sight of the mountains of the mainland. the natives struck him as of a physical type different from all others whom he had seen. a large canoe, eight feet beam, and of great length, though made of a single log, approached with still stranger people in it. [sidenote: on the honduras coast.] they had apparently come from a region further north; and under a canopy in the waist of the canoe sat a cacique with his dependents. the boat was propelled by five and twenty men with paddles. it carried various articles to convince columbus that he had found a people more advanced in arts than those of the regions earlier discovered. they had with them copper implements, including hatchets, bells, and the like. he saw something like a crucible in which metal had been melted. their wooden swords were jagged with sharp flints, their clothes were carefully made, their utensils were polished and handy. columbus traded off some trinkets for such specimens as he wanted. if he now had gone in the direction from which this marvelous canoe had come, he might have thus early opened the wondrous world of yucatan and mexico, and closed his career with more marvels yet. his beatific visions, which he supposed were leading him under the will of the deity, led him, however, south. the delusive strait was there. he found an old man among the indians, whom he kept as a guide, since the savage could draw a sort of chart of the coast. he dismissed the rest with presents, after he had wrested from them what he wanted. approaching the mainland, near the present cape of honduras, the adelantado landed on sunday, august 14, and mass was celebrated in a grove near the beach. again, on the 17th, bartholomew landed some distance eastward of the first spot, and here, by a river (rio de la posesion, now rio tinto), he planted the castilian banner and formally took possession of the country. the indians were friendly, and there was an interchange of provisions and trinkets. the natives were tattooed, and they had other customs, such as the wearing of cotton jackets, and the distending of their ears by rings, which were new to the spaniards. [sidenote: seeking a strait.] [sidenote: columbus oppressed with the gout.] [illustration: bellin's honduras.] tracking the coast still eastward, columbus struggled against the current, apparently without reasoning that he might be thus sailing away from the strait, so engrossed was he with the thought that such a channel must be looked for farther south. his visions had not helped him to comprehend the sweep of waters that would disprove his mock oaths of the cuban coast. so he wore ship constantly against the tempest and current, and crawled with bewildered expectation along the shore. all this tacking tore his sails, racked his caravels, and wore out his seamen. the men were in despair, and confessed one another. some made vows of penance, if their lives were preserved. columbus was himself wrenched with the gout, and from a sort of pavilion, which covered his couch on the quarter deck, he kept a good eye on all they encountered. "the distress of my son," he says, "grieved me to the soul, and the more when i considered his tender age; for he was but thirteen years old, and he enduring so much toil for so long a time." "my brother," he adds further, "was in the ship that was in the worst condition and the most exposed to danger; and my grief on this account was the greater that i brought him with me against his will." [sidenote: 1502. september. cape gracios à dios.] [sidenote: loses a boat's crew.] [sidenote: 1502. september 25. the garden.] it was no easy work to make the seventy leagues from cape honduras to cape gracios à dios, and the bestowal of this name denoted his thankfulness to god, when, after forty days of this strenuous endeavor, his caravels were at last able to round the cape, on september 12 (or 14). a seaboard stretching away to the south lay open before him,--now known as the mosquito coast. the current which sets west so persistently here splits and sends a branch down this coast. so with a "fair wind and tide," as he says, they followed its varied scenery of crag and lowland for more than sixty leagues, till they discovered a great flow of water coming out of a river. it seemed to offer an opportunity to replenish their casks and get some store of wood. on the 16th of september, they anchored, and sent their boats to explore. a meeting of the tide and the river's flow raised later a tumultuous sea at the bar, just as the boats were coming out. the men were unable to surmount the difficulty, and one of the boats was lost, with all on board. columbus recorded their misfortune in the name which he gave to the river, el rio del desastre. still coasting onward, on september 25 they came to an alluring roadstead between an island and the main, where there was everything to enchant that verdure and fragrance could produce. he named the spot the garden (la huerta). here, at anchor, they had enough to occupy them for a day or two in restoring the damage of the tempest, and in drying their stores, which had been drenched by the unceasing downpour of the clouds. the natives watched them from the shore, and made a show of their weapons. the spaniards remaining inactive, the savages grew more confident of the pacific intent of their visitors, and soon began swimming off to the caravels. columbus tried the effect of largesses, refusing to barter, and made gifts of the spanish baubles. such gratuities, however, created distrust, and every trinket was returned. [sidenote: character of the natives.] two young girls had been sent on board as hostages, while the spaniards were on shore getting water; but even they were stripped of their spanish finery when restored to their friends, and every bit of it was returned to the givers. there seem to be discordant statements by columbus and in the _historie_ respecting these young women, and columbus gives them a worse character than his chronicler. when the adelantado went ashore with a notary, and this official displayed his paper and inkhorn, it seemed to strike the wondering natives as a spell. they fled, and returned with something like a censer, from which they scattered the smoke as if to disperse all baleful spirits. these unaccustomed traits of the natives worked on the superstitions of the spaniards. they began to fancy they had got within an atmosphere of sorceries, and columbus, thinking of the two indian maiden hostages, was certain there was a spell of witchcraft about them, and he never quite freed his mind of this necromantic ghost. the old indian whom columbus had taken for a guide when first he touched the coast, having been set ashore at cape gracios à dios, enriched with presents, columbus now seized seven of this new tribe, and selecting two of the most intelligent as other guides, he let the rest go. the seizure was greatly resented by the tribe, and they sent emissaries to negotiate for the release of the captives, but to no effect. [sidenote: 1502. october. cariari.] [sidenote: gold sought at veragua.] departing on october 5 from the region which the natives called cariari, and where the fame of columbus is still preserved in the bahia del almirante, the explorers soon found the coast trending once more towards the east. they were tracking what is now known as the shore of costa rica. they soon entered the large and island-studded caribaro bay. here the spaniards were delighted to find the natives wearing plates of gold as ornaments. they tried to traffic for them, but the indians were loath to part with their treasures. the natives intimated that there was much more of this metal farther on at a place called veragua. so the ships sailed on, october 17, and reached that coast. the spaniards came to a river; but the natives sent defiance to them in the blasts of their conch-shells, while they shook at them their lances. entering the tide, they splashed the water towards their enemies, in token of contempt. columbus's indian guides soon pacified them, and a round of barter followed, by which seventeen of their gold disks were secured for three hawks' bells. the intercourse ended, however, in a little hostile bout, during which the spanish crossbows and lombards soon brought the savages to obedience. [illustration: bellini's veragua.] [sidenote: ciguare.] [sidenote: at the isthmus.] still the caravels went on. the same scene of startled natives, in defiant attitude, soon soothed by the trinkets was repeated everywhere. in one place the spaniards found what they had never seen before, a wall laid of stone and lime, and columbus began to think of the civilized east again. coast peoples are always barbarous, as he says; but it is the inland people who are rich. as he passed along this coast of veragua, as the name has got to be written, though his notary at the time caught the indian pronunciation as cobraba, his interpreters pointed out its villages, and the chief one of all; and when they had passed on a little farther they told him he was sailing beyond the gold country. columbus was not sure but they were trying to induce him to open communication again with the shore, to offer chances for their escape. the seeker of the strait could not stop for gold. his vision led him on to that marvelous land of ciguare, of which these successive native tribes told him, situated ten days inland, and where the people reveled in gold, sailed in ships, and conducted commerce in spices and other precious commodities. the women there were decked, so they said, with corals and pearls. "i should be content," he says, "if a tithe of this which i hear is true." he even fancied, from all he could understand of their signs and language, that these ciguare people were as terrible in war as the spaniards, and rode on beasts. "they also say that the sea surrounds ciguare, and that ten days' journey from thence is the river ganges." humboldt seems to think that in all this columbus got a conception of that great western ocean which was lying so much nearer to him than he supposed. it may be doubted if it was quite so clear to columbus as humboldt thinks; but there is good reason to believe that columbus imagined this wonderful region of ciguare was half-way to the ganges. if, as his canonizers fondly suppose, he had not mistaken in his visions an isthmus for a strait, he might have been prompted to cross the slender barrier which now separated him from his goal. [sidenote: 1502. november 2.] [sidenote: porto bello.] [sidenote: nombre de dios.] on the 2d of november, the ships again anchored in a spacious harbor, so beautiful in its groves and fruits, and with such deep water close to the shore, that columbus gave it the name of puerto bello (porto bello),--an appellation which has never left it. it rained for seven days while they lay here, doing nothing but trading a little with the natives for provisions. the indians offered no gold, and hardly any was seen. starting once more, the spaniards came in sight of the cape known since as nombre de dios, but they were thwarted for a while in their attempts to pass it. they soon found a harbor, where they stayed till november 23; then going on again, they secured anchorage in a basin so small that the caravels were placed almost beside the shore. columbus was kept here by the weather for nine days. the basking alligators reminded him of the crocodiles of the nile. the natives were uncommonly gentle and gracious, and provisions were plenty. the ease with which the seamen could steal ashore at night began to be demoralizing, leading to indignities at the native houses. the savage temper was at last aroused, and the spanish revelries were brought to an end by an attack on the ships. it ceased, as usual, after a few discharges of the ships' guns. [sidenote: bastidas's exploration of this coast.] columbus had not yet found any deflection of that current which sweeps in this region towards the gulf of mexico. he had struggled against its powerful flow in every stage of his progress along the coast. whether this had brought him to believe that his vision of a strait was delusive does not appear. whether he really knew that he had actually joined his own explorations, going east, to those which bastidas had made from the west is equally unknown, though it is possible he may have got an intimation of celestial and winged monsters from the natives. if he comprehended it, he saw that there could be no strait, this way at least. bastidas, as we have seen, was on board bobadilla's fleet when columbus lay off santo domingo. there is a chance that columbus's messenger who went ashore may have seen him and his charts, and may have communicated some notes of the maps to the admiral. some of the companions of bastidas on his voyage had reached spain before columbus sailed, and there may have been some knowledge imparted in that way. if columbus knew the truth, he did not disclose it. porras, possibly at a later day, seems to have been better informed, or at least he imparts more in his narrative than columbus does. he says he saw in the people of these parts many of the traits of those of the pearl coast at paria, and that the maps, which they possessed, showed that it was to this point that the explorations of ojeda and bastidas had been pushed. [sidenote: columbus turns back.] [sidenote: 1502. december 5.] [sidenote: a gale.] there were other things that might readily have made him turn back, as well as this despair of finding a strait. his crew were dissatisfied with leaving the gold of veragua. his ships were badly bored by the worms, and they had become, from this cause and by reason of the heavy weather which had so mercilessly followed them, more and more unseaworthy. so on december 5, 1502, when he passed out of the little harbor of el retrete, he began a backward course. pretty soon the wind, which had all along faced him from the east, blew strongly from the west, checking him as much going backward as it had in his onward course. it seemed as if the elements were turned against him. the gale was making sport of him, as it veered in all directions. it was indeed a coast of contrasts (la costa de los contrastes), as columbus called it. the lightning streaked the skies continually. the thunder was appalling. for nine days the little ships, strained at every seam, leaking at every point where the tropical sea worm had pierced them, writhed in a struggle of death. at one time a gigantic waterspout formed within sight. the sea surged around its base. the clouds stooped to give it force. it came staggering and lunging towards the fragile barks. the crews exorcised the watery spirit by repeating the gospel of st. john the evangelist, and the crazy column passed on the other side of them. added to their peril through it all were the horrors of an impending famine. their biscuit were revolting because of the worms. they caught sharks for food. [sidenote: 1502. december 17.] [sidenote: bethlehem river.] [sidenote: 1503. january 24.] [sidenote: bartholomew seeks the mines.] at last, on december 17, the fleet reunited,--for they had, during the gales, lost sight of each other,--and entered a harbor, where they found the native cabins built in the tree tops, to be out of the way of griffins, or some other beasts. after further buffeting of the tempests, they finally made a harbor on the coast of veragua, in a river which columbus named santa maria de belen (bethlehem), it being epiphany day; and here at last they anchored two of the caravels on january 9, and the other two on the 10th (1503). columbus had been nearly a month in passing thirty leagues of coast. the indians were at first quieted in the usual way, and some gold was obtained by barter. the spaniards had not been here long, however, when they found themselves (january 24, 1503) in as much danger by the sudden swelling of the river as they had been at sea. it was evidently occasioned by continued falls of rain in distant mountains, which they could see. the caravels were knocked about like cockboats. the admiral's ship snapped a mast. "it rained without ceasing," says the admiral, recording his miseries, "until the 14th of february;" and during the continuance of the storm the adelantado was sent on a boat expedition to ascend the veragua river, three miles along the coast, where he was to search for mines. the party proceeded on february 6 as far as they could in the boats, and then, leaving part of the men for a guard, and taking guides, which the quibian--that being the name, as he says, which they gave to the lord of the country--had provided, they reached a country where the soil to their eyes seemed full of particles of gold. columbus says that he afterwards learned that it was a device of the crafty quibian to conduct them to the mines of a rival chief, while his own were richer and nearer, all of which, nevertheless, did not escape the keen spanish scent for gold. bartholomew made other excursions along the coast; but nowhere did it seem to him that gold was as plenty as at veragua. [sidenote: mines of aurea.] columbus now reverted to his old fancies. he remembered that josephus has described the getting of gold for the temple of jerusalem from the golden chersonesus, and was not this the very spot? "josephus thinks that this gold of the chronicles and the book of kings was found in the aurea," he says. "if it were so, i contend that these mines of the aurea are identical with those of veragua. david in his will left 3,000 quintals of indian gold to solomon, to assist in building the temple, and according to josephus it came from these lands." he had seen, as he says, more promise of gold here in two days than in española in four years. it was very easy now to dwarf his ophir at hayna! those other riches were left to those who had wronged him. the pearls of the paria coast might be the game of the common adventurer. here was the princely domain of the divinely led discoverer, who was rewarded at last! [sidenote: columbus seeks to make a settlement.] a plan was soon made of founding a settlement to hold the region and gain information, while columbus returned to spain for supplies. eighty men were to stay. they began to build houses. they divided the stock of provisions and munitions, and transferred that intended for the colony to one of the caravels, which was to be left with them. particular pains were taken to propitiate the natives by presents, and the quibian was regaled with delicacies and gifts. when this was done, it was found that a dry season had come on, and there was not water enough on the bar to float the returning caravels. [sidenote: diego mendez's exploits.] [sidenote: the quibian taken,] [sidenote: but escapes.] meanwhile the quibian had formed a league to exterminate the intruders. columbus sent a brave fellow, diego mendez, to see what he could learn. he found a force of savages advancing to the attack; but this single spaniard disconcerted them, and they put off the plan. again, with but a single companion, one rodrigo de escobar, mendez boldly went into the quibian's village, and came back alive to tell the admiral of all the preparations for war which he had seen, or which were inferred at least. the news excited the quick spirits of the adelantado, and, following a plan of mendez, he at once started (march 30) with an armed force. he came with such celerity to the cacique's village that the savages were not prepared for their intrusion, and by a rapid artifice he surrounded the lodge of the quibian, and captured him with fifty of his followers. the adelantado sent him, bound hand and foot, and under escort, down the river, in charge of juan sanchez, who rather resented any intimation of the adelantado to be careful of his prisoner. as the boat neared the mouth of the river, her commander yielded to the quibian's importunities to loosen his bonds, when the chief, watching his opportunity, slipped overboard and dove to the bottom. the night was dark, and he was not seen when he came to the surface, and was not pursued. the other prisoners were delivered to the admiral. the adelantado meanwhile had sacked the cacique's cabin, and brought away its golden treasures. [sidenote: 1503. april 6.] [sidenote: the settlement attacked.] columbus, confident that the quibian had been drowned, and that the chastisement which had been given his tribe was a wholesome lesson, began again to arrange for his departure. as the river had risen a little, he succeeded in getting his lightened caravels over the bar, and anchored them outside, where their lading was again put on board. to offer some last injunctions and to get water, columbus, on april 6, sent a boat, in command of diego tristan, to the adelantado, who was to be left in command. when the boat got in, tristan found the settlement in great peril. the quibian, who had reached the shore in safety after his adventure, had quickly organized an attacking party, and had fallen upon the settlement. the savages were fast getting their revenge, for the unequal contest had lasted nearly three hours, when the adelantado and mendez, rallying a small force, rushed so impetuously upon them that, with the aid of a fierce bloodhound, the native host was scattered in a trice. only one spaniard had been killed and eight wounded, including the adelantado; but the rout of the indians was complete. [sidenote: tristan murdered.] it was while these scenes were going on that tristan arrived in his boat opposite the settlement. he dallied till the affair was ended, and then proceeded up the river to get some water. those on shore warned him of the danger of ambuscade; but he persisted. when he had got well beyond the support of the settlement, his boat was beset with a shower of javelins from the overhanging banks on both sides, while a cloud of canoes attacked him front and rear. but a single spaniard escaped by diving, and brought the tale of disaster to his countrymen. the condition of the settlement was now alarming. the indians, encouraged by their success in overcoming the boat, once more gathered to attack the little group of "encroaching spaniards," as columbus could but call them. the houses which sheltered them were so near the thick forest that the savages approached them on all sides under shelter. the woods rang with their yells and with the blasts of their conch-shells. the spaniards got, in their panic, beyond the control of the adelantado. they prepared to take the caravel and leave the river; but it was found she would not float over the bar. they then sought to send a boat to the admiral, lying outside, to prevent his sailing without them; but the current and tide commingling made such a commotion on the bar that no boat could live in the sea. the bodies of tristan and his men came floating down stream, with carrion crows perched upon them at their ghastly feast. it seemed as if nature visited them with premonitions. at last the adelantado brought a sufficient number of men into such a steady mood that they finally constructed out of whatever they could get some sort of a breastwork near the shore, where the ground was open. here they could use their matchlocks and have a clear sweep about them. they placed behind this bulwark two small falconets, and prepared to defend themselves. they were in this condition for four days. their provisions, however, began to run short, and every spaniard who dared to forage was sure to be cut off. their ammunition, too, was not abundant. * * * * * [sidenote: columbus at anchor outside the bar.] meanwhile columbus was in a similar state of anxiety. "the admiral was suffering from a severe fever," he says, "and worn with fatigue." his ships were lying at anchor outside the bar, with the risk of being obliged to put to sea at any moment, to work off a lee shore. tristan's prolonged absence harassed him. another incident was not less ominous. the companions of the quibian were confined on board in the forecastle; and it was the intention to take them to spain as hostages, as it was felt they would be, for the colony left behind. those in charge of them had become careless about securing the hatchway, and one night they failed to chain it, trusting probably to the watchfulness of certain sailors who slept upon the hatch. the savages, finding a footing upon some ballast which they piled up beneath, suddenly threw off the cover, casting the sleeping sailors violently aside, and before the guard could be called the greater part of the prisoners had jumped into the sea and escaped. such as were secured were thrust back, but the next morning it was found that they all had strangled themselves. [sidenote: ledesma's exploit.] after such manifestations of ferocious determination, columbus began to be further alarmed for the safety of his brother's companions and of tristan's. for days a tossing surf had made an impassable barrier between him and the shore. he had but one boat, and he did not dare to risk it in an attempt to land. finally, his sevillian pilot, pedro ledesma, offered to brave the dangers by swimming, if the boat would take him close to the surf. the trial was made; the man committed himself to the surf, and by his strength and skill so surmounted wave after wave that he at length reached stiller water, and was seen to mount the shore. in due time he was again seen on the beach, and plunging in once more, was equally successful in passing the raging waters, and was picked up by the boat. he had a sad tale to tell the admiral. it was a story of insubordination, a powerless adelantado, and a frantic eagerness to escape somehow. ledesma said that the men were preparing canoes to come off to the ships, since their caravel was unable to pass the bar. [sidenote: resolve to abandon the region.] there was long consideration in these hours of disheartenment; but the end of it was a decision to rescue the colony and abandon the coast. the winds never ceased to be high, and columbus's ships, in their weakened condition, were only kept afloat by care and vigilance. the loss of the boat's crew threw greater burdens and strains upon those who were left. it was impossible while the surf lasted to send in his only boat, and quite as impossible for the fragile canoes of his colony to brave the dangers of the bar in coming out. there was nothing for columbus to do but to hold to his anchor as long as he could, and wait. [sidenote: columbus in delirium hears a voice.] our pity for the man is sometimes likely to unfit us to judge his own record. let us try to believe what he says of himself, and watch him in his delirium. "groaning with exhaustion," he says, "i fell asleep in the highest part of the ship, and heard a compassionate voice address me." it bade him be of good cheer, and take courage in the service of god! what the god of all had done for moses and david would be done for him! as we read the long report of this divine utterance, as columbus is careful to record it, we learn that the creator was aware of his servant's name resounding marvelously throughout the earth. we find, however, that the divine belief curiously reflected the confidence of columbus that it was india, and not america, that had been revealed. "remember david," said the voice, "how he was a shepherd, and was made a king. remember abraham, how he was a hundred when he begat isaac, and that there is youth still for the aged." columbus adds that when the voice chided him he wept for his errors, and that he heard it all as in a trance. the obvious interpretation of all this is either that by the record columbus intended a fable to impress the sovereigns, for whom he was writing, or that he was so moved to hallucinations that he believed what he wrote. the hero worship of irving decides the question easily. "such an idea," says irving, referring to the argument of deceit, and forgetting the admiral's partiality for such practices, "is inconsistent with the character of columbus. in recalling a dream, one is unconsciously apt to give it a little coherency." irving's plea is that it was a mere dream, which was mistaken by columbus, in his feverish excitement, for a revelation. "the artless manner," adds that biographer, "in which he mingles the rhapsodies and dreams of his imagination with simple facts and sound practical observations, pouring them forth with a kind of scriptural solemnity and poetry of language, is one of the most striking illustrations of a character richly compounded of extraordinary and apparently contradictory elements." we may perhaps ask, was irving's hero a deceiver, or was he mad? the chances seem to be that the whole vision was simply the product of one of those fits of aberration which in these later years were no strangers to columbus's existence. his mind was not infrequently, amid disappointments and distractions, in no fit condition to ward off hallucination. humboldt speaks of columbus's letter describing this vision as showing the disordered mind of a proud soul weighed down with dead hopes. he has no fear that the strange mixture of force and weakness, of pride and touching humility, which accompanies these secret contortions will ever impress the world with other feelings than those of commiseration. it is a hard thing for any one, seeking to do justice to the agonies of such spirits, to measure them in the calmness of better days. "let those who are accustomed to slander and aspersion ask, while they sit in security at home, why dost thou not do so and so under such circumstances?" says columbus himself. it is far easier to let one's self loose into the vortex and be tossed with sympathy. but if four centuries have done anything for us, they ought to have cleared the air of its mirages. what is pitiable may not be noble. [sidenote: the colony embark.] the voice was, of course, associated in columbus's mind with the good weather which followed. during this a raft was made of two canoes lashed together beneath a platform, and, using this for ferrying, all the stores were floated off safely to the ships, so that in the end nothing was left behind but the decaying and stranded caravel. this labor was done under the direction of diego mendez, whom the admiral rewarded by kissing him on the cheek, and by giving him command of tristan's caravel, which was the admiral's flagship. [sidenote: 1503. april, columbus sails away.] it is a strange commentary on the career and fame of columbus that the name of this disastrous coast should represent him to this day in the title of his descendant, the duke of veragua. never a man turned the prow of his ship from scenes which he would sooner forget, with more sorrow and relief, than columbus, in the latter days of april, 1503, with his enfeebled crews and his crazy hulks, stood away, as he thought, for española. and yet three months later, and almost in the same breath with which he had rehearsed these miseries, with that obliviousness which so often caught his errant mind, he wrote to his sovereigns that "there is not in the world a country, whose inhabitants are more timid; added to which there is a good harbor, a beautiful river, and the whole place is capable of being easily put into a state of defense. your people that may come here, if they should wish to become masters of the products of other lands, will have to take them by force, or retire empty-handed. in this country they will simply have to trust their persons in the hands of a savage." the man was mad. it was easterly that columbus steered when his ships swung round to their destined course. it was not without fear and even indignation that his crews saw what they thought a purpose to sail directly for spain in the sorry plight of the ships. mendez, indeed, who commanded the admiral's own ship, says "they thought to reach spain." the admiral, however, seems to have had two purposes. he intended to run eastward far enough to allow for the currents, when he should finally head for santo domingo. he intended also to disguise as much as he could the route back, for fear that others would avail themselves of his crew's knowledge to rediscover these golden coasts. he remembered how the companions of his paria voyage had led other expeditions to that region of pearls. he is said also to have taken from his crew all their memoranda of the voyage, so that there would be no such aid available to guide others. "none of them can explain whither i went, nor whence i came," he says. "they do not know the way to return thither." [sidenote: at puerto bello.] [sidenote: at the gulf of darien.] [sidenote: 1503. may 10.] [sidenote: may 30. on the cuban coast.] [sidenote: 1503. june 23. reaches jamaica.] by the time he reached puerto bello, one of his caravels had become so weakened by the boring worms that he had to abandon her and crowd his men into the two remaining vessels. his crews became clamorous when he reached the gulf of darien, where he thought it prudent to abandon his easterly course and steer to the north. it was now may 1. he hugged the wind to overcome the currents, but when he sighted some islands to the westward of española, on the 10th, it was evident that the currents had been bearing him westerly all the while. they were still drifting him westerly, when he found himself, on may 30, among the islands on the cuban coast which he had called the gardens. "i had reached," he says in his old delusion, "the province of mago, which is contiguous to that of cathay." here the ships anchored to give the men refreshment. the labor of keeping the vessels free from water had been excessive, and in a secure roadstead it could now be carried on with some respite of toil, if the weather would only hold good. this was not to be, however. a gale ensued in which they lost their anchors. the two caravels, moreover, sustained serious damage by collision. all the anchors of the admiral's ship had gone but one, and though that held, the cable nearly wore asunder. after six days of this stormy weather, he dared at last to crawl along the coast. fortunately, he got some native provisions at one place, which enabled him to feed his famished men. the currents and adverse winds, however, proved too much for the power of his ships to work to windward. they were all the while in danger of foundering. "with three pumps and the use of pots and kettles," he says, "we could scarcely clear the water that came into the ship, there being no remedy but this for the mischief done by the ship worm." he reluctantly, therefore, bore away for jamaica, where, on june 23, he put into puerto buono (dry harbor). [sidenote: 1503. july, august. his ships stranded]. finding neither water nor food here, he went on the next day to port san gloria, known in later days as don christopher's cove. here he found it necessary, a little later (july 23 and august 12), to run his sinking ships, one after the other, aground, but he managed to place them side by side, so that they could be lashed together. they soon filled with the tide. cabins were built on the forecastles and sterns to live in, and bulwarks of defense were reared as best they could be along the vessels' waists. columbus now took the strictest precautions to prevent his men wandering ashore, for it was of the utmost importance that no indignity should be offered the natives while they were in such hazardous and almost defenseless straits. it became at once a serious question how to feed his men. whatever scant provisions remained on board the stranded caravels were spoiled. his immediate savage neighbors supplied them with cassava bread and other food for a while, but they had no reserved stores to draw upon, and these sources were soon exhausted. [sidenote: mendez seeks food for the company.] diego mendez now offered, with three men, carrying goods to barter, to make a circuit of the island, so that he could reach different caciques, with whom he could bargain for the preparation and carriage of food to the spaniards. as he concluded his successive impromptu agreements with cacique after cacique, he sent a man back loaded with what he could carry, to acquaint the admiral, and let him prepare for a further exchange of trinkets. finally, mendez, left without a companion, still went on, getting some indian porters to help him from place to place. in this way he reached the eastern end of the island, where he ingratiated himself with a powerful cacique, and was soon on excellent terms with him. from this chieftain he got a canoe with natives to paddle, and loading it with provisions, he skirted westerly along the coast, until he reached the spaniards' harbor. his mission bade fair to have accomplished its purpose, and provisions came in plentifully for a while under the arrangements which he had made. [sidenote: mendez prepares to go to española.] columbus's next thought was to get word, if possible, to ovando, at española, so that the governor could send a vessel to rescue them. columbus proposed to mendez that he should attempt the passage with the canoe in which he had returned from his expedition. mendez pictured the risks of going forty leagues in these treacherous seas in a frail canoe, and intimated that the admiral had better make trial of the courage of the whole company first. he said that if no one else offered to go he would shame them by his courage, as he had more than once done before. so the company were assembled, and columbus made public the proposition. every one hung back from the hazards, and mendez won his new triumph, as he had supposed he would. he then set to work fitting the canoe for the voyage. he put a keel to her. he built up her sides so that she could better ward off the seas, and rigged a mast and sail. she was soon loaded with the necessary provisions for himself, one other spaniard, and the six indians who were to ply the paddles. * * * * * [sidenote: 1503. july 7. letter of columbus to the sovereigns.] the admiral, while the preparations were making, drew up a letter to his sovereigns, which it was intended that mendez, after arranging with ovando for the rescue, should bear himself to spain by the first opportunity. at least it is the reasonable assumption of humboldt that this is the letter which has come down to us dated july 7, 1503. [sidenote: _lettera rarissima._] it is not known that this epistle was printed at the time, though manuscript copies seem to have circulated. an italian version of it was, however, printed at venice a year before columbus died. the original spanish text was not known to scholars till navarrete, having discovered in the king's library at madrid an early transcript of it, printed it in the first volume of his _coleccion_. it is the document usually referred to, from the title of morelli's reprint (1810) of the italian text, as the _lettera rarissima di cristoforo colombo_. this letter is even more than his treatise on the prophets a sorrowful index of his wandering reason. in parts it is the merest jumble of hurrying thoughts, with no plan or steady purpose in view. it is in places well calculated to arouse the deepest pity. it was, of course, avowedly written at a venture, inasmuch as the chance of its reaching the hands of his sovereigns was a very small one. "i send this letter," he says, "by means of and by the hands of indians; it will be a miracle if it reaches its destination." he not only goes back over the adventures of the present expedition, in a recital which has been not infrequently quoted in previous pages, but he reverts gloomily to the more distant past. he lingers on the discouragements of his first years in spain. "every one to whom the enterprise was mentioned," he says of those days, "treated it as ridiculous, but now there is not a man, down to the very tailors, who does not beg to be allowed to become a discoverer." he remembers the neglect which followed upon the first flush of indignation when he returned to spain in chains. "the twenty years' service through which i have passed with so much toil and danger have profited me nothing, and at this very day i do not possess a roof in spain that i can call my own. if i wish to eat or sleep i have nowhere to go but to a low tavern, and most times lack wherewith to pay the bill. another anxiety wrings my very heartstrings, when i think of my son diego, whom i have left an orphan in spain, stripped of the house and property which is due to him on my account, although i had looked upon it as a certainty that your majesties, as just and grateful princes, would restore it to him in all respects with increase." "i was twenty-eight years old," he says again, "when i came into your highnesses' services, and now i have not a hair upon me that is not gray, my body is infirm, and all that was left to me, as well as to my brother, has been taken away and sold, even to the frock that i wore, to my great dishonor." and then, referring to his present condition, he adds: "solitary in my trouble, sick, and in daily expectation of death, i am surrounded by millions of hostile savages, full of cruelty. weep for me, whoever has charity, truth, and justice!" he next works over in his mind the old geographical problems. he recalls his calculation of an eclipse in 1494, when he supposed, in his error, that he had "sailed twenty-four degrees westward in nine hours." he recalls the stories that he had heard on the veragua coast, and thinks that he had known it all before from books. marinus had come near the truth, he gives out, and the portuguese have proved that the indies in ethiopia is, as marinus had said, four and twenty degrees from the equinoctial line. "the world is but small," he sums up; "out of seven divisions of it, the dry part occupies six, and the seventh is entirely covered by water. i say that the world is not so large as vulgar opinion makes it, and that one degree from the equinoctial line measures fifty-six miles and two thirds, and this may be proved to a nicety." [sidenote: columbus on gold.] and then, in his thoughts, he turns back to his quest for gold, just as he had done in action at darien, when in despair he gave up the search for a strait. it was gold, to his mind, that could draw souls from purgatory. he exclaims: "gold is the most precious of all commodities. gold constitutes treasure, and he who possesses it has all he needs in this world, as also the means of rescuing souls from purgatory, and restoring them to the enjoyment of paradise." then his hopes swell with the vision of that wealth which he thought he had found, and would yet return to. he alone had the clues to it, which he had concealed from others. "i can safely assert that to my mind my people returning to spain are the bearers of the best news that ever was carried to spain.... i had certainly foreseen how things would be. i think more of this opening for commerce than of all that has been done in the indies. this is not a child to be left to the care of a stepmother." these were some of the thoughts, in large part tumultuous, incoherent, dispirited, harrowing, weakening, and sad, penned within sound of the noise of mendez's preparations, and disclosing an exultant and bewildered being, singularly compounded. this script was committed to mendez, beside one addressed to ovando, and another to his friend in spain, father gorricio, to whom he imparts some of the same frantic expectations. "if my voyage will turn out as favorable to my health," he says, "and to the tranquillity of my house, as it is likely to be for the glory of my royal masters, i shall live long." * * * * * [sidenote: mendez starts.] mendez started bravely. he worked along the coast of the island towards its eastern end; not without peril, however, both from the sea and from the indians. finally, his party fell captives to a startled cacique; but while the savages were disputing over a division of the spoils, mendez succeeded in slipping back to the canoe, and, putting off alone, paddled it back to the stranded ships. [sidenote: mendez starts again.] another trial was made at once, with larger preparation. a second canoe was added to the expedition, and the charge of this was given to bartholomew fiesco, a genoese, who had commanded one of the caravels. the daring adventurers started again with an armed party under the adelantado following them along the shore. the land and boat forces reached the end of the island without molestation, and then, bidding each other farewell, the canoes headed boldly away from land, and were soon lost to the sight of the adelantado in the deepening twilight. the land party returned to the admiral without adventure. there was little now for the poor company to do but to await the return of fiesco, who had been directed to come back at once and satisfy the admiral that mendez had safely accomplished his mission. [sidenote: the revolt of porras.] many days passed, and straining eyes were directed along the shore to catch a glimpse of fiesco's canoe; but it came not. there was not much left to allay fear or stifle disheartenment. the cramped quarters of the tenements on the hulks, the bad food which the men were forced to depend upon, and the vain watchings soon produced murmurs of discontent, which it needed but the captious spirit of a leader to convert into the turmoil of revolt. such a gatherer of sedition soon appeared. there were in the company two brothers, francisco de porras, who had commanded one of the vessels, and diego de porras, who had, as we have seen, been joined to the expedition to check off the admiral's accounts of treasures acquired. the very espionage of his office was an offense to the admiral. it was through the caballing of these two men that the alien spirits of the colony found in one of them at last a determined actor. it is not easy to discover how far the accusations against the admiral, which these men now began to dwell upon, were generally believed. it served the leaders' purposes to have it appear that columbus was in reality banished from spain, and had no intention of returning thither till mendez and fiesco had succeeded in making favor for him at court; and that it was upon such a mission that these lieutenants had been sent. it was therefore necessary, if those who were thus cruelly confined in jamaica wished to escape a lingering death, to put on a bold front, and demand to be led away to española in such canoes as could be got of the indians. [sidenote: 1504. january 2. demands of porras.] [sidenote: the flotilla of porras sails.] it was on the 2d of january, 1504, that, with a crowd of sympathizers watching within easy call, francisco de porras suddenly presented himself in the cabin of the weary and bedridden admiral. an altercation ensued, in which the admiral, propped in his couch, endeavored to assuage the bursting violence of his accuser, and to bring him to a sense of the patient duty which the conditions demanded. it was one of the times when desperate straits seemed to restore the manhood of columbus. it was, however, of little use. the crisis was not one that, in the present temper of the mutineers, could be avoided. porras, finding that the admiral could not be swayed, called out in a loud voice, "i am for castile! those who will may come with me!" this signal was expected, and a shout rang in the air among those who were awaiting it. it aroused columbus from his couch, and he staggered into sight; but his presence caused no cessation of the tumult. some of his loyal companions, fearing violence, took him back to his bed. the adelantado braced himself with his lance for an encounter, and was pacified only by the persuasions of the admiral's friends. they loyally said, "let the mutineers go. we will remain." the angry faction seized ten canoes, which the admiral had secured from the indians, and putting in them what they could get, they embarked for their perilous voyage. some others who had not joined in their plot being allured by the flattering hope of release, there were forty-eight in all, and the little flotilla, amid the mingled execrations and murmurs of despair among the weak and the downcast who stayed behind, paddled out of that fateful harbor. the greater part of all who were vigorous had now gone. there were a few strong souls, with some vitality left in them, among the small company which remained to the admiral; but the most of them were sorry objects, with dejected minds and bodies more or less prostrate from disease and privation. the conviction soon settled upon this deserted community that nothing could save them but a brotherly and confident determination to help one another, and to arouse to the utmost whatever of cheer and good will was latent in their spirits. they could hardly have met an attack of the natives, and they knew it. this made them more considerate in their treatment of their neighbors, and the supply of provisions which they could get from those who visited the ship was plentiful for a while. but the habits of the savages were not to accumulate much beyond present needs, and when the baubles which the spaniards could distribute began to lose their strange attractiveness, the incentive was gone to induce exertion, and supplies were brought in less and less frequently. it was soon found that hawks' bells had diminished in value. it took several to appease the native cupidity where one had formerly done it. [sidenote: porras's men still on the island.] there was another difficulty. there were failures on the part of the more distant villages to send in their customary contributions, and it soon came to be known that porras and his crew, instead of having left the island, were wandering about, exacting provisions and committing indignities against the inhabitants wherever they went. * * * * * [sidenote: his voyage a failure.] it seems that the ten canoes had followed the coast to the nearest point to española, at the eastern