the late speech and testimony of william gogor one of the three desperate and incorrigible traytors execute [sic] at the grass mercat in edinburgh, the eleventh day of march, 1681, for disowning his sacred majesties authority ... gogor, william, d. 1681. 1681 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a41367 wing g1007 estc r43204 26987765 ocm 26987765 109908 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41367) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109908) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1718:11, 1886:17) the late speech and testimony of william gogor one of the three desperate and incorrigible traytors execute [sic] at the grass mercat in edinburgh, the eleventh day of march, 1681, for disowning his sacred majesties authority ... gogor, william, d. 1681. 1 sheet ([2] p.). printed for r.b. and sold by w. davies, london : 1681. caption title. imprint from colophon. incorrectly identified on umi microfilm (early english books, 1641-1700) reel 1886 as wing (2nd ed.) g1006a. reproduction of original in: bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng gogor, william, d. 1681. cargill, donald, 1619?-1681. presbyterianism. covenanters. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the late speech and testimony of william gogor , one of the three desperate and incorrigible traytors , execute at the grass mercat in edinburgh , the eleventh day of march , 1681. for disowning his sacred majesties authority ; and owning and adhering to these bloody and murdering principles , contained in that execrable declaration at sanquhar , cargils traiterous covenant , and sacrilegious excommunicating of the king , by that arch-traitor cargil , and avowing of themselves to be bound in conscience , and by their covenant , to murder the king , and all that serve under him ; being armed ( the time they were apprehended ) for that purpose . men and brethren , these are to shew you , that i am come here this day , to lay down my life for owning christ and his truths ; and in so much as we are calumniate and reproached , by lying upon our names , and dreadful upbraiding of us , with saying , that we are not led by the scriptures , and say we have taken other rules to walk by ; i take the great god to be witness against all and every one of them , that i take the word of god to be my rule , and i never designed any thing but honesty a●…d faithfulness to christ : and for owning of christ and the scriptures this day i am murdered ; for adhering to the born-down-truths , i am condemned to dy ; and i also leave my testimony , and bear witness against all the apostate ministers this day , that have taken favour at the enemies hands : the only thing they take away my life for , is , because i disowned all those bloody traytors not to be magistrates , which the word of god casts off , and we are bound in conscience and covenant to god , to disown all such as are enemies to god , and which they are avowed and open enemies to christ ; and they have made void my word , saith the lord : say what ye will devils , say wretches , say enemies , say what ye will , we are owning the truth of christ , and his written word ; and condemn me in my judgement who will , i leave my blood on one and all that say we are not led by the scriptures : i leave my blood upon you again to be a witness against you , and a condemnation in the great day of judgement . i have no more to say , i think this may mitigate all your rage ; and so forth , i leave his enemies to his curse , to be punished into everlasting wrath , for now and ever amen . sic subscribitur , wil. gogor . london , printed for r. b. and sold by w. davies 1681. a true subiects wish for the happy successe of our royall army preparing to resist the factious rebellion of those insolent covenanters (against the sacred maiesty, of our gracious and loving king charles) in scotland. to the tune of, o how now mars, &c. m. p. (martin parker), d. 1656? this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a08984 of text s119914 in the english short title catalog (stc 19274). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a08984 stc 19274 estc s119914 99855120 99855120 20593 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a08984) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 20593) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1525:23) a true subiects wish for the happy successe of our royall army preparing to resist the factious rebellion of those insolent covenanters (against the sacred maiesty, of our gracious and loving king charles) in scotland. to the tune of, o how now mars, &c. m. p. (martin parker), d. 1656? 1 sheet ([1] p.) : ill. by e. g[riffin] and are to be sold [by t. lambert] at the horse-shoe in smithfield, printed at london : [1640] signed: m.p., i.e. martin parker. a ballad. in two parts. printer's and bookseller's names and publication date from stc. verse "if ever england had occasion,". reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. eng ballads, english -17th century. covenanters -poetry -early works to 1800. a08984 s119914 (stc 19274). civilwar no a true subiects wish. for the happy successe of our royall army preparing to resist the factious rebellion of those insolent covenanters (ag m. p 1640 840 16 0 0 0 0 0 190 f the rate of 190 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true subiects wish . for the happy successe of our royall army preparing to resist the factious rebellion of those insolent covenanters ( against the sacred maiesty , of our gracious and loving king charles ) in scotland . to the tune of , o how now mars , &c. 