end of the island, and here, waiting for a calm sea, and securing some indians to paddle, the mutineers had finally pushed off for their voyage. the boats had scarcely gone four leagues from land, when the wind rose and the sea began to alarm them. so they turned back. the men were little used to the management of the canoes, and they soon found themselves in great peril. it seemed necessary to lighten the canoes, which were now taking in water to a dangerous extent. they threw over much of their provisions; but this was not enough. they then sacrificed one after another the natives. if these resisted, a swoop of the sword ended their miseries. once in the water, the poor indians began to seize the gunwales; but the sword chopped off their hands. so all but a few of them, who were absolutely necessary to manage the canoes, were thrown into the sea. such were the perils through which the mutineers passed in reaching the land. a long month was now passed waiting for another calm sea; but when they tempted it once more, it rose as before, and they again sought the land. all hope of success was now abandoned. from that time porras and his band gave themselves up to a lawless, wandering life, during which they created new jealousies among the tribes. as we have seen, by their exactions they began at last to tap the distant sources of supplies for the admiral and his loyal adherents. [sidenote: 1504. february 29. eclipse of the moon.] columbus now resorted to an expedient characteristic of the ingenious fertility of his mind. his astronomical tables enabled him to expect the approach of a lunar eclipse (february 29, 1504), and finding it close at hand he hastily summoned some of the neighboring caciques. he told them that the god of the spaniards was displeased at their neglect to feed his people, and that he was about to manifest that displeasure by withdrawing the moon and leaving them to such baleful influences as they had provoked. when night fell and the shadow began to steal over the moon, a long howl of horror arose, and promises of supplies were made by the stricken caciques. they hurled themselves for protection at the feet of the admiral. columbus retired for an ostensible communion with this potent spirit, and just as the hour came for the shadow to withdraw he appeared, and announced that their contrition had appeased the deity, and a sign would be given of his content. gradually the moon passed out of the shadow, and when in the clear heavens the luminary was again swimming unobstructed in her light, the work of astonishment had been done. after that, columbus was never much in fear of famine. * * * * * [sidenote: the canoe voyage of mendez.] [sidenote: at navasa island.] it is time now to see how much more successful mendez and fiesco had been than porras and his crew. they had accomplished the voyage to española, it is true, but under such perils and sufferings that fiesco could not induce a crew sufficient to man the canoe to return with him to the admiral. the passage had been made under the most violent conditions of tropical heat and unprotected endurance. their supply of water had given out, and the tortures of thirst came on. they looked out for the little island of navasa, which lay in their track, where they thought that in the crevices of the rocks they might find some water. they looked in vain. the day when they had hoped to see it passed, and night came on. one of the indians died, and was dropped overboard. others lay panting and exhausted in the bottom of the canoes. mendez sat watching a glimmer of light in the eastern horizon that betokened the coming of the moon. [sidenote: they see española.] [sidenote: mendez lands at española.] presently a faint glisten of the real orb grew into a segment. he could see the water line as the illumination increased. there was a black stretch of something jagging the lower edge of the segment. it was land! navasa had been found. by morning they had reached the island. water was discovered among the rocks; but some drank too freely, and paid the penalty of their lives. mussels were picked up along the shore; they built a fire and boiled them. all day long they gazed longingly on the distant mountains of española, which were in full sight. refreshed by the day's rest, they embarked again at nightfall, and on the following day arrived at cape tiburon, the southwestern peninsula of española, having been four days on the voyage from jamaica. they landed among hospitable natives, and having waited two days to recuperate, mendez took some savages in a canoe, and started to go along the coast to santo domingo, one hundred and thirty leagues distant. he had gone nearly two thirds of the distance when, communicating with the shore, he learned that ovando was not in santo domingo, but at xaragua. so mendez abandoned his canoe, and started alone through the forests to seek the governor. [sidenote: ovando delays sending relief to columbus.] ovando received him cordially, but made excuses for not sending relief to columbus at once. he was himself occupied with the wars which he was conducting against the natives. there was no ship in santo domingo of sufficient burden to be dispatched for such a rescue. so excuse after excuse, and promises of attention unfulfilled, kept mendez in the camp of ovando for seven months. the governor always had reasons for denying him permission to go to santo domingo, where mendez had hopes of procuring a vessel. this procrastinating conduct has naturally given rise to the suspicion that ovando was not over-anxious to deliver columbus from his perils; and there can be little question that for the admiral to have sunk into oblivion and leave no trace would have relieved both the governor and his royal master of some embarrassments. at length ovando consented to the departure of mendez to santo domingo. there was a fleet of caravels expected there, and mendez was anxious to see if he could not procure one of them on the admiral's own account to undertake the voyage of rescue. his importunities became so pressing that ovando at last consented to his starting for that port, seventy leagues distant. [sidenote: ovando sends escobar to observe columbus.] no sooner was mendez gone than ovando determined to ascertain the condition of the party at jamaica without helping them, and so he dispatched a caravel to reconnoitre. he purposely sent a small craft, that there might be no excuse for attempting to bring off the company; and to prevent seizure of the vessel by columbus, her commander was instructed to lie off the harbor, and only send in a boat, to communicate with no one but columbus; and he was particularly enjoined to avoid being enticed on board the stranded caravels. the command of this little craft of espionage was given to one of columbus's enemies, diego de escobar, who had been active as roldan's lieutenant in his revolt. when the vessel appeared off the harbor where columbus was, eight months had passed since mendez and fiesco had departed. all hopes of hearing of them had been abandoned. a rumor had come in from the natives that a vessel, bottom upwards, had been seen near the island, drifting with the current. it is said to have been a story started by porras that its effect might be distressing to columbus's adherents. it seems to have had the effect to hasten further discontent in that stricken band, and a new revolt was almost ready to make itself known when escobar's tiny caravel was descried standing in towards shore. the vessel was seen to lie to, when a boat soon left her side. as it came within hailing, the figure of escobar was recognized. columbus knew that he had once condemned the man to death. bobadilla had pardoned him. the boat bumped against the side of one of the stranded caravels; the crew brought it sidewise against the hulk, when a letter for the admiral was handed up. columbus's men made ready to receive a cask of wine and side of bacon, which escobar's companions lifted on board. all at once a quick motion pushed the boat from the hulks, and escobar stopped her when she had got out of reach. he now addressed columbus, and gave him the assurances of ovando's regret that he had no suitable vessel to send to him, but that he hoped before long to have such. he added that if columbus desired to reply to ovando's letter, he would wait a brief interval for him to prepare an answer. the admiral hastily made his reply in as courteous terms as possible, commending the purposes of mendez and fiesco to the governor's kind attention, and closed with saying that he reposed full confidence in ovando's expressed intention to rescue his people, and that he would stay on the wrecks in patience till the ships came. escobar received the letter, and returned to his caravel, which at once disappeared in the falling gloom of night. columbus was not without apprehension that escobar had come simply to make sure that the admiral and his company still survived, and las casas, who was then at santo domingo, seems to have been of the opinion that ovando had at this time no purpose to do more. the selection of escobar to carry a kindly message gave certainly a dubious ostentation to all expressions of friendly interest. the transaction may possibly admit of other interpretations. ovando may reasonably have desired that columbus and his faithful adherents should not abide long in española, as in the absence of vessels returning to spain the admiral might be obliged to do. there were rumors that columbus, indignant at the wrongs which he felt he had received at the hands of his sovereigns, had determined to hold his new discoveries for genoa, and the admiral had referred to such reports in his recent letter to the spanish monarchs. such reports easily put ovando on his guard, and he may have desired time to get instructions from spain. at all events, it was very palpable that ovando was cautious and perhaps inhuman, and columbus was to be left till escobar's report should decide what action was best. [sidenote: columbus communicates with porras.] columbus endeavored to make use of the letter which escobar had brought from ovando to win porras and his vagabonds back to loyalty and duty. he dispatched messengers to their camp to say that ovando had notified him of his purpose to send a vessel to take them off the island. the admiral was ready to promise forgiveness and forgetfulness, if the mutineers would come in and submit to the requirements of the orderly life of his people. he accompanied the message with a part of the bacon which escobar had delivered as a present from the governor. the lure, however, was not effective. porras met the ambassadors, and declined the proffers. he said his followers were quite content with the freedom of the island. the fact seemed to be that the mutineers were not quite sure of the admiral's sincerity, and feared to put themselves in his power. they were ready to come in when the vessels came, if transportation would be allowed them so that their band should not be divided; and until then they would cause the admiral's party no trouble, unless columbus refused to share with them his stores and trinkets, which they must have, peacefully or forcibly, since they had lost all their supplies in the gales which had driven them back. it was evident that porras and his company were not reduced to such straits that they could be reasoned with, and the messengers returned. [sidenote: bartholomew and his men confront the porras mutineers.] the author of the _historie_, and others who follow his statements, represent that the body of the mutineers was far from being as arrogant as their leaders, was much more tractable in spirit, and was inclined to catch at the chance of rescue. the leaders labored with the men to keep them steady in their revolt. porras and his abettors did what they could to picture the cruelties of the admiral, and even accused him of necromancy in summoning the ghost of a caravel by which to make his people believe that escobar had really been there. then, to give some activity to their courage, the whole body of the mutineers was led towards the harbor on pretense of capturing stores. the adelantado went out to meet them with fifty armed followers, the best he could collect from the wearied companions of the admiral. porras refused all offers of conference, and led his band to the attack. there was a plan laid among them that six of the stoutest should attack the adelantado simultaneously, thinking that if their leader should be overpowered the rest would flee. the adelantado's courage rose with the exigency, as it was wont to do. he swung his sword with vigor, and one after another the assailants fell. at last porras struck him such a blow that the adelantado's buckler was cleft and his hand wounded. the blow was too powerful for the giver of it. his sword remained wedged in the buckler, affording his enemy a chance to close, while an attempt was made to extricate the weapon. others came to the loyal leader's assistance, and porras was secured and bound. [sidenote: porras taken.] [sidenote: sanchez killed.] [sidenote: ledesma wounded.] this turned the current of the fight. the rebels, seeing their leader a prisoner, fled in confusion, leaving the field to the party of the adelantado. the fight had been a fierce one. they found among the rebel dead juan sanchez, who had let slip the captured quibian, and among the wounded pedro ledesma, who had braved the breakers at veragua. las casas, who knew the latter at a later day, deriving some help from him in telling the story of these eventful months, speaks of the many and fearful wounds which he bore in evidence of his rebellion and courage, and of the sturdy activity of his assailants. we owe also to ledesma and to some of his companions, who, with himself, were witnesses in the later lawsuit of diego colon with the crown, certain details which the principal narrators fail to give us. a charm had seemed throughout the conflict to protect the admiral's friends. none were killed outright, and but one other beside their leader was wounded. this man, the admiral's steward, subsequently died. [sidenote: 1504. march 20. the rebels propose to submit.] the victors returned to the ships with their prisoners; and in the midst of the gratulations which followed on the next day, march 20, 1504, the fugitives sent in an address to the admiral, begging to be pardoned and received back to his care and fortunes. they acknowledged their errors in the most abject professions, and called upon heaven to show no mercy, and upon man to know no sympathy, in dealing retribution, if they failed in their fidelity thereafter. the proposition of surrender was not without embarrassment. the admiral was fearful of the trial of their constancy when they might gather about him with all the chances of further cabaling. he also knew that his provisions were fast running out. accordingly, in accepting their surrender, he placed them under officers whom he could trust, and supplying them with articles of barter, he let them wander about the island under suitable discipline, hoping that they would find food where they could. he promised, however, to recall them when the expected ships arrived. [sidenote: ships come to rescue them.] it was not long they had to wait. one day two ships were seen standing in towards the harbor. one of them proved to be a caravel which mendez had bought on the admiral's account, out of a fleet of three, just then arrived from spain, and had victualed for the occasion. having seen it depart from santo domingo, mendez, in the other ships of this opportune fleet, sailed directly for spain, to carry out the further instructions of the admiral. the other of the approaching ships was in command of diego de salcedo, the admiral's factor, and had been dispatched by ovando. las casas tells us that the governor was really forced to this action by public sentiment, which had grown in consequence of the stories of the trials of columbus which mendez had told. it is said that even the priests did not hesitate to point a moral in their pulpits with the governor's dilatory sympathy. [sidenote: 1504. june 28. columbus leaves jamaica.] finally, on june 28, everything was ready for departure, and columbus turned away from the scene of so much trouble. "columbus informed me afterwards, in spain," says mendez, recording the events, "that in no part of his life did he ever experience so joyful a day, for he had never hoped to have left that place alive." four years later, under authority from the admiral's son diego, the town of sevilla nueva, later known as sevilla d'oro, was founded on the very spot. [sidenote: events at española during the absence of columbus.] [sidenote: ovando's rule.] the admiral now committed himself once more to the treacherous currents and adverse winds of these seas. we have seen that mendez urged his canoe across the gap between jamaica and the nearest point of española in four days; but it took the ships of columbus about seven weeks to reach the haven of santo domingo. there was much time during this long and vexatious voyage for columbus to learn from salcedo the direful history of the colony which had been wrested from him, and which even under the enlarged powers of ovando had not been without manifold tribulations. we must rehearse rapidly the occurrences, as columbus heard of them. he could have got but the scantiest inkling of what had happened during the earliest months of ovando's rule, when he applied by messenger, in vain, for admission to the harbor, now more than two years ago. the historian of this period must depend mainly upon las casas, who had come out with ovando, and we must sketch an outline of the tale, as columbus heard it, from that writer's _historia_. it was the old sad story of misguided aspirants for wealth in their first experiences with the hazards and toils of mining,--much labor, disappointed hopes, failing provisions, no gold, sickness, disgust, and a desponding return of the toilers from the scene of their infatuation. it took but eight days for the crowds from ovando's fleet, who trudged off manfully to the mountains on their landing, to come trooping back, dispirited and diseased. [sidenote: columbus and slavery.] [sidenote: 1503. december 20. forced labor of the natives.] columbus could hardly have listened to what was said of suffering among the natives during these two years of his absence without a vivid consciousness of the baleful system which he had introduced when he assigned crowds of the poor indians to be put to inhuman tasks by roldan's crew. the institution of this kind of distribution of labor had grown naturally, but it had become so appalling under bobadilla that, when ovando was sent out, he was instructed to put an end to it. it was not long before the governor had to confront the exasperated throngs coming back from the mines, dejected and empty-handed. it was apparent that nothing of the expected revenue to the crown was likely to be produced from half the yield of metal when there was no yield at all. so, to induce greater industry, ovando reduced the share of the crown to a third, and next to a fifth, but without success. it was too apparent that the spaniards would not persist in labors which brought them so little. at a period when columbus was flattering himself that he was laying claim to far richer gold fields at veragua, ovando was devising a renewal of the admiral's old slave-driving methods to make the mines of hayna yield what they could. he sent messages to the sovereigns informing them that their kindness to the natives was really inconsiderate; that the poor creatures, released from labor, were giving themselves up to mischief; and that, to make good christians of them, there was needed the appetizing effect of healthful work upon the native soul. the appeal and the frugal returns to the treasury were quite sufficient to gain the sovereigns to ovando's views; and while bewailing any cruelty to the poor natives, and expressing hopes for their spiritual relief, their majesties were not averse, as they said (december 20, 1503), to these indians being made to labor as much as was needful to their health. this was sufficient. the fatal system of columbus was revived with increased enormities. six or eight months of unremitting labor, with insufficient food, were cruelly exacted of every native. they were torn from their families, carried to distant parts of the island, kept to their work by the lash, and, if they dared to escape, almost surely recaptured, to work out their period under the burden of chains. at last, when they were dismissed till their labor was again required, las casas tells us that the passage through the island of these miserable creatures could be traced by their fallen and decaying bodies. this was a story that, if columbus possessed any of the tendernesses that glowed in the heart of las casas, could not have been a pleasant one for his contemplation. [sidenote: anacaona treacherously treated.] [sidenote: the indians slaughtered.] there was another story to which columbus may have listened. it is very likely that salcedo may have got all the particulars from diego mendez, who was a witness of the foul deeds which had indeed occurred during those seven months when ovando, then on an expedition in xaragua, kept that messenger of columbus waiting his pleasure. anacaona, the sister of behechio, had succeeded to that cacique in the rule of xaragua. the licentious conduct and the capricious demands of the spaniards settled in this region had increased the natural distrust and indignation of the indians, and some signs of discontent which they manifested had been recounted to ovando as indications of a revolt which it was necessary to nip in the bud. so the governor had marched into the country with three hundred foot and seventy horse. the chieftainess, anacaona, came forth to meet him with much native parade, and gave all the honor which her savage ceremonials could signify to her distinguished guest. she lodged him as well as she could, and caused many games to be played for his divertisement. in return, ovando prepared a tournament calculated to raise the expectation of his simple hosts, and horseman and foot came to the lists in full armor and adornment for the heralded show. on a signal from ovando, the innocent parade was converted in an instant into a fanatical onslaught. the assembled caciques were hedged about with armed men, and all were burned in their cabins. the general populace were transfixed and trampled by the charging mounted spearmen, and only those who could elude the obstinate and headlong dashes of the cavalry escaped. anacaona was seized and conveyed in chains to santo domingo, where, with the merest pretense of a trial for conspiracy, she was soon hanged. [sidenote: xaragua and higuey over-run.] [sidenote: esquibel's campaign.] and this was the pacification of xaragua. that of higuey, the most eastern of the provinces, and which had not yet acknowledged the sway of the spaniards, followed, with the same resorts to cruelty. a cacique of this region had been slain by a fierce spanish dog which had been set upon him. this impelled some of the natives living on the coast to seize a canoe having eight spaniards in it, and to slaughter them; whereupon juan de esquibel was sent with four hundred men on a campaign against cotabanama, the chief cacique of higuey. the invaders met more heroism in the defenders of this country than they had been accustomed to, but the spanish armor and weapons enabled esquibel to raid through the land with almost constant success. the indians at last sued for peace, and agreed to furnish a tribute of provisions. esquibel built a small fortress, and putting some men in it, he returned to santo domingo; not, however, until he had received cotabanama in his camp. the spanish leader brought back to ovando a story of the splendid physical power of this native chief, whose stature, proportions, and strength excited the admiration of the spaniards. [sidenote: new revolt in higuey.] the peace was not of long duration. the reckless habits of the garrison had once more aroused the courage of the indians, and some of the latest occurrences which salcedo could tell of as having been reported at santo domingo just before his sailing for jamaica were the events of a new revolt in higuey. [sidenote: 1504. august 3. columbus at beata.] [sidenote: 1504. august 15. at santo domingo.] such were the stories which columbus may have listened to during the tedious voyage which was now, on august 3, approaching an end. on that day his ships sailed under the lea of the little island of beata, which lies midway of the southern coast of española. here he landed a messenger, and ordered him to convey a letter to ovando, warning the governor of his approach. salcedo had told columbus that the governor was not without apprehension that his coming might raise some factious disturbances among the people, and in this letter the admiral sought to disabuse ovando's mind of such suspicions, and to express his own purpose to avoid every act of irritation which might possibly embarrass the administration of the island. the letter dispatched, columbus again set sail, and on august 15 his ship entered the harbor of santo domingo. ovando received him with every outward token of respect, and lodged him in his own house. columbus, however, never believed that this officious kindness was other than a cloak to ovando's dislike, if not hatred. there was no little popular sympathy for the misfortunes which columbus had experienced, but his relations with the governor were not such as to lighten the anxieties of his sojourn. it is known that cortes was at this time only recently arrived at santo domingo; but we can only conjecture what may have been his interest in columbus's recitals. [sidenote: columbus and ovando.] there soon arose questions of jurisdiction. ovando ordered the release of porras, and arranged for sending him to spain for trial. the governor also attempted to interfere with the admiral's control of his own crew, on the ground that his commission gave him command over all the regions of the new islands and the main. columbus cited the instructions, which gave him power to rule and judge his own followers. ovando did not push his claims to extremities, but the irritation never subsided; and columbus seems to have lost no opportunity, if we may judge from his later letters, to pick up every scandalous story and tale of maladministration of which he could learn, and which could be charged against ovando in later appeals to the sovereigns for a restitution of his own rights. the admiral also inquired into his pecuniary interests in the island, and found, as he thought, that ovando had obstructed his factor in the gathering of his share. indeed, there may have been some truth in this; for carvajal, columbus's first factor, had complained of such acts to the sovereigns, which elicited an admonishment from them to ovando. [sidenote: 1504. september 12. columbus sails for spain.] [sidenote: 1504. november 7. reaches san lucar.] such money as columbus could now collect he used in refitting the ship which had brought him from jamaica, and he put her under the order of the adelantado. securing also another caravel for his own conveyance, he embarked on her with his son, and on september 12 both ships started on their homeward voyage. they were scarcely at sea, when the ship which bore the admiral lost her mast in a gale. he transferred himself and his immediate dependents to the other vessel, and sent the disabled caravel back to santo domingo. his solitary vessel now went forward, amid all the adversities that seemed to cling inevitably to this last of columbus's expeditions. tempest after tempest pursued him. the masts were sprung, and again sprung; and in a forlorn and disabled condition the little hapless bark finally entered the port of san lucar on november 7, 1504. he had been absent from spain for two years and a half. chapter xx. columbus's last years.--death and character. 1504-1506. [sidenote: columbus in seville till may, 1505.] [sidenote: letters to his son.] from san lucar, columbus, a sick man in search of quiet and rest, was conveyed to seville. unhappily, there was neither repose nor peace of mind in store for him. he remained in that city till may, 1505, broken in spirits and almost helpless of limb. fortunately, we can trace his varying mental moods during these few months in a series of letters, most of which are addressed by him to his son diego, then closely attached to the court. these writings have fortunately come down to us, and they constitute the only series of columbus's letters which we have, showing the habits of his mind consecutively for a confined period, so that we get a close watch upon his thoughts. they are the wails of a neglected soul, and the cries of one whose hope is cruelly deferred. they have in their entirety a good deal of that haphazard jerkiness tiresome to read, and not easily made evident in abstract. they are, however, not so deficient in mental equipoise as, for instance, the letter sent from jamaica. this is perhaps owing to the one absorbing burden of them, his hope of recovering possession of his suspended authority. [sidenote: 1504. november 21.] he writes on november 21, 1504, a fortnight after his landing at san lucar, telling his son how he has engaged his old friend, the dominican deza, now the bishop of palencia, to intercede with the sovereigns, that justice may be done to him with respect to his income, the payment of which ovando had all along, as he contends, obstructed at española. he tries to argue that if their highnesses but knew it, they would, in ordering restitution to him, increase their own share. he hopes they have no doubt that his zeal for their interests has been quite as much as he could manifest if he had paradise to gain, and hopes they will remember, respecting any errors he may have committed, that the lord of all judges such things by the intention rather than by the outcome. he seems to have a suspicion that porras, now at liberty and about the court, might be insidiously at work to his old commander's disadvantage, and he represents that neither porras nor his brother had been suitable persons for their offices, and that what had been done respecting them would be approved on inquiry. "their revolt," he says, "surprised me, considering all that i had done for them, as much as the sun would have alarmed me if it had shot shadows instead of light." he complains of ovando's taking the prisoners, who had been companions of porras, from his hands, and that, made free, they had even dared to present themselves at court. "i have written," he adds, "to their highnesses about it, and i have told them that it can't be possible that they would tolerate such an offense." he says further that he has written to the royal treasurer, begging him to come to no decision of the representations of such detractors until the other side could be heard, and he adds that he has sent to the treasurer a copy of the oath which the mutineers sent in after porras had been taken. "recall to all these people," he writes to his son, "my infirmities, and the recompense due to me for my services." diego was naturally, from his residence at court, a convenient medium to bring all columbus's wishes to the notice of those about the sovereigns. the admiral writes to diego again that he hopes their highnesses will see to the paying of his men who had come home. "they are poor, and have been gone three years," he says. "they bring home evidences of the greatest of expectations in the new gold fields of veragua;" and then he advises his son to bring this fact to the attention of all who are concerned, and to urge the colonizing of the new country as the best way to profit from its gold mines. for a while he harbored the hope that he might at once go on to the court, and a litter which had served in the obsequies of cardinal mendoza was put at his disposal; but this plan was soon given up. [sidenote: 1504. november 28.] a week later, having in the interim received a letter of the 15th, from diego, columbus writes again, under date of november 28. in this epistle he speaks of the severity of his disease, which keeps him in seville, from which, however, he hopes to depart the coming week, and of his disappointment that the sovereigns had not replied to his inquiries. he sends his love to diego mendez, hoping that his friend's zeal and love of truth will enable him to overcome the deceits and intrigues of porras. [sidenote: 1504. november 26. queen isabella dies.] [sidenote: isabella's character.] columbus was not at this time aware that the impending death of the queen had something to do with the delays in his own affairs at court. two days (november 26) before the admiral wrote this note, isabella had died, worn out by her labors, and depressed by the afflictions which she had experienced in her domestic circle. she was an unlovely woman at the best, an obstructor of christian charity, but in her wiles she had allured columbus to a belief in her countenance of him. the conventional estimate of her character, which is enforced in the rather cloying descriptions of prescott, is such as her flatterers drew in her own times; but the revelations of historical research hardly confirm it. it was with her much as with columbus,--she was too largely a creature of her own age to be solely judged by the criteria of all ages, as lofty characters can be. the loss of her influence on the king removed, as it proved, even the chance of a flattering delusiveness in the hopes of columbus. as the compiler of the _historie_ expresses it, "columbus had always enjoyed her favor and protection, while the king had always been indifferent, or rather inimical." she had indeed, during the admiral's absence on his last voyage, manifested some new appreciation of his services, which cost her little, however, when she made his eldest son one of her bodyguard and naturalized his brother diego, to fit him for ecclesiastical preferment. [sidenote: 1504. december 1.] on december 1, ignorant of the sad occurrences at court, columbus writes again, chiding diego that he had not in his dutifulness written to his poor father. "you ought to know," he says, "that i have no pleasure now but in a letter from you." columbus by this time had become, by the constant arrival of couriers, aware of the anxiety at court over the queen's health, and he prays that the holy trinity will restore her to health, to the end that all that has been begun may be happily finished. he reiterates what he had previously written about the increasing severity of his malady, his inability to travel, his want of money, and how he had used all he could get in española to bring home his poor companions. he commends anew to diego his brother ferdinand, and speaks of this younger son's character as beyond his years. "ten brothers would not be too many for you," he adds; "in good as in bad fortune, i have never found better friends than my brothers." nothing troubles him more than the delays in hearing from court. a rumor had reached him that it was intended to send some bishops to the indies, and that the bishop of palencia was charged with the matter. he begs diego to say to the bishop that it was worth while, in the interests of all, to confer with the admiral first. in explaining why he does not write to diego mendez, he says that he is obliged to write by night, since by day his hands are weak and painful. he adds that the vessel which put back to santo domingo had arrived, bringing the papers in porras's case, the result of the inquest which had been taken at jamaica, so that he could now be able to present an indictment to the council of the indies. his indignation is aroused at the mention of it. "what can be so foul and brutal! if their highnesses pass it by, who is going again to lead men upon their service!" [sidenote: 1504. december 3.] two days later (december 3), he writes again to diego about the neglect which he is experiencing from him and from others at court. "everybody except myself is receiving letters," he says. he incloses a memoir expressing what he thought it was necessary to do in the present conjunction of his affairs. this document opens with calling upon diego zealously to pray to god for the soul of the queen. "one must believe she is now clothed with a sainted glory, no longer regretting the bitterness and weariness of this life." the king, he adds, "deserves all our sympathy and devotion." he then informs diego that he has directed his brother, his uncle, and carvajal to add all their importunities to his son's, and to the written prayers which he himself has sent, that consideration should be given to the affairs of the indies. nothing, he says, can be more urgent than to remedy the abuses there. in all this he curiously takes on the tone of his own accusers a few years before. he represents that pecuniary returns from española are delayed; that the governor is detested by all; that a suitable person sent there could restore harmony in less than three months; and that other fortresses, which are much needed, should be built, "all of which i can do in his highness's service," he exclaims, "and any other, not having my personal interests at stake, could not do it so well!" then he repeats how, immediately after his arrival at san lucar, he had written to the king a very long letter, advising action in the matter, to which no reply had been returned. [sidenote: 1503. january 20. the _casa de contratacion_ established.] it was during columbus's absence on this last voyage that, by an ordinance made at alcalá, january 20, 1503, the famous _casa de contratacion_ was established, with authority over the affairs of the indies, having the power to grant licenses, to dispatch fleets, to dispose of the results of trade or exploration, and to exercise certain judicial prerogatives. this council was to consist of a treasurer, a factor, and a comptroller, to whom two persons learned in the law were given as advisers. alexander vi. had already, by a bull of november 16, 1501, authorized the payment to the constituted spanish officials of all the tithes of the colonies, which went a long way in giving spain ecclesiastical supremacy in the indies, in addition to her political control. it was to this council that columbus refers, when he says he had told the gentlemen of the _contratacion_ that they ought to abide by the verbal and written orders which the king had given, and that, above all, they should watch lest people should sail to the indies without permission. he reminded them of the sorry character of the people already in the new world, and of the way in which treasure was stored there without protection. [sidenote: 1504. december 13.] ten days later (december 13), he writes again to diego, recurring to his bitter memories of ovando, charging him with diverting the revenues, and with bearing himself so haughtily that no one dared remonstrate. "everybody says that i have as much as 11,000 or 12,000 castellanos in española, and i have not received a quarter. since i came away he must have received 5,000." he then urges diego to sue the king for a mandatory letter to be sent to ovando, forcing immediate payment. "carvajal knows very well that this ought to be done. show him this letter," he adds. then referring to his denied rights, and to the best way to make the king sensible of his earlier promises, he next advises diego to lessen his expenses; to treat his uncle with the respect which is due to him; and to bear himself towards his younger brother as an older brother should. "you have no other brother," he says; "and thank god this one is all you could desire. he was born with a good nature." then he reverts to the queen's death. "people tell me," he writes, "that on her death-bed she expressed a wish that my possession of the indies should be restored to me." [sidenote: 1504. december 21.] a week later (december 21), he once more bewails the way in which he is left without tidings. he recounts the exertions he had made to send money to his advocates at court, and tells diego how he must somehow continue to get on as best he can till their highnesses are content to give them back their power. he repeats that to bring his companions home from santo domingo he had spent twelve hundred castellanos, and that he had represented to the king the royal indebtedness for this, but it produced no reimbursement. he asks diego to find out if the queen, "now with god, no doubt," had spoken of him in her will; and perhaps the bishop of palencia, "who was the cause of their majesties' acquiring the indies, and of my returning to the court when i had departed," or the chamberlain of the king could find this out. columbus may have lived to learn that the only item of the queen's will in which he could possibly have been in mind was the one in which she showed that she was aroused to the enormities which columbus had imposed on the indians, and which had come to such results that, as las casas says, it had been endeavored to keep the knowledge of it from the queen's ears. she earnestly enjoined upon her successors a change of attitude towards the poor indians. [sidenote: columbus writes to the pope.] columbus further says that the pope had complained that no account of his voyage had been sent to rome, and that accordingly he had prepared one, and he desired diego to read it, and to let the king and the bishop also peruse it before it was forwarded to rome. it is possible that the adelantado was dispatched with the letter. the canonizers say that the mission to rome had also a secret purpose, which was to counteract the schemes of fonseca to create bishoprics in española, and that the advice of columbus in the end prevailed over the "cunning of diplomacy." [sidenote: 1505. february 23. columbus allowed to ride a mule.] there had been some time before, owing to the difficulty which had been experienced in mounting the royal cavalry, an order promulgated forbidding the use of mules in travel, since it was thought that the preference for this animal had brought about the deterioration and scarcity of horses. it was to this injunction that columbus now referred when he asked diego to get a dispensation from the king to allow him to enjoy the easier seat of a mule when he should venture on his journey towards the court, which, with this help, he hoped to be able to begin within a few weeks. such an order was in due time issued on february 23, 1505. [sidenote: 1504. december 29.] on december 29, columbus wrote again. the letter was full of the same pitiful suspense. he had received no letters. he could but repeat the old story of the letters of credit which he had sent and which had not been acknowledged. no one of his people had been paid, he said, neither the faithful nor the mutineers. "they are all poor. they are going to court," he adds, "to press their claims. aid them in it." he excepts, however, from the kind interest of his friends two fellows who had been with him on his last voyage, one camacho and master bernal, the latter the physician of the flagship. bernal was the instigator of the revolt of porras, he says, "and i pardoned him at the prayer of my brother." [sidenote: columbus and the bank of st. george.] it will be remembered that, previous to starting on his last voyage, columbus had written to the bank of st. george in genoa, proposing a gift of a tenth of his income for the benefit of his native town. the letter was long in reaching its destination, but a reply was duly sent through his son diego. it never reached columbus, and this apparent spurning of his gift by genoa caused not a small part of his present disgust with the world. [sidenote: 1504. december 27.] on december 27, 1504, he wrote to nicolo oderigo, reminding him of the letter, and complaining that while he had expected to be met on his return by some confidential agent of the bank, he had not even had a letter in response. "it was uncourteous in these gentlemen of st. george not to have favored me with an answer." the intention was, in fact, far from being unappreciated, and at a later day the promise became so far magnified as to be regarded as an actual gift, in which the genoese were not without pride. the purpose never, however, had a fulfillment. [sidenote: 1505. january 4.] on january 4, 1505, the admiral wrote to his friend father gorricio, telling him that diego mendez had arrived from the court, and asking the friar to encase in wax the documentary privileges of the admiral which had been intrusted to him, and to send them to him. "my disease grows better day by day," he adds. [sidenote: 1505. january 18.] on january 18, 1505, he again wrote. the epistle was in some small degree cheery. he had heard at last from diego. "zamora the courier has arrived, and i have looked with great delight upon thy letter, thy uncle's, thy brother's, and carvajal's." diego mendez, he says, sets out in three or four days with an order for payment. he refers with some playfulness, even, to fonseca, who had just been raised to the bishopric of placentia, and had not yet returned from flanders to take possession of the seat. "if the bishop of placentia has arrived, or when he comes, tell him how much pleased i am at his elevation; and that when i come to court i shall depend on lodging with his grace, whether he wishes it or not, that we may renew our old fraternal bonds." his biographers have been in some little uncertainty whether he really meant here fonseca or his old friend deza, who had just left that bishopric vacant for the higher post of archbishop of seville. a strict application of dates makes the reference to fonseca. one may imagine, however, that columbus was not accurately informed. it is indeed hard to understand the pleasantry, if fonseca was the bitter enemy of columbus that he is pictured by irving. some ships from española had put into the tagus. "they have not arrived here from lisbon," he adds. "they bring much gold, but none for me." [sidenote: conference with vespucius.] [sidenote: vespucius's account of his voyage.] we next find columbus in close communion with a contemporary with whose fame his own is sadly conjoined. some account of the events of the voyage which vespucius had made along the coast of south america with coelho, from which he had returned to lisbon in september, 1502, has been given on an earlier page. those events and his descriptions had already brought the name of vespucius into prominence throughout europe, but hardly before he had started on another voyage in the spring or early summer of 1503, just at the time when columbus was endeavoring to work his way from the veragua coast to española. the authorities are not quite agreed whether it was on may 10, 1503, or a month later, on june 10, that the little portuguese fleet in which vespucius sailed left the tagus, to find a way, if possible, to the moluccas somewhere along the same great coast. this expedition had started under the command of coelho, but meeting with mishaps, by which the fleet was separated, vespucius, with his own vessel, joined later by another with which he fell in, proceeded to bahia, where a factory for storing brazil-wood was erected; thence, after a stay there, they sailed for lisbon, arriving there after an absence of seventy-seven days, on june 18, 1504. it was later, on september 4, that vespucius wrote, or rather dated, that account of his voyage which was to work such marvels, as we shall see, in the reputation of himself and of columbus. there is no reason to suppose that columbus ever knew of this letter of september 4, so subversive as it turned out of his just fame; nor, judging from the account of their interview which columbus records, is there any reason to suppose that vespucius himself had any conception of the work which that fateful letter was already accomplishing, and to which reference will be made later. [sidenote: 1505. february 5.] on february 5, 1505, columbus wrote to diego: "within two days i have talked with americus vespucius, who will bear this to you, and who is summoned to court on matters of navigation. he has always manifested a disposition to be friendly to me. fortune has not always favored him, and in this he is not different from many others. his ventures have not always been as successful as he would wish. he left me full of the kindliest purposes towards me, and will do anything for me which is in his power. i hardly knew what to tell him would be helpful in him to do for me, because i did not know what purpose there was in calling him to court. find out what he can do, and he will do it; only let it be so managed that he will not be suspected of rendering me aid. i have told him all that it is possible to tell him as to my own affairs, including what i have done and what recompense i have had. show this letter to the adelantado, so that he may advise how vespucius can be made serviceable to us." [sidenote: 1505. april 24. vespucius naturalized.] we soon after this find vespucius installed as an agent of the spanish government, naturalized on april 24 as a castilian, and occupied at the seaports in superintending the fitting out of ships for the indies, with an annual salary of thirty thousand maravedis. we can find no trace of any assistance that he afforded the cause of columbus. [sidenote: columbus's effects sold.] meanwhile events were taking place which columbus might well perhaps have arrested, could he have got the royal ear. an order had been sent in february to española to sell the effects of columbus, and in april other property of the admiral had been seized to satisfy his creditors. [sidenote: 1505. may. columbus goes to segovia.] [sidenote: august 25. attests his will.] [sidenote: columbus and ferdinand.] in may, 1505, columbus, with the friendly care of his brother bartholomew, set out on his journey to segovia, where the court then was. this is the statement of las casas, but harrisse can find no evidence of his being near the court till august, when, on the 25th, he attested, as will appear, his will before a notary. the change bringing him into the presence of his royal master only made his mortification more poignant. his personal suit to the king was quite as ineffective as his letters had been. the sovereign was outwardly beneficent, and inwardly uncompliant. the admiral's recitals respecting his last voyage, both of promised wealth and of saddened toil, made little impression. las casas suspects that the insinuations of porras had preoccupied the royal mind. to rid himself of the importunities of columbus, the king proposed an arbiter, and readily consented to the choice which columbus made of his old friend deza, now archbishop of seville; but columbus was too immovably fixed upon his own rights to consent that more than the question of revenue should be considered by such an arbiter. his recorded privileges and the pledged word of the sovereign were not matters to be reconsidered. such was not, however, the opinion of the king. he evaded the point in his talk with bland countenance, and did nothing in his acts beyond referring the question anew to a body of counselors convened to determine the fulfillment of the queen's will. they did nothing quite as easily as the king. las casas tells us that the king was only restrained by motives of outward decency from a public rejection of all the binding obligations towards the admiral into which he had entered jointly with the queen. [sidenote: 1505. august 25. his will.] [sidenote: columbus pleads for his son.] [sidenote: rejects offers of estates.] columbus found in all this nothing to comfort a sick and desponding man, and sank in despair upon his couch. he roused enough to have a will drafted august 25, which confirmed a testament made in 1502, before starting on his last voyage. his disease renewed its attacks. an old wound had reopened. from a bed of pain he began again his written appeals. he now gave up all hopes for himself, but he pleaded for his son, that upon him the honors which he himself had so laboriously won should be bestowed. diego at the same time, in seconding the petition, promised, if the reinstatement took place, that he would count those among his counselors whom the royal will should designate. nothing of protest or appeal came opportunely to the determined king. "the more he was petitioned," says las casas, "the more bland he was in avoiding any conclusion." he hoped by exhausting the patience of the admiral to induce him to accept some estates in castile in lieu of such powers in the indies. columbus rejected all such intimations with indignation. he would have nothing but his bonded rights. "i have done all that i can do," he said in a pitiful, despairing letter to deza. "i must leave the issue to god. he has always sustained me in extremities." "it argued," says prescott, in commenting on this, "less knowledge of character than the king usually showed, that he should have thought the man who had broken off all negotiations on the threshold of a dubious enterprise, rather than abate one tittle of his demands, would consent to such abatement, when the success of that enterprise was so gloriously established." [sidenote: columbus at salamanca.] [sidenote: mendez and columbus.] the admiral was, during this part of his suit, apparently at salamanca, for mendez speaks of him as being there confined to his bed with the gout, while he himself was doing all he could to press his master's claims to have diego recognized in his rights. in return for this service, mendez asked to be appointed principal alguazil of española for life, and he says the admiral acknowledged that such an appointment was but a trifling remuneration for his great services, but the requital never came. [sidenote: columbus unable to leave valladolid to greet philip and juana.] there broke a glimmer of hope. the death of the queen had left the throne of castile to her daughter juana, the wife of philip of austria, and they had arrived from flanders to be installed in their inheritance. columbus, who had followed the court from segovia to salamanca, thence to valladolid, was now unable to move further in his decrepitude, and sent the adelantado to propitiate the daughter of isabella, with the trust that something of her mother's sympathy might be vouchsafed to his entreaties. bartholomew never saw his brother again, and was not privileged to communicate to him the gracious hopes which the benignity of his reception raised. [sidenote: negroes sent to española.] a year had passed since the admiral had come to the neighborhood of the court, wherever it was, and nothing had been accomplished in respect to his personal interests. indeed, little touching the indies at all seems to have been done. there had been trial made of sending negro slaves to española as indicating that the native bondage needed reinforcement; but ovando had reported that the experiment was a failure, since the negroes only mixed with the indians and taught them bad habits. ferdinando cared little for this, and at segovia, september 15, 1505, he notified ovando that he should send some more negroes. whether columbus was aware of this change in the methods of extracting gold from the soil we cannot find. [sidenote: 1506. may 4. codicil to his will.] as soon as bartholomew had started on his mission the malady of columbus increased. he became conscious that the time had come to make his final dispositions. it was on may 4, 1506, according to the common story, that he signed a codicil to his will on a blank page in a breviary which had been given to him, as he says, by alexander vi., and which had "comforted him in his battles, his captivities, and his misfortunes." this document has been accepted by some of the commentators as genuine; harrisse and others are convinced of its apocryphal character. it was not found till 1779. it is a strange document, if authentic. [sidenote: thought to be spurious.] itholds that such dignities as were his under the spanish crown, acknowledged or not, were his of right to alienate from the spanish throne. it was, if anything, a mere act of bravado, as if to flout at the authority which could dare deprive him of his possessions. he provides for the descent of his honors in the male line, and that failing, he bequeaths them to the republic of genoa! it was a gauge of hostile demands on spain which no one but a madman would imagine that genoa would accept if she could. he bestowed on his native city, in the same reckless way, the means to erect a hospital, and designated that such resources should come from his italian estates, whatever they were. certainly the easiest way to dispose of the paper is to consider it a fraud. if such, it was devised by some one who entered into the spirit of the admiral's madness, and made the most of rumors that had been afloat respecting columbus's purposes to benefit genoa at the expense of spain. [sidenote: 1506. may 19. ratified his will.] about a fortnight later (may 19), he ratified an undoubted will, which had been drafted by his own hand the year before at segovia, and executed it with the customary formalities. its testamentary provisions were not unnatural. he made diego his heir, and his entailed property was, in default of heirs to diego, to pass to his illegitimate son ferdinand, and from him, in like default, to his own brother, the adelantado, and his male descendants; and all such failing, to the female lines in a similar succession. he enjoined upon his representatives, of whatever generation, to serve the spanish king with fidelity. upon diego, and upon later heads of the family, he imposed the duty of relieving all distressed relatives and others in poverty. he imposed on his lawful son the appointment of some one of his lineage to live constantly in genoa, to maintain the family dignity. he directed him to grant due allowances to his brother and uncle; and when the estates yielded the means, to erect a chapel in the vega of española, where masses might be said daily for the repose of the souls of himself and of his nearest relatives. he made the furthering of the crusade to recover the holy sepulchre equally contingent upon the increase of his income. he also directed diego to provide for the maintenance of donna beatrix enriquez, the mother of ferdinand, as "a person to whom i am under great obligations," and "let this be done for the discharge of my conscience, for it weighs heavy on my soul,--the reasons for which i am not here permitted to give;" and this was a behest that diego, in his own will, acknowledges his failure to observe during the last years of the lady's life. then, in a codicil, columbus enumerates sundry little bequests to other persons to whom he was indebted, and whose kindness he wished to remember. he was honest enough to add that his bequests were imaginary unless his rights were acknowledged. "hitherto i neither have had, nor have i now, any positive income." he failed to express any wish respecting the spot of his interment. the documents were committed at once to a notary, from whose archives a copy was obtained in 1524 by his son diego, and this copy exists to-day among the family papers in the hands of the duke of veragua. [sidenote: 1506. may 20. columbus dies.] this making of a will was almost his last act. on the next day he partook of the sacrament, and uttering, "into thy hands, o lord, i commit my spirit," he gasped his last. it was on the 20th of may, 1506,--by some circumstances we might rather say may 21,--in the city of valladolid, that this singular, hopeful, despondent, melancholy life came to its end. he died at the house no. 7 calle de colon, which is still shown to travelers. [illustration: house where columbus died. [from ruge's _geschichte des zeitalters der entdeckungen_.]] [sidenote: his death unnoticed.] there was a small circle of relatives and friends who mourned. the tale of his departure came like a sough of wind to a few others, who had seen no way to alleviate a misery that merited their sympathy. the king could have but found it a relief from the indiscretion of his early promises. the world at large thought no more of the mournful procession which bore that wayworn body to the grave than it did of any poor creature journeying on his bier to the potter's field. it is hard to conceive how the fame of a man over whose acts in 1493 learned men cried for joy, and by whose deeds the adventurous spirit had been stirred in every seaport of western europe, should have so completely passed into oblivion that a professed chronicler like peter martyr, busy tattler as he was, should take no notice of his illness and death. there have come down to us five long letters full of news and gossip, which martyr wrote from valladolid at this very time, with not a word in them of the man he had so often commemorated. fracanzio da montalboddo, publishing in 1507 some correction of his early voyages, had not heard of columbus's death; nor had madrignano in dating his latin rendering of the same book in 1508. it was not till twenty-seven days after the death-bed scene that the briefest notice was made in passing, in an official document of the town, to the effect that "the said admiral is dead!" [sidenote: his burial.] [sidenote: his coffin carried to seville.] it is not even certain where the body was first placed, though it is usually affirmed to have been deposited in the franciscan convent in valladolid. nor is there any evidence to support another equally prevalent story that king ferdinand had ordered the removal of the remains to seville seven years later, when a monument was built bearing the often-quoted distich,- à castilla y à leon nuevo mundo dió colon,-it being pretty evident that such an inscription was never thought of till castellanos suggested it in his _elegias_ in 1588. if diego's will in 1509 can be interpreted on this matter, it seems pretty sure that within three years (1509) after the death of columbus, instead of seven, his coffin had been conveyed to seville and placed inside the convent of las cuevas, in the vault of the carthusians, where the bodies of his son diego and brother bartholomew were in due time to rest beside his own. here the remains were undisturbed till 1536, when the records of the convent affirm that they were given up for transportation, though the royal order is given as of june 2, 1537. from that date till 1549 there is room for conjecture as to their abiding-place. [sidenote: 1541. removed to santo domingo.] [sidenote: remains removed to havana.] it was during this interval that his family were seeking to carry out what was supposed to be the wish of the admiral to rest finally in the island of española. from 1537 to 1540 the government are known to have issued three different orders respecting the removal of the remains, and it is conjectured the transference was actually made in 1541, shortly after the completion of the cathedral at santo domingo. if any record was made at the time to designate the spot of the reëntombment in that edifice, it is not now known, and it was not till 1676 that somebody placed an entry in its records that the burial had been made on the right of the altar. a few years later (1683), the recollections of aged people are quoted to substantiate such a statement. we find no other notice till a century afterwards, when, on the occasion of some repairs, a stone vault, supposed in the traditions to be that which held the remains, was found on "the gospel side" of the chancel, while another on "the epistle side" was thought to contain the remains of bartholomew columbus. this was the suspected situation of the graves when the treaty of basle, in 1795, gave the santo domingo end of the island to france, and the spanish authorities, acting in concert with the duke of veragua, as the representative of the family of columbus, determined on the removal of the remains to havana. it is a question which has been raised since 1877 whether the body of columbus was the one then removed, and over which so much parade was made during the transportation and reinterment in cuba. there has been a controversy on the point, in which the bishop of santo domingo and his adherents have claimed that the remains of columbus are still in their charge, while it was those of his son diego which had been removed. the academy of history at madrid have denied this, and in a long report to the spanish government have asserted that there was no mistake in the transfer, and that the additional casket found was that of christopher colon, the grandson. [illustration: cathedral at santo domingo.] [sidenote: question of the identity of his remains.] it was represented, moreover, that those features of the inscription on the lately found leaden box which seemed to indicate it as the casket of the first admiral of the indies had been fraudulently added or altered. the question has probably been thrown into the category of doubt, though the case as presented in favor of santo domingo has some recognizably weak points, which the advocates of the other side have made the most of, and to the satisfaction perhaps of the more careful inquirers. the controversial literature on the subject is considerable. the repairs of 1877 in the santo domingo cathedral revealed the empty vault from which the transported body had been taken; but they showed also the occupied vault of the grandson luis, and another in which was a leaden case which bore the inscriptions which are in dispute. [sidenote: alleged burial of his chains with him.] it is the statement of the _historie_ that columbus preserved the chains in which he had come home from his third voyage, and that he had them buried with him, or intended to do so. the story is often repeated, but it has no other authority than the somewhat dubious one of that book; and it finds no confirmation in las casas, peter martyr, bernaldez, or oviedo. humboldt says that he made futile inquiry of those who had assisted in the reinterment at havana, if there were any trace of these fetters or of oxide of iron in the coffin. in the accounts of the recent discovery of remains at santo domingo, it is said that there was equally no trace of fetters in the casket. * * * * * [sidenote: the age of columbus.] the age of columbus is almost without a parallel, presenting perhaps the most striking appearances since the star shone upon bethlehem. it saw martin luther burn the pope's bull, and assert a new kind of independence. it added erasmus to the broadeners of life. ancient art was revivified in the discovery of its most significant remains. modern art stood confessed in da vinci, michael angelo, titian, raphael, holbein, and dürer. copernicus found in the skies a wonderful development without great telescopic help. the route of the portuguese by the african cape and the voyage of columbus opened new worlds to thought and commerce. they made the earth seem to man, north and south, east and west, as man never before had imagined it. it looked as if mercantile endeavor was to be constrained by no bounds. articles of trade were multiplied amazingly. every movement was not only new and broad, but it was rapid beyond conception. it was more like the remodeling of japan, which we have seen in our day, than anything that had been earlier known. [illustration: statue of columbus at santo domingo.] the long sway of the moors was disintegrating. the arab domination in science and seamanship was yielding to the western genius. the turks had in the boyhood (1453) of columbus consummated their last great triumph in the capture of constantinople, thus placing a barrier to christian commerce with the east. this conquest drove out the learned christians of the east, who had drunk of the arab erudition, and they fled with their stores of learning to the western lands, coming back to the heirs of the romans with the spirit which rome in the past had sent to the east. but what christian europe was losing in the east portugal and prince henry were gaining for her in the great and forbidding western waste of waters and along its african shores. as the hot tide of mahometan invasion rolled over the bosphorus, the burning equatorial zone was pierced from the north along the coasts of the black continent. [sidenote: italian discoverers.] [sidenote: his growing belief in the western passage.] italy, seeing her maritime power drop away as the naval supremacy of the atlantic seaboard rose, was forced to send her experienced navigators to the oceanic ports, to maintain the supremacy of her name and genius in cadamosto, columbus, vespucius, cabot, and verrazano. those cosmographical views which had come down the ages, at times obscured, then for a while patent, and of which the traces had lurked in the minds of learned men by an almost continuous sequence for many centuries, at last possessed by inheritance the mind of columbus. by reading, by conference with others, by noting phenomena, and by reasoning, in the light of all these, upon the problem of a western passage to india, obvious as it was if once the sphericity of the earth be acknowledged, he gradually grew to be confident in himself and trustful in his agency with others. he was far from being alone in his beliefs, nor was his age anything more than a reflection of long periods of like belief. [sidenote: deficiencies of character.] there was simply needed a man with courage and constancy in his convictions, so that the theory could be demonstrated. this age produced him. enthusiasm and the contagion of palpable though shadowy truths gave columbus, after much tribulation, the countenance in high quarters that enabled him to reach success, deceptive though it was. it would have been well for his memory if he had died when his master work was done. with his great aim certified by its results, though they were far from being what he thought, he was unfortunately left in the end to be laid bare on trial, a common mortal after all, the creature of buffeting circumstances, and a weakling in every element of command. his imagination had availed him in his upward course when a serene habit in his waiting days could obscure his defects. later, the problems he encountered were those that required an eye to command, with tact to persuade and skill to coerce, and he had none of them. [sidenote: roger bacon and columbus.] [sidenote: pierre d'ailly's _imago mundi_.] the man who becomes the conspicuous developer of any great world-movement is usually the embodiment of the ripened aspirations of his time. such was columbus. it is the forerunner, the man who has little countenance in his age, who points the way for some hazardous after-soul to pursue. such was roger bacon, the english franciscan. it was bacon's lot to direct into proper channels the new surging of the experimental sciences which was induced by the revived study of aristotle, and was carrying dismay into the strongholds of platonism. standing out from the background of arab regenerating learning, the name of roger bacon, linked often with that of albertus magnus, stood for the best knowledge and insight of the thirteenth century. bacon it was who gave that tendency to thought which, seized by cardinal pierre d'ailly, and incorporated by him in his _imago mundi_ (1410), became the link between bacon and columbus. humboldt has indeed expressed his belief that this encyclopædic survey of the world exercised a more important influence upon the discovery of america than even the prompting which columbus got from his correspondence with toscanelli. how well columbus pored over the pages of the _imago mundi_ we know from the annotations of his own copy, which is still preserved in the biblioteca colombina. it seems likely that columbus got directly from this book most that he knew of those passages in aristotle, strabo, and seneca which speak of the asiatic shores as lying opposite to hispania. there is some evidence that this book was his companion even on his voyages, and humboldt points out how he translates a passage from it, word for word, when in 1498 he embodied it in a letter which he wrote to his sovereigns from española. [sidenote: his acquaintance with the elder writers.] if we take the pains, as humboldt did, to examine the writings of columbus, to ascertain the sources which he cited, we find what appears to be a broad acquaintance with books. it is to be remembered, however, that the admiral quoted usually at second hand, and that he got his acquaintance with classic authors, at least, mainly through this _imago mundi_ of pierre d'ailly. humboldt, in making his list of columbus's authors, omits the references to the scriptures and to the church fathers, "in whom," as he says, "columbus was singularly versed," and then gives the following catalogue:-aristotle; julius cæsar; strabo; seneca; pliny; ptolemy; solinus; julius capitolinus; alfrazano; avenruyz; rabbi samuel de israel; isidore, bishop of seville; the venerable bede; strabus, abbé of reichenau; duns scotus; françois mayronis; abbé joachim de calabre; sacrobosco, being in fact the english mathematician holywood; nicholas de lyra, the norman franciscan; king alfonso the wise, and his moorish scribes; cardinal pierre d'ailly; gerson, chancellor of the university of paris; pope pius ii., otherwise known as æneas sylvius piccolomini; regiomontanus, as the latinized name of johann müller of königsberg is given, though columbus does not really name him; paolo toscanelli, the florentine physician; and nicolas de conti, of whom he had heard through toscanelli, perhaps. humboldt can find no evidence that columbus had read the travels of marco polo, and does not discover why navarrete holds that he had, though polo's stories must have permeated much that columbus read; nor does he understand why irving says that columbus took marco polo's book on his first voyage. [sidenote: columbus and toscanelli.] we see often in the world's history a simultaneousness in the regeneration of thought. here and there a seer works on in ignorance of some obscure brother elsewhere. rumor and circulating manuscripts bring them into sympathy. they grow by the correlation. it is just this correspondence that confronts us in columbus and toscanelli, and it is not quite, but almost, perceptible that this wise florentine doctor was the first, despite humboldt's theory, to plant in the mind of columbus his aspirations for the truths of geography. it is meet that columbus should not be mentioned without the accompanying name of toscanelli. it was the genoese's different fortune that he could attempt as a seaman a practical demonstration of his fellow italian's views. many a twin movement of the world's groping spirit thus seeks the light. progress naturally pushes on parallel lines. commerce thrusts her intercourse to remotest regions, while the church yearns for new souls to convert, and peers longingly into the dim spaces that skirt the world's geography. navigators improve their methods, and learned men in the arts supply them with exacter instruments. the widespread manifestations of all this new life at last crystallize, and gama and columbus appear, the reflex of every development. [sidenote: opportuneness of his discoveries.] thus the discovery of columbus came in the ripeness of time. no one of the anterior accidents, suggesting a western land, granting that there was some measure of fact in all of them, had come to a world prepared to think on their developments. vinland was practically forgotten, wherever it may have been. the tales of fousang had never a listener in europe. madoc was as unknown as elidacthon. while the new indies were not in their turn to be forgotten, their discoverer was to bury himself in a world of conjecture. the superlatives of columbus soon spent their influence. the pioneer was lost sight of in the new currents of thought which he had started. not of least interest among them was the cognizance of new races of men, and new revelations in the animal and physical kingdoms, while the question of their origins pressed very soon on the theological and scientific sense of the age. * * * * * [sidenote: not above his age.] [sidenote: claims for palliation.] no man craves more than columbus to be judged with all the palliations demanded of a difference of his own age and ours. no child of any age ever did less to improve his contemporaries, and few ever did more to prepare the way for such improvements. the age created him and the age left him. there is no more conspicuous example in history of a man showing the path and losing it. it is by no means sure, with all our boast of benevolent progress, that atrocities not much short of those which we ascribe to columbus and his compeers may not at any time disgrace the coming as they have blackened the past years of the nineteenth century. this fact gives us the right to judge the infirmities of man in any age from the high vantage-ground of the best emotions of all the centuries. in the application of such perennial justice columbus must inevitably suffer. the degradation of the times ceases to be an excuse when the man to be judged stands on the pinnacle of the ages. the biographer cannot forget, indeed, that columbus is a portrait set in the surroundings of his times; but it is equally his duty at the same time to judge the paths which he trod by the scale of an eternal nobleness. [sidenote: test of his character.] [sidenote: not a creator of ideas.] the very domination of this man in the history of two hemispheres warrants us in estimating him by an austere sense of occasions lost and of opportunities embraced. the really great man is superior to his age, and anticipates its future; not as a sudden apparition, but as the embodiment of a long growth of ideas of which he is the inheritor and the capable exemplar. humboldt makes this personal domination of two kinds. the one comes from the direct influence of character; the other from the creation of an idea, which, freed from personality, works its controlling mission by changing the face of things. it is of this last description that humboldt makes the domination of columbus. it is extremely doubtful if any instance can be found of a great idea changing the world's history, which has been created by any single man. none such was created by columbus. there are always forerunners whose agency is postponed because the times are not propitious. a masterful thought has often a long pedigree, starting from a remote antiquity, but it will be dormant till it is environed by the circumstances suited to fructify it. this was just the destiny of the intuition which began with aristotle and came down to columbus. to make his first voyage partook of foolhardiness, as many a looker-on reasonably declared. it was none the less foolhardy when it was done. if he had reached the opulent and powerful kings of the orient, his little cockboats and their brave souls might have fared hard for their intrusion. his blunder in geography very likely saved him from annihilation. * * * * * [sidenote: his character differently drawn.] [sidenote: prescott.] [sidenote: irving.] the character of columbus has been variously drawn, almost always with a violent projection of the limner's own personality. we find prescott contending that "whatever the defects of columbus's mental constitution, the finger of the historian will find it difficult to point to a single blemish in his moral character." it is certainly difficult to point to a more flagrant disregard of truth than when we find prescott further saying, "whether we contemplate his character in its public or private relations, in all its features it wears the same noble aspects. it was in perfect harmony with the grandeur of his plans, and with results more stupendous than those which heaven has permitted any other mortal to achieve." it is very striking to find prescott, after thus speaking of his private as well as public character, and forgetting the remorse of columbus for the social wrongs he had committed, append in a footnote to this very passage a reference to his "illegitimate" son. it seems to mark an obdurate purpose to disguise the truth. this is also nowhere more patent than in the palliating hero-worship of irving, with his constant effort to save a world's exemplar for the world's admiration, and more for the world's sake than for columbus's. irving at one time berates the biographer who lets "pernicious erudition" destroy a world's exemplar; and at another time he does not know that he is criticising himself when he says that "he who paints a great man merely in great and heroic traits, though he may produce a fine picture, will never present a faithful portrait." the commendation which he bestows upon herrera is for precisely what militates against the highest aims of history, since he praises that spanish historian's disregard of judicial fairness. in the being which irving makes stand for the historic columbus, his skill in softened expression induced humboldt to suppose that irving's avoidance of exaggeration gave a force to his eulogy, but there was little need to exaggerate merits, if defects were blurred. [sidenote: humboldt.] the learned german adds, in the opening of the third volume of his _examen critique_, his own sense of the impressiveness of columbus. that impressiveness stands confessed; but it is like a gyrating storm that knows no law but the vagrancy of destruction. one need not look long to discover the secret of humboldt's estimate of columbus. without having that grasp of the picturesque which appeals so effectively to the popular mind in the letters of vespucius, the admiral was certainly not destitute of keen observation of nature, but unfortunately this quality was not infrequently prostituted to ignoble purposes. to a student of humboldt's proclivities, these traits of observation touched closely his sympathy. he speaks in his _cosmos_ of the development of this exact scrutiny in manifold directions, notwithstanding columbus's previous ignorance of natural history, and tells us that this capacity for noting natural phenomena arose from his contact with such. it would have been better for the fame of columbus if he had kept this scientific survey in its purity. it was simply, for instance, a vitiated desire to astound that made him mingle theological and physical theories about the land of paradise. such jugglery was promptly weighed in spain and italy by peter martyr and others as the wild, disjointed effusions of an overwrought mind, and "the reflex of a false erudition," as humboldt expresses it. it was palpably by another effort, of a like kind, that he seized upon the views of the fathers of the church that the earthly paradise lay in the extreme orient, and he was quite as audacious when he exacted the oath on the cuban coast, to make it appear by it that he had really reached the outermost parts of asia. [sidenote: observations of nature.] humboldt seeks to explain this errant habit by calling it "the sudden movement of his ardent and passionate soul; the disarrangement of ideas which were the effect of an incoherent method and of the extreme rapidity of his reading; while all was increased by his misfortunes and religious mysticism." such an explanation hardly relieves the subject of it from blunter imputations. this urgency for some responsive wonderment at every experience appears constantly in the journal of columbus's first voyage, as, for instance, when he makes every harbor exceed in beauty the last he had seen. this was the commonplace exaggeration which in our day is confined to the calls of speculating land companies. the fact was that humboldt transferred to his hero something of the superlative love of nature that he himself had experienced in the same regions; but there was all the difference between him and columbus that there is between a genuine love of nature and a commercial use of it. whenever columbus could divert his mind from a purpose to make the indies a paying investment, we find some signs of an insight that shows either observation of his own or the garnering of it from others, as, for example, when he remarks on the decrease of rain in the canaries and the azores which followed upon the felling of trees, and when he conjectures that the elongated shape of the islands of the antilles on the lines of the parallels was due to the strength of the equatorial current. [sidenote: roselly de lorgues and his school.] [sidenote: harrisse.] since irving, prescott, and humboldt did their work, there has sprung up the unreasoning and ecstatic french school under the lead of roselly de lorgues, who seek to ascribe to columbus all the virtues of a saint. "columbus had no defect of character and no worldly quality," they say. the antiquarian and searching spirit of harrisse, and of those writers who have mainly been led into the closest study of the events of the life of columbus, has not done so much to mould opinion as regards the estimate in which the admiral should be held as to eliminate confusing statements and put in order corroborating facts. the reaction from the laudation of the canonizers has not produced any writer of consideration to array such derogatory estimates as effectually as a plain recital of established facts would do it. hubert bancroft, in the incidental mention which he makes of columbus, has touched his character not inaptly, and with a consistent recognition of its infirmities. even prescott, who verges constantly on the ecstatic elements of the adulatory biographer, is forced to entertain at times "a suspicion of a temporary alienation of mind," and in regard to the letter which columbus wrote from jamaica to the sovereigns, is obliged to recognize "sober narrative and sound reasoning strangely blended with crazy dreams and doleful lamentations." [sidenote: aaron goodrich.] "vagaries like these," he adds, "which came occasionally like clouds over his soul to shut out the light of reason, cannot fail to fill the mind of the reader, as they doubtless did those of the sovereigns, with mingled sentiments of wonder and compassion." an unstinted denunciatory purpose, much weakened by an inconsiderate rush of disdain, characterizes an american writer, aaron goodrich, in his _life of the so-called christopher columbus_ (new york, 1875); but the critic's temper is too peevish and his opinions are too unreservedly biased to make his results of any value. [sidenote: humboldt.] the mental hallucinations of columbus, so patent in his last years, were not beyond recognition at a much earlier age, and those who would get the true import of his character must trace these sorrowful manifestations to their beginnings, and distinguish accurately between columbus when his purpose was lofty and unselfish and himself again when he became mercenary and erratic. so much does the verdict of history lodge occasionally more in the narrator of events than in the character of them that, in humboldt's balancing of the baser with the nobler symptoms of columbus's nature, he does not find even the most degraded of his actions other than powerful in will, and sometimes, at least, clear in intelligence. there were certainly curiously transparent, but transient gleams of wisdom to the last. humboldt further says that the faith of columbus soothed his dreary and weary adversities by the charm of ascetic reveries. so a handsome euphuism tries to save his fame from harsher epithets. it was a faith, says the same delineator, which justified at need, under the pretext of a religious object, the employment of deceit and the excess of a despotic power; a tenderer form, doubtless, of the vulgar expression that the end sanctifies the means. it is not, however, within the practice of the better historical criticism of our day to let such elegant wariness beguile the reader's mind. if the different, not to say more advanced, condition of the critical mind is to be of avail to a new age through the advantage gained from all the ages, it is in precisely this emancipation from the trammels of traditionary bondage that the historian asserts his own, and dispels the glamour of a conventionalized hero-worship. [sidenote: dr. j. g. shea.] dr. shea, our most distinguished catholic scholar, who has dealt with the character of columbus, says: "he accomplished less than some adventurers with poor equipped vessels. he seems to have succeeded in attaching but few men to him who adhered loyally to his cause. those under him were constantly rebellious and mutinous; those over him found him impracticable. to array all these as enemies, inspired by a satanic hostility to a great servant of god, is to ask too much for our belief;" and yet this is precisely what irving by constant modifications, and de lorgues in a monstrous degree, feel themselves justified in doing. [sidenote: the french canonizers.] there is nothing in columbus's career that these french canonizers do not find convertible to their purpose, whether it be his wild vow to raise 4,000 horse and 50,000 foot in seven years, wherewith to snatch the holy sepulchre from the infidel, or the most commonplace of his canting ejaculations. that columbus was a devout catholic, according to the catholicism of his epoch, does not admit of question, but when tried by any test that finds the perennial in holy acts, columbus fails to bear the examination. he had nothing of the generous and noble spirit of a conjoint lover of man and of god, as the higher spirits of all times have developed it. there was no all-loving deity in his conception. his lord was one in whose name it was convenient to practice enormities. he shared this subterfuge with isabella and the rest. we need to think on what las casas could be among his contemporaries, if we hesitate to apply the conceptions of an everlasting humanity. [sidenote: converts and slaves.] the mines which columbus went to seek were hard to find. the people he went to save to christ were easy to exterminate. he mourned bitterly that his own efforts were ill requited. he had no pity for the misery of others, except they be his dependents and co-sharers of his purposes. he found a policy worth commemorating in slitting the noses and tearing off the ears of a naked heathen. he vindicates his excess by impressing upon the world that a man setting out to conquer the indies must not be judged by the amenities of life which belong to a quiet rule in established countries. yet, with a chance to establish a humane life among peoples ready to be moulded to good purposes, he sought from the very first to organize among them the inherited evils of "established countries." he talked a great deal about making converts of the poor souls, while the very first sight which he had of them prompted him to consign them to the slave-mart, just as if the first step to christianize was the step which unmans. the first vicar apostolic sent to teach the faith in santo domingo returned to spain, no longer able to remain, powerless, in sight of the cruelties practiced by columbus. isabella prevented the selling of the natives as slaves in spain, when columbus had dispatched thither five shiploads. las casas tells us that in 1494-96 columbus was generally hated in española for his odiousness and injustice, and that the admiral's policy with the natives killed a third of them in those two years. the franciscans, when they arrived at the island, found the colonists exuberant that they had been relieved of the rule which columbus had instituted; and the benedictines and dominicans added their testimony to the same effect. [sidenote: he urges enslaving the natives from the first.] the very first words, as has been said, that he used, in conveying to expectant europe the wonders of his discovery, suggested a scheme of enslaving the strange people. he had already made the voyage that of a kidnapper, by entrapping nine of the unsuspecting natives. on his second voyage he sent home a vessel-load of slaves, on the pretense of converting them, but his sovereigns intimated to him that it would cost less to convert them in their own homes. then he thought of the righteous alternative of sending some to spain to be sold to buy provisions to support those who would convert others in their homes. the monarchs were perhaps dazed at this sophistry; and columbus again sent home four vessels laden with reeking cargoes of flesh. when he returned to spain, in 1496, to circumvent his enemies, he once more sought in his turn, and by his reasoning, to cheat the devil of heathen souls by sending other cargoes. at last the line was drawn. it was not to save their souls, but to punish them for daring to war against the spaniards, that they should be made to endure such horrors. it is to columbus, also, that we trace the beginning of that monstrous guilt which spanish law sanctioned under the name of _repartimientos_, and by which to every colonist, and even to the vilest, absolute power was given over as many natives as his means and rank entitled him to hold. las casas tells us that ferdinand could hardly have had a conception of the enormities of the system. if so, it was because he winked out of sight the testimony of observers, while he listened to the tales prompted of greed, rapine, and cruelty. the value of the system to force heathen out of hell, and at the same time to replenish his treasury, was the side of it presented to ferdinand's mind by such as had access to his person. in 1501, we find the dominicans entering their protest, and by this ferdinand was moved to take the counsel of men learned in the law and in what passed in those days for christian ethics. this court of appeal approved these necessary efforts, as was claimed, to increase those who were new to the faith, and to reward those who supported it. peter martyr expressed the comforting sentiments of the age: "national right and that of the church concede personal liberty to man. state policy, however, demurs. custom repels the idea. long experience shows that slavery is necessary to prevent those returning to their idolatry and error whom the church has once gained." all professed servants of the church, with a few exceptions like las casas, ranged themselves with columbus on the side of such specious thoughts; and las casas, in recognizing this fact, asks what we could expect of an old sailor and fighter like columbus, when the wisest and most respectable of the priesthood backed him in his views. it was indeed the misery of columbus to miss the opportunity of being wiser than his fellows, the occasion always sought by a commanding spirit, and it was offered to him almost as to no other. [sidenote: progress of slavery in the west indies.] there was no restraining the evil. the cupidity of the colonists overcame all obstacles. the queen was beguiled into giving equivocal instructions to ovando, who succeeded to bobadilla, and out of them by interpretation grew an increase of the monstrous evil. in 1503, every atrocity had reached a legal recognition. labor was forced; the slaves were carried whither the colonists willed; and for eight months at least in every year, families were at pleasure disrupted without mercy. one feels some satisfaction in seeing columbus himself at last, in a letter to diego, december 1, 1504, shudder at the atrocities of ovando. when one sees the utter annihilation of the whole race of the antilles, a thing clearly assured at the date of the death of columbus, one wishes that that dismal death-bed in valladolid could have had its gloom illumined by a consciousness that the hand which lifted the banner of spain and of christ at san salvador had done something to stay the misery which cupidity and perverted piety had put in course. when a man seeks to find and parades reasons for committing a crime, it is to stifle his conscience. columbus passed years in doing it. [sidenote: talavera.] [sidenote: the franciscans.] back of isabella in this spasmodic interest in the indians was the celebrated archbishop of granada, fernando de talavera, whom we have earlier known as the prior of prado. he had been since 1478 the confessor of the queen, and when the time came for sending missionaries to the antilles it was natural that they were of the order of st. jerome, of which talavera was himself a member. columbus, through a policy which induced him to make as apparent as possible his mingling of interests with the church, had before this adopted the garb of the franciscans, and this order was the second in time to be seen in española in 1502. they were the least tolerant of the leading orders, and had already shown a disposition to harass the indians, and were known to treat haughtily the queen's intercessions for the poor souls. it was not till after the death of columbus that the dominicans, coming in 1510, reinforced the kindly spirit of the priests of st. jerome. still later they too abandoned their humanity. * * * * * [sidenote: columbus's mercenary impulses.] [sidenote: his praise of gold.] the downfall of columbus began when he wrested from the reluctant monarchs what he called his privileges, and when he insisted upon riches as the accompaniment of such state and consequence as those privileges might entail. the terms were granted, so far as the king was concerned, simply to put a stop to importunities, for he never anticipated being called upon to confirm them. the insistency of columbus in this respect is in strange contrast to the satisfaction which the captains of prince henry, da gama and the rest, were content to find in the unpolluted triumphs of science. the mercenary columbus was forced to the utterance of solomon: "i looked upon the labor that i had labored to do, and behold all was vanity and vexation of spirit." the preacher never had a better example. columbus was wont to say that gold gave the soul its flight to paradise. perhaps he referred to the masses which could be bought, or to the alms which could propitiate heaven. he might better have remembered the words of warning given to baruch: "seekest thou great things for thyself? seek them not. for, saith the lord, thy life will i give unto them for a prey in all places whither thou goest." and a prey in all places he became. humboldt seeks to palliate this cupidity by making him the conscious inheritor of the pecuniary chances which every free son of genoa expected to find within his grasp by commercial enterprise. such prominence was sought because it carried with it power and influence in the republic. if columbus had found riches in the new world as easily as he anticipated, it is possible that such affluence would have moulded his character in other ways for good or for evil. he soon found himself confronting a difficult task, to satisfy with insufficient means a craving which his exaggerations had established. this led him to spare no device, at whatever sacrifice of the natives, to produce the coveted gold, and it was an ingenious mockery that induced him to deck his captives with golden chains and parade them through the spanish towns. [sidenote: nicolas de conti.] [sidenote: the world's disgust.] after da gama had opened the route to cathay by the cape of good hope, and columbus had, as he supposed, touched the eastern confines of the same country, the wonderful stories of asiatic glories told by nicolas de conti were translated, by order of king emanuel (in 1500), into portuguese. it is no wonder that the interest in the development