〈◊〉 ever england had occasion , her ancient honour to defend , 〈◊〉 let her now make preparation , 〈…〉 honourable end : the ●actious scot is very hot , 〈…〉 ent spléene is néer ' forget 〈…〉 hath bin about this plot . 〈◊〉 the colour of religion , 〈…〉 i th hypocriticall pretence ) 〈…〉 e a fraction in that region , 〈…〉 against their native prince , 〈◊〉 heaven blesse with 〈…〉 nesse , 〈◊〉 all his enemies represse , ●●●st be he that wisheth lesse . 〈◊〉 gratious soueraigne very mildely , 〈◊〉 them what they did desire , 〈…〉 ingratefully and vildly , 〈◊〉 still continued the fire 〈◊〉 discontent ●gainst gouernment , 〈◊〉 england now is fully bent , proud iocky's bosting to preuent . 〈◊〉 importeth englands honour 〈◊〉 blesse rebels to oppose , 〈…〉 saint georges banner , 〈…〉 them as our countries foes , and they shall sée , how stoutly we , ( for royall charles with courage frée ) will fight if there occasion be . vnto the world it is apparent , that they rebell i th' high'st degrée , no true religion will giue warrant , that any subiect arm'd should be , against his prince in any sence , what ere he hold for his pretence , rebellion is a souls offence . nay more to aggrauate the euill , and make them odious mongst good men , it will appeare , that all their levell , is change of gouernment , and then , what will insue , amongst the crew , but iocky with his bonnet blew , both crown and scepter would subdue . why of these men will take compassion , that are disloyall to their king , among them borne in their owne nation , and one who in each lawfull thing , doth séeke their weale , with perfect zeale , to any good man i 'le appeale , if with king charles they rightly deale . the second part , to the same tune . the lord to publish their intentions , did bring to light a trecherous thing , for they to further their inventions , a letter wrote to the french king , and in the same , his aide to claime , with subtlety their words they frame , which letter to our soueraigne came . then let all loyall subiects iudge it , if we haue not a cause to fight , you who haue mony doe not grudge it , but in your king and countries right , freely disburse . both person purse , and all you may to auoyd the curse , of lasting warre which will be worse . if they are growne so farre audacious , that they durst call in forraine aide , against a king so milde and gratious , haue we not cause to be afraid , of life and blood , we then had stood , in danger of such neighbourhood , in time to quell them t will be good . then noble country-men be armed , to tame these proud outdaring scots , that englands honour be not harmed , let all according to their lots , couragiously their fortune try , against the vaunting enemy , and come home crownd with victory . the noble irish good example , doth give of his fidelity , his purse , and person is so ample . to serve his royall maiesty , and gladly he the man will be , to scourge the scots disloyalty , if englands honour would agree . then we more merely interessed , i th ●●nture danger that might chance , if that against our soveraigne blessed , those rebels had got aide from france , should not be slacke , nor ere shrinke backe , or let king charles assistance lacke , to tame in time this saucy iacke . we have a generall so noble , ( the great earle of northumberland ) that t will ( i trust ) be little trouble , those factious rebels to withstand ▪ his very name séemes to proclaime , and to the world divulge the same , his ancestors there won such fame . the god of host's goe with our army my noble hearts for you i le pray , that neuer any foe may harme ye ▪ nor any stratagem betray your braue designe , may beames divine , upon your ensignes brightly shine , amen say i , and every friend of mine finis . m. p. printed at london by e. g. and are to be sold at the horse-shoe in smithfield . the character of a true subiect, or the loyall fidelity of the thrice honourable lord, the lord marquesse huntley expressed in this his speech in the time of his imprisonment, by the covenanters of scotland, anno 1640. together with the fruitlesse hopes of rebellious insurrections, and warres taken in hand, against god his lawes, and their princes prudent government. huntly, george gordon, marquess of, d. 1649. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a72190 of text s125233 in the english short title catalog (stc 12052.5). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a72190 stc 12052.5 estc s125233 99898485 99898485 173410 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a72190) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 173410) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 2041:11) the character of a true subiect, or the loyall fidelity of the thrice honourable lord, the lord marquesse huntley expressed in this his speech in the time of his imprisonment, by the covenanters of scotland, anno 1640. together with the fruitlesse hopes of rebellious insurrections, and warres taken in hand, against god his lawes, and their princes prudent government. huntly, george gordon, marquess of, d. 1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by e. g[riffin]. and are to be sold [by t. lambert] at the horse-shooe in smithfield, london : 1640. printer and publisher's names from stc. steele notation: seeme periurie: may. reproduction of original in the bodleian library, oxford, england. eng huntly, george gordon, -marquess of, d. 1649 -early works to 1800. covenanters -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -church history -17th century -early works to 1800. a72190 s125233 (stc 12052.5). civilwar no the character of a true subiect, or the loyall fidelity of the thrice honourable lord, the lord marquesse huntley, expressed in this his spe huntly, george