of 1492 soon waned when the world began to compare the descriptions of the region beyond the ganges, as made known by marco polo, and so recently by conti, and the apparent confirmation of them established by the portuguese, with the meagre resources which columbus had associated with the same country, in all that he could say about the antilles or bring from them. an adventurous voyage across the sea of darkness begat little satisfaction, if all there was to show for it consisted of men with tails or a single eye, or races of amazons and cannibals. [sidenote: columbus's lack of generosity.] when we view the character of columbus in its influence upon the minds of men, we find some strange anomalies. before his passion was tainted with the ambition of wealth and its consequence, and while he was urging the acceptance of his views for their own sake, it is very evident that he impressed others in a way that never happened after he had secured his privileges. it is after this turning-point of his life that we begin to see his falsities and indiscretions, or at least to find record of them. the incident of the moving light in the night before his first landfall is a striking instance of his daring disregard of all the qualities that help a commander in his dominance over his men. it needs little discrimination to discern the utter deceitfulness of that pretense. a noble desire to win the loftiest honors of the discovery did not satisfy a mean, insatiable greed. he blunted every sentiment of generosity when he deprived a poor sailor of his pecuniary reward. that there was no actual light to be seen is apparent from the distance that the discoverers sailed before they saw land, since if the light had been ahead they would not have gone on, and if it had been abeam they would not have left it. the evidence is that of himself and a thrall, and he kept it secret at the time. the author of the _historie_ sees the difficulty, and attempts to vaporize the whole story by saying that the light was spiritual, and not physical. navarrete passes it by as a thing necessary, for the fame of columbus, to be ignored. [sidenote: his enforced oath at cuba.] a second instance of columbus's luckless impotence, at a time when an honorable man would have relied upon his character, was the attempt to make it appear that he had reached the coast of asia by imposing an oath on his men to that effect, in penalty of having their tongues wrenched out if they recanted. one can hardly conceive a more debasing exercise of power. [sidenote: his ambition of territorial power.] his insistence upon territorial power was the serious mistake of his life. he thought, in making an agreement with his sovereigns to become a viceroy, that he was securing an honor; he was in truth pledging his happiness and beggaring his life. he sought to attain that which the fates had unfitted him for, and the spanish monarchs, in an evil day, which was in due time their regret, submitted to his hallucinated dictation. no man ever evinced less capacity for ruling a colony. [sidenote: his professed inspiration.] the most sorrowful of all the phases of columbus's character is that hapless collapse, when he abandoned all faith in the natural world, and his premonitions of it, and threw himself headlong into the vortex of what he called inspiration. everything in his scientific argument had been logical. it produced the reliance which comes of wisdom. it was a manly show of an incisive reason. if he had rested here his claims for honor, he would have ranked with the great seers of the universe, with copernicus and the rest. his successful suit with the spanish sovereigns turned his head, and his degradation began when he debased a noble purpose to the level of mercenary claims. he relied, during his first voyage, more on chicanery in controlling his crew than upon the dignity of his aim and the natural command inherent in a lofty spirit. this deceit was the beginning of his decadence, which ended in a sad self-aggrandizement, when he felt himself no longer an instrument of intuition to probe the secrets of the earth, but a possessor of miraculous inspiration. the man who had been self-contained became a thrall to a fevered hallucination. the earnest mental study which had sustained his inquisitive spirit through long years of dealings with the great physical problems of the earth was forgotten. he hopelessly began to accredit to divinity the measure of his own fallibility. "god made me," he says, "the messenger of the new heaven and the new earth, of which he spoke in the apocalypse by st. john, after having spoken of it by the mouth of isaiah, and he showed me the spot where to find it." he no longer thought it the views of aristotle which guided him. the greek might be pardoned for his ignorance of the intervening america. it was mere sacrilege to impute such ignorance to the divine wisdom. [sidenote: lost his friends.] there is no excuse but the plea of insanity. he naturally lost his friends with losing his manly devotion to a cause. i do not find the beginning of this surrender of his manhood earlier than in the will which he signed february 22, 1498, when he credits the holy trinity with having inspired him with the idea that one could go to the indies by passing westward. in his letter to the nurse of don juan, he says that the prophecy of isaiah in the apocalypse had found its interpreter in him, the messenger to disclose a new part of the world. "human reason," he wrote in the _proficias_, "mathematics, and maps have served me in no wise. what i have accomplished is simply the fulfillment of the prophecy of david." [sidenote: his pitiable death.] we have seen a pitiable man meet a pitiable death. hardly a name in profane history is more august than his. hardly another character in the world's record has made so little of its opportunities. his discovery was a blunder; his blunder was a new world; the new world is his monument! its discoverer might have been its father; he proved to be its despoiler. he might have given its young days such a benignity as the world likes to associate with a maker; he left it a legacy of devastation and crime. he might have been an unselfish promoter of geographical science; he proved a rabid seeker for gold and a viceroyalty. he might have won converts to the fold of christ by the kindness of his spirit; he gained the execrations of the good angels. he might, like las casas, have rebuked the fiendishness of his contemporaries; he set them an example of perverted belief. the triumph of barcelona led down to the ignominy of valladolid, with every step in the degradation palpable and resultant. chapter xxi. the descent of columbus's honors. [sidenote: his kinsfolk.] columbus had left behind him, as the natural guardians of his name and honors, the following relatives: his brother bartholomew, who in december, 1508, had issue of an illegitimate daughter, his only child so far as known; his brother diego, who, as a priest, was precluded from having lawful issue; his son diego, now become the first inheritor of his honors; his natural son, ferdinand, the most considerable in intellectual habit of all columbus's immediate kin. [sidenote: his son diego.] the descent of his titles depended in the first instance on such a marriage as diego might contract. within a year or two diego had had by different women two bastard children, francisco and cristoval, shut off from heirship by the manner of their birth. diego was at this time not far from four and twenty years of age. ten or twelve days after diego succeeded to his inheritance, philip the handsome, now sharing the throne of castile as husband of juana, daughter of isabella, ordered that what was due to columbus should be paid to his successor. this order reached española in june, 1506, but was not obeyed promptly; and when ferdinand of aragon returned from italy in august, 1507, and succeeded to the castilian throne, he repeated the order on august 24. [sidenote: diego's income.] [sidenote: diego presses for a restitution of columbus's honors.] it would seem that in due time diego was in receipt of 450,000 ounces of gold annually from the four foundries in española. this, with whatever else there may have been, was by no means satisfactory to the young aspirant, and he began to press ferdinand for a restitution of his inherited honors and powers with all the pertinacity which had characterized his father's urgency. [sidenote: 1508. suit against the crown.] upon the return of ferdinand from naples, diego determined to push the matter to an issue, but ferdinand still evaded it. diego now asked, according to las casas and herrera, to be allowed to bring a suit against the crown before the council of the indies, and the king yielded to the request, confident, very likely, in his ability to control the verdict in the public interests. the suit at once began (1508), and continued for several years before all was accomplished, and in december of that same year (1508), we find diego empowering an attorney of the duke of alva to represent his case. the defense of the crown was that a transmission of the viceroyalty to the admiral's son was against public policy, and at variance with a law of 1480, which forbade any judicial office under the crown being held in perpetuity. it was further argued in the crown's behalf that columbus had not been the chief instrument of the first discovery and had not discovered the mainland, but that other voyagers had anticipated him. in response to all allegations, diego rested his case on the contracts of the crown with his father, which assured him the powers he asked for. further than this, the crown had already recognized, he claimed, a part of the contract in its orders of june 2, 1506, and august 24, 1507, whereby the revenues due under the contracts had been restored to him. it was also charged by the defense that columbus had been relieved of his powers because he had abused them, and the answer to this was that the sovereigns' letter of 1502 had acknowledged that bobadilla acted without authority. a number of navigators in the western seas were put on the stand to rebut the allegation of existing knowledge of the coast before the voyages of columbus, particularly in substantiating the priority of the voyage of columbus to the coast of paria, and the evidence was sufficient to show that all the alleged claims were simply perverted notions of the really later voyage of ojeda in 1499. it is from the testimony at this time, as given in navarrete, that the biographers of columbus derive considerable information, not otherwise attainable, respecting the voyages of columbus,--testimony, however, which the historian is obliged to weigh with caution in many respects. [sidenote: diego wins.] the case was promptly disposed of in diego's favor, but not without suspicions of the crown's influence to that end. the suit is, indeed, one of the puzzles in the history of columbus and his fame. if it was a suit to secure a verdict against the crown in order to protect the crown's rights under the bull of demarcation, we can understand why much that would have helped the position of the fiscal was not brought forward. if it was what it purported to be, an effort to relieve the crown of obligations fastened upon it under misconceptions or deceits, we may well marvel at such omission of evidence. [sidenote: diego marries maria de toledo.] [sidenote: diego waives his right to the title of viceroy.] it was left for the king to act on the decision for restitution. this might have been by his studied procrastination indefinitely delayed but for a shrewd movement on the part of diego, who opportunely aspired to the hand of doña maria de toledo, the daughter of fernando de toledo. this nobleman was brother of the duke of alva, one of the proudest grandees of spain, and he was also cousin of ferdinand, the king. the alliance, soon effected, brought the young suitor a powerful friend in his uncle, and the bride's family were not averse to a connection with the heir to the viceroyalty of the indies, now that it was confirmed by the council of the indies. harrisse cannot find that the promised dower ever came with the wife; but, on the contrary, diego seems to have become the financial agent of his wife's family. a demand for the royal acquiescence in the orders of the council could now be more easily made, and ferdinand readily conceded all but the title of viceroy. diego waived that for the time, and he was accordingly accredited as governor of española, in the place of ovando. [sidenote: ovando recalled.] isabella had indeed, while on her death-bed, importuned the king to recall ovando, because of the appalling stories of his cruelty to the indians. ferdinand had found that the governor's vigilance conduced to heavy remittances of gold, and had shown no eagerness to carry out the queen's wishes. he had even ordered ovando to begin that transference of the poor lucayan indians from their own islands to work in the española mines which soon resulted in the depopulation of the bahamas. now that he was forced to withdraw ovando he made it as agreeable for him as possible, and in the end there was no lack of commendation of his administration. indeed, as spaniards went in those days, ovando was good enough to gain the love of las casas, "except for some errors of moral blindness." [sidenote: 1509. june 9. diego sails for española.] it was on may 3, 1509, that ferdinand gave diego his instructions; and on june 9, the new governor with his noble wife sailed from san lucar. there went with diego, beside a large number of noble spaniards who introduced, as oviedo says, an infusion of the best spanish blood into the colony, his brother ferdinand, who was specially charged, as oviedo further tells us, to found monasteries and churches. his two uncles also accompanied him. bartholomew had gone to rome after columbus's death, with the intention of inducing pope julius ii. to urge upon the king a new voyage of discovery; and harrisse thinks that this is proved by some memoranda attached to an account of the coasts of veragua, which it is supposed that bartholomew gave at this time to a canon of the lateran, which is now preserved in the megliavecchian library, and has been printed by harrisse in his _bibliotheca americana vetustissima_. it was perhaps on this visit that the adelantado took to rome that map of columbus's voyage to those coasts which it is usually said was carried there in 1505, when he may possibly have borne thither the letter of columbus to the pope. [sidenote: bartholomew columbus, and diego mendez.] the position which bartholomew now went with diego to assume, that of the chief alguazil of santo domingo, caused much complaint from diego mendez, who claimed the credit of bringing about the restitution of diego's power, and who had, as he says, been promised both by columbus and by his son this office as recompense for his many services. [sidenote: 1509. july 10. diego reaches his government.] the fleet arrived at its destination july 10, 1509. the wife of the governor had taken a retinue, which for splendor had never before been equaled in the new world, and it enabled her to maintain a kind of viceregal state in the little capital. it all helped diego to begin his rule with no inconsiderable consequence. there was needed something of such attraction to beguile the spirits of the settlers, for, as benzoni learned years afterwards, when he visited the region, the coming of the son of columbus had not failed to engender jealousies, which attached to the imposition of another foreigner upon the colony. [sidenote: ojeda and nicuessa.] the king was determined that diego's rule should be confined to española, and, much to the governor's annoyance, he parceled out the coasts which columbus had tracked near the isthmus of panama into two governments, and installed ojeda in command of the eastern one, which was called new andalusia, while the one beyond the gulf of uraba, which included veragua, he gave to diego de nicuessa, and called it castilla del oro. [illustration: pope julius ii.] [sidenote: porto rico.] [sidenote: faction of passamonte.] [sidenote: 1511. october 5. _audiencia._] this action of the king, as well as his effort to put porto rico under an independent governor, incited new expostulations from diego, and served to make his rule in the island quite as uncomfortable as its management had been to his father. there also grew up the same discouragement from faction. the king's treasurer, miguel passamonte, became the head of the rebellious party, not without suspicion that he was prompted to much denunciations in his confidential communications with the king. reports of diego's misdeeds and ambitions, threatening the royal power even, were assiduously conveyed to the king. the sovereign devised a sort of corrective, as he thought, of this, by instituting later, october 5, 1511, a court of appeals, or _audiencia_, to which the aggrieved colonists could go in their defense against oppression or extortion. its natural effect was to undermine the governor's authority and to weaken his influence. he found himself thwarted in all efforts to relieve the indians of their burdens, as nothing of that sort could be done without disturbing the revenues of leading colonists. there was no great inducement to undo measures by which no one profited in receipts more than himself, and the cruel devastation of the native population ran on as it had done. he certainly did not show himself averse to continuing the system of _repartimientos_ for the benefit of himself and his friends. diego, who had been for a while in spain, returned in 1512 to española, and later new orders were sent out by the king, and these included commands to reduce the labor of the indians one third, to import negro slaves from guinea as a measure of further relief to the natives, and to brand carib slaves, so as to protect other indians from harsh treatment intended for the caribs alone. [sidenote: bartholomew columbus died.] diego was again in spain in 1513, and the attempts of ojeda and nicuessa having failed, later orders in 1514 so far reinstated diego in his viceregal power as to permit him to send his uncle bartholomew to take possession of the veragua coast. but the life of the adelantado was drawing to a close, and his death soon occurring nothing was done. [sidenote: 1515. diego in spain.] affairs had come to such a pass that diego again felt it necessary to repair to court to counteract his enemies' intrigues, and once more getting permission from the king, he sailed for spain, april 9, 1515, leaving the vice-queen with a council in authority. diego found the king open and kindly, and not averse to acknowledging the merits of his government. he again pressed his bonded rights with the old fervency. "i would bestow them willingly on you," said the king; "but i cannot do so without intrusting them also to your son and to his successors." "is it just," said diego, "that i should suffer for a son which i may never have?" las casas tells us that diego repeated this colloquy to him. [illustration: charles the fifth.] [sidenote: 1516. january 23. ferdinand died.] the king found it reasonable to question if columbus had really sailed along all the coasts in which diego claimed a share, and ordered an examination of the matter to be made. while these claims were in abeyance, the king died, january 23, 1516. [sidenote: diego again in española.] [sidenote: 1520. diego in spain.] [sidenote: diego partially reinstated.] this event much retarded the settlement of the difficulties. cardinal ximenes, who held power for a while, was not willing to act, and nothing was done for four years, during part of which period diego was certainly in española. we know also that he was present at the convocation of barcelona, presided over by the emperor, when las casas made his urgent appeals for the indians and pictured their hardships. finally, in 1520, when charles v. was about to embark for flanders, diego was in a position to advance to the emperor so large a sum as ten thousand ducats, which was, as it appears, about a fifth of his annual income from española at this time. this financial succor seemed to open the way for the emperor to dismiss all charges against diego, and to reinstate him in qualified authority as viceroy over the indies. [sidenote: 1520. september. diego returns to española.] this seeming restitution was not without a disagreeable accompaniment in the appointment of a supervisor to reside at his viceregal court and report on the viceroy's doings. in september, 1520, diego sailed once more for his government, and on november 14 we find him in santo domingo, and shortly afterwards engaged in the construction of a lordly palace, which he was to occupy, and which is seen there to-day. the substantialness of its structure gave rise to rumors that he was preparing a fortress for ulterior aims. [sidenote: negro slaves increase.] diego soon found that various administrative measures had not gone well in his absence. commanders of some of the provinces had exceeded their powers, and it became necessary to supersede them. this made them enemies as a matter of course. the raising of sugar-cane had rapidly developed under the imported african labor, and the revenues now came for the most part from the plantations rather than from the mines. the negroes so increased that it was not long before some of them dared to rise in revolt, but the mischief was stopped by a rapid swoop of armed horsemen. [illustration: ruins of diego colon's house.] [sidenote: 1523. diego in spain.] [sidenote: 1526. february 23. diego dies.] the jealousies and revengeful accusations of diego's enemies were not so easily quelled, and before long he was summoned to spain to render an account of his doings, for lucas vasquez de ayllon had presented charges against him. on september 16, 1523, diego embarked, and landed at st. lucar november 5. he presented himself before the emperor at vittoria in january, 1524, and reviewed his conduct. this he succeeded in doing in a manner to disarm his foes; and this success encouraged him to press anew for his inherited rights. the demand ended in the questions in dispute being referred to a board; and diego for two years followed the court in its migrations, to be in attendance on the sessions of this commission. his health gave way under the strain, so that, with everything still unsettled, he died at montalvan, february 23, 1526, having survived his father for twenty troublous years. his remains were laid in the monastery of las cuevas by the side of columbus. being later conveyed to the cathedral at santo domingo, they were, if one may credit the quite unproved statements of the priests of the cathedral, mistaken for those of his father, and taken to havana in 1795. [sidenote: his family.] [sidenote: luis colon succeeds.] the vice-queen and her family were still in santo domingo, and her children were seven in number, four daughters and three sons. the descent of the honors came eventually to the descendants of one of these daughters, isabel, who married george of portugal, count of gelves. of the three sons, luis succeeded his father, who was in turn succeeded by diego, a son of luis's brother cristoval. the vice-queen, after making an ineffectual attempt to colonize veragua, in which she was thwarted by the royal _audiencia_ at española, returned to spain in 1529. her son luis, the heir, was still a child, having been born in 1521 or 1522. for fourteen years his mother pressed his claims upon the emperor, charles v., and she was during a part of the time in such distress that she borrowed money of ferdinand columbus and pledged her jewels. she lived till 1549, and died at santo domingo. [sidenote: 1536. the crown's compromise with luis.] [sidenote: duke of veragua.] [sidenote: 1540. luis in española.] early in 1536 the cardinal garcia de loyasa, in behalf of the council of the indies, rendered a decision in which he and ferdinand columbus had acted as arbiters, which was confirmed by the emperor in september of the same year. this was that, upon the abandonment by luis of all claims upon the revenues of the indies, of the title of viceroy, and of the right to appoint the officers of the new world, he should be given the island of jamaica in fief, a perpetual annuity of ten thousand ducats, and the title of duke of veragua, with an estate twenty-five leagues square in that province, to support the title and functions of admiral of the indies. in 1540 luis returned to española with the title of captain-general, and in 1542 married at santo domingo, much against his mother's wish, maria de orozco, who later lived in honduras and married another. while she was still living, luis again espoused at santo domingo maria de mosquera. in 1551 he returned to spain. [sidenote: columbus's privileges gradually abridged.] [sidenote: 1556. all columbus's territorial rights abandoned.] whatever remained of the rights which columbus had sought to transmit to his heirs had already been modified to their detriment by charles, under decrees in 1540, 1541, and 1542; and when charles was succeeded by philip ii., early in 1556, one of the first acts of the latter was to force luis to abandon his fief of veragua and to throw up his power as admiral. the council of the indies took cognizance of the case in july, 1556, and on september 28 following, philip ii., at ghent, recompensed the grandson of columbus, for his submission to the inevitable, by decreeing to luis the honorary title of admiral of the indies and duke of veragua, with an income of seven thousand ducats. so in fifty years the dreams of columbus for territorial magnificence came to naught, and the confident injunctions of his will were dissipated in the air. [sidenote: luis a polygamist.] [sidenote: 1572. luis dies.] immediately after this, luis furtively married, while his other wives were still living, ana de castro ossorio. the authorities found in these polygamous acts a convenient opportunity to get another troublesome colon out of the way, and arrested luis in 1559. he was held in prison for nearly five years, and when in 1563 judgment was got against him, he was sentenced to ten years of exile, half of which was to be passed in oran, in africa. while his appeal was pending, his scandalous life added crime to crime, and finally, in november, 1565, his sentence being confirmed, he was conducted to oran, and there he died february 3, 1572. the columbus pedigree. note. dotted lines mark illegitimate descents; the dash-and-dot lines mark pretended descents. the heavy face numerals show the successful holders of the honors of columbus. the lines _a a_, _b b_, and _c c_ join respectively. _fadrique enriquez_, adm. of castile. | +-----+------+ | | alvarez = maria. juana = juan ii. de | |of aragon. _toledo_ | | +----------------------_a_ +-----+------+ +----+----+ | | | |ferdinand| = isabella of filipe = cristoforo = beatrix duke of fernando. |of aragon| castile. moniz | =1= ¦ henriquez, _alba_. | +---------+ | ¦ living in 1513. | +-----------------------------------+ ¦ | | fernando, maria de = diego, b. 1488, toledo | =2= d. 1526. d. 1539. | +---------+-----------------+---------------+-----------------------+-------------------------_b_ | | | | | felipa, maria juana isabel luisa de = luis = maria de nun. = sancho = luis de = jorge de carvajal ¦ =3= | mosquira. | de cardona, | la cueva. portogallo. ¦ | | adm. of | | ¦ +------------+ | aragon. | | ¦ | | +----------+-------+ | | ¦ | | | | | maria, =alvaro.= cristoval. maria, filipa, _c_ =cristoval=, luis, maria = carlos de | of the d. 1577. d.s.p. d.s.p. = fr. | arellano, | convent 1583. de mendoza| d. bef. 1600. +-------+------+ of san d. 1605. | | | quirce. | | jorge nuño de =5= | | alberti, portogallo, | | d. 1581. established in | | 1608. maria juana | d.s.p. = fr. pacheco, | | d. 1605. alvaro =6= +---------+ | jacinto. |james ii.| = arabella carlos. | |england. | ¦ churchill. | | +---------+ ¦ | pedro nuño. =7= ¦ | | duke of various | berwick. lines. | | pedro manuel. =8= | | | +----------------------------+---+ | | | james stuart, = catarina pedro nuño, =9= duke of liria, | ventura, d. 1753, d. 1738. | d. 1740. without legitimate | issue. jacobo eduardo. | =10= | carlos fernando. | =11= | jacobo filipe, =12= dispossessed in 1790; the decree of 1664 reversed. | | continued to our day. dominico susanna colombo, of domenico = fontanarosa. _cuccaro_. | | _a_---------------+-------------+------------+-------------+ ¦ | | | | | bartolomeo. giovanni giacomo blanchinetta ¦ ¦ | pelegrino, or diego, = giacomo | ¦ ¦ d. s. p. priest. paravello. ¦ ¦ | | maria, ¦ ¦ nun, | | b. 1508. .----.----.----.----.----.----. ¦ | | _b_---------------+--------------------+ ¦ ¦ | | | | ana = cristoval = magdalena diego ¦ ¦ de | | de = isabel | | pravia | | guzman. justenian. ¦ ¦ | | | | +------+-----+ +---------+ ¦ ¦ | | | | | _c_ = diego, francesca maria ¦ ¦ =4= d.s.p. = diego = luis de | | 1578. | ortegon. avila. ¦ ¦ | | | | | | ¦ ¦ josefa | bernardo balthazar = de paz de la _luis de_ colombo, colombo, | serra. avila, of cogoleto. of cuccaro. | d. 1633. | josefa = martín de | larreategui. | diego. | | francisco. | | pedro isidoro. | | maniano(1790). =13= | | pedro. =14= | | cristoval. =15= | | son b. 1878. [sidenote: his heirs.] [sidenote: his daughter marries her cousin diego, the male heir.] [sidenote: columbus's male line extinct.] luis left two illegitimate children, one a son; but his lawful heirs were adjudged to be the children of maria de mosquera, two daughters, one a nun and the other filipa. this last presented a claim for the titles in opposition to the demands of diego, the nephew of her father. she declared this cousin to be the natural, and not the lawful, son of luis's brother. it was easy enough to forget such imputations in coming to the final conclusion, when filipa and diego took each other in marriage (may 15, 1573) to compose their differences, the husband becoming duke of veragua. filipa died in november, 1577, and her husband january 27, 1578. as they had no children, the male line of columbus became extinct seventy years after his death. [sidenote: the long lawsuit and its many contestants.] the lawsuit which followed for the settlement of the succession was a famous one. it lasted thirty years. the claimants were at first eight in number, but they were reduced to five by deaths during the progress of the trials. the first was francesca, own sister of diego, the late duke. her claim was rejected; but five generations later the dignities returned to her descendants. the second was the representative of maria, the daughter of luis, and sister-in-law of diego. the claim made by her heir, the convent of san quirce, was discarded. the third was cristoval, the bastard son of luis, who claimed to be the fruit of a marriage of luis, concluded while he was in prison accused of polygamy. cristoval died in 1601, before the cause was decided. the fourth was alvaro de portogallo, count of gelves, a son of isabel, the sister of luis. he had unsuccessfully claimed the titles when luis died, in 1572, and again put forth his claims in 1578, when diego died, but he himself died, pending a decision, in 1581. his son, jorge alberto, inherited his rights, but died in 1589, before a decision was reached, when his younger brother, nuño de portogallo, became the claimant, and his rights were established by the tribunal in 1608, when he became duke of veragua. his enjoyment of the title was not without unrest, but the attempts to dispossess him failed. the fifth was cristoval de cardona, admiral of aragon, son of maria, elder sister of luis. this claimant died in 1583, while his claim, having once been allowed, was held in abeyance by an appeal of his rivals. his sister, maria, was then adjudged inheritor of the honors, but she died in 1605, before the final decree. the sixth was maria de la cueva, daughter of juana, sister of luis, who died before december, 1600, while her daughter died in 1605, leaving carlos pacheco a claimant, whose rights were disallowed. the seventh was balthazar colombo, a descendant of a domenico colombo, who was, according to the claim, the same domenico who was the father of columbus. his genealogical record was not accepted. the eighth was bernardo colombo, who claimed to be a descendant of bartholomew columbus, the adelantado, a claim not made good. these last two contestants rested their title in part on the fact that their ancestors had always borne the name of colombo, and this was required by columbus to belong to the inheritors of his honors. the lineal ancestors of the other claimants had borne the names of cardona, portogallo, or avila. * * * * * [sidenote: nuño de portogallo succeeds, and the line later changes.] from nuño de portogallo the titles descended to his son alvaro jacinto, and then to the latter's son, pedro nuño. his rights were contested by luis de avila (grandson of cristoval, brother of luis colon), who tried in 1620 to reverse the verdict of 1608, and it was not till 1664 that pedro nuño defeated his adversaries. he was succeeded by his son, pedro manuel, and he by his son, pedro nuño, who died in 1733, when this male line became extinct. the titles were now illegally assumed by pedro nuño's sister, catarina ventura, who by marriage gave them to her husband, james fitz-james stuart, son of the famous duke of berwick, and by inheritance in his own right, duke of liria. when he died, in 1738, the titles passed to his son, jacobo eduardo; thence to the latter's son, carlos fernando, who transmitted them to his son, jacobo filipe. this last was obliged, by a verdict in 1790, which reversed the decree of 1664, to yield the titles to the line of francesca, sister of diego, the fourth holder of them. this francesca married diego ortegon, and their grandchild, josefa, married martin larreategui, whose great-great-grandson, mariano (by decrees 1790-96), became duke of veragua, from whom the title descended to his son, pedro, and then to his grandson, cristoval, the present duke, born in 1837, whose heir, the next duke, was born in 1878. the value of the titles is said to-day to represent about eight or ten thousand dollars, and this income is chargeable upon the revenues of cuba and porto rico. in concluding this rapid sketch of the descent of the blood and honors of columbus, two striking thoughts are presented. the larreateguis are a basque family. the blood of columbus, the genoese, now mingles with that of the hardiest race of navigators of western europe, and of whom it may be expected that if ever earlier contact of europe with the new world is proved, these basques will be found the forerunners of columbus. the blood of the supposed discoverer of the western passage to asia flows with that of the earliest stock which is left to us of that oriental wave of population which inundated europe, in the far-away times when the races which make our modern christian histories were being disposed in valleys and on the coasts of what was then the western world. appendix. the geographical results. [sidenote: progress of discovery.] there was a struggling effort of the geographical sense of the world for thirty years and more after the death of columbus, before the fact began to be grasped that a great continent was interposed as a substantial and independent barrier in the track to india. it took nearly a half century more before men generally recognized that fact, and then in most cases it was accepted with the reservation of a possible asiatic connection at the extreme north. it was something more than two hundred and twenty years from the death of columbus before that severance at the north was incontestably established by the voyage of bering, and a hundred and thirty years longer before at last the contour of the northern coast of the continent was established by the proof of the long-sought northwest passage in 1850. we must now, to complete the story of the influence of columbus, rehearse somewhat concisely the narrative of this progressive outcome of that wonderful voyage of 1492. the spirit of western discovery, which columbus imparted, was of long continuance. [sidenote: the influence of ptolemy and his career.] "if we wish to make ourselves thoroughly acquainted," says dr. kohl, "with the history of discovery in the new world, we must not only follow the navigators on their ships, but we must look into the cabinets of princes and into the counting-houses of merchants, and likewise watch the scholars in their speculative studies." there was no rallying point for the scholar of cosmography in those early days of discovery like the text and influence of ptolemy. we know little of this ancient geographer beyond the fact of his living in the early portion of the second century, and mainly at alexandria, the fittest home of a geographer at that time, since this egyptian city was peerless for commerce and learning. here he could do best what he advises all geographers to do, consult the journals of travelers, and get information of eclipses, as the same phenomena were observed at different places; such, for instance, as that of the moon noted at arbela in the fifth, and seen at carthage in the second hour. [sidenote: portolanos.] the precision of ptolemy was covered out of sight by graphic fancies among the cosmographers of succeeding ages, till about the beginning of the fourteenth century italy and the western mediterranean islands began to produce those atlases of sea-charts, which have come down to us under the name of "portolanos;" and still later a new impetus was given to geographical study by the manuscripts of ptolemy, with his maps, which began to be common in western europe in the beginning of the fifteenth century, largely through the influence of communications with the byzantine peoples. [illustration: ptolemy. [from reusner's _icones_.]] the portolanos, however, never lost their importance. nordenskiöld says that, from the great number of them still extant in italy, we may deduce that they had a greater circulation during the sixteenth century than printed cartographical works. about five hundred of these sea-charts are known in italian libraries, and the greater proportion of them are of italian origin. [sidenote: latin text of ptolemy.] [sidenote: the donis maps.] it is a composite latin text, brought into final shape by jacobus angelus not far from 1400-1410, which was the basis of the early printed editions of ptolemy. this version was for a while circulated in manuscript, sometimes with copies of the maps of the old world having a latinized nomenclature; and the public libraries of europe contain here and there specimens of these early copies, one of which it is thought was known to pierre d'ailly. it is a question if angelus supplied the maps which accompanied these early manuscripts, and which got into the bologna edition of 1462 (wrongly dated for 1472), and into the metrical version of berlingièri. these maps, whether always the same in the early manuscripts or not, were later superseded by a new set of maps made by a german cartographer, nicolaus donis, which he added to a revision of angelus's latin text. these later maps were close copies of the original greek maps, and were accompanied by others of a similar workmanship, which represented better knowledge than the greeks had. in 1478 these donis maps were first engraved on copper, and were used in the later editions of 1490, and slightly corrected in those of 1507 and 1508. the engravers were schweinheim and buckinck, and their work, following copies of it in the edition of 1490, has been admirably reproduced in _the facsimile atlas_ of nordenskiöld (stockholm, 1889). [illustration: donis, 1482.] [sidenote: greenland in maps.] meanwhile, editions of the text of angelus had been issued at ulm in 1482, and giving additions in 1486, with woodcut maps, the same in both issues on a different projection, assigned to dominus nicolaus germanus, who had, according to nordenskiöld, completed the manuscript fifteen years earlier. it is significant, perhaps, of the slowness with which the bruit of portuguese discoveries to the south had traveled that there is in the maps of africa no extension of ptolemy's knowledge. but if they are deficient in the south, they are remarkable in the north for showing the coming america in a delineation of greenland, which, as we have already pointed out, was no new object in the manuscript portolanos, even as far back as the early part of the same century. [illustration: ruysch, 1508.] two years after the death of columbus, we find in the edition of 1508, and sometimes in the edition of 1507,--there is no difference between the two issues except in the title-page,--the first engraved map which has particular reference to the new geographical developments of the age. [sidenote: 1507-8. the ruysch map.] this ruysch map shows the african coast discoveries of the portuguese, with the discoveries of marco polo towards the east. in connection with the latter, the same material which behaim had used in his globe seems to have been equally accessible to ruysch. the latter's map has a legend on the sea between iceland and greenland, saying that an island situated there was burnt up in 1456. this statement has been connected by some with another contained in the sagas, that from an island in this channel both greenland and iceland could be seen. we also learn from another legend that portuguese vessels had pushed down the south american coast to 50° south latitude, and the historians of these early voyages have been unable to say who the pioneers were who have left us so early a description of brazil. [sidenote: columbus and the ruysch map.] it is inferred from a reference of beneventanus, in his ptolemy, respecting this map, that some aid had been derived from a map made by one of the columbuses, and a statement that bartholomew columbus, in rome in 1505, gave a map of the new discoveries to a canon of san giovanni di laterano has been thought to refer to such a map, which would, if it could be established, closely connect the ruysch map with columbus. it is also supposed to have some relation to cabot, since a voyage which ruysch made to the new regions westward from england may have been, and probably was, with that navigator. in this case, the reference to that part of the coast of asia which the english discovered may record ruysch's personal experiences. if these things can be considered as reasonably established, it gives great interest to this map of ruysch, and connects columbus not only with the earliest manuscript map, la cosa of 1500, but also with the earliest engraved map of the new world, as ruysch's map was. [sidenote: sources of the ruysch map.] in speaking of the ruysch map, henry stevens thinks that the cartographer laid down the central archipelago of america from the printed letter of columbus, because it was the only account in print in 1507; but why restrict the sources of information to those in print, when la cosa's map might have been copied, or the material which la cosa employed might have been used by others, and when the cantino map is a familiar copy of portuguese originals, all of which might well have been known in the varied circles with which ruysch is seen by his map to have been familiar? [sidenote: portuguese geography and maps.] while it is a fact that central and northern europe got its cartographical knowledge of the new world almost wholly from portugal, owing, perhaps, to the exertions of spain to preserve their explorers' secrets, we do not, at the same time, find a single engraved portuguese map of the early years of this period of discovery. [sidenote: portuguese portolano.] [sidenote: pedro reinel.] a large map, to show the portuguese discoveries during years then recent, was probably made for king emanuel, and it has come down to us, being preserved now at munich. this chart wholly omits the spanish work of exploration, and records only the coasts coursed by cabral in the south, and by the cortereals in the north. we have a further and similar record in the chart of pedro reinel, which could not have been made far from the same time, and which introduces to us the same prominent cape which in la cosa's map had been called the english cape as "cavo razo," a name preserved to us to-day in the cape race of newfoundland. [illustration: the so-called admiral's map.] [sidenote: spain and portugal conceal their geographical secrets.] there is abundant evidence of the non-communicative policy of spain. this secretiveness was understood at the time robert thorne, in 1527, complained, as well as sir humphrey gilbert in his _discoverie_, that a similar injunction was later laid by portugal. in veitia linage's _norte_ we read of the cabinets in which these maps were preserved, and how the spanish pilot major and royal cosmographer alone kept the keys. there exists a document by which one of the companions of magellan was put under a penalty of two thousand ducats not to disclose the route he traversed in that famous voyage. we know how columbus endeavored to conceal the route of his final voyage, in which he reached the coast of veragua. [illustration: münster, 1532.] [illustration: globus mundi.] [sidenote: a strait to india.] in the two maps of nearly equal date, being the earliest engraved charts which we have, the ruysch map of 1508 and the so-called admiral's map of 1507 (1513), the question of a strait leading to the asiatic seas, which columbus had spent so much energy in trying to find during his last voyage, is treated differently. we have seen that la cosa confessed his uncertain knowledge by covering the place with a vignette. in the ruysch map there is left the possibility of such a passage; in the other there is none, for the main shore is that of asia itself, whose coast line uninterruptedly connects with that of south america. the belief in such a strait in due time was fixed, and lingered even beyond the time when cortes showed there was no ground for it. we find it in schöner's globes, in the tross gores, and even so late as 1532, in the belated map of münster. [illustration: eden.] [sidenote: earliest map to show america made north of the alps.] the map of the _globus mundi_ (strassburg, 1509) has some significance as being the earliest issued north of the alps, recording both the portuguese and spanish discoveries; though it merely gives the projecting angle of the south american coast as representing the developments of the west. [sidenote: english references to america.] [sidenote: richard eden.] it is doubtful if any reference to the new discoveries had appeared in english literature before alexander barclay produced in 1509 a translation of brant's _ship of fools_, and for a few years there were only chance references which made no impression on the literary instincts of the time. it was not till after the middle of the century, in 1553, that richard eden, translating a section of sebastian münster's _cosmographia_, published it in london as a _treatyse of the newe india_, and english-reading people first saw a considerable account of what the rest of europe had been doing in contrast with the english maritime apathy. two years later (1555), eden, drawing this time upon peter martyr, did much in his _decades of the newe world_ to enlarge the english conceptions. [sidenote: the naming of america.] but the most striking and significant of all the literary movements which grew out of the new oceanic developments was that which gave a name to the new world, and has left a continent, which columbus unwittingly found, the monument of another's fame. [sidenote: 1504. september. letter of vespucius.] it was in september, 1504, that vespucius, remembering an old schoolmate in florence, piero soderini, who was then the perpetual gonfalonière of that city, took what it is supposed he had written out at length concerning his experiences in the new world, and made an abstract of it in italian. dating this on the 4th of that month, he dispatched it to italy. it is a question whether the original of this abridged text of vespucius is now known, though varnhagen, with a confidence few scholars have shared, has claimed such authenticity for a text which he has printed. [sidenote: st. dié.] [sidenote: duke rené.] it concerns us chiefly to know that somehow a copy of this condensed narrative of vespucius came into the hands of his fellow-townsman, fra giovanni giocondo, then in paris at work as an architect constructing a bridge over the seine. it is to be allowed that r. h. major, in tracing the origin of the french text, assumes something to complete his story, and that this precise genesis of the narrative which was received by duke rené of lorraine is open to some question. the supposition that a young alsatian, then in paris, mathias ringmann, had been a friend of giocondo, and had been the bearer of this new version to rené, is likewise a conjecture. whether ringmann was such a messenger or not matters little, but the time was fast approaching when this young man was to be associated with a proposition made in the little village of st. dié, in the vosges, which was one of those obscure but far-reaching mental premonitions so often affecting the world's history, without the backing of great names or great events. this almost unknown place was within the domain of this same duke rené, a wise man, who liked scholars and scholarly tomes. his patronage had fostered there a small college and a printing-press. there had been grouped around these agencies a number of learned men, or those ambitious of knowledge. scholars in other parts of europe, when they heard of this little coterie, wondered