gordon, marquess of 1640 893 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-11 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pence flower surmounted by a crown thistle surmounted by a crown fleur-de-lys surmounted by a crown harp surmounted by a crown the character of a true subiect , or the loyall fidelity of the thrice honourable lord , the lord marquesse huntley , expressed in this his speech in the time of his imprisonment , by the covenanters of scotland , anno 1640. together with the fruitlesse hopes of rebellious insurrections , and warres taken in hand , against god his lawes , and their princes prudent government . i stand before you a prisoner , accused of loyalty ; for who can charge me of any other crime ? you seeme to doe me some great favour , when you leave it to my free election , whether i will be so or not : is any so in love with fetters , but that he would change them for freedome , ( were the conditions equall ) ? true it is , liberty is offered : but like merchants you value it at such a rate , that my fidelity , honour , and all that is deare to a noble mind , must be the price to purchase it . if i refuse what you propound , rack , torture , losse of goods , lands , and perhaps life it selfe : ( a hard choyce ) it is in my power to bee a free man : but how ? if i will be a slave , enter into covenant , and take an oath which in it selfe is plaine periurie : as if treason were nothing , unlesse i made it sacramentall . i have already given my faith unto my prince , upon whose head this crowne is by law of nature and nations justly fallen . shall i falsifie that faith , and joyne my wicked hands with yours to put it off againe ? ( heaven forbid ) : what but religion , liberty and glorious shewes are pretended ? dare not all rebels cloake their purposes with such goodly titles ? they are much deceived who thinke that religion , and rebellion can be companions ; or that god will favour their attempts , that strike at himselfe through the princes sides . in that very word king , there is such a deity enclosed , that who wounds them , wounds the divine nature . why doe you then so rashly draw the sword under so holie a vaile ? was religion ever built on bloud ? did the primitive christians ever propagate the gospell with other then their owne blood ? which they at all times shed , not onely to god ; but to their owne princes although pagans , but never against them . as the devill was the first rebell , so iudas was the onely traitor among the apostles : and shall wee ranke our selves with those hated examples of disloyaltie and treacherie ? but were our case good , and we able to contend with the forces of england : when have we fought with them , but we have beene beaten ? even then , when their dominions and strength were lesse , by all that ireland and wales have added to their power : and then , when they did labour , both with forraigne , and their owne civill distractions , their title no better then the sword : yet we found it a hard taske to keepe our kings in their seates , whose royall off-spring wee doe endeavour to tumble out . we have no france to flee unto for succour , our ancient league is worne out , theirs wholly simented , by strong tie of marriage . to depend upon any other forraigne assistances , were to build castles in the ayre . and besides that , traitors are distastefull to all kings : our persons cause , is not more odious then our religion . it is easie to begin , but let us see what will be the event of such ill grounded warre . i foressee with horror the miseries that attend it : as firing of houses , wasting of goods , famine , ruine of townes and citties , and the unjust libertie usurped , lost in an instant and for ever ; wife , children and bloud , man by nature holds most deare ; if we pittie not our selves , yet let us not forget them wee hold most deare : kings have strong hands to put a bit in the most stubborne ; if you cannot relish gentle subjection , how will you digest slavery ? put not backe therefore this blessed arme that stretcheth out to receive us ; when all is wildernesse , we shall then begge what now we refuse . for my part , i am in your powers , and know not how this free speech of a prisoner will be taken . howsoever you dispose of me , i will never distaine my ancestors , nor leave that foule title of traitor , as an inheritance to my posterity : you may when you please take my head from my shoulders ; but not my heart from my soveraigne . london printed by e. g. and are to be sold at the horse-shooe in smithfield , 1640. edinburgh, the 16 day of june, one thousand six hundred seventy and four years. act assuring a reward to any who shall apprehend some rebels and others. scotland. privy council. 1674 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05306 wing s1405 estc r182981 53981721 ocm 53981721 180348 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05306) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 180348) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2826:36) edinburgh, the 16 day of june, one thousand six hundred seventy and four years. act assuring a reward to any who shall apprehend some rebels and others. scotland. privy council. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by his majestie's printers, edinburgh : anno dom. 1674. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. signed at end: tho. hay, cls. sti. concilii. imperfect: creased with slight loss of text. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng covenanters -scotland -legal status, laws, etc. -early works to 1800. scotland -history -1660-1688 -sources. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 megan marion sampled and proofread 2009-01 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion edinburgh , the 16. day of june , one thousand six hundred seventy and four years . act assuring a reward to any who shall apprehend some rebels and others . forasmuch as the keeping of field-conventicles , and the intruding upon , and invading of pulpits , are most unlawful and disorderly practices , tending to the disturbance of the peace , and to the affront of his majesties authority , and notwithstanding the laws and acts of parliament prohibiting the same , under high pains therein mentioned , the ring-leaders , promoters , and other persons guilty of the said disorders , are emboldned to commit the same , presuming that they will not be discovered and brought to trial and punishment : therefore the lords of his majesties privy council for the encouragement of all his majesties good subjects to discover and apprehend all such persons as is after-mentioned , do hereby offer , declare , and give assurance , that if any person , being of his majesties standing forces , or of the militia , or any other his majesties subjects , shall seiz upon , and apprehend any person or persons , who since his majesties late gracious proclamation of the 24. of march last , hath convocated any number of persons to field-conventicles , or at any 〈…〉 persons thereto , or shall apprehend any heretors or others being at field-conventicles , while the saids persons are present at , or coming from the same , so that the saids persons apprehended shall be brought to a trial , and shall be found guilty and convict of the said offences , that the apprehenders of such persons shall have the gift of the fines of the saids persons given to them : and incase any person or persons be cited for the saids crimes and offences , and after certification is granted against them for their contumacy and not appearing , shall be apprehended , the apprehenders of such persons shall have the gift of their escheats , and benefit arising from the said certifications . and whoever of the standing forces , militia , or others his majesties good subjects , shall apprehend any minister or other person preaching at any field-conventicle , or who hath preached since the said proclamation , or shall at any time hereafter preach at field-conventicles , or any of them . and whatsoever person or persons shall apprehend and seiz upon any outed minister who are not licenced by the council , or any other person not authorized nor tolerat by the bishop of the diocess , who since the time foresaid have invaded , or shall invade any pulpit or pulpits , the person or persons apprehending any of the ministers or other persons foresaid guilty of preaching at field-conventicles , or invading of pulpits , shall for their reward have payed to them the sum of an thousand merks : and for the persons after-named , viz. mr , john welsh , mr. gabriel sempil , and mr. samuel arnot , the apprehenders shall have the sum of 2000 merks payed to them . and his majesties subjects are not only warranted to seiz upon , and apprehend the saids disorderly persons in manner foresaid ; but it further declared by the saids lords of council , that upon consideration of the condition of the persons who shall be apprehended according as they have been more stickling and active in the said disorders , and the pains and diligence of the apprehenders and other circumstances , they will also consider what further reward shall be given to them for their service . and ordains these presents to be printed , that none pretend ignorance . tho. hay , cl s. s ti . concilii . edinburgh , printed by his majestie 's printers : anno dom. 1674. a proclamation against field conventicles, and offering a reward for apprehending iames renwick, alexander shiels, and houstoun, seditious field preachers. scotland. privy council. 1687 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05454 wing s1589 estc r183327 53981732 ocm 53981732 180360 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05454) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 180360) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2826:48) a proclamation against field conventicles, and offering a reward for apprehending iames renwick, alexander shiels, and houstoun, seditious field preachers. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1685-1688 : james vii) 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to his most sacred majesty, edinburgh : anno dom. 1687. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. intentional blank spaces in text. dated at end: given under our signet at edinburgh, the eighteenth day of october, one thousand six hundred eighty seven. and of our reign the third year. signed: will. paterson, cls. sti. concilii. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng renwick, james, 1662-1688. shields, alexander, 1660?-1700. houston, david, -covenanter minister. covenanters -legal status, laws, etc. -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -politics and government -1660-1688 -sources. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 scott lepisto sampled and proofread 2009-01 scott lepisto text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms i r 〈…〉 a proclamation , against field conventicles , and offering a revvard for apprehending iames renvvick , alexander shiels , and houstoun , seditious field preachers . james by the grace of god , king of great britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith to our lovits _____ macers of our privy council , or messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severaly , specially constitute , greeting : forasmuch as we having by our gracious proclamation of the twentieth eight of june last , given so full and comprehensive a tolleration and indulgence to tender consciences , that there can be no pretence left for field conventicles , these readezvouzes of rebellion , against which , by the foresaid proclamation , we have left all our laws and proclamations of council in full force and vigour , and have thereby of new again , strictly required and commanded all our judges and officers , civil , criminal and military , to surpross the saids field conventicles or seditious assemblies in the fields , and to punish all persons preachers or hearers thereat , conform to the outmost rigour of our laws ; yet nevertheless , one james renwick , a flagitious and scandalous person , ( whom we by our royal proclamation of the ninth day of december last by-past , have declared an open , notorious and avowed traitor , and discharged all our leidges , all manner of intercommuning with him ) having with alexander sheils , and _____ houstoun , and some others their associats , shaken off all fear of god , as well as alledgiance to us his vice-gerent , do presume to keep numerous conventicles in the fields , and in their preachings disown us and our authority , endeavouring to seduce some of our unwarry commons , from their duty and allegiance to us their native monarch , and expresly teaching the doctrine of rebellion and resistance ; we therefore , with advice of our privy council , do hereby prohibit and discharge all such rebellious assemblies in the fields , and strictly require and command all our judges , and all in authority under us , particularly the officers and souldiers of our standing forces , to surpress the saids rebellious field conventicles with all rigour , and all our judges and others concerned , to punish all persons present thereat , conform to the prescript of our laws ; requiring hereby , and authorizing all our officers , civil or military , and all our other good subjects , to apprehend and secure in firmance the persons of the said james renwick , alexander sheils , and _____ houstoun , wherever they can be found ; for whose incouragement in this our service , we with advice foresaid , do hereby promise and ensure to them , the sum of one hundred pound sterling mony for each of the saids three persons who shall be apprehended and secured in manner foresaid , forth of our thesaury , as a reward ; and to the end these presents may be made known , our will is , and we charge you strictly and command , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye pass to the mercat cross of edinburgh , and remanent mercat-crosses of the head-burghs of the shires of this kingdom , and other places needful , and there , in our name and authority , by open proclamation , make publication of our royal will and pleasure in the premisses , that none pretend ignorance . given under our signet at edinburgh , the eighteenth day of october , one thousand six hundred eighty seven , and of our reign the third year . per actum dominorum secreti concilii . will. paterson , cls. sti. concilii . god save the king . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to his most sacred majesty , anno dom. 1687. his majesties gracious proclamation and indempnity, to those in the late rebellion. scotland. sovereign (1649-1685 : charles ii) 1667 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b02070 wing c3038b estc r173762 53981618 ocm 53981618 180155 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02070) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 180155) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2819:9) his majesties gracious proclamation and indempnity, to those in the late rebellion. scotland. sovereign (1649-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-0685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by evan tyler, [edinburgh : 1667] caption title. imprint suggested by wing. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. text primarily in black letter. intentional blank spaces left in text. dated at end: given at our court at whitehall, the first day of october, one thousand six hundred and sixty seven, and of our reign the nineteenth year. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng covenanters -early works to 1800. scotland -history -1660-1688 -sources. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pensea royal blazon or coat of arms his majesties gracious pardon and indempnity , to those in the late rebellion . charles r. charles , by the grace of god , king of scotland , england , france and ireland , defender of the faith ; to all and sundry our lieges and subjects whom these presents do or may concern , greeting : forasmuch as it hath been alwayes our greatest care , that our good subjects may live in peace and happiness under our government , so we have for that purpose been more desirous to make use of our mercy , to induce them to a dutiful submission to our laws , then to take special notice of any disorders committed by them , as the acts of indempnity and grace lately granted by vs will witness . and the same tenderness towards them still possessing us , in order to those who have been seduced and misled in the late rebellion and insurrection that appeared in some of the western shires , in the moneth of november last , we are resolved that our mercy to them shall far exceed our iustice : and therefore , out of our special grace and favour , we do by these presents grant our full and free pardon and indempnity to all persons who were engaged in the said rebellion , or who had accession thereto , from all pain or punishment , which by the law they are lyable to for the said rebellion , and for all deeds done by them in the same , or in relation thereto : excepting alwayes from this pardon , the persons and fortunes of colonel james wallace , major lermonth , maxwel of montief younger , macklellan of barscob , gordoun of parbrek , macklellan of balmagechan , cannon of burnshalloch younger , cannon of barley younger , cannon of mordrogget younger , welsh of skar , welsh of cornley , gordoun of garrery in kells , robert chambers brother to gadgirth , henry grier in balmaclelan , david stot in irongray , john gordoun in midtoun of dalry , william gordoun there , john macknacht there , robert and gilbert cannons there , gordoun of bar elder in kirkpatrick-durham , patrick macknacht in cumnock , john macknacht his son , gordoun of holm younger , dempster of carridow , of dargoner , of sundiwall , ramsay in the mains of arnistoun , john hutcheson in newbottle , patrick listoun in calder , william listoun his son , james wilkie in the mains of cliftoun-hall , the laird of caldwell , the goodman of caldwell younger , the laird of kersland younger , the laird of bedland-canninghame , porterfield of quarreltoun , alexander porterfield his brother , lockhart of wicketshaw , mr. trail , son to mr. robert trail , sometime chaplain to scotstarbet , david poe in pokelly , mr. gabriel semple , john semple , mr. john guthry , mr. john welsh , mr. samuel arnot , mr. james smith , mr. alexander pedden , mr. orr , mr. william veitch , mr. patton preacher , mr. cruikshanks , mr. gabriel maxwel , mr. john carstairs , mr. james mitchel , mr. william forsyth , and of all others who are forfaulted , and who are under process of forfaulture : as also excepting all such , who , since the late rebellion , have been accessory to the robbing of ministers houses , and committing violences upon the persons of ministers , and who shall be processed for the same , and found guilty thereof , betwixt and the first day of december next ensuing ; but with this express condition alwayes , that this pardon shall only extend to such , who betwixt and the first day of january next shall make their appearance before such as are authorized for that effect , and shall give bond and security for keeping the pubick peace of our kingdom ; and that such of them as shall give their oath that they cannot find security and caution , give their own bond for that purpose . and this our royal favour and grace , we appoint to be published at the mercat-cross of edinburgh , and other royal burroughs of these shires . given at our court at whitehall , the first day of october , one thousand six hundred and sixty seven , and of our reign the nineteenth year . a proclamation, offering a reward of one hundred pound sterling, to any who shall bring in the person of mr. james renwick (a seditious field-preacher) dead or alive. scotland. privy council. 1686 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b05716 wing s1957 estc r183574 53981743 ocm 53981743 180376 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b05716) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 180376) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2827:5) a proclamation, offering a reward of one hundred pound sterling, to any who shall bring in the person of mr. james renwick (a seditious field-preacher) dead or alive. scotland. privy council. scotland. sovereign (1685-1688 : james vii) 1 sheet ([2] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to his most sacred majesty, edinburgh : anno dom. 1686. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. dated: given under our signet at edinburgh, the ninth day of december, 1686. and of our reign the second year. signed: will. paterson, cls. sti. concilii. imperfect: stained with some loss of text. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng renwick, james, 1662-1688. covenanters -legal status, laws, etc. -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -history -1660-1688 -sources. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-10 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a proclamation , offering a reward of one hundred pound sterling , so any who shall bring in the person of mr. james renwick ( a seditious field-preacher ) dead or alive . iames by the grace of god , king of great-britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith ; to our lyon king at arms , and his brethen heraulds , macers of our privy council , pursevants , messengers at arms , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally , specially constitute , greeting : forasmuch , as one mr. james renwick , a flagitious and scandalous person , has presumed and takes upon hand , these several years bygone , to convocat together numbers of our unmarry , and ignorant commons , to house and field-conventicles , ( which our law so justly terms the nurseries of sedition , and rendezvous's of rebellion ) in some of the western shires of this our ancient kingdom , and has frequently preached at these rebellious meetings , his seditious and traiterous principles and opinions , intending thereby to debauch some of the ignorant people from their bouden duty , and obedience they ow to us as their rightful soveraign lord and monarch . and we out of our royal care and tenderness to our people , being desirous to deliver all our loving subjects , from the malign influence of such a wretched imposture ; have therefore , with advice of our privy council ( as is usual in such cases ) not only thought sit to declare the said mr. james renwick an open and notorious rebel , and traitor against us , and our royal government , but likewise hereby authorise and require all our loving subjects to treat him as such and