how its members had congregated there. one walter lud, or gualterus ludovicus, as they liked to latinize his name, a dependent and secretary of duke rené, was now a man not much under sixty, and he had been the grouper and manager of this body of scholars. there had lately been brought to join them this same mathias ringmann, who came from paris with all the learning that he had tried to imbibe under the tutoring of dr. john faber. if we believe the story as major has worked it out, ringmann had come to this sparse community with all the fervor for the exploits of vespucius which he got in the french capital from associating with that florentine's admirer, the architect giocondo. [illustration: vespucius.] coming to st. dié, ringmann had been made a professor of latin, and with the usual nominal alternation had become known as philesius; and as such he appears a little later in connection with a latin version of the french of giocondo, which was soon made by another of the st. dié scholars, a canon of the cathedral there, jean bassin de sandacourt. still another young man, walter waldseemüller, had not long before been made a teacher of geography in the college, and his name, as was the wont, had been classicized into hylacomylus. there have now been brought before the reader all the actors in this little st. dié drama, upon which we, as americans, must gaze back through the centuries as upon the baptismal scene of a continent. [sidenote: waldseemüller.] [sidenote: _cosmographiæ introductio._] the duke had emphasized the cosmographical studies of the age by this appointment of an energetic young student of geography, who seems to have had a deft hand at map-making. waldseemüller had some hand, at least, in fashioning a map of the new discoveries at the west, and the duke had caused the map to be engraved, and we find a stray note of sales of it singly as early as 1507, though it was not till 1513 that it fairly got before the world in the ptolemy of that year. waldseemüller had also developed out of these studies a little cosmographical treatise, which the college press was set to work upon, and to swell it to the dignity of a book, thin as it still was, the diminutive quarto was made to include bassin's latin version of the vespucius narrative, set out with some latin verses by ringmann. the little book called _cosmographiæ introductio_ was brought out at this obscure college press in st. dié, in april and august, 1507. there were some varieties in each of these issues, while that part which constituted the vespucius narrative was further issued in a separate publication. [illustration: title of the cosmographiæ introductio.] it was in this form that vespucius's narrative was for the first time, unless varnhagen's judgment to the contrary is superior to all others, brought before the world. the most significant quality of the little book, however, was the proposition which waldseemüller, with his anonymous views on cosmography, advanced in the introductory parts. it is assumed by writers on the subject that it was not waldseemüller alone who was responsible for the plan there given to name that part of the new world which americus vespucius had described after the voyager who had so graphically told his experiences on its shores. the plan, it is supposed, met with the approval of, or was the outcome of the counsels of, this little band of st. dié scholars collectively. it is not the belief of students generally that this coterie, any more than vespucius himself, ever imagined that the new regions were really disjoined from the asiatic main, though varnhagen contends that vespucius knew they were. [sidenote:_mundus novus._] one thing is certainly true: that there wasno intention to apply the name which was now proposed to anything more than the continental mass of the brazilian shore which vespucius had coasted, and which was looked upon as a distinct region from the islands which columbus had traversed. it had come to be believed that the archipelago of columbus was far from the paradise of luxury and wealth that his extravagant terms called for, and which the descriptions of marco polo had led the world to expect, supposing the regions of the overland and oceanic discoverers to be the same. further than this, a new expectation had been aroused by the reports which had come to europe of the vaster proportions and of the brilliant paroquets--for such trivial aspects gave emphasis--of the more southern regions. it was an instance of the eagerness with which deluded minds, to atone for their first disappointment, grasp at the chances of a newer satisfaction. this was the hope which was entertained of this _mundus novus_ of vespucius,--not a new world in the sense of a new continent. the española and its neighboring regions of columbus, and the baccalaos of cabot and cortereal, clothed in imagination with the descriptions of marco polo, were nothing but the old world approached from the east instead of from the west. it was different with the _mundus novus_ of vespucius. here was in reality a new life and habitation, doubtless connected, but how it was not known, with the great eastern world of the merchants. it corresponded with nothing, so far as understood, in the asiatic chorography. it was ready for a new name, and it was alone associated with the man who had, in the autumn of 1502, so described it, and from no one else could its name be so acceptably taken. europe and asia were geographically contiguous, and so might be asia and the new "america." [sidenote: eclipse of columbus's name.] the sudden eclipse which the name of columbus underwent, as the fame of vespucius ran through the popular mind, was no unusual thing in the vicissitudes of reputations. factitious prominence is gained without great difficulty by one or for one, if popular issues of the press are worked in his interest, and if a great variety of favoring circumstances unite in giving currency to rumors and reports which tend to invest him with exclusive interest. the curious public willingly lends itself to any end that taxes nothing but its credulity and good nature. [sidenote: fame of vespucius.] we have associated with vespucius just the elements of such a success, while the fame of columbus was waning to the death, namely: a stretch of continental coast, promising something more than the scattered trifles of an insalubrious archipelago; a new southern heavens, offering other glimpses of immensity; descriptions that were calculated to replace in new variety and mystery the stale stories of cipango and cathay: the busy yearnings of a group of young and ardent spirits, having all the apparatus of a press to apply to the making of a public sentiment; and the enthusiasm of narrators who sought to season their marvels of discovery with new delights and honors. the hold which vespucius had seized upon the imagination of europe, and which doubtless served to give him prominence in the popular appreciation, as it has served many a ready and picturesque writer since, was that glowing redundancy of description, both of the earth and the southern constellations, which forms so conspicuous a feature of his narratives. it was the later voyage of vespucius, and not his alleged voyage of 1497, which raised, as humboldt has pointed out, the great interest which his name suggested. [sidenote: columbus and vespucius.] just what the notion prevailing at the time was of the respective exploits of columbus and vespucius is easily gathered from a letter dated may 20, 1506, which appears in a _dyalogus johannis stamler de diversarum gencium sectis, et mundi regionibus_, published in 1508. in this treatise a reference is made to the letters of columbus (1493) and vespucius (1503) as concerning an insular and continental space respectively. it speaks of "cristofer colom, the discoverer of _new islands_, and of albericus vespucius concerning the new discovered _world_, to both of whom our age is most largely indebted." it will be remembered that an early misnaming of vespucius by calling him albericus instead of americus, which took place in one of the early editions of his narrative, remained for some time to confuse the copiers of them. [sidenote: vespucius on gravitation.] if we may judge from a diagram which vespucius gives of a globe with two standing men on it ninety degrees apart, each dropping a line to the centre of the earth, this navigator had grasped, together with the idea of the sphericity of the globe, the essential conditions of gravitation. there could be no up-hill sailing when the zenith was always overhead. curiously enough, the supposition of columbus, when as he sailed on his third voyage he found the air grow colder, was that he was actually sailing up-hill, ascending a protuberance of the earth which was like the stem end of a pear, with the crowning region of the earthly paradise atop of all! such contrasts show the lesser navigator to be the greater physicist, and they go not a small way in accounting for the levelness of head which gained the suffrages of the wise. * * * * * [illustration: part of map in the ptolemy of 1513.] [illustration: part of map in the ptolemy of 1513.] [sidenote: 1508. duke rené died.] [sidenote: 1509. _globus mundi._] when duke rené, upon whom so much had depended in the little community at st. dié, died, in 1508, the geographical printing schemes of waldseemüller and his fellows received a severe reverse, and for a few years we hear nothing more of the edition of ptolemy which had been planned. the next year (1509), waldseemüller, now putting his name to his little treatise, was forced, because of the failure of the college press, to go to strassburg to have a new edition of it printed (1509). the proposals for naming the continental discoveries of vespucius seem not in the interim to have excited any question, and so they are repeated. we look in vain in the copy of this edition which ferdinand columbus bought at venice in july, 1521, and which is preserved at seville, for any marginal protest. the author of the _historie_, how far soever ferdinand may have been responsible for that book, is equally reticent. there was indeed no reason why he should take any exception. the fitness of the appellation was accepted as in no way invalidating the claim of columbus to discoveries farther to the north; and in another little tract, printed at the same time at grüniger's strassburg press, the anonymous _globus mundi_, the name "america" is adopted in the text, though the small bit of the new coast shown in its map is called by a translation of vespucius's own designation merely "_newe welt_." [sidenote: 1513. the strassburg ptolemy.] the ptolemy scheme bore fruit at last, and at strassburg, also, for here the edition whose maps are associated with the name of waldseemüller, and whose text shows some of the influence of a greek manuscript of the old geographer which ringmann had earlier brought from italy, came out in 1513. here was a chance, in a book far more sure to have influence than the little anonymous tract of 1507, to impress the new name america upon the world of scholars and observers, and the opportunity was not seized. it is not easy to divine the cause of such an omission. the edition has two maps which show this vespucian continent in precisely the same way, though but one of them shows also to its full extent the region of columbus's explorations. on one of these maps the southern regions have no designation whatever, and on the other, the "admiral's map," there is a legend stretched across it, assigning the discovery of the region to columbus. we do not know, in all the contemporary literature which has come down to us, that up to 1513 there had been any rebuke at the ignorance or temerity which appeared in its large bearing to be depriving columbus of a rightful honor. that in 1509 waldseemüller should have enforced the credit given to vespucius, and in 1513 revoked it in favor of columbus, seems to indicate qualms of conscience of which we have no other trace. perhaps, indeed, this reversion of sympathy is of itself an evidence that waldseemüller had less to do with the edition than has been supposed. it is too much to assert that waldseemüller repented of his haste, but the facts in one light would indicate it. [sidenote: the name america begins to be accepted.] [illustration: the tross gores.] like many such headlong projects, however, the purpose had passed beyond the control of its promoters. the euphony, if not the fitness, of the name america had attracted attention, and there are several printed and manuscript globes and maps in existence which at an early date adopted that designation for the southern continent. nordenskiöld (_facsimile atlas_, p. 42) quotes from the commentaries of the german coclæus, contained in the _meteorologia aristotelis_ of jacobus faber (nuremberg, 1512) a passage referring to the "nova americi terra." [sidenote: 1516-17. first in a map.] to complicate matters still more, within a few years after this an undated edition of waldseemüller's tract appeared at lyons,--perhaps without his participation,--which was always found, down to 1881, without a map, though the copies known were very few; but in that year a copy with a map was discovered, now owned by an american collector, in which the proposition of the text is enforced with the name america on the representation of south america. a section of this map is here given as the tross gores. in the present condition of our knowledge of the matter, it was thus at a date somewhere about 1516-17 that the name appeared first in any printed map, unless, indeed, we allow a somewhat earlier date to two globes in the hauslab collection at vienna. on the date of these last objects there is, however, much difference of opinion, and one of them has been depicted and discussed in the _mittheilungen_ of the geographische gesellschaft (1886, p. 364) of vienna. here, as in the descriptive texts, it must be clearly kept in mind, however, that no one at this date thought of applying the name to more than the land which vespucius had found stretching south beyond the equator on the east side of south america, and which balboa had shown to have a similar trend on the west. the islands and region to the north, which columbus and cabot had been the pioneers in discovering, still remained a mystery in their relations to asia, and there was yet a long time to elapse before the truth should be manifest to all, that a similar expanse of ocean lay westerly at the north, as was shown by balboa to extend in the same direction at the south. [illustration: the hauslab globe.] this vespucian baptism of south america now easily worked its way to general recognition. it is found in a contemporary set of gores which nordenskiöld has of late brought to light, and was soon adopted by the nuremberg globe-maker, schöner (1515, etc.); by vadianus at vienna, when editing pomponius mela (1515); by apian on a map used in an edition of solinus, edited by camers (1520); and by lorenz friess, who had been of duke rené's coterie and a correspondent of vespucius, on a map introduced into the grüniger ptolemy, published at strassburg (1522), which also reproduced the waldseemüller map of 1513. this is the earliest of the ptolemies in which we find the name accepted on its maps. [sidenote: 1522. the name first in a ptolemy.] [illustration: the nordenskiöld gores.] [illustration: apianus, 1520.] [illustration: schöner globe, 1515.] [illustration: friess (_frisius_), in the ptolemy of 1522.] there is one significant fact concerning the conflict of the crown with the heirs of columbus, which followed upon the admiral's death, and in which the advocates of the government sought to prove that the claim of columbus to have discovered the continental shore about the gulf of paria in 1498 was not to be sustained in view of visits by others at an earlier date. this significant fact is that vespucius is not once mentioned during the litigation. it is of course possible, and perhaps probable, that it was for the interests of both parties to keep out of view a servant of portugal trenching upon what was believed to be spanish territories. the same impulse could hardly have influenced ferdinand columbus in the silent acquiescence which, as a contemporary informs us, was his attitude towards the action of the st. dié professors. there seems little doubt of his acceptance of a view, then undoubtedly common, that there was no conflict of the claims of the respective navigators, because their different fields of exploration had not brought such claims in juxtaposition. [sidenote: who first landed on the southern main?] [sidenote: vespucius's maps.] [sidenote: vespucius not privy to the naming.] following, however, upon the assertion of waldseemüller, that vespucius had "found" this continental tract needing a name, there grew up a belief in some quarters, and deducible from the very obscure chronology of his narrative, which formulated itself in a statement that vespucius had really been the first to set foot on any part of this extended main. it was here that very soon the jealousy of those who had the good name of columbus in their keeping began to manifest itself, and some time after 1527,--if we accept that year as the date of his beginning work on the _historie_,--las casas, who had had some intimate relations with columbus, tells us that the report was rife of vespucius himself being privy to such pretensions. unless las casas, or the reporters to whom he referred, had material of which no one now has knowledge, it is certain that there is no evidence connecting vespucius with the st. dié proposition, and it is equally certain that evidence fails to establish beyond doubt the publication of any map bearing the name america while vespucius lived. he had been made pilot major of spain march 22, 1508, and had died february 22, 1512. we have no chart made by vespucius himself, though it is known that in 1518 such a chart was in the possession of ferdinand, brother of charles the fifth. the recovery of this chart would doubtless render a signal service in illuminating this and other questions of early american cartography. it might show us how far, if at all, vespucius "sinfully failed towards the admiral," as las casas reports of him, and adds: "if vespucius purposely gave currency to this belief of his first setting foot on the main, it was a great wickedness; and if it was not done intentionally, it looks like it." with all this predisposition, however, towards an implication of vespucius, las casas was cautious enough to consider that, after all, it may have been the st. dié coterie who were alone responsible for starting the rumor. [sidenote: "america" not used in spain.] [sidenote: 1541. mercator first applied the name to both north and south america.] it is very clear that in spain there had been no recognition of the name "america," nor was it ever officially recognized by the spanish government. las casas understood that it had been applied by "foreigners," who had, as he says, "called america what ought to be called columba." just what date should attach to this protest of las casas is not determinable. if it was later than the gore-map of mercator in 1541, which was the first, so far as is known, to apply the name to both north and south america, there is certainly good reason for the disquietude of las casas. if it was before that, it was because, with the progress of discovery, it had become more and more clear that all parts of the new regions were component parts of an absolutely new continent, upon which the name of the first discoverer of any part of it, main or insular, ought to have been bestowed. that it should be left to "foreign writers," as las casas said, to give a name representing a rival interest to a world that spanish enterprise had made known was no less an indignity to spain than to her great though adopted admiral. [sidenote: spread of the name in central europe.] it happens that the suggestion which sprang up in the vosges worked steadily onward through the whole of central europe. that it had so successful a propagation is owing, beyond a doubt, as much to the exclusive spirit of the spanish government in keeping to itself its hydrographical progress as to any other cause. we have seen how the name spread through germany and austria. it was taken up by stobnicza in poland in 1512, in a cracow introduction to ptolemy; and many other of the geographical writers of central and southern europe adopted the designation. the _new interlude_, published in england in 1519, had used it, and towards the middle of the century the fame of vespucius had occupied england, so far as sir thomas more and william cunningham represent it, to the almost total obscuration of columbus. it was but a question of time when vespucius would be charged with promoting his own glory by borrowing the plumes of columbus. whether las casas, in what has been quoted, initiated such accusations or not, the account of that writer was in manuscript and could have had but small currency. [sidenote: 1533. schöner accuses vespucius of participation in the injustice.] the first accusation in print, so far as has been discovered, came from the german geographer, johann schöner, who, having already in his earlier globes adopted the name america, now in a tract called _opusculum geographicum_, which he printed at nuremberg in 1533, openly charged vespucius with attaching his own name to a region of india superior. two years later, servetus, while he repeated in his ptolemy of 1535 the earlier maps bearing the name america, entered in his text a protest against its use by alleging distinctly that columbus was earlier than vespucius in finding the new main. within a little more than a year from the death of vespucius, and while the maps assigned to waldseemüller were pressed on the attention of scholars, the integralness of the great southern continent, to which a name commemorating americus had been given, was made manifest, or at least probable, by the discovery of balboa. * * * * * [sidenote: a barrier suspected.] let us now see how the course of discovery was finding record during these early years of the sixteenth century in respect to the great but unsuspected barrier which actually interposed in the way of those who sought asia over against spain. [sidenote: discoveries in the north.] [sidenote: 1504. normans and bretons.] in the north, the discoveries of the english under cabot, and of the portuguese under the cortereals, soon led the normans and bretons from dieppe and saint malo to follow in the wake of such predecessors. as early as 1504 the fishermen of these latter peoples seem to have been on the northern coasts, and we owe to them the name of cape breton, which is thought to be the oldest french name in our american geography. it is the "gran capitano" of ramusio who credits the bretons with these early visits at the north, though we get no positive cartographical record of such visits till 1520, in a map which is given by kunstmann in his _atlas_. [sidenote: 1505. portuguese.] again, in 1505, some portuguese appear to have been on the newfoundland coast under the royal patronage of henry vii. of england, and by 1506 the portuguese fishermen were regular frequenters of the newfoundland banks. we find in the old maps portuguese names somewhat widely scattered on the neighboring coast lines, for the frequenting of the region by the fishermen of that nation continued well towards the close of the century. [sidenote: 1506. spaniards.] there are also stories of one velasco, a spaniard, visiting the st. lawrence in 1506, and juan de agramonte in 1511 entered into an agreement with the spanish king to pursue discovery in these parts more actively, but we have no definite knowledge of results. [sidenote: 1517. sebastian cabot.] [sidenote: 1521. portuguese.] the death of ferdinand, january 23, 1516, would seem to have put a stop to a voyage which had already been planned for spain by sebastian cabot, to find a northwest passage; but the next year (1517) cabot, in behalf of england, had sailed to hudson's strait, and thence north to 67° 30', finding "no night there," and observing extraordinary variations of the compass. somewhat later there are the very doubtful claims of the portuguese to explorations under fagundes about the gulf of st. lawrence in 1521. [sidenote: 1506. ango's captains.] [sidenote: denys's map.] [sidenote: 1518. léry.] by 1506 also there is something like certainty respecting the normans, and under the influence of a notable dieppese, jean ango, we soon meet a class of adventurous mariners tempting distant and marvelous seas. we read of pierre crignon, and thomas aubert, both of dieppe, jean denys of honfleur, and jean parmentier, all of whom have come down to us through the pages of ramusio. it is of jean denys in 1506, and of thomas aubert a little later, that we find the fullest recitals. to denys there has been ascribed a mysterious chart of the gulf of st. lawrence; but if the copy which is preserved represents it, there can be no hesitation in discarding it as a much later cartographical record. the original is said to have been found in the archives of the ministry of war in paris so late as 1854, but no such map is found there now. the copy which was made for the canadian archives is at ottawa, and i have been favored by the authorities there with a tracing of it. no one of authority will be inclined to dispute the judgment of harrisse that it is apocryphal. we are accordingly left in uncertainty just how far at this time the contour of the golfo quadrago, as the gulf of st. lawrence was called, was made out. aubert is said to have brought to france seven of the natives of the region in 1509. ten years or more later (1519, etc.), the baron de léry is thought to have attempted a french settlement thereabouts, of which perhaps the only traces were some european cattle, the descendants of his small herd landed there in 1528, which were found on sable island many years later. [sidenote: 1526. nicholas don.] we know from herrera that in 1526 nicholas don, a breton, was fishing off baccalaos, and rut tells us that in 1527 norman and breton vessels were pulling fish on the shores of newfoundland. such mentions mark the early french knowledge of these northern coasts, but there is little in it all to show any contribution to geographical developments. [illustration: peter martyr, 1511.] [illustration: ponce de leon. [from barcia's _herrera_.]] [sidenote: attempts to connect the northern discoveries with those of the spanish.] [sidenote: 1511. peter martyr's map.] [sidenote: 1512. ponce de leon.] [sidenote: 1513. march.] [sidenote: florida.] before this, however, the first serious attempt of which we have incontrovertible evidence was made to connect these discoveries in the north with those of the spanish in the antilles. as early as 1511 the map given by peter martyr had shown that, from the native reports or otherwise, a notion had arisen of lands lying north of cuba. in 1512 ponce de leon was seeking a commission to authorize him to go and see what this reported land was like, with its fountain of youth. he got it february 23, 1512, when ferdinand commissioned him "to find and settle the island of bimini," if none had already been there, or if portugal had not already acquired possession in any part that he sought. delays in preparation postponed the actual departure of his expedition from porto rico till march, 1513. on the 23d of that month, easter sunday, he struck the mainland somewhere opposite the bahamas, and named the country florida, from the day of the calendar. he tracked the coast northward to a little above 30° north latitude. then he retraced his way, and rounding the southern cape, went well up the western side of the peninsula. whether any stray explorers had been before along this shore may be a question. private spanish or portuguese adventurers, or even englishmen, had not been unknown in neighboring waters some years earlier, as we have evidence. we find certainly in this voyage of ponce de leon for the first time an unmistakable official undertaking, which we might expect would soon have produced its cartographical record. the interdicts of the council of the indies were, however, too powerful, and the old lines of the cantino map still lingered in the maps for some years, though by 1520 the floridian peninsula began to take recognizable shape in certain spanish maps. [illustration: ponce de leon's track.] [sidenote: bimini.] just what stood for bimini in the reports of this expedition is not clear; but there seems to have been a vague notion of its not being the same as florida, for when ponce de leon got a new patent in september, 1514, he was authorized to settle both "islands," bimini and florida, and diego colon as viceroy was directed to help on the expedition. seven years, however, passed in delays, so that it was not till 1521 that he attempted to make a settlement, but just at what point is not known. sickness and loss in encounters with the indians soon discouraged him, and he returned to cuba to die of an arrow wound received in one of the forays of the natives. [sidenote: 1519. pineda.] it was still a question if florida connected with any adjacent lands. several minor expeditions had added something to the stretch of coast, but the main problem still stood unsolved. in 1519 pineda had made the circuit of the northern shores of the gulf of mexico, and at the river panuco he had been challenged by cortes as trenching on his government. turning again eastward, pineda found the mouth of the river named by him del espiritu santo, which passes with many modern students as the first indication in history of the great mississippi, while others trace the first signs of that river to cabeça de vaca in 1528, or to the passage higher up its current by de soto in 1541. believing it at first the long-looked-for strait to pass to the indies, pineda entered it, only to be satisfied that it must gather the watershed of a continent, which in this part was now named amichel. it seemed accordingly certain that no passage to the west was to be found in this part of the gulf, and that florida must be more than an island. [sidenote: 1520. ayllon.] [sidenote: spaniards in virginia.] while these explorations were going on in the gulf, others were conducted on the atlantic side of florida. if the pompey stone which has been found in new york state, to the confusion of historical students, be accepted as genuine, it is evidence that the spaniard had in 1520 penetrated from some point on the coast to that region. in 1520 we get demonstrable proof, when lucas vasquez de ayllon sent a caravel under gordillo, which joined company on the way with another vessel bound on a slave-hunting expedition, and the two, proceeding northward, sighted the main coast at a river which they found to be in thirty-three and a half degrees of north latitude, on the south carolina coast. they returned without further exploration. ayllon, without great success, attempted further explorations in 1525; but in 1526 he went again with greater preparations, and made his landfall a little farther north, near the mouth of the wateree river, which he called the jordan, and sailed on to the chesapeake, where, with the help of negro slaves, then first introduced into this region, he began the building of a town at or near the spot where the english in the next century founded jamestown; or at least this is the conjecture of dr. shea. here ayllon died of a pestilential fever october 18, 1526, when the disheartened colonists, one hundred and fifty out of the original five hundred, returned to santo domingo. [illustration: the ayllon map.] [sidenote: 1524. gomez.] [sidenote: chaves's map.] [sidenote: 1529. ribero's map.] while these unfortunate experiences were in progress, estevan gomez, sent by the spanish government, after the close of the conference at badajos, to make sure that there was no passage to the moluccas anywhere along this atlantic coast, started in the autumn of 1524, if the data we have admit of that conclusion as to the time, from corunna, in the north of spain. he proceeded at once, as charles v. had directed him, to the baccalaos region, striking the mainland possibly at labrador, and then turned south, carefully examining all inlets. we have no authoritative narrative sanctioned by his name, or by that of any one accompanying the expedition; nor has the map which alonso chaves made to conform to what was reported by gomez been preserved, but the essential features of the exploration are apparently embodied in the great map of ribero (1529), and we have sundry stray references in the later chroniclers. from all this it would seem that gomez followed the coast southward to the point of florida, and made it certain to most minds that no such passage to india existed, though there was a lingering suspicion that the gulf of st. lawrence had not been sufficiently explored. * * * * * [sidenote: shores of the caribbean sea.] [sidenote: ojeda and nicuessa.] let us turn now to the southern shores of the caribbean sea. new efforts at colonizing here were undertaken in 1508-9. by this time the coast had been pretty carefully made out as far as honduras, largely through the explorations of ojeda and juan de la cosa. the scheme was a dual one, and introduces us to two new designations of the regions separated by that indentation of the coast known as the gulf of uraba. here ojeda and nicuessa were sent to organize governments, and rule their respective provinces of nueva andalusia and castilla del oro for the period of four years. mention has already been made of this in the preceding chapter. they delayed getting to their governments, quarreled for a while about their bounds on each other, fought the natives with desperation but not with much profit, lost la cosa in one of the encounters, and were thwarted in their purpose of holding jamaica as a granary and in getting settlers from española by the alertness of diego colon, who preferred to be tributary to no one. all this had driven ojeda to great stress in the little colony of san sebastian which he had founded. he attempted to return for aid to española, and was wrecked on the voyage. this caused him to miss his lieutenant enciso, who was on his way to him with recruits. so ojeda passes out of history, except so far as he tells his story in the testimony he gave in the suit of the heirs of columbus in 1513-15. [sidenote: pizarro.] [illustration: balboa. [from barcia's _herrera_.]] new heroes were coming on. a certain pizarro had been left in command by ojeda,--not many years afterwards to be heard of. one vasco nuñez de balboa, a poor and debt-burdened fugitive, was on board of enciso's ship, and had wit enough to suggest that a region like san sebastian, inhabited by tribes which used poisoned arrows, was not the place for a colony struggling for existence and dependent on foraging. so they removed the remnants of the colony, which enciso had turned back as they were escaping, to the other side of the bay, and in this way the new settlement came within the jurisdiction of nicuessa, whom a combination soon deposed and shipped to sea, never to be heard of. it was in these commotions that vasco nuñez de balboa brought himself into a prominence that ended in his being commissioned by diego colon as governor of the new colony. he had, meanwhile, got more knowledge of a great sea at the westward than columbus had acquired on the coast of veragua in 1503. balboa rightly divined that its discovery, if he could effect it, would serve him a good purpose in quieting any jealousies of his rule, of which he was beginning to observe symptoms. [sidenote: 1513. balboa and the south sea.] so on the 1st of september, 1513, he set out in the direction which the natives hadindicated, and by the 24th he had reached a mountain from the topof which his guides told him he would behold the sea. on the 25th his party ascended, himself in front, and it was not long before he stood gazing upon the distant ocean, the first of europeans to discern the long-coveted sea. down the other slope the spaniards went. the path was a difficult one, and it was three days before one of his advanced squads reached the beach. not till the next day, the 29th, did vasco nuñez himself join those in advance, when, striding into the tide, he took possession of the sea and its bordering lands in the name of his sovereigns. it was on saint miguel's day, and the bay of saint miguel marks the spot to-day. towards the end of january, 1514, he was again with the colony at antigua del darien. thence, in march, he dispatched a messenger to spain with news of the great discovery. [sidenote: pedrarias.] [sidenote: 1517. balboa executed.] this courier did not reach europe till after a new expedition had been dispatched under pedrarias, and with him went a number of followers, who did in due time their part in thridding and designating these new paths of exploration. we recognize among them hernando de soto, bernal diaz, the chronicler of the exploits of cortes, and oviedo, the historian. it was from april till june, 1514, that pedrarias was on his way, and it was not long before the new governor with his imposing array of strength brought the recusant balboa to trial, out of which he emerged burdened with heavy fines. the new governor planned at once to reap the fruits of balboa's discovery. an expedition was sent along his track, which embarked on the new sea and gathered spoils where it could. pedrarias soon grew jealous of balboa, for it was not without justice that the state of the augmented colony was held to compare unfavorably with the conditions which balboa had maintained during his rule. but constancy was never of much prevalence in these days, and balboa's chains, lately imposed, were stricken off to give him charge of an exploration of the sea which he had discovered. once here, balboa planned new conquests and a new independency. pedrarias, hearing of it through a false friend of balboa, enticed the latter into his neighborhood, and a trial was soon set on foot, which ended in the execution of balboa and his abettors. this was in 1517. it was not long before pedrarias removed his capital to panama, and in 1519 and during the few following years his captains pushed their explorations northerly along the shores of the south sea, as the new ocean had been at once called. [sidenote: 1515. biru.] [sidenote: 1519. panama founded.] as early as 1515 pizarro and morales had wandered down the coast southward to a region called biru by the natives, and this was as far as adventure had carried any spaniard, during the ten years since balboa's discovery. they had learned here of a rich region farther on, and it got to be spoken of by the same name, or by a perversion of it, as peru. in this interval the town of panama had been founded (1519), and pizarro and almagro, with the priest luque, were among those to whom allotments were made. [sidenote: peru.] [sidenote: chili.] [sidenote: chiloe.] it was by these three associates, in 1524 and 1526, that the expeditions were organized which led to the exploration of the coasts of peru and the conquest of the region. the equator was crossed in 1526; in 1527 they reached 9° south. it was not till 1535 that, in the progress of events, a knowledge of the coast was extended south to the neighborhood of lima, which was founded in that year. in the autumn of 1535, almagro started south to make conquest of chili, and the bay of valparaiso was occupied in september, 1536. eight years later, in 1544, explorations were pushed south to 41°. it was only in 1557 that expeditions reached the archipelago of chiloe, and the whole coast of south america on the pacific was made out with some detail down to the region which magellan had skirted, as will be shortly shown. * * * * * [sidenote: 1508. ocampo and cuba.] it will be remembered that in 1503 columbus had struck the coast of honduras west of cape gracias à dios. he learned then of lands to the northwest from some indians whom he met in a canoe, but his eagerness to find the strait of his dreams led him south. it was fourteen years before the promise of that canoe was revealed. in 1508 ocampo had found the western extremity of cuba, and made the oath of columbus ridiculous. [sidenote: 1517. yucatan.] in 1517 a slave-hunting expedition, having steered towards the west from cuba, discovered the shores of yucatan; and the next year (1518) the real exploration of that region began when juan de grijalva, a nephew of the governor of cuba, led thither an expedition which explored the coast of yucatan and mexico. [sidenote: 1518. cortes.] [sidenote: 1519.] when grijalva returned to cuba in 1518, it was to find an expedition already planned to follow up his discoveries, and hernando cortes, who had been in the new world since 1504, had been chosen to lead it, with instructions to make further explorations of the coast,--a purpose very soon to become obscured in other objects. he sailed on the 17th of november, and stopped along the coast of cuba for recruits, so it was not till february 18, 1519, that he sunk the shores of cuba behind him, and in march he was skirting the yucatan shore and sailed on to san juan de uloa. in due time, forgetting his instructions, and caring for other conquests than those of discovery, he began his march inland. the story of the conquest of mexico does not help us in the aim now in view, and we leave it untold. [illustration: grijalva. [from barcia's _herrera_.]] [sidenote: quinsay.] it was not long after this conquest before belated apostles of the belief of columbus appeared, urging that the capital of montezuma was in reality the quinsay of marco polo, with its great commercial interests, as was maintained by schöner in his _opusculum geographicum_ in 1533. [illustration: globe given in schöner's _opusculum geographicum_, 1533.] [sidenote: 1520. garay.] [sidenote: gulf of mexico.] [sidenote: 1524. cortes's gulf of mexico.] [sidenote: yucatan as an island.] we have seen how pineda's expedition to the northern parts of the gulf of mexico in 1519 had improved the knowledge of that shore, and we have a map embodying these explorations, which was sent to spain in 1520 by garay, then governor of jamaica. it was now pretty clear that the blank spaces of earlier maps, leaving it uncertain if there was a passage westerly somewhere in the northwest corner of the gulf, should be filled compactly. still, a belief that such a passage existed somewhere in the western contour of the gulf was not readily abandoned. cortes, when he sent to spain his sketch of the gulf, which was published there in 1524, was dwelling on the hope that some such channel existed near yucatan, and his insular delineation of that peninsula, with a shadowy strait at its base, was eagerly grasped by the cartographers. such a severance finds a place in the map of maiollo of 1527, which is preserved in the ambrosian library at milan. grijalva, some years earlier, had been sent, as we have seen, to sail round yucatan; and though there are various theories about the origin of that name, it seems likely enough that the tendency to give it an insular form arose from a misconception of the indian appellation. at all events, the island of yucatan lingered long in the early maps. [illustration: gulf of mexico, 1520.] [sidenote: 1523. cortes.] in 1523 cortes had sent expeditions up the pacific, and one up the atlantic side of north america, to find the wished-for passage; but in vain. * * * * * [sidenote: spanish and portuguese rivalries.] meanwhile, important movements were making by the portuguese beyond that great sea of the south which balboa had discovered. these movements were little suspected by the spaniards till the development of them brought into contact these two great oceanic rivals. [illustration: gulf of mexico, by cortes.] [sidenote: 1511. moluccas.] [sidenote: a western passage sought at the south.] the portuguese, year after year, had extended farther and farther their conquests by the african route. arabia, india, malacca, sumatra, fell under their sway, and their course was still eastward, until in 1511 the coveted land of spices, the clove and the nutmeg, was reached in the molucca islands. this progress of the portuguese had been watched with a jealous eye by spain. it was a question if, in passing to these islands, the portuguese had not crossed the line of demarcation as carried to the antipodes. if they had, territory neighboring to the spanish american discoveries had been appropriated by that rival power wholly unconfronted. this was simply because the spanish navigators had not as yet succeeded in finding a passage through the opposing barrier of what they were beginning to suspect was after all an intervening land. meanwhile, columbus and all since his day having failed to find such a passage by way of the caribbean sea, and no one yet discovering any at the north, nothing was left but to seek it at the south. this was the only chance of contesting with the portuguese the rights which occupation was establishing for them at the moluccas. [sidenote: 1508. pinzon and solis.] on the 29th of june, 1508, a new expedition left san lucar under pinzon and solis. they made their landfall near cape st. augustine, and, passing south along the coast of what had now come to be commonly called brazil, they traversed the opening of the broad estuary of the la plata without knowing it, and went five degrees beyond (40° south latitude) without finding the sought-for passage. [illustration: maiollo map, 1527.] [sidenote: 1511. portuguese at rio de janeiro.] [sidenote: ferdinand columbus and the western passage.] there is some reason to suppose that as early as 1511 the portuguese had become in some degree familiar with the coast about rio de janeiro, and there is a story of one juan de braza settling near this striking bay at this early day. it was during the same year (1511) that ferdinand columbus prepared his _colon de concordia_, and in this he maintained the theory of a passage to be found somewhere beyond the point towards the south which the explorers had thus far reached. [illustration: de costa's drawing from the lenox globe.] [sidenote: 1516. solis.] [illustration: schöner's globe, 1520.] [illustration: magellan.] [sidenote: 1519. magellan.] a few years later (1516) the spanish king sent juan diaz de solis to search anew for a passage. he found the la plata, and for a while hoped he had discovered the looked-for strait. magellan, who had taken some umbrage during his portuguese service, came finally to the spanish king, and, on the plea that the moluccas fell within the spanish range under the line of demarcation, suggested an expedition to occupy them. he professed to be able to reach them by a strait which he could find somewhere to the south of the la plata. it has long been a question if magellan's anticipation was based simply on a conjecture that, as africa had been found to end in a southern point, america would likewise be discovered to have a similar southern cape. it has also been a question if magellan actually had any tidings from earlier voyages to afford a ground for believing in such a geographical fact. it is possible that other early discoverers had been less careful than solis, and had been misled by the broad estuary of the la plata to think that it was really an interoceanic passage. some such intelligence would seem to have instigated the conditions portrayed in one early map, but the general notion of cartographers at the time terminates the known coast at cape frio, near rio de janeiro, as is seen to be the case in the ptolemy map of 1513. there is a story, originating with pigafetta, his historian, that magellan had seen a map of martin behaim, showing a southern cape; but if this map existed, it revealed probably nothing more than a conjectural termination, as shown in the lenox and earliest schöner globes of 1515 and 1520. still, wieser and nordenskiöld are far from being confident that some definite knowledge of such a cape had not been attained, probably, as it is thought, from private commercial voyage of which we may have a record in the _newe zeitung_ and in the _luculentissima descriptio_. it is to be feared that the fact, whatever it may have been, must remain shadowy. magellan's fleet was ready in august, 1519. his preparation had been watched with jealousy by portugal, and it was even hinted that if the expedition sailed a matrimonial alliance of spain and portugal which was contemplated must be broken off. magellan was appealed to by the portuguese ambassador to abandon his purpose, as one likely to embroil the two countries. the stubborn navigator was not to be persuaded, and the spanish king made him governor of all countries he might discover on the "back side" of the new world. in the late days of 1519, magellan touched the coast at rio de janeiro, where, remaining awhile, he enjoyed the fruits of its equable climate. then, passing on, he crossed the mouth of the la plata, and soon found that he had reached a colder climate and was sailing along a different coast. the verdure which had followed the warm currents from the equatorial north gave way to the concomitants of an icy flow from the antarctic regions which made the landscape sterile. so on he went along this inhospitable region, seeking the expected strait. his search in every inlet was so faithful that he neared the southern goal but slowly. the sternness of winter caught his little barks in a harbor near 50° south latitude, and his spanish crews, restless under the command of a portuguese, revolted. the rebels were soon more numerous than the faithful. the position was more threatening than any columbus had encountered, but the portuguese had a hardy courage and majesty of command that the genoese never could summon. magellan confronted the rebels so boldly that they soon quailed. he was in unquestioned command of his own vessels from that time forward. the fate of the conquered rioters, juan de carthagena and sanchez de la reina, cast on the inhospitable shore of patagonia in expiation of their offense, is in strong contrast to the easy victory which columbus too often yielded, to those who questioned his authority. the story of magellan's pushing his fleet southward and through the strait with a reluctant crew is that of one of the royally courageous acts of the age of discovery. [sidenote: 1520. october. magellan enters the strait.] on october 21, 1520, the ships entered the longed-for strait, and on the 28th of november they sailed into the new sea; then stretching their course nearly north, keeping well in sight of the coast till the chiloe archipelago was passed, the ships steered west of juan fernandez without seeing it, and subsequently gradually turned their prows towards the west. [illustration: magellan's straits by pizafetta. [the north is at the bottom.]] [sidenote: the western way discovered.] it is not necessary for our present purpose to follow the incidents of the rest of this wondrous voyage,--the reaching the ladrones and the asiatic islands, magellan's own life sacrificed, all his ships but one abandoned or lost, the passing of the cape of good hope by the "victoria," and her arrival on september 6, 1522, under del cano, at the spanish harbor from which the fleet had sailed. the emperor bestowed on this lucky first of circumnavigators the proud motto, inscribed on a globe, "primus circumdedisti me." the spaniards' western way to the moluccas was now disclosed. [illustration: magellan's strait.] [sidenote: pacific ocean.] the south sea of balboa, as soon as magellan had established its extension farther south, took from magellan's company the name pacific, though the original name which balboa had applied to it did not entirely go out of vogue for a long time in those portions contiguous to the waters bounding the isthmus and its adjacent lands. [sidenote: north america and asia held to be one.] for a long time after it was known that south america was severed, as magellan proved, from asia, the belief was still commonly held that north america and asia were one and continuous. while no one ventures to suspect that columbus had any prescience of these later developments, there are those like varnhagen who claim a distinct insight for vespucius; but it is by no means clear, in the passages which are cited, that vespucius thought the continental mass of south america more distinct from asia than columbus did, when the volume of water poured out by the orinoco convinced the admiral that he was skirting a continent, and not an island. that columbus thought to place there the region of the biblical paradise shows that its continental features did not dissociate it from asia. the new world of vespucius was established by his own testimony as hardly more than a new part of asia. [sidenote: 1525. loyasa.] [sidenote: de hoces discovers cape horn.] in 1525 loyasa was sent to make further examination of magellan's strait. it was at this time that one of his ships, commanded by francisco de hoces, was driven south in february, 1526, and discovered cape horn, rendering the insular character of tierra del fuego all but certain. the fact was kept secret, and the map makers were not generally made aware of this terminal cape till drake saw it, fifty-two years later. it was not till 1615-17 that schouten and lemaire made clear the eastern limits of tierra del fuego when they discovered the passage between that island and staten island, and during the same interval schouten doubled cape horn for the first time. it was in 1618-19 that the observations of nodal first gave the easterly bend to the southern extremity of the continent. [sidenote: 1535. chili.] the last stretch of the main coast of south america to be made out was that on the pacific side from the point where magellan turned away from it up to the bounds of peru, where pizarro and his followers had mapped it. this trend of the coast began to be understood about 1535; but it was some years before its details got into maps. the final definition of it came from camargo's voyage in 1540, and was first embodied with something like accuracy in juan freire's map of 1546, and was later helped by explorations from the north. but this proximate precision gave way in 1569 to a protuberant angle of the chili coast, as drawn by mercator, which in turn lingered on the chart till the next century. * * * * * [sidenote: cartographical views.] we need now to turn from these records of the voyagers to see what impression their discoveries had been making upon the cartographers and geographers of europe. [sidenote: sylvanus's ptolemy. 