also prohibite and discharge all our subject , men or women , that none of them offer or presume to harbour , reset , supply , correspond with , hide , or conceal the person of the said mr. james renwick , rebel foresaid , under the pain of incurring the severest punishments , prescribed by the acts of parliament and proclamations of our privy council , made against resetters of rebels ; but that they do their outmost endeavour to pursue him , as the worst of traitors : and to the end the said mr. james renwick may the better be discovered , apprehended and brought 〈◊〉 justice : we with advice foresaid , do hereby require and command all our sheriffs , stewarts , baillies of regalities 〈…〉 ●●gistrats of burghs , and justices of the peace , not only to cause search for , pursue and apprehend the person of the 〈…〉 james renwick , rebel foresaid , wherever he can be found within their respective jurisdictions , 〈…〉 their assistance to any who shall offer to apprehend him : and if in pursuit of the said mr. james renwick 〈…〉 he , or any of his rebellious associats , resisting to be taken , any of our saids magistrats , or other 〈…〉 kill , or mutilat him , or any of them , we hereby declare that they , nor none assisting them shall 〈…〉 pursued civily or criminally therefore in time-coming , but that these presents shall be al 's sufficient for 〈…〉 they had our special remission , and that their doing thereof shall be repute good and acceptable service 〈…〉 incouragement of such as shall apprehend , and bring in the person of the said mr. james renwick , 〈…〉 alive , he , or they shall have the reward of one hundreth pound sterling money , to be in instantly payed to 〈…〉 of our thesaury . and we ordain these presents to be published at the mercat-cross of edinburgh 〈…〉 head-burghs of the several shires of this kingdom , on the south-side of the water of tay , and other 〈…〉 riffs in the saids respective shires , that none pretend ignorance . given under our signet at edinburgh , the ninth day of december , 1686. and of our reign 〈…〉 per actum dominorum secreti concilii . will. paterson , cls. sti. concilii . god save the king . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to his most sacred majesty , anno dom. 1686. a proclamation against the resset of the rebels, and for delivering them up to justice england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1679 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32360 wing c3225 estc r1828 12129368 ocm 12129368 54678 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32360) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54678) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 760:27) a proclamation against the resset of the rebels, and for delivering them up to justice england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by the heir of andrew anderson ... ; and now reprinted, edenburgh : london : 1679. broadside. reproduction of original in bodleian library. entry for c3225 cancelled in wing (2nd ed.). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng covenanters. scotland -history -1660-1688. broadsides -england -london -17th century 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2009-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal coat of arms a proclamation , against the resset of the rebels , and for delivering them up to justice . charles , by the grace of god , king of great britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith , to all and sundry our leidges and subjects , whom these presents do or may concern , greeting : forasmuch as upon the first notice given to our privy-council of the rising and gathering of these disloyal and seditious persons in the west , who have of late appeared in arms in a desperate and avowed rebellion against us , our government and laws , we did declare them to be traitors , and discharged all our subjects to assist , resset , supply , or correspond with any of them , under the pain of treason . and the saids rebels and traitors being now ( by the blessing of god upon our forces ) subdued , dissipated and scattered ; and such of them as were not either killed or taken in the field , being either retired secretly to their own homes and houses , expecting shelter and protection from the respective heretors , in whose lands they dwell , or lurking in the countrey . and we being unwilling that any of our good subjects should be ensnared , or brought into trouble by them ; have therefore with advice of our privy-council , thought fit again to discharge and prohibit all our subjects , men or women , that none of them offer or presume to harbour , resset , supply , correspond with , hide or conceal the persons of robert hamilton , brother german to the laird of prestoun , john patoun in meadow head , alias captain patoun , joseph lermont , alias major lermont , william cleeland , john balfour of kinloch whytfoord of blaquhan younger , medellan of barstob , john wilson , son to alexander wilson town-clerk of lanerk , rosse , pretended major , thomas weir , brother to kirkfield , haxstoun of rathillet , carmichael , son to the earl of wigtons chamberlane , connon of mondrogau , mr. william ferguson of ketloch , james russel in kinksketle , george balfour in gilstoun , andrew and alexander hendersons , sons to john henderson in kilbraichmont , andro guilon weaver in balmerino , george fleeming younger of balbuthy , robert dingwall , son to dingwall in caldhame , mr. samuel arnot , mr. gabriel semple , mr. john wolsh , mr. john king , mr. donald cargil , mr. george barclay , mr. john rae , mr. thomas dowglas , mr. forrester , mr. robert muir , mr. lamb , mr. richard cameron mr. david home vre