1511.] bernardus sylvanus ebolensis, in a new edition of ptolemy which was issued at venice in 1511, paid great attention to the changes necessary to make ptolemy's descriptions correspond to later explorations in the old world, but less attention to the more important developments of the new world. nordenskiöld thinks that this condition of sylvanus's mind shows how little had been the impression yet made at venice by the discoveries of columbus and da gama. the maps of this ptolemy are woodcuts, with type let in for the names, which are printed in red, in contrast with the black impressed from the block. [sidenote: nordenskiöld gores.] sylvanus's map is the second engraved map showing the new discoveries, and the earliest of the heart-shaped projections. it has in "regalis domus" the earliest allusion to the cortereal voyage in a printed map. sylvanus follows ruysch in making greenland a part of asia. the rude map gores of about the same date which nordenskiöld has brought to the attention of scholars, and which he considers to have been made at ingolstadt, agree mainly with this map of sylvanus, and in respect to the western world both of these maps, as well as the schöner globe of 1515, seem to have been based on much the same material. [illustration: freire's map, 1546.] [illustration: sylvanus's ptolemy of 1511.] [illustration: stobnicza's map.] [sidenote: 1512. stobnicza map.] we find in 1512, where we might least expect it, one of the most remarkable of the early maps, which was made for an introduction to ptolemy, published at this date at cracow, in poland, by stobnicza. this cartographer was the earliest to introduce into the plane delineation of the globe the now palpable division of its surface into an eastern and western hemisphere. his map, for some reason, is rarely found in the book to which it belongs. nordenskiöld says he has examined many copies of the book in the libraries of scandinavia, russia, and poland, without finding a copy with it; but it is found in other copies in the great libraries at vienna and munich. he thinks the map may have been excluded from most of the editions because of its rudeness, or "on account of its being contrary to the old doctrines of the church." its importance in the growth of the ideas respecting the new discoveries in the western hemisphere is, however, very great, since for the first time it gives a north and south continent connected by an isthmus, and represents as never before in an engraved map the western hemisphere as an entirety. this is remarkable, as it was published a year before balboa made his discovery of the pacific ocean. it is not difficult to see the truth of nordenskiöld's statement that the map divides the waters of the globe into two almost equal oceans, "communicating only in the extreme south and in the extreme north," but the south communication which is unmistakable is by the cape of good hope. the extremity of south america is not reached because of the marginal scale, and because of the same scale it is not apparent that there is any connection between the pacific and indian oceans, and for similar reasons connection is not always clear at the north. there must have been information at hand to the maker of this map of which modern scholars can find no other trace, or else there was a wild speculative spirit which directed the pencil in some singular though crude correspondence to actual fact. this is apparent in its straight conjectural lines on the west coast of south america, which prefigure the discoveries following upon the enterprise of balboa and the voyage of magellan. [sidenote: the lenox globe.] [sidenote: da vinci globe.] if stobnicza, apparently, had not dared to carry the southern extremity of south america to a point, there had been no such hesitancy in the makers of two globes of about the same date,--the little copper sphere picked up by richard m. hunt, the architect, in an old shop in paris, and now in the lenox library in new york, and the rude sketch, giving quartered hemispheres separated on the line of the equator, which is preserved in the cabinet of queen victoria, at windsor, among the papers of leonardo da vinci. this little draft has a singular interest both from its association with so great a name as da vinci's, and because it bears at what is, perhaps, the earliest date to be connected with such cartographical use the name america lettered on the south american continent. major has contended for its being the work of da vinci himself, but nordenskiöld demurs. this swedish geographer is rather inclined to think it the work of a not very well informed copier working on some portuguese prototype. [sidenote: 1507-13. admiral's map.] [sidenote: 1515. reisch's map.] it is worthy of remark that, in the same year with the discovery of the south sea by balboa, an edition of ptolemy made popular a map which had indeed been cut in its first state as early as 1507, but which still preserved the contiguity of the antilles to the region of the ganges and its three mouths. this was the well-known "admiral's map," usually associated with the name of waldseemüller, and if this same cartographer, as franz wieser conjectures, is responsible for the map in reisch's _margarita philosophica_ (1515), a sort of cyclopædia, he had in the interim awaked to the significance of the discovery of balboa, for the ganges has disappeared, and cipango is made to lie in an ocean beyond the continental zoana mela (america), which has an undefined western limit, as it had already been depicted in the stobnicza map of 1512. [illustration: the alleged da vinci sketch. [_combination._]] [sidenote: first modern atlas.] it was in this strassburg ptolemy of 1513 that ringmann, who had been concerned in inventing the name of america, revised the latin of angelus, using a greek manuscript of ptolemy for the purpose. nordenskiöld speaks of this edition as the first modern atlas of the world, extended so as to give in two of its maps--that known as the "admiral's map," and another of africa--the results following upon the discoveries of columbus and da gama. this "admiral's map," which has been so often associated with columbus, is hardly a fair representation of the knowledge that columbus had attained, and seems rather to be the embodiment of the discoveries of many, as the description of it, indeed, would leave us to infer; while the other american chart of the volume is clearly of portuguese rather than of spanish origin, as may be inferred by the lavish display of the coast connected with the descriptions by vespucius. on the other hand, nothing but the islands of española and cuba stand in it for the explorations of columbus. both of these maps are given elsewhere in this appendix. [illustration: reisch, 1515.] [illustration: the world of pomponius mela. [from bunbury's _ancient geography_.]] [sidenote: asiatic connection of north america.] we could hardly expect, indeed, to find in these maps of the ptolemy of 1513 the results of balboa's discovery at the isthmus; but that the maps were left to do service in the edition of 1520 indicates that the discovery of the south sea had by no means unsettled the public mind as to the asiatic connection of the regions both north and south of the antilles. within the next few years several maps indicate the enduring strength of this conviction. a portuguese portolano of 1516-20, in the royal library at munich, shows moslem flags on the coasts of venezuela and nicaragua. a map of ayllon's discoveries on the atlantic coast in 1520, preserved in the british museum, has a chinaman and an elephant delineated on the empty spaces of the continent. still, geographical opinions had become divided, and the independent continental masses of stobnicza were having some ready advocates. [illustration: vadianus.] [illustration: apianus. [from reusner's _icones_.]] [sidenote: vienna geographers.] [sidenote: pomponius mela.] [sidenote: solinus.] [sidenote: vadianus.] [sidenote: 1520. apianus.] there was at this time a circle of geographers working at vienna, reëditing the ancient cosmographers, and bringing them into relations with the new results of discovery. two of these early writers thus attracting attention were pomponius mela, whose _cosmographia_ dated back to the first century, and solinus, whose _polyhistor_ was of the third. the mela fell to the care of johann camers, who published it as _de situ orbis_ at vienna in 1512, at the press of singrein; and this was followed in 1518 by another issue, taken in hand by joachim watt, better known under the latinized name of vadianus, who had been born in switzerland, and who was one of the earlier helpers in popularizing the name of america. the solinus, the care of which was undertaken by camers, the teacher of watt, was produced under these new auspices at the same time. two years later (1520) both of these old writers attained new currency while issued together and accompanied by a map of apianus,--as the german bienewitz classicized his name,--in which further iteration was given to the name of america by attaching it to the southern continent of the west. [sidenote: a strait at the isthmus of panama.] [sidenote: 1515. schöner.] [sidenote: antarctic continent.] in this map apianus, in 1520, was combining views of the western hemisphere, which had within the few antecedent years found advocacy among a new school of cartographers. these students represented the northern and southern continents as independent entities, disconnected at the isthmus, where columbus had hoped to find his strait. this is shown in the earliest of the schöner globes, the three copies of which known to us are preserved, one at frankfort and two at weimar. it is in the _luculentissima descriptio_, which was written to accompany this schöner globe of 1515, where we find that statement already referred to, which chronicles, as wieser thinks, an earlier voyage than magellan's to the southern strait, which separated the "america" of vespucius from that great antarctic continent which did not entirely disappear from our maps till after the voyage of cook. [sidenote: 1515. reisch.] [sidenote: brazil.] it is a striking instance of careless contemporary observation, which the student of this early cartography has often to confront, that while reisch, in his popular cyclopædia of the _margarita philosophica_ which he published first in 1503, gave not the slightest intimation of the discoveries of columbus, he did not much improve matters in 1515, when he ignored the discoveries of balboa, and reproduced in the main the so-called "admiral's map" of the ptolemy of 1513. it is to be observed, however, that reisch was in this reproduced map of 1515 the first of map makers to offer in the word "prisilia" on the coast of vespucius the prototype of the modern brazil. it will be remembered that cabral had supposed it an island, and had named it the isla de santa cruz. the change of name induced a pious portuguese to believe it an instigation of the devil to supplant the remembrance of the holy and sacred wood of the great martyr by the worldly wood, which was commonly used to give a red color to cloth! [sidenote: theories of seamanship.] in 1519, in the _suma de geographia_ of fernandez d'enciso, published later at seville, in 1530, we have the experience of one of ojeda's companions in 1509. this little folio, now a scarce book, is of interest as first formulating for practical use some of the new theories of seamanship as developed under the long voyages at this time becoming common. it has also a marked interest as being the earliest book of the spanish press which had given consideration at any length to the new possessions of spain. [sidenote: 1522. frisius.] we again find a similar indisposition to keep abreast of discovery, so perplexing to later scholars, in the new-cast edition of ptolemy in 1522, which contains the well-known map of laurentius frisius. it is called by nordenskiöld, in subjecting it to analysis in his _facsimile atlas_, "an original work, but bad beyond all criticism, as well from a geographical as from a xylographical point of view." one sees, indeed, in the maps of this edition, no knowledge of the increase of geographical knowledge during later years. we observe, too, that they go back to behaim's interpretation of marco polo's india, for the eastern shores of asia. the publisher, thomas ancuparius, seems never to have heard of columbus, or at least fails to mention him, while he awards the discovery of the new world to vespucius. the maps, reduced in the main from those of the edition of 1513, were repeated in those of 1525, 1535, and 1541, without change and from the same blocks. [illustration: schöner.] the results of the voyage of magellan and del cano promptly attained a more authentic record than usually fell to the lot of these early ocean experiences. [sidenote: 1523. magellan's voyage described.] the company which reached spain in the "victoria" went at once to valladolid to report to the emperor, and while there a pupil and secretary of peter martyr, then at court, maximilianus transylvanus by name, got from these men the particulars of their discoveries, and, writing them out in latin, he sent the missive to his father, the archbishop of salzburg,--the young man was a natural son of this prelate,--and in some way the narrative got into print at cologne and rome in 1523. [sidenote: 1523. schöner.] [sidenote: rosenthal gores.] schöner printed in 1523 a little tract, _de nuper ... repertis insulis ac regionibus_ to elucidate a globe which he had at that time constructed. it was published at timiripæ, as the imprint reads, which has been identified by coote as the grecized form of the name of a small village not far from bamberg, where schöner was at that time a parochial vicar. when a new set of engraved gores were first brought to light by ludwig rosenthal, in munich, in 1885, they were considered by wieser, who published an account of them in 1888, as the lost globe of schöner. stevens, in a posthumous book on _johann schöner_, expressed a similar belief. this was a view which stevens's editor, c. h. coote, accepted. the opinion, however, is open to question, and nordenskiöld finds that the rosenthal gores have nothing to do with the lost globe of schöner, and puts them much later, as having been printed at nuremberg about 1540. * * * * * [sidenote: political aspects of magellan's voyage.] [sidenote: gomez.] the voyage of magellan had reopened the controversy of spain with portugal, stayed but not settled by the treaty of tordesillas. estevan gomez, a recusant captain of magellan's fleet, who had deserted him just as he was entering the straits, had arrived in spain may 6, 1521, and had his own way for some time in making representation of the foolhardiness of magellan's undertaking. on march 27, 1523, gomez received a concession from the emperor to go on a small armed vessel for a year's cruise in the northwest, to make farther search for a passage, but he was not to trespass on any portuguese possession. the disputes between portugal and spain intensifying, gomez's voyage was in the mean time put off for a while. [sidenote: dispute over the moluccas.] [sidenote: congress at badajos.] [illustration: rosenthal or nuremberg gores.] gomara tells us that, in the opinion of his time, the spaniards had gained the moluccas, at the conference at tordesillas, by yielding to the demands of the portuguese, so that what portugal gained in brazil and newfoundland she lost in asia and adjacent parts. the portuguese historian, osorius, viewed it differently; he counted in the american gain for his country, but he denied the spanish rights at the antipodes. so the longitude of the moluccas became a sharp political dispute, which there was an attempt to settle in 1524 in a congress of the two nations that was convened alternately at badajos and elvas, situated on opposite sides of the caya, a stream which separates the two countries. [sidenote: council of the indies.] ferdinand columbus, by a decree of february 19, 1524, had been made one of the arbiters. after two months of wrangling, each side stood stiff in its own opinions, and it was found best to break up the congress. following upon the dissolution of this body, the spanish government was impelled to make the management of the indies more effective than it had been under the commissions which had existed, and on august 18, 1524, the council of the indies was reorganized in more permanent form. [sidenote: gomez's voyage.] an immediate result of the interchange of views at badajos was a renewal of the gomez project, to examine more carefully the eastern coast of what is now the united states, in the hopes of yet discovering a western passage. of that voyage, which is first mentioned in the _sumario_ of oviedo in 1526, and of the failure of its chief aim, enough has already been said in the early part of this appendix. it has been supposed by harrisse that the results of this voyage were embodied in the earliest printed spanish map which we have showing lines of latitude and longitude,--that found in a joint edition of martyr and oviedo (1534), and which is only known in a copy now in the lenox library. the purpose which followed upon the congress of badajos, to penetrate the atlantic coast line and find a passage to the western sea, was communicated to cortes, then in mexico, some time before the date of his fourth letter, october 15, 1524. the news found him already convinced of the desirableness of establishing a port on the great sea of the west, and he selected zucatula as a station for the fleets which he undertook to build. [sidenote: 1526. cortes sends ships to the moluccas.] [sidenote: the moluccas sold to portugal.] other projects delayed the preparations which were planned, and it was not till september 3, 1526, that cortes signified to the emperor his readiness to send his ships to the moluccas. after a brief experimental trip up the coast from zucatula, three of his vessels were finally dispatched, in october, 1527, on a disastrous voyage to those islands, where the purpose was to confront the portuguese pretensions. it so happened, meanwhile, that charles v. needed money for his projects in italy, and he called ferdinand columbus to court to consult with him about a sale of his rights in the moluccas to portugal. ferdinand made a report, which has not come down to us, but a decision to sell was reached, and the portuguese king agreed to the price of purchase on june 20, 1530. thus the moluccas, which had been so long the goal of spanish ambition, pass out of view in connection with american discovery. there is some ground for the suspicion, if not belief, that the portuguese from the moluccas had before this pushed eastward across the pacific, and had even struck the western verge of that continent which separated them from the spanish explorers on the atlantic side. [illustration: martyr-oviedo] [illustration: map, 1534.] [sidenote: north america, east coast.] [sidenote: verrazano.] we come next to some further developments on the eastern coast of north america. a certain french corsair, known from his florentine birth as juan florin, had become a terror by preying on the spanish commerce in the indies. in january, 1524, he was on his way, under the name of verrazano, in the expedition which has given him fame, and has supplied not a little ground for contention, and even for total distrust of the voyage as a fact. he struck the coast of north carolina, turned south, but, finding no harbor, retraced his course, and, making several landings farther north, finally entered, as it would seem from his description, the harbor of new york. the only point that he names is a triangular island which he saw as he went still farther to the east, and which has been supposed to be block island, or possibly martha's vineyard. at all events, the name luisa which he gave to it after the mother of francis i. clung to an island in this neighborhood in the maps for some time longer. so he went on, and, if his landings have been rightly identified, he touched at newport, then at some place evidently near portsmouth in new hampshire, and then, skirting the islands of the maine coast, he reached the country which he recognized as that where the bretons had been. he now ended what he considered the exploration of seven hundred leagues of an unknown land, and bore away for france, reaching dieppe in july, whence, on the 9th, he wrote the letter to the king which is the source of our information. attempts have been made, especially by the late henry c. murphy, to prove this letter a forgery, but in the opinion of most scholars without success. [illustration: the verrazano map.] [illustration: agnese, 1536.] [sidenote: the verrazano map.] fortunately for the student, hieronimo da verrazano made, in 1529, a map, still preserved in the college of the propaganda at rome, in which the discoveries of his brother, giovanni, are laid down. in this the name of nova gallia supplants that of francesca, which had been used in the map of maiollo (1527), supposed, also, to have some relation to the verrazano voyage. [illustration: münster, 1540.] the most distinguishing feature of the verrazano map is a great inland expanse of water, which was taken to be a part of some western ocean, and which remained for a long while in some form or other in the maps. it was made to approach so near the atlantic that at one point there was nothing but a slender isthmus connecting the discoveries of the north with the country of ponce de leon and ayllon at the south. [illustration: münster, 1540.] [sidenote: the sea of verrazano.] it is in the _sumario_ (1526) of oviedo that we get the first idea of this sea of verrazano, as brevoort contends, and we see it in the maiollo map of the next year, called "mare indicum," as if it were an indentation of the great western ocean of balboa. it was a favorite fancy of baptista agnese, in the series of portolanos associated with his name during the middle of the century, and in which he usually indicated supposable ocean routes to asia. as time went on, the idea was so far modified that this indentation took the shape of a loop of the arctic seas, or of that stretch of water which at the north connected the atlantic and pacific, as shown in the münster map in the ptolemy of 1540,--a map apparently based on the portolanos of agnese,--though the older form of the sea seems to be adopted in the globe of ulpius (1542). this idea of a carolinian isthmus prevailed for some years, and may have grown out of a misconception of the carolina sounds, though it is sometimes carried far enough north, as in the lok map of 1582, to seem as if buzzard's bay were in some way thought to stretch westerly into its depths. the last trace of this mysterious inner ocean, so far as i have discovered, is in a map made by one of ralegh's colonists in 1585, and preserved among the drawings of john white in the de bry collection of the british museum, and brought to light by dr. edward eggleston. this drawing makes for the only time that i have observed it, an actual channel at "port royal," leading to this oceanic expanse, which was later interpreted as an inland lake. thus it was that this geographical blunder lived more or less constantly in a succession of maps for about sixty years, until sometimes it vanished in a large lake in carolina, or in the north it dwindled until it began to take a new lease of life in an incipient hudson's bay, as in the great lake of tadenac, figured in the molineaux map of 1600, and in the lago dagolesme in the botero map of 1603. [illustration: michael lok, 1582.] [illustration: john white's map. [communicated by dr. edward eggleston.]] [sidenote: norumbega.] it was apparently during the voyage of verrazano that an indian name which was understood as "aranbega" was picked up along the northern coasts as designating the region, and which a little later was reported by others as "norumbega," and so passed into the mysterious and fabled nomenclature of the coast with a good deal of the unstableness that attended the fabulous islands of the atlantic in the fancy of the geographers of the middle ages. as a definition of territory it gradually grew to have a more and more restricted application, coming down mainly after a while to the limits of the later new england, and at last finding, as dr. dee (1580), molineaux (1600), and champlain (1604) understood it, a home on the penobscot. still the region it represented contracted and expanded in people's notions, and on maps the name seemed to have a license to wander. * * * * * [illustration: robert thorne, 1527.] [sidenote: the english on the coast.] [sidenote: william hawkins.] during this period the english also were up and down the coast, but they contributed little to our geographical knowledge. slave-catching on the coast of guinea, and lucrative sales of the human plunder in the spanish west indies and neighboring regions, seem to have taken william hawkins and others of his countrymen to these coasts not infrequently between 1525 and 1540. [sidenote: john rut.] there is some reason to believe that john rut, an englishman, may have explored the northeast coasts of the present united states in 1527, a proposition, however, open to argument, as the counter reasonings of dr. kohl and dr. de costa show. it is certain that at this time robert thorne, an english merchant living in seville, was gaining what knowledge he could to promote english enterprise in the north, and there has come down to us the map which in 1527 he gave to the english ambassador in spain, edward leigh, to be transmitted to henry viii. * * * * * [sidenote: progress of maritime art.] it was in 1526 when the spanish authorities thought that the time was fitting for making a sort of register of the progress of discovery and of the attendant cartographical advances. nordenskiöld says that "from the beginning of the printing of maps the graduations of latitude and longitude were marked down in most printed maps, at least in the margin;" the most conspicuous example of omitting these being, perhaps, in the work of sebastian münster, at a period a little later than the one we have now reached. [sidenote: latitude and longitude.] in 1503 reisch for the first time settled upon something like the modern methods of indicating latitude and longitude in the map which he annexed to his _margarita philosophica_ at freiburg, though so far as climatic lines could stand for latitudinal notions, pierre d'ailly had set an example of scaling the zones from the equator in his map of 1410. the spaniards, however, did not fall into the method of reisch, so far as published maps are concerned, till long afterwards (1534). [sidenote: italian maps.] up to the time when the strassburg ptolemy was issued, in 1513, the chief activity in map-making had been in italy. the cartographers of that country got what they could from spain, but the main dependence was on portuguese sources, though the rivals of spain were not always free in imparting the knowledge of their hydrographical offices, since we find robert thorne, in 1527, charging the portuguese with having falsified their records. it is worthy of remark that no official map of the indies was published in spain till 1790. [illustration: sebastian münster. [from reusner's _icones_, 1590.]] [sidenote: cartographical activity north of the alps.] [sidenote: map projections.] after 1513, and so on to the middle of the century, it was to the north of the alps that the cosmographical students turned for the latest light upon all oceanic movements. the question of longitude was the serious one which both navigators and map makers encountered. the cartographers were trying all sorts of experiments in representing the converging meridians on a plane surface, so as not to distort the geography, and in order to afford some manifest method for the guidance of ships. [sidenote: lunar observations.] [sidenote: chronometers.] these experiments resulted, as nordenskiöld counts, in something like twenty different projections being devised before 1600. for the seaman the difficulty was no less burdensome in trying to place his ship at sea, or to map the contours of the coasts he was following. the navigator's main dependence was the course he was steering and an estimate of his progress. he made such allowance as he could for his drift in the currents. we have seen how the imperfection of his instruments and the defects of his lunar tables misled columbus egregiously in the attempts which he made to define the longitude of the antilles. he placed española at 70° west of seville, and la cosa came near him in counting it about 68°, so far as one can interpret his map. the dutch at this time were beginning to grasp the idea of a chronometer, which was the device finally to prove the most satisfactory in these efforts. [sidenote: earliest sea-atlas.] reinerus gemma of friesland, known better as gemma frisius, began to make the dutch nautical views better known when he suggested, a few years later, the carrying of time in running off the longitudes, and something of his impress on the epoch was shown in the stand which a pupil, mercator, took in geographical science. the _spieghel der zeevaardt_ of lucas wagenaer, in 1584 (leyden), was the first sea-atlas ever printed, and showed again the dutch advance. there were also other requirements of sea service that were not forgotten, among which was a knowledge of prevalent winds and ocean currents, and this was so satisfactorily acquired that the return voyage from the antilles came, within thirty years after columbus, to be made with remarkable ease. oviedo tells us that in 1525 two caravels were but twenty-five days in passing from san domingo to the river of seville. two of the duties imposed by the spanish government upon the casa de la contratacion, soon after the discovery of the new world, were to patronize invention to the end of discovering a process for making fresh water out of salt, and to improve ships' pumps,--the last a conception not to take effective shape till ribero, the royal cosmographer, secured a royal pension for such an invention in 1526. * * * * * [sidenote: congress of pilots at seville.] it was in the midst of these developments, both of the practical parts of seamanship and of the progress of oceanic discovery, that in 1526 there was held at seville a convention of pilots and cosmographers, called by royal order, to consolidate and correlate all the cartographical data which had accumulated up to that time respecting the new discoveries. [sidenote: ferdinand columbus.] ferdinand columbus was at this time in seville, engaged in completing a house and library for himself, and in planting the park about them with trees brought from the new world, a single one of which, a west indian sapodilla, was still standing in 1871. it was in this house that the convention sat, and ferdinand columbus presided over it, while the examinations of the pilots were conducted by diego ribero and alonso de chaves. [illustration: house and library of ferdinand columbus.] [sidenote: 1527-29. maps.] there have come down to us two monumental maps, the outgrowth of this convention. one of these is dated at seville, in 1527, purporting to be the work of the royal cosmographer, and has been usually known by the name of ferdinand columbus; and the other, dated 1529, is known to have been made by diego ribero, also a royal cosmographer. these maps closely resemble each other. [illustration: spanish map, 1527. [after sketch in e. mayer's _die entwicklung der seekarten_ (wien, 1877).]] the weimar chart of 1527, which kohl, stevens, and others have assigned to ferdinand columbus, has been ascribed by harrisse to nuño garcia de toreno, but by coote, in editing stevens on _schöner_, it is assigned to ribero, as a precursor of his undoubted production of 1529. [sidenote: idea of a new continent spreading.] we have seen how, succeeding to the belief of columbus that the new regions were asia, there had grown up, a few years after his death, in spite of his audacious notarial act at cuba, a strong presumption among geographical students that a new continent had been found. we have seen this conception taking form with more or less uncertainty as to its western confines immediately upon, and even anticipating, the discovery of the actual south sea by balboa, and can follow it down in the maps or globes of stobnicza and da vinci, in that known as the lenox globe, in those called the tross and nordenskiöld gores, the schöner and hauslab globes, the ptolemy map of 1513, and in those of reisch, apianus, laurentius frisius, maiollo, bordone, homem, and münster,--not to name some others. in twenty years it had come to be a prevalent belief, and men's minds were turned to a consideration of the possibility of this revealed continent having been, after all, known to the ancients, as glareanus, quoting virgil, was the earliest to assert in 1527. [illustration: the nancy globe.] [sidenote: reaction in the monk franciscus.] about 1525 there came a partial reaction, as if the discovery of balboa had been pushed too far in its supposed results. we find this taking form in 1526, in an identification of north america with eastern asia in a map ascribed to the monk franciscus, while south america is laid down as a continental island, separated from india by a strait only. the strait is soon succeeded by an isthmus, and in this way we get a solution of the problem which had some currency for half a century or more. [sidenote: orontius finæus.] orontius finæus was one of these later compromisers in cartography, in a map which he is supposed to have made in 1531, but which appeared the next year in the _novus orbis_ (1532) of simon grynæus, and was used in some later publications also. we find in this map, about the gulf of mexico, the names which cortes had applied in his map of 1520 mingled with those of the asiatic coast of marco polo. we annex a sketch of this map as reduced by brevoort to mercator's projection. a map very similar to this and of about the same date is preserved in the british museum among the sloane manuscripts, and the same bold solution of the difficulty is found in the nancy globe of about 1540, and in the globe of gaspar vopel of 1543. [illustration: the nancy globe.] [sidenote: johann schöner.] there is a good instance of the instability of geographical knowledge at this time in the conversion of johann schöner from a belief in an insular north america, to which he had clung in his globes of 1515 and 1520, to a position which he took in 1533, in his _opusculum geographicum_, where he maintains that the city of mexico is the quinsay of marco polo. [illustration: orontius finæus, 1532. [after cimelinus's copperplate of 1566.]] [illustration: orontius finæus, 1531. [reduced by brevoort to mercator's projection.]] [sidenote: the pacific explored.] [sidenote: california.] [illustration: cortes.] previous to cortes's departure for spain in 1528, he had, as we have seen, dispatched vessels from tehuantepec to the moluccas, but nothing was done to explore the pacific coast northward till his return to mexico. in the spring or early summer of 1532 he sent hurtado de mendoza up the coast; but little success attending the exploration, cortes himself proceeded to tehuantepec and constructed other vessels, which sailed in october, 1533. a gale drove them to the west, and when they succeeded in working back and making the coast, they found themselves well up what proved to be the california peninsula. they now coasted south and developed its shape, which was further brought out in detail by an expedition led by cortes himself in 1535, and by a later one sent by him under francisco de ulloa in 1539. cortes had supposed the peninsula an island, but this expedition of 1539 demonstrated the fact that no passage to the outer sea existed at the head of the gulf, which these earliest navigators had called the sea of cortes. the conqueror of mexico had now made his last expedition on the pacific, and his name was not destined to be long connected with this new field of discovery, unless, indeed, it was a prompting of cortes--hardly proved, however--which attached to this peninsular region the euphonious name of california, and which, after an interval when the gulf was called the red sea, was applied to that water also. the views of ulloa were confirmed in part, at least, by castillo in 1540, who has left us a map of the gulf. [illustration: castillo's california.] the outer coast of the peninsula as far north as 28° 30' had been established in 1533. it was ten years later, in 1543, that cabrillo, making his landfall in the neighborhood of 33°, just within the southern bounds of the present state of california, coasted up to cape mendocino, and perhaps to 44°, or nearly, to that spot, in the present state of oregon. if cabrillo, who had died january 3, 1543, did not himself go so high, the credit belongs to ferrelo, his chief pilot. late in 1542 mendoza sent an expedition under ruy lopez de villalobos, across the pacific, and if a map of juan freire, made in 1546, is an indication of his route, he seems to have gone higher up the coast than any previous explorer. * * * * * [sidenote: the atlantic coast of north america.] while this development of the northwest coast of north america was going on, there were other discoverers still endeavoring on the atlantic side to connect the waters of the two oceans. [sidenote: 1534. cartier.] in april, 1534, jacques cartier, a jovial and roistering fellow, as father jouon des longrais, his latest biographer, makes him out (_jacques cartier_, paris, 1888), and who had led the roving life of a corsair in the recent wars of france, was now turning his energy to solve the great problem of this western passage. he sailed from st. malo, and for the first time laid open, by an official examination, the inner spaces of the st. lawrence gulf, which might have been, indeed, and probably were, known earlier to the hardy breton and norman fishermen. we are deficient in a knowledge of the early frequenting of these coasts because the charts of such fishermen, and of those who visited the region for trade in peltries, have not come down to us, though kohl thinks there is some likelihood of such records being preserved in a portolano of the british museum. the track of cartier about the gulf of st. lawrence has caused some discussion and difference of opinion in the publications of kohl, de costa, laverdière, and w. f. ganong, the latter writer claiming, in a careful paper in the _transactions_ of the royal society of canada for 1889, that in the correct interpretation of cartier's first voyage we find a key to the cartography of the gulf for almost a century. the rotz map of 1542 seems to be the earliest map which we know to show a knowledge of cartier's first voyage. the henri ii. map of 1542 still more develops his work of exploration. the chance of further discovery in this direction induced the french king once more to commission cartier, october 30, 1534, and early in 1535 his little fleet sailed, and by august, after some discouragements, not lessened when he found the water freshening, he began to ascend the st. lawrence river, reaching the site of montreal. no map by cartier himself is preserved, though it is known that he made such. thenceforward the cartography of this northeastern region showed the st. lawrence gulf in a better development of the earlier so-called square gulf and of the great river of canada. it is of record that francis i., in commissioning cartier, considered that he was dispatching him to ascend an asiatic river, and the name of lachine even to-day is preserved as evidence of the belief which cartier entertained that he was within the bounds of china. [illustration: sketch from a portolano in the british museum.] [sidenote: john rotz's map.] john rotz's _boke of idiography_--a manuscript of 1542, preserved in the british museum--shows, in his drawing of the region about the gulf of st. lawrence, certain signs, as kohl thinks, of having had access to the charts of cartier, and harrisse traces in them the combined influence of the portuguese and dieppe navigators. the cartier voyages seem to have made little impression outside of france, and we find for some years few traces of his discoveries in the portolanos of italy and in the maps of the rest of europe. it was only when the expedition of roberval, in 1540-41, excited attention that the rest of europe seemed to recognize these french efforts. [illustration: homem, 1558.] [illustration: ziegler's schondia.] [sidenote: cartier's later voyages.] [sidenote: allefonsce.] the later voyages of cartier, in 1541 and 1543, revealed nothing more of general geographical interest. indeed, the hope of a western passage in this direction had been abandoned in effect after cartier's second voyage, although the pilot allefonsce, who accompanied a later expedition, had been detailed to explore the labrador coast to that end, and had been turned back by ice. after this he seems to have gone south into a great bay, under 42°, the end of which he did not reach. this may have been the large expanse partly shut in by cape sable (nova scotia) and cape cod, now called in the coast survey charts the gulf of maine; or perhaps it may conform, taking into account his registered latitude, to the inner bight of it called massachusetts bay. at all events, allefonsce believed himself on coasts contiguous to tartary, through which he had hopes to find access to the more hospitable orient (occident) farther south. he apparently had something of the same notion regarding the westerly stretch of water which he found below cape cod, extending he knew not where, along the inclosure of the present long island sound. in the years both before and after the middle of the century, french vessels were on this coast in considerable numbers for purposes of trade or for protecting french interests, but we know nothing of any accessions to geographical knowledge which they made. [illustration: ruscelli, 1544.] allefonsce speaks of the saguenay as widening, when he went up, till it seemed to be an arm of the sea, and "i think the same," he adds, "runs into the sea of cathay;" and so he draws it on one of his maps,--an idea made more general in the map of homem in 1558, where the st. lawrence really becomes a channel, locked by islands, bordering an arctic sea. ramusio, in 1553, has inferred from such reports as he could get of cartier's explorations, that his track had lain in channels bounded by islands, and a similar view had already been expressed in a portolano of 1536, preserved in the bodleian, which kohl associates with homem or agnese. the oceanic expansion of the saguenay is preserved as late as the molineaux map of 1600. [sidenote: river of norumbega.] it is to the work of allefonsce that we probably owe another confusion of this northern cartography in the sixteenth century. what we now know as penobscot bay and river was called by him the river of norumbega, and he seems to have given some ground for believing that this river connected the waters of the atlantic with the great river of canada, just as we find it later shown upon gastaldi's map in ramusio, by ruscelli in 1561, by martines in 1578, by lok in 1582, and by jacques de vaulx in 1584. [sidenote: greenland connects europe and america.] while this idea of the north was developing, there came in another that made the peninsular greenland of the ante-columbian maps grow into a link of land connecting europe with the americo-asiatic main, so that one might in truth perambulate the globe dryshod. we find this conception in the maps of the bavarian ziegler (1532), and in the italians ruscelli (1544) and gastaldi (1548),--the last two represented in the ptolemies of those years published in italy. but these italian cosmographers were by no means constant in their belief, as ruscelli showed in his ptolemy of 1561, and gastaldi in his ramusio map of 1550. [illustration: carta marina, 1548.] [sidenote: asia and america joined in the higher latitudes.] [illustration: myritius, 1590.] as the pacific explorations were stretched northward from mexico, and the peninsula of california was brought into prominence, there remained for some time a suspicion that the western ocean made a great northerly bend, so as to sever north america from asia except along the higher latitudes. we find this northerly extension of the pacific in a map of copper preserved in the carter-brown library, which seems to have been the work of a florentine goldsmith somewhere about 1535; in the carta marina of gastaldi in 1548; and it even exists in maps of a later date, like that of paolo de furlani (1560) and that of myritius (1587). [illustration: zaltière, 1566.] [sidenote: entanglement of the american and asiatic coasts.] [sidenote: 1728. bering.] this map of myritius, which appeared in his _opusculum geographicum_, published at ingolstadt in 1590, is the work of, perhaps, the last of the geographers who did not leave more or less doubt about the connection of north america with asia. so it took about a full century for the entanglement of the coasts of asia and america, which columbus had imagined, to be practically eradicated from the maps. not that there were not doubters, even very early, but the faith in a new continent grew slowly and had many set-backs; nor did the asiatic connection fade entirely out, as among the possibilities of geography, for considerably more than a century yet to come. the uncertainties of the higher latitudes kept knowledge in suspense, and even the english settlers on the northerly coasts of the united states were not quite sure. thomas morton, the chronicler of a colony on the massachusetts shores, felt it necessary, so late as 1636, to make a reservation that possibly the mainland of america bordered on the land of the tartars. indeed, no one could say positively, though much was conjectured, that there was not a terrestrial connection in the extreme northwest, under arctic latitudes, till bering in 1728, two hundred and thirty-six years after columbus offered his prayer at san salvador, passed from the pacific into the polar waters. this became the solution of the fabled straits of anian, an inheritance from the very earliest days of northern exploration, which, after the middle of the sixteenth century, was revived in the maps of martines, zaltière, mercator, porcacchi, furlani, and wytfliet, prefiguring the channel which bering passed. much in the same way as the southern apex of south america was a vision in men's minds long before magellan found his way to the pacific. [illustration: porcacchi, 1572.] [sidenote: 1536. chaves.] [sidenote: 1538. mercator.] [sidenote: 1540. hartmann gores.] but we have anticipated a little. coincident with the efforts of cartier to discover this northern passage we mark other navigators working at the same problem. the spaniard alonso de chaves made a chart of this eastern coast in 1536; but we only know of its existence from the description of it written by oviedo in 1537. in the earliest map which we have from the hand of gerard mercator, and of which the only copy known was discovered some years ago by the late james carson brevoort, of new york, we find the northern passage well defined in 1538, and a broad channel separating the western coast of america from a parallel coast of asia,--a kind of delineation which is followed in some globe-gores of about 1540, which nordenskiöld thinks may have been the work of george hartmann, of nuremberg. this map is evidently based on portuguese information, and that swedish scholar finds no ground for associating it with the lost globe of schöner, as stevens has done. a facsimile of part of it has already been given. [sidenote: 1540-45. münster.] sebastian münster, in his maps in the ptolemy of 1540-45, makes a clear seaway to the moluccas somewhere in the latitude of the strait of belle isle. münster was in many ways antiquated in his notions. he often resorted to the old device of the middle ages by supplying the place of geographical details with figures of savages and monsters. * * * * * we come now to two significant maps in the early history of american cartography. [illustration: mercator's globe of 1538.] columbus had been dead five and thirty years when a natural result grew out of those circumstances which conspired to name the largest part of the new discoveries after a secondary pathfinder. we have seen that there seemed at first no injustice in the name of america being applied to a region in the main external to the range of columbus's own explorations, and how it took nearly a half century before public opinion, as expressed in the protest of schöner in 1533, recognized the injustice of using another's name. [sidenote: 1541. mercator.] whether that protest was prompted by a tendency, already shown, to give the name to the whole western hemisphere is not clear; but certainly within eight years such a general application was publicly made, when mercator, in drafting in 1541 some gores for a globe, divided the name ame--rica so that it covered both north and south america, and qualified its application by a legend which says that the continent is "called to-day by many, new india." thus a name that in the beginning was given to a part in distinction merely and without any reference to the entire field of the new explorations, was now become, by implication, an injustice to the great first discoverer of all. the mischief, aided by accident and by a not unaccountable evolution, was not to be undone, and, in the singular mutations of fate, a people inhabiting a region of which neither columbus nor vespucius had any conception are now distinctively known in the world's history as americans. [illustration: mercator's globe of 1538.] these 1541 gores of mercator were first made known to scholars a few years ago, when the belgian government issued a facsimile edition of the only copy then known, which the royal library at brussels had just acquired; but since there have been two other copies brought to light,--one at st. nicholas in belgium, and the other in the imperial library at vienna. * * * * * [sidenote: henry ii. map.] [sidenote: 1544. cabot map.] there are some indications on spanish globes of about 1540, and in the desceliers or henry ii. map of 1546, that the spanish government had sent explorers to the region of canada not long after cartier's earliest explorations, and it is significant that the earliest published map to show these cartier discoveries is the other of the two maps already referred to, namely, the cabot mappemonde of 1544, which has been supposed a spanish cartographical waif. early publications of southern and middle europe showed little recognition of the same knowledge. [illustration: münster, 1545.] the cabot map has been an enigma to scholars ever since it was discovered in germany, in 1843, by von martius. it was deposited the next year in the great library at paris. it is a large elliptical world-map, struck from an engraved plate, and it bears sundry elucidating inscriptions, some of which must needs have come from sebastian cabot, others seem hardly to merit his authorship, and one acknowledges him as the maker of the map. there is, accordingly, a composite character to the production, not easily to be analyzed so as to show the credible and the incredible by clear lines of demarcation. we learn from it how it proclaimed for the first time the real agency of john cabot in the discovery of north america, confirmed when hakluyt, in 1582, printed the patent from henry vii. there is an unaccountable year given for that discovery, namely, 1494, but we seem to get the true date when michael lok, in 1582, puts down "j. cabot. 1497," against cape breton in his map of that year. as this last map appeared in hakluyt's _divers voyages_, and as hakluyt tells us of the existence of cabot's maps and of his seeing them, we may presume that we have in this date of 1497 an authoritative statement. we learn also from this map of 1544 that the land first seen was the point of the island now called cape breton. without the aid of this map, biddle, who wrote before its discovery, had contended for labrador as the landfall. [illustration: mercator, 1541. [sketched from his gores.]] [illustration: from the sebastian cabot mappemonde. 1514.] [sidenote: scarcity of spanish printed maps.] we know, on the testimony of robert thorne in 1527, if from no other source, that it was a settled policy of the spanish government to allow no one but proper cartographical designers to make its maps, "for that peradventure it would not sound well to them that a stranger should know or discover their secrets." this doubtless accounts for the fact that, in the two hundred maps mentioned by ortelius in 1570 as used by him in compiling his atlas, not one was published in spain; and every bibliographer knows that not a single edition of ptolemy, the best known channel of communicating geographical knowledge in this age of discovery, bears a spanish imprint. the two general maps of america during the sixteenth century, which dr. kohl could trace to spanish presses, were that of medina in 1545 and that of gomara in 1554, and these were not of a scale to be of any service in navigating. [sidenote: cabot's connection with the map of 1544.] there seem to be insuperable objections to considering that sebastian cabot had direct influence in the production of the map now under consideration. it is full of a lack of knowledge which it is not possible to ascribe to him. that it is based upon some drafts of cabot is most probably true; but they are clearly drafts, confused and in some ways perverted, and eked out by whatever could be picked up from other sources. that the cabot map was issued in more than one edition is inferred partly from the fact that the legends which chytræus quotes from it differ somewhat from those now in the copy preserved in paris; and indeed harrisse finds reason to suppose that there may have been four different editions. that in some form or other it was better known in england than elsewhere is deduced from certain relations sustained with that country on the part of those who have mentioned the map,--livio sanuto, ortelius, sir humphrey gilbert, richard willes, hakluyt, and purchas. whoever its author and whatever its minor defects, this so-called cabot map of 1544 may reasonably be accepted as the earliest really honest, unimaginative exhibition of the american continent which had been made. there was in it no attempt to fancy a northwest passage; no confidence in the marine or terrestrial actuality of the region now known to be covered by the north pacific; no certainty about the entire western coast line of south america, though this might have been decided upon if the maker of the map had been posted to date for that region. the maker of it further showed nothing of that presumption, which soon became prevalent, of making tierra del fuego merely but one of the various promontories of an immense antarctic continent, which later stood in the planispheres of ortelius and wytfliet. [illustration: medina, 1544.] [sidenote: geographical study transferred to italy.] this map of cabot was the last of the principal cartographical monuments made north of the alps in this early half of the sixteenth century. the centre of geographical study was now transferred to italy, where it had begun with the opening of the interest in oceanic discovery. for the next score years and more we must look mainly to venice for the newer development. [illustration: medina, 1544.] [sidenote: 1548, gastaldi.] in the venice ptolemy of 1548, we have for the first time a _series_ of maps of the new world by gastaldi, which were simply enlarged by ruscelli in the edition of 1561, except in a few instances, where new details were added, like the making of yucatan a peninsula instead of the island which gastaldi had drawn. they were repeated in the edition of 1562. [sidenote: sea manuals.] meanwhile the most popular sea manuals of this period were spanish; but they studiously avoided throwing much light on the new geography. [illustration: wytfliet, 1597.] that of martin cortes was the first to suggest a magnetic pole as distinct from the terrestrial pole. its rival, the _arte de navegar_ of pedro de medina, published at valladolid in 1545, never reached the same degree of popularity, nor did it deserve to, for his notions were in some respects erratic. the english in their theories of navigation had long depended on the teachings of the spaniards, and eden had translated the chief spanish manual in his _arte of navigation_ of 1561. [illustration: wytfliet, 1597.] [sidenote: ship's log.] a great advance was possible now, for a new principle had been devised, and an estimate of the progress of a ship was no longer dependent on visual observation. the log had made it possible to put dead reckoning on a pretty firm basis. this was the great new feature of the _regiment of the sea_, which the englishman, william bourne, published in 1573; and sixteen years later, in 1589, another englishman, blunderville, made popularly known the new instrument for taking meridian altitudes at sea, the cross-staff, which had very early superseded the astrolabe on shipboard. the inclination or dip of the needle, showing by its increase an approach to a magnetic pole, was not scaled till 1576, when robert norman made his observations, and it is not without some service to-day in that combination of phenomena of which columbus noted the earliest traces in his first voyage of 1492. [illustration: the cross-staff.] [sidenote: italian discoverers.] [sidenote: english discoverers.] it is significant how large a part in the cardinal discoveries of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was taken by italian navigators, seamen, shipwrights, mathematicians, and merchants, whether in portugal or spain, france or england. it is curious, too, to observe how, when the theoretical work and confirmatory explorations were finished, and the commercial spirit succeeded to that of science, england embarked with her adventurous spirit. the death of queen mary in 1558 was the signal for english exertion, and that exertion became ominous to all europe in the reign of elizabeth, accompanied by an intellectual movement, typified in bacon and shakespeare, similar to that which stirred the age of columbus and the italian renaissance. [sidenote: john hawkins.] john hawkins and african marauders of his english kind were selling negro slaves in española in 1562 and subsequent years, and from them we get our first english accounts of the florida coast, which on their return voyages they skirted. [sidenote: new france.] [sidenote: spanish settlements fail at the north.] america had at this time been abandoned for a long while to spain and france, and the latter power had only entered into competition with charles v., when francis i., as we have seen, had sent out verrazano in 1521 to take possession of the north atlantic coasts. out of this grew upon the maps the designation of new france, which was attached to the main portion of the north american continent. and this french claim is recognized in the maps, painted about 1562, on the walls of the geographical gallery in the vatican. so the french stole upon the possession of spain in the west indies; and the english followed in their wake, when the death of mary rendered it easier for the english to smother their inherited antipathy to france. this done, the english in due time joined the french in efforts to gain an ascendency over spain in the indies, to compensate for the loss of such power in italy. the spaniards, though they had attempted to make settlements along the chesapeake at different times between 1566 and 1573, never succeeded in making any impression on the history of this northern region. * * * * * the cartography of the north was at this period subject to two new influences; and both of them make large demands upon the credulity of scholarship in these latter days. [sidenote: andré thevet.] attempts have been made to trace some portion of the development of the coasts of the northeastern parts of the united states to the publications of a mendacious monk, andré thevet. he had been sent out to the french colony of rio de janeiro in 1555, where he remained prostrated with illness till he was able to reëmbark for france, january 31, 1556. in 1558 he published his _singularitez de la france antarctique_, a descriptive and conglomerate work, patched together from all such sources as he could pillage, professing to follow more or less his experiences on this voyage. he says nothing in it of his tracking along the east coast of the present united states. seeking notoriety and prestige for his country, he pretends, however, in his _cosmographie_ published in 1575, to recount the experiences of the same voyage, and now he professes to have followed this same eastern coast to the region of norumbega. well-equipped scholars find no occasion to believe that these later statements were other than boldly conceived falsehoods, which he had endeavored to make plausible by the commingling of what he could filch from the narratives of others. * * * * * [sidenote: the zeni story.] [illustration: the zeni map.] it was at this time also (1558) that there was published at venice the strange and riddle-like narrative which purports to give the experiences of the brothers zeni in the north atlantic waters in the fourteenth century. the publication came at a time when, with the transfer of cartographical interest from over the alps to the home of its earliest growth, the countrymen of columbus were seeking to reinstate their credit as explorers, which during the fifteenth century and the early part of the sixteenth they had lost to the peoples of the iberian peninsula. anything, therefore, which could emphasize their claims was a welcome solace. this accounts both for the bringing forward at this time of the long-concealed zeni narrative,--granting its genuineness,--and for the influence which its accompanying map had upon contemporary cartography. this map professed to be based upon the discoveries made by the zeni brothers, and upon the knowledge acquired by them at the north in the fourteenth century. it accordingly indicated the existence of countries called estotiland and drogeo, lying to the west, which it was now easy to identify with the baccalaos of the cabots, and with the new france of the later french. [sidenote: the zeni map.] "if this remarkable map," says nordenskiöld, "had not received extensive circulation under the sanction of ptolemy's name," for it was copied in the edition of 1561 of that geographer, "it would probably have been soon forgotten. during nearly a whole century it had exercised an influence on the mapping of the northern countries to which there are few parallels to be found in the history of cartography." it is nordenskiöld's further opinion that the zeni map was drawn from an old map of the north made in the thirteenth century, from which the map found in the warsaw codex of ptolemy of 1467 was also drawn. he further infers that some changes and additions were imposed to make it correspond with the text of the zeni narrative. [illustration: the zeni map.] * * * * * the year 1569 is marked by a stride in cartographical science, of which we have not yet outgrown the necessity. [illustration: the warsaw codex, 1467; after nordenskiöld.] [sidenote: 1569. mercator's projection.] the plotting of courses and distances, as practiced by the early explorers, was subject to all the errors which necessarily accompany the lack of well-established principles, in representing the curved surface of the globe on a plane chart. cumbrous and rude globes were made to do duty as best they could; but they were ill adapted to use at sea. nordenskiöld (_facsimile atlas_, p. 22) has pointed out that pirckheimer, in the ptolemy of 1525, had seemingly anticipated the theory which mercator now with some sort of prevision developed into a principle, which was applied in his great plane chart of 1569. the principle, however, was not definite enough in his mind for the clear exposition of formulæ, and he seems not to have attempted to do more than rough-hew the idea. the hint was a good one, and it was left for the englishman edward wright to put its principles into a formulated problem in 1599, a century and more after columbus had dared to track the ocean by following latitudinal lines in the simplest manner. [illustration: the warsaw codex, 1467; after nordenskiöld.] it has been supposed that wright had the fashioning of the large map which, on this same mercator projection, hakluyt had included in his _principall navigations_ in 1599. hondius had also adopted a like method in his _mappemonde_ of the same year. [sidenote: 1570. the _theatrum_ of ortelius.] [sidenote: decline of ptolemy.] [illustration: mercator, 1569.] in 1570 the publication of the great atlas of abraham ortelius showed that the centre of map-making had again passed from italy, and had found a lodgment in the netherlands. the _theatrum_ of ortelius was the signal for the downfall of the ptolemy series as the leading exemplar of geographical ideas. the editions of that old cartographer, with their newer revisions, never again attained the influence with which they had been invested since the invention of printing. this influence had been so great that nordenskiöld finds that between 1520 and 1550 the ptolemy maps had been five times as numerous as any other. they had now passed away; and it is curious to observe that ortelius seems to have been ignorant of some of the typical maps anterior to his time, and which we now look to in tracing the history of american cartography, like those of ruysch, stobnicza, agnese, apianus, vadianus, and girava. [sidenote: ortelius.] it has already been mentioned that when ortelius published his _theatrum_, and gave a list of ninety-nine makers of maps whom he had consulted, not a solitary one of spanish make was to be found among them. it shows how effectually the council of the indies had concealed the cartographical records of their office. [illustration: mercator.] [sidenote: 1577. english explorations.] [sidenote: 1548. sebastian cabot.] it was eighty years since the english under john cabot had undertaken a voyage of discovery in the new world. the interval passed not without preparation for new efforts, which had for a time, however, been extended to the northwest rather than to the northeast. in 1548 sebastian cabot had returned to his native land to assume the first place in her maritime world. his influence in directing, and that of richard eden in informing, the english mind prepared the way for the advent of frobisher, the younger hawkins, and drake. [sidenote: 1576. frobisher.] [illustration: ortelius.] [sidenote: 1577-78. frobisher.] frobisher's voyage of 1576 was the true beginning of the arctic search for a northwest passage, all earlier efforts having been in lower latitudes. he had sought, by leaving greenland on the right, to pass north of the great american barrier, and thus reach the land of spices. he congratulated himself on having found the long-desired strait, when, naming it for himself, he returned to england. frobisher attempted to add to these earlier discoveries by a voyage the next year, 1577, but he made exploration secondary to mining for gold, and not much was done. a third voyage in 1578 brought him into hudson's straits, which he entered with the hope of finding it the channel to cathay. but in all his voyages frobisher only crossed the threshold of the arctic north. [illustration: ortelius, 1570.] [sidenote: the zeni influence.] [illustration: sebastian cabot.] it was one of the results of frobisher's voyages that they served to implant in the minds of the cartographers of the northern waters the notions of the zeni geography, and aided to give those notions a new lease of favor. it is conjectured that frobisher had the zeni map with him, or its counterpart in one of the recent ptolemies. this map had placed the point of greenland under 66° instead of 61°, and under the last latitude this map had shown the southern coast of its insular frisland. therefore, when frobisher saw land under 61°, which was in fact greenland, he supposed it to be frisland, and thus the maps after him became confused. a like mischance befell davis, a little later. when this navigator found greenland in 61°, he supposed it an island south of greenland, which he called "desolation," and the fancy grew up that frobisher's route must have gone north of this island and between it and greenland, and so we have in later maps this other misplacement of discoveries. [illustration: frobisher.] [sidenote: 1577. francis drake.] while frobisher was absent, drake developed his great scheme of following in the southerly track of magellan. [sidenote: drake sees cape horn.] four years before (1573), being at panama, he had seen from a treetop the great pacific, and had resolved to be the first of the english to furrow its depths. in 1577, starting on his great voyage of circumnavigation, he soon added a new stretch of the pacific coast to the better knowledge of the world. when he returned to england, he proved to be the first commander who had taken his ship, the "pelican," later called the "golden hind" wholly round the globe, for magellan had died on the way. passing through magellan's strait and entering the pacific, drake's ship was separated from its companions and driven south. it was then he saw the cape horn of a later dutch navigator, and proved the non-existence of that neighboring antarctic continent, which was still persistently to cling to the maps. bereft of his other ships, which the storm had driven apart, drake, during the early months of 1579, made havoc among the spanish galleons which were on the south american coasts. [illustration: frobisher, 1578.] in march, 1579, surfeited with plunder, he started north from the coast of mexico, to find a passage to the atlantic in the upper latitudes. [sidenote: in the north pacific.] in june he had reached 42° north, though some have supposed that he went several degrees higher. he had met, however, a rigorous season, and his ropes crackled with the ice. the change was such a contrast to the allurements of his experiences farther to the south that he gave up his search for the strait that would carry him, as he had hoped, to the atlantic, and, turning south, he reached a bay somewhere in the neighborhood of san francisco, where he tarried for a while. having placed the name of new albion on the upper california coast, and fearing to run the hazards of the southern seas, where his plundering had made the spaniards alert, he sailed westerly, and, rounding the cape of good hope, reached england in due time, and was acknowledged to be the earliest of english circumnavigators. [illustration: francis drake.] it is one of the results of drake's explorations in 1579-80 that we get in subsequent maps a more northerly trend to the california coast. [sidenote: confusion in the pacific coast cartography.] shortly after this, a great confusion in the maps of this pacific region came in. from what it arose is not very apparent, except that absence of direct knowledge in geography opens a wide field for discursiveness. the michael lok map of 1582 indicates this uncertainty. it seemed to be the notion that the arctic sea was one and the same with that of verrazano; also, that it came down to about the latitude of puget sound, and that the gulf of california stretched nearly up to meet it. * * * * * [sidenote: francisco gali.] [sidenote: proves the great width of the pacific.] francisco gali, a spanish commander, returning to acapulco from china in 1583, tried the experiment of steering northward to about 38°, when he turned west and sighted the american coast in that latitude. at this point he steered south, and showed the practicability of following this circuitous route with less time than was required to buffet the easterly trades by a direct eastern passage. his experiment established one other fact, namely, the great width of water separating the two continents in those upper latitudes; for he had found it to be 1200 leagues across instead of there being a narrow strait, as the theorizing geographers had supposed. gali seems also to have shown that the distance south from cape mendocino to the point of the california peninsula was not more than half as great as the maps had made it. his voyage was a significant source of enlightenment to the cartographers. * * * * * [sidenote: eastern coast of north america.] [sidenote: 1579. the english on the coast.] to return to the eastern coasts, an english vessel under simon ferdinando spent a short season in 1579 somewhere about the gulf of maine, and was followed the next year by another under john walker, and in 1593 by still a third under richard strong. [sidenote: sir humphrey gilbert.] for eighty years england might have rested her claim to north america on the discoveries of the cabots; but queen elizabeth first gave prominence to these pretensions when she granted to sir humphrey gilbert in 1578 the right to make a settlement somewhere in these more northerly regions. gilbert's first voyage accomplished nothing, and there was an interdict to prevent a second, since england might have use for daring seamen nearer home. "first," says robert hues, "sir humphrey gilbert, with great courage and forces, attempted to make discovery of those parts of america which were yet unknown to the spaniards; but the success was not answerable." the effort was not renewed till 1583, when gilbert took possession of newfoundland and attempted to make settlements farther south; but disaster followed him, and his ship foundered off the azores on his return voyage. [illustration: gilbert's map, 1576.] [sidenote: sir walter ralegh.] it was at this time that sir walter ralegh came into prominence in pushing english colonization in america. he had been associated with his half-brother, gilbert, in the earlier movements, but now he was alone. in 1584 he got his new charter, partly by reason of the urgency of hakluyt in his _westerne planting_. ralegh had his eye upon a more southern coast than gilbert had aimed for,--upon one better fitted to develop self-dependent colonization. he knew that north of what was called florida the spaniards had but scantily tracked the country, and that they probably maintained no settlements. therefore to reach a region somewhere south of the chesapeake was the aim of the first company sent out under ralegh's inspiration. these adventurers made their landfall where they could find no good inlet, and so sailed north, searching, until at last they reached the sounds on the north carolina coast, and tarried awhile. satisfied with the quality of the country, they returned to england; and their recitals so pleased ralegh and the queen that the country was named virginia, and preparations were made to dispatch a colony. it went the next year, but its history is of no farther importance to our present purpose than that it marks the commencement of english colonization, disastrous though it was, on the north american continent, and the beginning of detailed english cartography of its coast, in the map, already referred to, which seems to open a passage, somewhere near port royal, to an interior sea. * * * * * [sidenote: 1585-86. john davis.] in 1585-86 john davis had been buffeting among the icebergs of greenland and the north in hopes to find a passage by the northwest; on june 30, 1587, he reached 72° 12' on the greenland coast, and discovered the strait known by his name, and in 1595 when he published his _world's hydrographical description_, he maintained that he had touched the threshold of the northwest passage. he tells us that the globe of molineaux shows how far he went. [sidenote: english seamanship.] seamanship owes more to davis than to any other englishman. in 1590, or thereabout, he improved the cross-staff, and giving somewhat more of complexity to it, he produced the back-staff. this instrument gave the observer the opportunity of avoiding the glare of the sun, since it was used with his back to that luminary; and when flamsteed, the first astronomer royal at greenwich, used a glass lens to throw reflected light, the first approach to the great principle of taking angles by reflection was made, which was later, in 1731, to be carried to a practical result in hadley's quadrant. [illustration: back-staff.] the art of finding longitude was still in an uncertain state. gemma frisius, as we have noted, had as early as 1530 divined the method of carrying time by a watch; but it was not till 1726 that anything really practicable came of it, in a timekeeper constructed by harrison. this watch was continually improved by him up to 1761, when the method of ascertaining longitude by chronometer became well established; and a few years later (1767) the first nautical almanac was published, affording a reasonably good guide in lunar distances, as a means in the computations of longitude. [sidenote: 1676.] in 1676 the greenwich observatory had been founded to attempt the rectification of lunar tables, then so erroneous that the calculations for longitude were still uncertain. in 1701 edmund halley had published his great variation charts. these dates will fix in the reader's mind the advance of scientific skill as applied to navigation and discovery. it will be well also to remember that in 1594 davis published his _seaman's secrets_, the first manual in the english tongue, written by a practical sailor, in which the principles of great circle sailing were explained. * * * * * [sidenote: 1583-84. earliest marine atlas.] [sidenote: 1592. dutch west india company.] [sidenote: 1598.] the first marine atlas had been printed at leyden in 1583-84; but the dutch had not at that time taken any active part in the development of discovery in the new world. their longing for a share in it, mated with a certain hostile intention towards the spaniards, instigated the formation of the west india company, which had first been conceived in the mind of william usselinx in 1592, though it was not put into execution till twenty-five years later. it was claimed by the dutch that in 1598 the ships of their greenland company had discovered the hudson river, though there can be little doubt that the french, spanish, and perhaps english had been there much earlier. it is also claimed that the straits shown in lok's map in 1582 had instigated heinrich hudson to his later search. but the truth in all these questions which involve national rights is very much perplexed with claim and counter-claim, invention and perversion, in which historical data are at the beck of political objects. [sidenote: 1598. the dutch on the north american coasts.] [sidenote: the english.] by the end of the sixteenth century the dutch began to appear on the coasts of the middle and new england states, and the cartography of those regions developed rapidly under their observation; but it was through the boating explorations of captain john smith in 1614 that it took a shape nearer the truth. it is to him that the northerly parts owe the name of new england, which prince charles confirmed for it. the reports from hudson, may, and others instigated a plan marked out in 1618, but not directly ordered by the states general till 1621, which led to the dutch occupation of manhattan and the neighboring regions, introducing more strongly than before a dutch element into the maps. [sidenote: the english leaders in maritime discovery.] [sidenote: richard hakluyt.] when the seventeenth century opened, the english had come well to the front in maritime explorations. a large-minded and patriotic man, sir thomas smith, did much in his capacity as governor of the "merchants trading into the east indies" to direct contemporary knowledge into better channels. dr. thomas hood gave public lectures in london on the improvements in methods of navigation. richard hakluyt, the historiographer of the new company, had already shown that he had inherited the spirit of helpful patronage which had characterized the labors of eden. [sidenote: 1600.] [sidenote: the search for a western passage at the north.] [sidenote: 1601. george waymouth.] we find the peninsula made by the st. lawrence and the atlantic insularized from the beginning of the seventeenth century, the transverse channel being now on the line of the hudson, then of the penobscot, then of the st. croix, and when the seventeenth century came in, it was not wholly determined that the longed-for western passage might not yet be found somewhere in this region. on july 24, 1601, george waymouth, a navigator, as he was called, applied to the london east india company to be assisted in making an attempt to discover a northwest passage to india, and the company agreed to his proposition. the muscovy company protested in vain against such an infringement of its own rights; but it found a way to smother its grief and join with its rival in the enterprise. through such joint action waymouth was sent by the northwest "towards cataya or china, or the back side of america," bearing with him a letter from queen elizabeth to the emperor of "china or kathia." the attempt failed, and waymouth returned almost ignominiously. [sidenote: hudson at the north.] in 1602, under instructions from the east india company, he again sailed, and now pushed a little farther into hudson's strait than any one had been before. in 1609 hudson had made some explorations, defining a little more clearly the northern coasts of the present united states; and in 1610 he sailed again from england to attempt the discovery of the northwest passage, in a small craft of fifty-five tons, with twenty-three souls on board. following the tracks of davis and waymouth, he went farther than they, and revealed to the world the great inland sea which is known by his name, and in which he probably perished. [sidenote: hudson's bay.] [sidenote: 1615. baffin's bay.] in 1612-13 sir thomas button developed more exactly the outline in part of this great bay, and in 1614 the _discovery_, under robert bylot and william baffin, passed along the coasts of hudson's strait, making most careful observation, and baffin took for the first time at sea a lunar observation for longitude, according to a method which had been suggested as early as 1514. it was on a voyage undertaken in the next year, 1615, that baffin, exceeding the northing of davis, found lying before him the great expanse of baffin's bay, through which he proceeded till he found a northern exit in sir thomas smith's sound, under 78°. baffin did all this with an accuracy which surprised sir john ross, who was the next to enter the bay, two centuries later. it was in these years of hudson and baffin that napier invented logarithms and simplified the processes of nautical calculations. [illustration: luke fox, 1635.] [sidenote: 1631. luke fox.] [sidenote: thomas james.] the voyage of luke fox in 1631 developed some portions of the western shores of hudson's bay, and he returned confident, from his observation of the tides farther north, that they indicated a western passage; and in the same year thomas james searched the more southern limits of the great bay with no more success. these voyages put a stay for more than a hundred years to efforts in this direction to find the passage so long sought. [sidenote: 1602. gosnold.] up to 1602 the explorations of our northern coasts seem to have been ordinarily made either by a sweep northerly from europe, striking newfoundland and then proceeding south, or by a southerly sweep following the spanish tracks and coasting north from florida. in this year, 1602, the englishman gosnold, without any earlier example that we know of since the time of verrazano, stood directly to the new england coast, and in the accounts of his voyage we begin to find some particular knowledge of the contour of this coast, which opens the way to identifications of landmarks. the explorations of pring (1603), champlain (1604), waymouth (1605), popham (1607), hudson (1609), smith (1614), dermer (1619), and others which followed are of no more importance in our present survey than as marking further stages of detailed geography. even dermer was dreaming of a western passage yet to be found in this region. * * * * * [sidenote: discoveries on the pacific coast.] we must now turn to follow the development during the seventeenth century of the discoveries on the pacific coast. [sidenote: 1602. viscaino.] sebastian viscaino, in his voyage up the coast from acapulco in 1602, sought the hidden straits as high as 42°, and one of his captains reporting the coast to trend easterly at 43°, his story confused the geography of this region for many years. this supposed trend was held to indicate another passage to the gulf of california, making the peninsula of that name an island, and so it long remained on the maps, after once getting possession, some years later (1622), of the cartographical fancy. [sidenote: 1643. de vries.] some explorations of the dutch under de vries, in 1643, were the source of a notion later prevailing, that there was an interjacent land in the north pacific, which they called "jesso," and which was supposed to be separated by passages both from america and from asia; and for half a century or more the supposition, connected more or less with a land seen by joão da gama, was accepted in some quarters. indeed, this notion may be said to have not wholly disappeared till the maps of cook's voyage came out in 1777-78, when the aleutian islands got something like their proper delineation. [sidenote: confused geographical notions of a western sea.] in fact, so vague was the conception of what might be the easterly extension of the northern sea in the latitudinal forties that the notion of a sea something like the old one of verrazano was even thought in 1625 by briggs in purchas, and again in 1651 in farrer's map of virginia, to bathe the western slope of the alleghanies. [sidenote: 1700.] [sidenote: maldonado, da fuca, de fonte.] early in the eighteenth century, even the best cartographers ran wild in their delineations of the pacific coast. a series of multifarious notions, arising from more or less faith in the alleged explorations of maldonado, da fuca, and de fonte, some of them assumed to have been made more than a century earlier, filled the maps with seas and straits, identified sometimes with the old strait of anian, and converting the northwestern parts of north america into a network of surmises, that look strangely to our present eyes. some of these wild configurations prevailed even after the middle of the century, but they were finally eliminated from the maps by the expedition of that james cook who first saw the light in a yorkshire cabin in 1728. [illustration: jesso. [after hennepin.]] [sidenote: 1724. bering.] [sidenote: 1728.] in 1724 peter the great equipped vitus bering's first expedition, and in december, 1724, five weeks before his death, the czar gave the commanding officer his instruction to coast northward and find if the asiatic and american coasts were continuous, as they were supposed to be. there were, however, among the siberians, some reports of the dividing waters and of a great land beyond, and these rumors had been prevailing since 1711. peter the great died january 28, 1725 (old style), just as bering was beginning his journey, and not till march, 1728, did that navigator reach the neighborhood of the sea. in july he spread his sails on a vessel which he had built. [illustration: domina farrer's map, 1651.] [illustration: domina farrer's map, 1651.] [illustration: buache's theory, 1752.] [illustration: bering's straits.] [sidenote: 1732.] [sidenote: 1741. bering.] by the middle of august he had passed beyond the easternmost point of asia, and was standing out into the arctic ocean, when he turned on his track and sailed south. neither in going nor in returning did he see land to the east, the mists being too thick. he had thus established the limits of the russian empire, but he had not as yet learned of the close proximity of the american shores. his discoveries did not get any cartographical record till kiriloff made his map of russia in 1734, using the map which bering had made in moscow in 1731. the following year (1732), gvosdjeff espied the opposite coast; but it was not till 1741 that bering sailed once more from the asiatic side to seek the american coast. he steered southeast, and soon found that the land seen by da gama, and which the delisles had so long kept on their maps, did not exist there. [sidenote: aleutian islands.] thence sailing northward, bering sighted the coast in july and had mount st. elias before him, then named by him from that saint's day in the calendar. on his return route some vague conception of the aleutian islands was gained, the beginning of a better cartography, in which was also embodied the stretch of coast which bering's associate, chirikoff, discovered farther east and south. [sidenote: northern pacific.] in 1757 venegas, uninformed as to these russian discoveries, confessed in his _california_ that nothing was really known of the coast line in the higher latitudes,--an ignorance that was the source of a great variety of conjectures, including a large inland sea of the west connecting with the pacific, which was not wholly discarded till near the end of the century, as has already been mentioned. * * * * * [sidenote: the search for the northwest passage.] the search for the northwest passage to asia, as it had been begun by the english under cabot in 1497, was also the last of all the endeavors to isolate the continent. the creation of the hudson bay company in 1670 was ostensibly to promote "the discovery of a new passage into the south sea," but the world knows how for two centuries that organization obstinately neglected, or as far as they dared, the leading purpose for which they pretended to ask a charter. they gave their well-directed energies to the amassing of fortunes with as much persistency as the spaniards did at the south, but with this difference: that the wisdom in their employment of the aborigines was as eminent as with the southrons it was lacking. it was left for other agencies of the british government successfully to accomplish, with the aid of the votaries of geographical science, what the pecuniary speculators of fen church street hardly dared to contemplate. [sidenote: 1779. james cook.] the spirit of the old navigators was revived in james cook, when in 1779 he endeavored to pass eastward by bering's straits; but it was not till forty years later that a series of arctic explorations was begun, in which the english races of both continents have shown so conspicuous a skill and fortitude. [sidenote: kendrick in the "columbia."] while the english, french, and spaniards were dodging one another in their exploring efforts along this upper coast, a boston ship, the "columbia," under captain kendrick, entered the columbia river, then named; and to these american explorations, as well as to the contemporary ones of vancouver, the geographical confusion finally yielded place to something like an intelligible idea. [sidenote: 1790-95. vancouver.] it had also been the aim of vancouver in 1790-95 "to ascertain the existence of any navigable communication between the north pacific and the north atlantic oceans," and the correspondence of the british government leading to this expedition has only been lately printed in the _report_ of the dominion archivist, douglas brymner, for 1889. [illustration: the northwest passage.] [sidenote: arctic explorers.] [sidenote: 1850. mcclure finds the northwest passage.] the names of barrow, ross, parry, and franklin, not to mention others of a later period, make the story of the final severance of the continent in the arctic seas one of conspicuous interest in the history of maritime exploration. captain robert l. mcclure, in the "investigator," late in 1850 passed into bering's straits, and before september closed his ship was bound in the ice. in october mcclure made a sledge journey easterly over a frozen channel and reached the open sea, which thirty years before parry had passed into from the atlantic side. the northwest passage was at last discovered. we have seen that within thirty years from the death of columbus the outline of south america was defined, while it had taken nearly two centuries and a quarter to free the coast lines of the new world from an entanglement in men's minds with the outlines of eastern asia, and another century and a quarter were required to complete the arctic contour of america, so that the new world at last should stand a wholly revealed and separate continent. nor had all this labor been done by governments alone. the private merchant and the individual adventurer, equipping ships and sailing without national help, had done no small part of it. dr. kohl strikingly says, "the extreme northern limit of america, the desolate peninsula boothia, is named after the english merchant who fitted out the arctic expedition of sir john ross; and the southernmost strait, beyond patagonia, preserves the name of le maire, the merchant at whose charge it was disclosed to the world!" index. acklin island, 215. adam of bremen, 147. adda, g. d', 12. admiral's map, 534, 546, 581. _see_ waldseemüller. africa, circumnavigations of, 91; discoveries along its coast, 91, 151; early maps, 133; ptolemy's map of its southern part, 335. agnese baptista, his maps, 595, 597. aguado, juan, sent to española, 317; his conduct, 319. ailly, pierre d', _de imagine mundi_, 7, 8, 121, 180, 497; his map (1410), 601. albertus magnus, 497; portrait, 120. aleutian islands, 652, 658. alexander vi., letter to, from columbus, 9; pope, 252; his bull of demarcation, 252; his bust, 253. alfonso v. (portugal), 108. aliacus. _see_ ailly. allefonsce, 614. allegetto degli allegetti, _ephemerides_, 32. almagro, 565. alto velo, 390. alva, duke of, 514, 515. amazons, 235, 237. america, mainland first seen by columbus, 351; gradually developed as a continent, 529, 606, 619, 660; history of its name, 538, 621; earliest maps bearing the name, 547-552; the name never recognized in spain, 554; earliest on maps, 581; was it known to the ancients? 606. _see_ north _and_ south america. anacaona, 305; entertains bartholomew columbus, 361; captured, 473. ancuparius, 588. angelus, jacobus. 531. ango, jean, 556. anian, straits of, 418, 620. antarctic continent, 628, 644. antillia, belief in, 111, 112, 128. apianus, his map (1520), 550, 587; portrait, 586. archipelago on the asiatic coast, 190. arctic explorations, 640, 658, 659, 660. asia, as known to marco polo, etc., map, 113, 114. aspa, ant. de, his documents, 29. astrolabe, 94-96, 132, 150, 260, 632. atlantic ocean, early cartography of, 86, 88; floating islands in, 185; its archipelago, 185; as defined by behaim compared with its actual condition, 190; early voyages on, 603. atlantis, story of, 126. aubert, thomas, 556. audiencia, 518. avila, luis de, 527. ayala, pedro de, 343. ayllon, lucas vasquez de, 561; and diego colon, 522; his map, 561, 584; settlement on the potomac, 561. azores discovered, 86, 88. babeque, 225, 230, 231. baccalaos, 344. back-staff, 648. bacon, roger, _opus majus_, 121, 497. badajos, congress at, 590. baffin, wm., 650. baffin's bay, 651. bahamas, herrera's map, 212; modern map, 213; character of, 215; their peoples, 218; depopulated, 515. balboa, 562; portrait, 563; discovers the south sea, 564, 606; executed, 564. ballester, miguel, 366, 372. bancroft, h. h., on columbus, 59, 503. bank of st. george, and its records, 21, 70. barclay, alex., translates brant, 537. barlow, s. l. m., his library, 17. barrentes, garcia de, 372. barros, joão de. _decada_, 33, 149, 241. bastidas, rodrigo de, on the south american coast, 426, 528. basques on the atlantic, 128; fishermen, 340. baza, siege of, 169. behaim, martin, in lisbon, 132; improves the astrolabe, 132; at sea, 134; portrait, 134; and columbus, 150; his globe, 185-188, 533. behechio, 305, 361. belknap, dr. jeremy, on columbus, 55. belloy, marquis de, life of columbus, 54. beneventanus, 533. benincasa, maps, 81. benzoni, 32, 51. beradi, juonato, 258, 317. bergenroth, _calendar_, 13, 23. bergomas, his chronicle, 32. bering's straits, 418, 657. bering, his discoveries, 529, 620, 653. bernaldez, andrès, friend of columbus, 13, 331; _historia_, 13, 18, 37. berwick, duke of, 527. béthencourt, jean de, 86. bianco, andrea, his map, 88, 89; helps fra mauro, 100. bienewitz. _see_ apianus. bimini, 422, 558, 560. birds, flight of, 88. blanco, cape, passed, 98. bloodhounds, 312. blunderville, 632. bobadilla, francisco de, sent to santo domingo, 390; his character, 395; his instructions, 396, 397; reaches española, 398; his acts, 398; their effect upon columbus, 400; arrests bastidas, 426; his rule in santo domingo, 428; superseded, 429; to return to spain, 440; lost, 440. bohio, 228. bojador, cape, passed, 97. bordone, map, 142. bossi, l., on columbus, 32. bourne, wm., _the regiment of the sea_, 631. boyle. _see_ buil. brandt, _shyppe of fools_, 14. brazil coast visited by cabral, 378; early explorers, 533. brazil, island of, 112, 139. breton explorations, 555, 556. breviesca, ximeno de, 333. brevoort, j. c., 597, 607, 621. briggs in purchas, 652. bristol, england, and its maritime expeditions, 342. brocken, baron van, _colomb_, 55. brymner, douglas, 660. buache, his map, 656. büdinger, max, _acten zur columbus geschichte_, 46; _zur columbus literatur_, 46. buet, c., _colomb_, 54. buil, bernardo, sent to the new world, 259. bull of demarcation, 22, 252, 339. bull of extension, 305. button, sir thomas, 650. bylot, robert, 650. cabot, john, in england, 167, 340; sails on a voyage of discovery, 340; earliest engraved map of his discoveries, 341; great circle sailing, 341; discovers land, 341; question of his landfall, 341; returns to bristol, 342; question of his going to seville, 343; his second voyage, 344; its extent, 344; lack of knowledge respecting these voyages, 345; authorities on, 346; was his voyage known to columbus? 386; and the ruysch map, 533; his explorations, 624. cabot, sebastian, his observation of the line of no variation, 201; on columbus's discovery, 248; his participancy in his father's voyages, 344; his papers, 345; alleged voyage, 427; voyages, 555; his mappemonde, 341, 345, 624, 626, 627; returns to england, 639; portrait, 642. cabral, pedro alvarez, on the south american coast, 377. cabrero, juan, 161. cabrillo, 611. cacique, 231. cadamosto, his voyage, 98. cado, fermin, 285. california, peninsula of, 610; its name, 611; map, 611; mapped as an island, 652; drake on the coast, 644, 645. cam, diogo, 134. camargo on the coast of chili, 577. camers, johann, 585. canaries, their history, 86; map of, 194. cannibals, 225, 227, 230, 268, 270, 281. canoes, 219. cantino, alberto, 417; cantino map, 387; sketched, 419; its traits examined, 420; its relation with columbus, 421. caonabo, 305; attacks la navidad, 273, 275; attacks st. thomas, 308; forms a league, 308; captured, 313; dies, 323. cape blanco, 98. cape bojador, 97. cape breton, 627. cape of good hope discovered, 151. cape horn discovered, 577; seen by drake, 644. cape race, 534. cape verde island discovered, 199. cardenas, alonso de, 161. cardona, cristoval de, admiral of aragon, 524, 526, 527. caribs, 236, 271, 323. carpini, plano, 90. carthaginians as voyagers, 127. cartier, jacques, his explorations, 612, 624. carvajal, alonso sanchez de, factor of columbus, 430. carvajal, bernardin de, 248. casa de contratacion, 481. casaneuve. _see_ colombo the corsair. casanove, 71. casoni, f., annals of genoa, 32, 154. casteñeda, juan de, 238. castellanos, _elegias_, 491. castillo, 611. catalan seamanship, 94. catalina, doña, 9, 276. cathay, 224, 457; early name of china, 90; map of, 113, 114; as found by the portuguese, 509. cazadilla, 150. chanca, dr., his narrative, 29; goes to the new world, 262, 282. charles v., portrait, 519. chaves, alonso, his map, 561, 621; at the seville conference, 604. chesapeake bay, spaniards in the, 633. chili discovered, 565, 577. china, early known, 90. _see_ cathay. chronica delphinea, 9, 11. chronometers, 260, 603. chytræus, 627. cibao, 232; its mines visited by ojeda, 279. ciguare, 447. cipango, 125; map, 113. circourt, count, 46. clavus, claudius, 140, 141. clemente, claudio, _tablas_, 214. climatic lines, 601. codex flatoyensis, 146. coelho's voyage, 410. colombo, balthazar, 525, 527. colombo, bernardo, 525, 527. colombo, corsair, 71, 72, 83, 84. colon, cristoval (bastard son of luis, grandson of columbus), 526. colon, diego (brother of columbus), born, 77; in spain and in columbus's second expedition, 262; his character, 285; placed by columbus in command at isabella, 290; goes to spain, 311; quarrels with fonseca, 318. colon, diego (son of columbus), 106; page to the queen, 181; at court, 478, 479; receives letter from columbus, 478; his illegitimate children, 513; receives what was due to his father, 513; urges the king to restore his father's privileges, 513; his suit against the crown, 514, 553; wins, 515; marriage, 515; denied the title of viceroy, 515; governor of española, 515, 516; in spain, 519; lends money to charles v., 520; his income, 520; viceroy, 520; builds a palace, 520; its ruins, 520; in spain pressing his claims, 522; dies, 522; his children, 522. colon, diego (great-grandson of columbus), marries and becomes duke of veragua, 525, 526; his connection with the _historie_ of 1571, 44. colon, luis (grandson of columbus), succeeds his father, 522; makes compromise with the crown, 522; holds jamaica, 523; made duke of veragua, 523; governs española, 523; his marriages, 523; imprisoned and dies, 523; his children, 526. colon. _see_ columbus. columbia river, 658. columbus, bartholomew (brother of columbus), born, 77; in portugal, 104; affects columbus's views, 117; with diaz on the african coast, 151, 303; sent to england, 167, 303, 339; in france, 168, 303; reaches española, 303; made adelantado, 304; left in command by columbus, 323; confirmed by the crown as adelantado, 328; portrait, 329; attacks the quibian, 451; sees columbus for the last time, 488; survives him, 513; goes to rome, 516; takes a map, 516, 533; goes to española, 516; dies, 518; reputed descendant, 527. columbus, christopher, sources of information, 1; biographers, 30; his prolixity and confusion, 1; his writings, 1; _libro de las proficias_, 1; facsimile of his handwriting, 2; his private papers, 2; letters, 2, 5; written in spanish, 2; his privileges, 3; _codex diplomaticus_, 3; the custodia at genoa, 4, 5; bank of st. george, 5; marginalia, 7; _declaracion de tabla navigatoria_, 7, 32; _cinco zonas_, 7; lost manuscripts, 8; ms. annotations, 8; missing letters, 9, 18, 19; missing commentary, 9; journal of his first voyage, 9, 193; printed in english, 10; letters on his discovery, 10; printed editions, 12; catalan text, 13; latin text, 14; his transient fame, 14; in england, 14; autographs, 14; edition of the latin first letter, 15; facsimile of a page, 16; libraries possessing copies, 17; bibliography of first letter, 17; other accounts of first voyage, 17; lawsuits of heirs, 18, 26, 514; account of his second voyage, 18, 264; _libro del segundo viage_, 18, 264; letters owned by the duke de veragua, 18; accounts of his third voyage, 18, 347; of his fourth voyage, 19; _lettera rarissima_, 19; _libros de memorias_, 19; work on the arctic pole, 19; his maps, 29; _memorial del pleyto_, 26; italian accounts of, 30; influenced by his spanish life, 33; portuguese accounts, 33; spanish accounts, 33; documents preserved by las casas, 47; canonization, 52; english accounts, 55; life by irving, 56; bibliography, 59; his portraits, 61-70; his person, 61; tomb at havana, 69; his promise to the bank of st. george, 5, 70; ancestry, 71; early home, 71; name of colombo, 71; the french family, 71; professes he was not the first admiral of his name, 72; spurious genealogies, 73, 74; prevalence of the name colombo, 73; his grandfather, 74; his father, 74; life at savona, 75; genoa, 75; his birth, 76; disputed date, 76; his mother, 77; her offspring, 77; place of his birth, 77; many claimants, 78; uncertainties of his early life, 79; his early education, 79; his penmanship and drawing, 79; specimen of it, 80; said to have been at pavia, 79; at genoa, 81; in anjou's expedition, 83; his youth at sea, 83; drawn to portugal, 86, 102; living there, 103; alleged swimming with an oar, 103; marries, 105; supposed interview with a sailor who had sailed west, 107; knew marco polo's book, 116; mandeville's book, 116; the ground of his belief in a western passage, 117; inherits his views of the sphericity of the earth, 119; of its size, 123; his ignorance of the atlantis story, etc., 126, 148; learns of western lands, 129; in portugal, 131; in iceland, 135; _tratado de las cinco zonas_, 137; and the sagas, 146; his first gratuity in spain, 149; difficulty in following his movements, 149; interviews the portuguese king, 150; abandons portugal, 149, 153; did he lay his project before the authorities of genoa? 153; did he propose to those of venice? 154; did he leave a wife in portugal? 154; enters spain, 154, 157, 169; at rabida, 154, 173; calls himself colon, 157; receives gratuities, 157, 168; sells books and maps, 158; writes out his proofs of a new world, 158; interview with ferdinand of spain, 159; his monument at genoa, 163; at malaga, 165; connection with beatrix enriquez, 166; his son ferdinand born, 166; his views in england, 167; invited back to portugal, 168; lived in spain with the duke of medina-celi, 169; at cordova, 169; at baza, 169; his views again rejected, 170; at santa fé, 176; his arrogant demands, 177; starts for france, 177; recalled and agreed with, 179; his passport, 180; the capitulations, 181; allowed to use don, 181; at palos, 181; his fleet fitted out, 182; expenses of the first voyage, 183; his flag-ship, 183; her size, 184; hopes to find mid-ocean islands, 185; sails, 191; keeps a journal, 193; the "pinta" disabled, 195; sees teneriffe, 195; at the canaries, 195; falsifies his reckoning, 195; map of the routes of his four voyages, 196; of the first voyage, 197; his dead reckoning, 198; his judgment of his speed, 198; observes no variation of his needle, 198; watches the stars, 203; believed the earth pear-shaped, 203; meets a west wind, 205; thinks he sees land, 206; follows the flight of birds, 206; pacifies his crew, 207; alleged mutiny, 208; claims to see a light, 208; receives a reward for first seeing land, 209, 249; map of the landfall, 210; land actually seen, 211; land taken possession of, 211; his armor, 211; question of his landfall, 214; trades with the natives, 218, 220; first intimates his intention to enslave them, 220; finds other islands, 220; eager to find gold, 221; reaches cuba, 223; mentions pearls for the first time, 223; thought himself on the coast of cathay, 224; takes an observation, 224; meets with tobacco, 225; with potatoes, 225; hears of cannibals, 225; seeks babeque, 225; difficult communication with the natives, 226, 227; in the king's garden, 226; deserted by pinzon, 226; at española, 228; takes his latitude, 229; entertains a cacique, 231; meets with a new language, 232; seeks gold, 232; shipwrecked, 232; builds a fort, 233; names it la navidad, 235; hears of jamaica, 235; of amazons, 235; fears the pinzons, 235; sees mermaids, 236; sails for spain, 236; meets a gale, 237; separates from the "pinta," 237; throws overboard an account of his discoveries, 238; makes land at the azores, 238; gets provisions, 238; his men captured on shore, 239; again at sea, 240; enters the tagus, 240; reason for using the name indies, 240; goes to the portuguese court, 241; leaves the tagus, having sent a letter to the spanish court, 242; reaches palos, 242; the "pinta" arrives the same day, 242, 244; his indians, 244, 259, 272; summoned to court, 244; at barcelona, 245; reception, 245; his life there, 246, 247, 249, 256; his first letter, 248; scant impression made by the announcement, 248; the egg story, 249; receives a coat-of-arms, 249, 550; his family arms, 251; his motto, 251; receives the royal seal, 256; leaves the court, 256; in seville, 256; relations with fonseca begin, 256; fits out the second expedition, 257, 258, 261; embarks, 263; sails, 264; his character, 265; at the canaries, 265; at dominica, 266; at marigalante, 266; at guadaloupe, 268; fights the caribs at santa cruz, 271; reaches española, 272; arrives at la navidad, 273; finds it destroyed and abandons it, 275, 277; disembarks at another harbor, 278; founds isabella, 278; grows ill, 279; expeditions to seek gold, 279, 280; writes to the sovereigns, 280; the fleet leaves him, 282; harassed by factions, 284; leads an expedition inland, 285; builds fort st. thomas, 287; returns to isabella, 288; sends ojeda to st. thomas, 289; sails to explore cuba, 290; discovers jamaica, 291; returns to cuba, 293; imagines his approach to the golden chersonesus, 295; exacts an oath from his men that they were in asia, 296; doubts as to his own belief, 297; return voyage, 299; on the jamaica coast, 300; calculates his longitude on the española coast, 301; falls into a stupor, 302; reaches isabella, 302; finds his brother bartholomew there, 303; learns what had happened in his absence, 304; receives supplies, 309; sends the fleet back, 310; sends diego to spain, 311; sends natives as slaves, 311; battle of the vega real, 312; oppresses the natives, 315; his enemies in spain, 318; receives a royal letter by aguado, 319; the fleet wrecked, 321; thinks the mines of hayna the ophir of solomon, 322; sails for spain, 323; reaches cadiz, 324; lands in the garb of a franciscan, 325; proceeds to court, 326; asks for a new fleet, 326; delays, 327; his rights reaffirmed, 328; new proportion of profits, 328; his will, 330; his signature, 330; lives with andres bernaldez, 331; his character drawn by bernaldez, 331; enlists criminals, 332; his altercation with fonseca's agent, 333; had authorized voyages, 336; the third voyage and its sources, 347; leaves directions for his son diego, 348; sails from san lucar, 348; his course, 348; letter to him from jayme ferrer, 349; captures a french prize, 349; at the cape de verde islands, 349; at trinidad, 350; first sees mainland, 351; touches the gulf stream, 352; grows ill, 355, 356; his geographical delusions, 356; compared with vespucius, 358; observations of nature, 359; meets the adelantado, 359; reaches santo domingo, 365; his experience with convict settlers, 366, 392, 396, 434; sends letters to spain, 367; treats with roldan, 368, 370; institutes repartimientos, 371; sends other ships to spain, 371; his prerogatives as admiral infringed, 372; sends roldan against ojeda, 374; did he know of cabot's voyage? 386; his wrongs from furtive voyagers, 372-387; opposition to his rule in the antilles, 388; his new relations with roldan, 389; quells moxica's plot, 390; bobadilla arrives, 390; charges against the admiral, 392, 402, 404; his deceiving the crown, 393; receives copies of bobadilla's instructions, 400; reaches santo domingo, 401; imprisoned and fettered, 401; sent to spain in chains, 403; his letter to prince juan's nurse, 404, 405, 407; his alienation of mind, 405; reaches cadiz, 407; his reception, 408, 409; suspended from power, 409; his connection with the cantino map, 420, 421; his destitution, 420; his vested rights invaded, 428; his demands unheeded, 428; sends a factor to española, 430; _libros de las proficias_, 431; his projected conquest of the holy land, 431; defeated by satan, 431; dreams on a hidden channel through the new world, 432; still seeking the great khan, 433; his purposed gift to genoa, 434; writes to the bank of st. george, 435; his fourth voyage, 437; his mental and physical condition, 437; at martinico, 438; touches at the forbidden santo domingo, 438; but is denied the port, 439; his ships ride out a gale, 441; on the honduras coast, 441; meets a large canoe, 442; says mass on the land, 442; on the veragua coast, 445; touches the region tracked by bastidas, 448; sees a waterspout, 449; returns to veragua, 450; finds the gold mines of solomon, 450; plans settlement at veragua, 451; dangers, 451; has a fever, 453; hears a voice, 454; the colony rescued, 456; sails away, 456; abandons one caravel, 457; on the cuban coast, 457; goes to jamaica, 457; strands his ships, 458; sends mendez to ovando, 458, 461; writes a letter to his sovereigns, 459; _lettera rarissima_, 459; his worship of gold, 461; the revolt of porras, 462; porras sails away, 464; but returns to the island and wanders about, 464; predicts an eclipse of the moon, 465; escobar arrives, 467; and leaves, 468; negotiations with porras, 468; fight between the rebels and the adelantado, 469; porras captured, 469; the rebels surrender, 470; mendez sends to rescue him, 470; leaves jamaica, 471; learns of events in española during his absence, 472; reaches santo domingo, 475; relations with ovando, 475; sails for spain, 475; arrives, 476; in seville, 477; his letters at this time, 477; his appeals, 477; fears porras, 478, 479; appeals to mendez, 479; his increasing malady, 480; sends a narrative to rome, 482; suffered to ride on a mule, 483; relations with the bank of st. george in genoa, 483; his privileges, 484; doubtful reference to fonseca, 484; later relations with vespucius, 484; his property sold, 486; goes to segovia, 486; deza asked to arbitrate, 486; makes a will, 487; at salamanca, 487; at valladolid, 488; seeks to propitiate juana, 488; makes a codicil to his will, 488; its doubtful character, 488; ratifies his will, 489; its provisions, 489; dies, 490; his death unnoticed, 491; later distich proposed for his tomb, 491; successive places of interment, 491; his bones removed to santo domingo, 492; to havana, 492; controversy over their present position, 492; his chains, 494; the age of columbus, 494; statue at santo domingo, 495; his character, his dependence on the _imago mundi_, 497; on other authors, 498; relations with toscanelli, 499; different delineations of his character, 501; his observations of nature, 502; his overwrought mind, 502; hallucinations, 503, 504; arguments for his canonization, 505; purpose to gain the holy sepulchre, 505; his catholicism, 505; his urgency to enslave the indians, 505, 506; his scheme of repartimientos 506; adopts garb of the franciscans, 508; mercenary, 508, 509; the moving light of his first voyage, 510; insistence on territorial power, 510; claims inspiration, 511; his heirs, 513; his discoveries denied after his death, 514, 520; his territorial power lost by his descendants, 523; table of his descendants, 524, 525; his male line becomes extinct, 526; lawsuit to establish the succession, 526; female line through the portogallos fails, 527; now represented by the larreategui family, 528; present value of the estates, 528; the geographical results of his discoveries, 529; connection with early maps, 533, 534; his errors in longitude, 603; his observations of magnetic influence, 632. columbus, ferdinand (bastard son of columbus), 480, 482; his _historie_, 39; doubts respecting it, 39; his career, 40; his income, 40; his library, 40; its catalogue, 42; english editions of the _historie_, 55; his birth, 166; at school, 181; made page of the queen, 331; his ability, 513; goes with diego to española, 515; aids his brother's widow, 522; an arbiter, 522; owns ptolemy (1513), 545; his disregard of the claims urged for vespucius, 553; his _colon de concordia_, 571; arbiter at the congress of badajos, 591; advises the king, 591; his house at seville, 603; at the seville conference, 604; map inscribed to him, 605. coma, guglielmo, 282. conti, nicolo di, 116, 509. cook, james, voyage, 633, 658. cordova, cathedral of, 172. coronel, pedro fernandez, 332, 364. correa da cunha, pedro, 106, 131. correnti, c., 12. corsairs, 71. corsica, claim for columbus's birth in, 77. cortereal discoveries, 577. cortereal, gaspar, manuscript, facsimile, 414; his voyage to labrador, 415. cortereal, joão vaz, 129. cortereal, miguel, his handwriting, facsimile, 416; his voyages, 417. cortes, hernando, in santo domingo, 475; sails for mexico, 565; his map of the gulf of mexico, 567, 569, 607; his exploring expeditions, 568; planning to explore the pacific, 591; his pacific explorations, 610; his portrait, 610. cortes, martin, 630. cosa, juan de la, 426; goes to the new world, 262; his charts, 343, 345, 380-382; with ojeda, 373. cosco, leander de, 15. costa rica, map, 443. cotabanama, 305, 474. coulomp, 71. cousin, jean, on the brazil coast, 174. crignon, pierre, 556. criminals enlisted by columbus, 332. crossbows, 258. cross-staff, 261, 632, 648. _see_ back-staff. cuba, reached by columbus, 223; believed to be asia, 226; named juana, 228; its southern coast explored, 291; insularity of, 384; wytfliet's map, 384-85; its cartography, 424; columbus's views, 425; circumnavigated, 565. cubagua, 355. cushing, caleb, on the everett ms., 4; on navarrete, 28; on columbus's landfall, 217. darien, isthmus, map, 446. dati, versifies columbus's first letter, 15. d'avezac on the _historie_, 45. davis, john, in the north, 643, 648; his _seaman's secrets_, 649. dead reckoning, 94. de bry, 51; his engraving of columbus, 66, 68. degree, length of, 124. del cano, 576. demarcation. _see_ bull of. demersey, a., on the muñoz mss., 27. denys, jean, 556. desceliers (or henri ii.) map, 612, 624. deza, diego de, 161, 164, 170; asked to arbitrate between columbus and the king, 486. diaz, bart., on the african coast, 151. diaz, miguel, 322, 399. diaz de pisa, bernal, 284. dogs used against the natives, 292, 312. dominica, 266. dominicans in española, 508. don, nicholas, 556. donis, nicholas, his map, 140, 531. drake, francis, sees cape horn, 577; his voyages, 643; portrait, 645, 654. drogeo, 635. duro, c. f., _colon_, etc., 54. dutch, the, their american explorations, 649. earth, sphericity of, 118; size of, 121; how far known before columbus, 122. east india company, 650. eden, r., _treatyse of the newe india_, 537, 538; _decades_, 538; _arte of navigation_, 631; influence in england, 639. eden (paradise), situation of, 357. eggleston, edward, 597, 599. enciso, fernandes d', _geographia_, 587. encomiendas, 314. england, reception of columbus's news in, 167; earliest mention of the spanish discoveries, 537; sea-manuals in, 631; effects on discovery of her commercial spirit, 632; her explorations, 639; beginning of her colonization, 648; her later explorations, 650; her seamen in the caribbean sea, 373, 426, 427; on the eastern coast of north america, 601. enriquez, beatrix, connection with columbus, 166; noticed in columbus's will, 489. equator, crossed by the portuguese, 134; first crossed on the american side, 376. eric the red, 139, 140, 144, 146. escobar, diego de, sent to jamaica by ovando, 467. escobar, roderigo de, 451. escoveda, rodrigo de, 235. española, discovered and named, 228, 229; its divisions, 305; charlevoix's map, 306; ramusio's map of, 369; ovando recalled, 515; diego colon governor, 515; sugar cane raised, 520. esquibel, juan de, 474. estotiland, 635. evangelista, 297. everett, a. h., on irving's columbus, 56. everett, edward, possessed a copy of columbus's privileges, 3. faber, jacobus, _meteorologia_, 546. faber, dr. john, 540. fagundes, 566. faria y sousa, _europa portuguesa_, 241. farrer, domina, her map, 652, 654, 655. ferdinand of spain, his character, 159; his unwillingness to embark in columbus's plans, 178; his appearance, 245; grows apathetic, 327; his portrait, 328; his distrust of columbus, 393, 427, 479, 486; sends bobadilla to santo domingo, 394; dies 520, 555. ferdinando, simon, 646. fernandina, 221. ferrelo, 612. ferrer, jayme, letter to columbus, 349. fieschi, g. l., 9. fiesco, b., 462. finæus, orontius, his map, 607-609. flamsteed, 648. floating islands, 190. flores discovered, 88. florida coast early known, 424; discovered, 558; english on the coast, 632. fonseca, juan rodriguez de, relations with columbus begin, 256; his character, 256, 257, 316; quarrel with diego colon, 318; allowed to grant licenses, 329; lukewarm towards the third voyage of columbus, 333; made bishop of placentia, 484. fontanarossa, g. de, 77. fonte, de, 653. fort concepcion, 309. fox, g. a., on columbus's landfall, 214, 216. fox, luke, his map, 651. france, her share in american explorations, 633. franciscus, monk, his map, 606. franciscans in española, 508. freire, juan, his map, 577, 578, 612. friess. _see_ frisius. frisius, laurentius, his map (1522), 552, 588. frisland, 137, 145. frobisher, his voyages, 640; portrait, 643; his map, 644. fuca, da, 653. fulgoso, b., _collectanea_, 32. furlani, paolo de, 619. fuster, _bibl. valenciana_, 27. gali, francisco, 646. gallo, ant., on columbus, 30. gama, joão da, 652. gama, vasco da, portrait, 334; his voyage, 334. ganong, w. f., 612. garay, 566; his map, 568. gastaldi, his map, 616-618, 629. gelcich, e., on the _historie_, 46. gemma frisius, nautical improvements, 603, 648. genoa, records, 21; columbus's early life in, 75, 77; citizens of, in spain, 158; columbus's monument, 163; favored in columbus's will, 330; bank of st. george, 435, 483; her citizens in portugal, 86; on the atlantic, 128. geraldini, antonio, 158. gilbert, sir humphrey, his voyages, 646; his map, 647. giocondo, 538. giovio. _see_ jovius. giustiniani, his psalter, 30, 83; his annals of genoa, 30. glareanus on the ancients' knowledge of america, 606. glassberger, nicholas, 400. _globus mundi_, 536, 537, 546. gold mines, 232; scant returns, 332. gomara, the historian, 39. gomera (canaries), 195. gomez, estevan, on the atlantic coast, 561, 589, 591; cartographical results, 591-593. gonzales, keeper of the spanish archives, 28. goodrich, aaron, _columbus_, 59, 60, 504. gorricio, gaspar, 433, 484; friend of columbus, 18; adviser of diego colon, 348. gorvalan, 280. gosnold on the new england coast, 652 granada, siege of, 175. grand turk island, 216. great circle sailing, 341, 649. great khan, letter to, 180. greenland, 139, 140; held to be a part of europe, 140, 145, 152; part of asia, 143; a link between europe and asia, 616; delineated on maps (zeni), 634, 643; (1467), 636; (1482), 531, 532; (1508), 532; (1511), 577; (1513), 544; (1527), 600; (1576), 647; (1582), 598. grenada, 355. grimaldi, g. a., 21. grijalva, 565; portrait, 566. grönlandia, 145. _see_ greenland. grothe, h., _da vinci_, 117. grynæus, simon. _novus orbis_, 607. guacanagari, the savage king, 234, 273, 275, 277; faithful, 309; maltreated, 316. guadaloupe, 268, 323. guanahani, seen by columbus, 211. guarionex, 305, 309; his conspiracy, 362, 364; embarked for spain, 440; lost, 440. guelves, count of, 524, 526. guerra, luis, 375. guevara, fernand de, watched by roldan, 389. gulf stream, 131, 352, 433. gutierrez, pedro, 208. hadley's quadrant, 648. hakluyt, richard, _principall navigations_, 637; _western planting_, 647; his interest in explorations, 650. hall, edw., _chronicle_, 14. halley, edmund, his variation charts, 649. hammocks, 219, 222. hanno, the carthaginian, 97. harrison's chronometer, 649. harrisse, henry, his works on columbus, 7, 51, 52; on the biblioteca colombina, 41; attacks the character of the _historie_ of 1571, 44; his _fernando colon_, 45; _les colombo_, 71; _bank of st. george_, 73. hartmann, george, his gores, 621. hauslab globes, 547, 548. hawkins, john, 632. hawkins, wm., 601. hayna mines, 322. hayna country, 360. hayti. _see_ española. heimskringla, 140, 147. helleland, 145. helps, arthur, on the spanish conquest and columbus, 58. henry the navigator, prince, death, 82, 100; his navigators, 88, 97; his relations to african discovery, 91; his school, 92; his portrait, 93; his character, 97; his tomb, 101; his statue, 102. henri ii., map. _see_ desceliers. herrera, the historian, 50; map of bahamas, 212. higuay, 305; conquered, 474. hispaniola. _see_ española. hoces, f. de, discovers cape horn. 576. holy sepulchre at jerusalem, 169; columbus's purpose to rescue it, 170, 180. holywood. john, _sphera mundi_, 93. homem's map, 614, 616. hondius, 637. honduras, early voyages to, 337, 339; map, 443; coast explored, 562. hood, dr. thomas, 650. hudson's bay, 650. hudson bay company, 658. hudson river, 649. hudson, heinrich, his voyages, 649, 650. hues, robert, _tractatus_, 191, 201, 301. humboldt, alex. von, _exam. critique_, 51; on columbus, 502, 504. ibarra, bernaldo de, 347. iceland, columbus at, 135; early map, 136. india, african route to, 90; strait to, sought, 535, 555, 567, 569, 587, 591; discovered at the south, 576. indies, name why used, 240. irving, w., _columbus_, 55, 60; his historical habit, 233, 234; on columbus, 501, 505. isabella of spain, her character, 159, 479; yields to columbus's views, 178; her appearance, 245; her interest in columbus's second voyage, 258; her faith in columbus shaken, 393, 396, 409; dies, 479; her will about the indians, 482. isabella (island), 222. isabella (town) founded, 278. italy, her relations to american discovery, 33; her conspicuous mariners, 104, 632; and the new age, 496; cartographers of, 601, 628. jack-staff, 261. jacquet island, 111. jamaica, possibly babeque, 230; called yamaye, 235; discovered by columbus, 291; again visited, 300; columbus at, during his last voyage, 457. januarius, hanibal, 22. japan, supposed position, 207. _see_ cipango. jayme, 92. jesso, 652, 653. john of anjou, 82, 84. jorrin, j. s., _varios autografos_, 7. jovius (giovio) paulus, his biography, 32; his picture of columbus, 61, 63; _elogia_, 64. juana. _see_ cuba. julius ii., pope, portrait, 517. kettell, samuel, 10. khan, the great, 90, 224. king's garden, 226. kolno (skolno), 138. kublai khan, 90, 224. labrador coast, normans on, 413; portuguese on, 415. lachine, 613. lafuente y alcántara, 13. lake, arthur, 184. lamartine on columbus, 75. la mina (gold coast), 101. laon globe, 123, 190. larreategui family, representatives of columbus, 528. las casas, b., his abridgment of columbus's journal, 10; his papers of columbus, 19, 47; his _historia_, 45, 46; his career, 47; his portrait, 48; his pity for the indians, 50; his father goes to the new world, 262; at santo domingo, 429; appeals for the indians, 520; on the respective merits of columbus and vespucius, 553. latitude, errors in observing, 261. latitude and longitude on maps, 601, 602. laurentian portolano (1351), 87. ledesma, pedro, 454, 470. leibnitz, _codex_, 71. leigh, edward, 601. lemoyne, g. b., _colombo_, 33. lenox globe, 571. lepe, diego de, on the south american coast, 377. léry, baron de, 556. liria, duke of, 527. lisbon, naval battle near, 103; genoese in, 104. loadstone, its history. 93. _see_ magnet. log, ship's, 95, 96, 631. lok, michael, map (1582), 597, 598, 616, 624, 646. long island sound, 616. longitude, methods of ascertaining, 259; difficulties in computing, 602, 648, 650. _see_ latitude. longrais, jouon des, _cartier_, 612. lorgues, roselly de, on columbus, 53, 60, 503, 505. loyasa, 576. luca, the florentine engineer, 22. lucayans, 218, 219, 271; destroyed, 219, 515. lud, walter, 439. lully, raymond, _arte de navegar_, 93. luxan, juan de, 288. machin, robert, at madeira, 87. mcclure, r. l., 660. madeira discovered, 86, 88. madoc, 138. magellan's voyage, 571, 589; his portrait, 572; compared with columbus, 574; maps of his straits, 575, 576. magnet, its history, 93; use of, 198; needle, 632; pole, 203, 630. _see_ needle. magnus, bishop, 139. maguana, 305. maine, gulf of, 616, 646. maiollo map (1527), 570, 595, 597. major, r. h., on columbus, 58; on the naming of america, 538. malaga, columbus at the siege of, 165. maldonado, melchior, 277, 653. mandeville, sir john, his travels, 116. mangon, 224, 294. manhattan, 649. manicaotex, 312. manilius, 107. mappemonde, portuguese (1490), 152. maps, fifteenth century, 128; projections of, 603. _see_ portolano. marchena, antonio de, 259. marchena, juan perez de, 155; portrait, 155; intercedes for columbus, 175. marchesio, f., 21. margarita, 355. margarite, pedro, at st. thomas, 288; his career, 307. mariéjol, j. h., _peter martyr_, 35. marien, 305. marigalante, 266. mariguana, 216. marin, on venetian commerce, 9. marine atlases, 649. markham, clements r., his _hues_, 191. markland, 145. martens, t., printer, 16. martines, his map, 616. martinez, fernando, 108. martyr, peter, has letters from columbus, 19; account of, 34; knew columbus, 35; his letters, 34; _de orbe novo_, or _decades_, 35; on isabella, 160; on columbus's discovery, 247; his map, (1511), 422, 556, 557; fails to notice the death of columbus, 491. massachusetts bay, 616. mastic, 225. matheos, hernan perez, 347. mayobanex, 364. mauro, fra, his world map, 99, 101, 116. medina, pedro de, _arte de navegar_, 630; map, 628, 629. medina-celi, duke of, 173; entertains columbus, 169. medina-sidonia, duke of, 173. mela, pomponius, 107; his world-map, 584; _cosmographia_, 585. mendez, diego, his exploits, 451, 452, 456, 458; sails from jamaica for española, 461; arrives, 466; sends to rescue columbus, 470; goes to spain, 471; appealed to by columbus, 479, 487; denied office by diego colon, 516. mendoza, hurtado de, 610, 612. mendoza, pedro gonzales de, 159, 176. mercator, gerard, pupil of gemma, 603; his earliest map, 621-623; his globe of 1541, 554, 621, 625; his projection, 636; his map (1569), 638; portrait, 639. mercator, r., his map of the polar regions, 202. mermaids, 236. meropes, 126. mississippi river discovered, 560. molineaux, his map, 616, 648. moluccas occupied by the portuguese, 569; dispute over their longitude, 590; sold by spain to portugal, 591. moniz, felipa, wife of columbus, 105; her family, 106. monte peloso, bishop of, 15. moon, eclipse of, 465. morton, thos., _new english canaan_, 620. mosquito coast, 444. moxica, adrian de, 389. moya, marchioness of, 175, 178. müller, johannes, 94. muñoz, j. b., his labors, 27; his _historia_, 27. münster, seb., his maps, 621, 624 (1532); 535, 537 (1540); 596, 597; portrait, 602. muratori, his collection, 30. murphy, henry c., 595; his library, 17. muscovy company, 650. myritius, his map, 618. nancy globe, 606, 607. napier, logarithms, 651. nautical almanac, 649. navasa, island, 465. navarrete, m. f. de, his _coleccion_, 27; the french edition, 28; criticised by caleb cushing, 28. navidad, la, destroyed, 273. navigation, art of, 131; columbus's method, 237, 260. needle, no variation of the, 198, 254; its change of position, 199, 206, 254. _see_ magnet. negroes, first seen as slaves in europe, 98; early introduced in española, 429, 488. new albion, 645. new england, named, 649. newfoundland banks, early visits, 129, 340. newfoundland, visited by gilbert, 646. new france, 633. nicaragua, map of, 443. nicuessa, diego de, in castilla del oro, 517, 562. niño, pedro alonso, 325; on the pearl coast, 375. nombre de dios, cape, 448. nordenskiöld on columbus's discovery, 248; his _facsimile atlas_, 531, 532, 546, 548, 573, 577, 578, 581, 582, 588, 589, 635, 636, 638; map gores discovered by him, 549. norman seamanship, 94; explorations, 555, 556. norman, robt., 632. north america held to be continuous with asia, 576, 584. _see_ america. northwest passage, the search for, 529, 640, 648, 650-652, 658; mapped, 659. norumbega, 599, 616, 633. notarial records in italy, 20; in spain, 25; in portugal, 26. nuremberg, behaim's globe at, 191. ocampo, 565. oceanic currents, 130, 603. odericus vitalis, 147. oderigo, nicolo, 483. ojeda, alonso de, in columbus's second expedition, 262, 270; at st. thomas, 289; attacked by caonabo, 308; captures caonabo, 313; fired by columbus's experiences in paria, 372; is permitted by fonseca to sail thither, 372; reaches venezuela, 373; at española, 373; returns to spain, 375; voyage (1499), 514; his (1502) voyage, 427; in new andalusia, 517, 562. oliva, perez de, on columbus, 43, 45. ophir of solomon, 322. orient, european notions of, 90, 109. ortegon, diego, 528. ortelius, his _theatrum_, 627, 638; portrait, 640; his map of america, 641. ortis, alonso, _los tratados_, 248. ovando, nicholas de, sent to santo domingo, 429; receives mendez, 466; his rule in española, 466, 471; sends a caraval to jamaica to observe columbus, 467; sends to rescue him, 471; receives him at santo domingo, 475; recalled from española, 515. oviedo, on the first voyage, 17; as a writer, 38; his career, 38; _historia_, 39; on isabella, 160; on the arms of columbus, 251; on his motto, 251. oysters, 354. pacheco, his _coleccion_, 29. pacheco, carlos, 527. pacific ocean named, 576; explorations, 618; drake in the, 644; sees cape horn, 644; gali's explorations, 646; discoveries, 652; wild theories about its coast, 652, 656, 658. _paesi novamente retrovati_, 417. palos, 182. panama founded, 565. papal authority to discover new lands, 252. paria, gulf of, map, 353; land of, 354. parmentier, jean, 556. passamonte, miguel, 518. pavia, university at, 80. pearls, 354. pedrarias, 564. peragallo, prospero, _historie di f. colombo_, 46. perestrello, bart., 88. perestrello family, 105. peringskiöld, 147. peru discovered, 564, 565. pesaro, f., 9. peschel, oscar, on the _historie_, 46. peter the great, 653. pezagno, the genoese, 86. phoenicians as explorers, 127. philip ii., of spain, 523. philip the handsome, 513. pineda, 560. pinelo, francisco, 257. pinilla, t. r., _colon en españa_, 51. pinzon, martin alonso, at rabida, 174; engages with columbus, 183; deserts columbus, 226; returns, 235; reaches palos and dies, 242. pinzon, vicente yañez, with columbus, 183; his voyage (1494) across the equator, 376; sees cape st. augustine, 376; at española, 377. pinzon and solis's expedition, 570. piracy, 81. pirckheimer, 636. pizarro, 562, 564. plaanck, the printer, 15. plato and atlantis, 126. plutarch's saturnian continent, 126. polar regions, map of, 202. polo, marco, 90, 498; annotations of columbus in, 7; in cathay, 114; his narrative _milione_, 114; his portrait, 115; known to columbus, 115. pompey stone, 560. ponce de leon, juan, 179, 556; goes to the new world, 262; portrait, 558; his track, 559. porcacchi, his map, 620. porras, françois de, 437; his revolt, 462; ended, 470; at court, 478. porto bello, 448. porto rico, 236, 272, 517. porto santo discovered, 88, 105, 106. portolanos, 530. _see_ maps. potatoes, 225. portogallo, alonso de, count of guelves, 526. portogallo, nuño de, becomes duke of veragua, 524, 526. portugal, archives, 25; attractions for columbus, 85; spirit of exploration in, 86; her expert seamen, 86, 92; genoese in her service, 86; discovers madeira, 86; and the azores, 86; columbus in, 103, 149; the king sends an expedition to anticipate columbus's discovery, 153; columbus's second visit, 168; the bull of demarcation, 254; negotiations with spain, 255; her pursuit of african discovery, 334; establishes claims in south america, through the voyage of cabral, 377; sends out coelho (1501), 410; settlements on the labrador coast, 415; maps in, falsified, 417; the spread of cartographical ideas, 423; earliest maps, 533, 534; denies them to other nations, 534; her seamen on the newfoundland coast, 555, 556; push the african route to the moluccas, 569; on the coast of brazil, 570; on the pacific coast, 592; cartographical progress in, 602. prado, prior of, 508. prescott's, w. h., _ferdinand and isabella_, 57; on columbus, 501, 503. ptolemy, influence of, 91, 529, 638; portrait, 530; maps in, 530, 531, 627; editions, 108; (1511), 577; (1513), 544, 545, 546, 582, 584; (stobnicza), 578; (1522), 588; (1525), 588; (1535), 555, 588; (1541), 588. queen's gardens, 293, 299. quibian, 450; his attacks, 451; captured, 451; escapes, 451. quinsay, 121, 124, 566, 607. quintanilla, alonzo de, 158, 165, 176, 178. rabida, convent of, 154; at what date was columbus there? 155, 173. rae, j. e. s., 12. ralegh, sir walter, his american projects, 647. ramusio on columbus, 37. regiomontanus, 94, 301; his astrolabe, 95, 96; _ephemerides_, 131. reinel, pedro, his map, 534. reisch, _margarita phil._, 582, 587, 601; map, 583, 587. remesal's _chyapa_, 161. rene, duke of provence, 82, 538, 543. repartimientos, 314, 506, 507, 518. resende, garcia de, _choronica_, 33. ribero, map of the antilles, 383; map (1529), 562, 605; invents a ship's pump, 603; at the seville conference, 604. ringmann, m., 538. rink, henrik, 146. riquelme, pedro, 389, 390. robertson, wm., _america_, 55. robertus monarchus, _bellum christianorum principum_, 17. roberval, 614. rodriguez, sebastian, 175. roldan revolts, 362, 366; reinstated, 370; sent to confront ojeda, 374; watched by moxica, 389; sails for spain, 440; lost, 440. romans on the atlantic, 127. roselly de lorgues, his efforts to effect canonization of columbus, 53, 60, 503, 505. ross, sir john, 651. rotz, map, 612; _boke of idiography_, 613. roxo, cape, passed, 99. rubruquis, 90, 121. ruscelli, his map, 616, 617. rut, john, 601. ruy de pina, archivist of portugal, 33, 149. ruysch, map, 143, 532; _ptolemy_, 341. sabellicus, 103. sacrobosco. _see_ holywood. sagas, 146. saguenay river, 616. st. brandan's island, 112. st. dié, college at, 538. st. jerome, monks of, 508. st. lawrence, gulf of, 612. st. thomas (fort), 287. st. thomas (island), 231. saints' days, suggest geographical names, 229. salamanca, council of, 161, 164; university, 162. salcedo, diego de, goes to jamaica, 471. samaot, 221. san jorge da mina, 134. san salvador, 211, 215. sanarega, bart., 21, 30. sanchez, gabriel, letter to, 11. sanchez, juan, 451; killed, 470. sanchez, rodrigo, 209. sandacourt, j. b. de, 540. santa cruz, alonso de, 203. santa cruz (island), 271. santa maria de la concepcion, 220. santa maria de las cuevas, 25. santangel, luis de, 11, 175, 178. santo domingo, archives, 26; founded, 360; cathedral at, 492, 493. sanuto, livio, _geographia_, 201. sanuto, marino, his diary, 421; cartographer, 86. sargasso sea, 204. savona, records of, 20; the colombos of, 74. saxo grammaticus, 147. schöner, johann, his globe, 551, 572; his charges against vespucius, 554; _opusculum geographicum_, 555, 567, 607; _luculentissima descriptio_, 587; portrait, 588; _de insulis_, 589; his alleged globe, 589, 590; his variable beliefs, 607. schouten defines tierra del fuego, 577. sea-atlases, 603. sea of darkness, 86, 243; fantastic islands of, 111. sea-manuals, 630. seamanship, early, 92. seneca, his _medea_, 118. servetus, his _ptolemy_, 555. seven cities, island of. _see_ antillia. sevilla d'oro, 471. seville, archives at, 23; cathedral of, 171; cartographical conference at, 603. shea, j. g., on the _historie_, 46; on the canonization of columbus, 54; oncolumbus, 504. ships (fifteenth century), 82; speed of, 94; of columbus's time, 192, 193. sierra leone discovered, 101. silber, franck, the printer, 15. simancas, archives, 22, 23; view of the building, 24. skralingeland, 145. slavery, efforts of columbus to place the indians in, 220, 230, 281, 282, 311, 314, 318, 327, 331, 360, 367, 371, 394, 402, 403, 429, 437, 472, 482, 505, 506; after columbus's time, 518, 520. smith, captain john, his explorations, 649. smith, sir thomas, 630. solinus, 107. soria, juan de, 257. sousa, a. c. de, _hist. geneal._, 27. south america, earliest picture of the natives, 336; earliest seen, 352; its coast nomenclature, 412; supposed southern cape, 573. _see_ america. southern cross first seen, 99, 376. spain, archives of, 22; publication of, 28, 29; _cartas de indias_, 29; columbus in, 154; the genoese in, 157; map of (1482), 165; powerful grandees, 172; the bull of demarcation, 254; suspicious of portugal, 254; council for the indies, 257; plans expedition to the north, 413; her authority in the indies, 481; the crown's suit with diego colon, 514, 553; king ferdinand dies, 520; charles v., 523; philip ii., 523; her secretiveness about maps, 534, 554, 560, 627, 639; earliest accounts of america, 587; her seamen in the st. lawrence region, 555; on the atlantic coast, 560; council of the indies instituted, 591; failure to publish map in, 602; casa de la contratacion, 603; her sea-manuals, 630. spotorno, father, _codice diplom. colom. americano_, 4; _la tavola di bronzo_, 5. square gulf, 613. staglieno, the genoese antiquary, 21, 75. stamler, johannis, 543. stephanius, sigurd, his map, 144, 145. stevens, henry, 533; on the _historie_, 45; on la cosa's map, 385; his _schöner_, 424. stevens, edition of herrera, 55. stimmer, tobias, 64. stobnicza's introduction to ptolemy, 578; his map, 580, 581, 585. stockfish, 128, 340. strabo, 107. straits of hercules, voyages beyond, 81. strong, richard, 646. sumner, george, 246. sylvanus, his edition of ptolemy first gave maps of the cortereal discoveries, 419; edits ptolemy, 577; his map, 579. sylvius, æneas, _historia_, 7. talavera, fernando de, 156, 508; and columbus's projects, 161, 176. teneriffe, 195. terra verde, 416, 420. thevet, andré, his stories, 633. thorne, robt., map (1527), 600-602. thyle, 135. ticknor, george, 10. tobacco, 225. tobago, 355. tordesillas, treaty of, 310. torre do tombo, archives, 25. torres, antonio de, returns to spain in command of fleet, 282, 317. tortuga, 228, 229. toscanelli, paolo, 499; his letters, 7, 107-109; his map, 49, 109, 110, 191; dies, 117. triana, rodrigo de, 211. trinidad, 350. tristan, diego, his fate, 452, 453. tritemius, _epistolarum libri_, 412. trivigiano, a., translates peter martyr, 35; _libretto_, 36; his letters, 420. tross gores, 547. ulloa, francisco de, 610. ullua, alfonso de, 44. ulpius globe, 597. usselinx, w., 20, 649. vadianus, portrait, 585. vallejo, alonso de, 347. valsequa's map, 88. vancouver, 658. variation. _see_ needle. varnhagen on the first letter of columbus, 14; and the early cartography, 382, 386. vasconcellos, 149. vatican archives, 22; maps, 633. vaulx, 616. velasco, pedro de, 156. vega real, 286; its natives, 288. venegas, _california_, 658. venezuela, named by ojeda, 373. venice, cartographers of, 629. veradus, 17. veragua, map, 446; characteristics of its coast, 447; its abortive settlement, 456; duke of, title given to columbus's grandson, 523. verde, simone, 283, 347. verde, cape, reached, 98. verrazano on the atlantic coast, 592, 593; map, 594; his voyage disputed, 595; his so-called sea, 596, 646; discoveries, 633. verzellino, g. v., his memoirs, 21. vespucius, americus, and the naming of america, 30; engaged in fitting out the second expedition of columbus, 258; supposed voyage (1497), 336; controversy over, 338; his character as a writer, 359; his first voyage, 373; in coelho's fleet, 410; his _mundus novus_, 410, 411, 542; relations to the early cartography, 412; his name bestowed on the new world, 36, 412, 538-555; personal relations with columbus, 484; his narrative, 485; writes an account of his voyage, 538; portrait, 539; his narrative published, 540; his discoveries compared with those of columbus, 542, 543; miscalled albericus, 543; suspects gravitation, 543; not called in the columbus lawsuit, 553; charged with being privy to the naming of america, 553, 554; pilot major, 553; dies, 553; his map, 553; his fame in england, 554. vienna, geographers at, 585. villalobos, 612. vinci, leonardo da, his map, 581, 582. vinland, 144, 146. virginia, named, 648; map, 654, 655. viscaino, sebastian, 652. vopel, gaspar, his globe, 607. volterra, maffei de, 32. vries, de, 652. wagenaer, lucas, his _spieghel_, 603. waldseemüller, his career, 540; _cosmographiæ introductio_, 540; its title, 541; edits ptolemy, 546, 582; his map, 412. walker, john, 646. warsaw codex (ptolemy), map, 635-637. watling's island, 216. watt, joachim. _see_ vadianus. waymouth, george, 650. west india company, 649. white, john, his map, 597, 599. winsor, justin, _america_, 59. wright, edw., improves mercator's projection, 637. wytfliet, his maps, 630, 631. xaragua, 305; made subject, 361, 473. ximenes in power, 520. yucatan, 629; discovered, 565, 567. zarco, 87. zeni, the, 138, 634; their map, 634, 635; their influence, 642. ziegler, _schondia_ and its map, 615, 617. zoana mela, 582, 583. zorzi _or_ montalboddo, _paesi novamente retrovati_, 36. zuñiga, diego ortiz de, on seville, 169.