of shirgarton , forrester of bankhead , john haddoway merchant in dowglas , james white writer there , cuninghame of mountgrenan , and mr. john cuninghame sometime of bedland , james and william cleillands , brethren-in law to john haddoway merchant in dowglas , thomas bogle of boglehole , alias nether carmile , gordons of earlstoun elder and younger , medowgall of french , the laird of remenstoun , brother to the earl of golloway , the laird of castle-stewart , brother to the said earl , gordon of craichlay , turnbul of beuley , thomas turnbul of standhill , hendry hall , george home of greddin , macky of cloncard , mr. john rae , somervel of vrats , mr. archibald riddel , brother to the laird of riddel , cathcarts , two sons of the lord cathcart , blair of phinnick , murdoch , alias laird murdoch ; rolland , richisond fewar in gilmerton and his three sons . or any others who concurred or joyned in the late rebellion , or who upon the account thereof , have appeared in arms in any part of this our kingdom : but that they pursue them as the worst of traitors , and present and deliver such of them as they shall have within their power , to the lords of our privy-council , the sheriff of the county , or the magistrates of the next adjacent burgh-royal , to be by them made forth-coming to law : certifying all persons , either heretors , tenents , or other men or women , as shall be found to fail in their duty herein , they shall be esteemed and punished as favourers of the said rebellion , and as persons accessory to , and guilty of the same . and to the end , all our good subjects may have timeous notice hereof , we do ordain these presents to be forthwith printed , and published at the mercat-crosses of edenburgh , linlithgow , stirling , lanerk , air , rutherglen , glasgow , irwing , wigton , kirckcudburgh , dumsreice , cowpar in fife , jedburgh , perth , and remanent mercat-crosses of the head burghs of the several shires of the kingdom , by macers or messengers at arms : and we do recommend to the right reverend our archbishop and bishops , to give order that this our proclamation be , with all diligence , read on the lords day in all the churches within their several diocesses , that none pretended ignorance . given under our signet at edenburgh , the twenty-sixth day of june , 1679. and of our reign the thretty one year . al. gibson , cl. sti. concilii . god save the king . edenburgh printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to his most sacred majesty , anno dom. 1670. and now re printed at london . a proclamation, against the resset of the rebels, and for delivering them up to justice proclamations. 1679-06-26 scotland. sovereign (1649-1685 : charles ii) 1679 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a92654 wing s1616 estc r230219 99895949 99895949 153557 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a92654) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 153557) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2370:22) a proclamation, against the resset of the rebels, and for delivering them up to justice proclamations. 1679-06-26 scotland. sovereign (1649-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) edinburgh, printed by the heir of andrew anderson, printer to his most sacred majesty, anno dom. 1679. reprinted for andrew forrester, in king-street vvestminster, [london] : [1679] at end of text: given under our signet at edinburgh, the twentieth sixth day of june, 1679. and of our reign the thirty one year. arms 254; steele notation: faith, their un-. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library, washington, d.c.. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng covenanters -early works to 1800. scotland -history -1660-1688 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -london broadsides -scotland 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation , against the resset of the rebels , and for delivering them up to justice . charles , by the grace of god , king of great brittain , france and ireland , defender of the faith , to all and sundry our leidges and subjects , whom these presents do or may concern , greeting : forasmuch as upon the first notice given to our privy council of the rising and gathering of these dis-loyal and seditious persons in the west , who have of late appeared in arms in a desperate and avowed rebellion against us , our government and laws , we did declare them to be traitors , and discharged all our subjects to assist , resset , supply , or correspond with any of them , under the pain of treason . and the saids rebels and traitors , being now ( by the blessing of god upon our forces ) subdued , dissipated and scattered ; and such of them as were not either killed or taken in the field , being either retired secretly to their own homes and houses , expecting shelter and protection from the respective heretors , in whose lands they dwell , or lurking in the country . and we being unwilling that any of our good subjects should be ensnared , or brought into trouble by them ; have therefore with the advice of our privy council , thought fit again to discharge and prohibite all our subjects , men or women , that none of them offer or presume to harbour , resset , supply , correspond with , hide or conceal the persons of robert hamilton , brother german to the laird of prestoun , john patoun in meadow-head , alias captain patoun , joseph lermont , alias major lermont , illiam cleeland , john balfour of kinloch whitfoord of bla quhan younger , meclellan of barscob , john wilson , son to alexander wilson town-clerk of lanerk , ross 〈…〉 , pretended major , thomas weir , brother to kirkfield , hackstoun of rathillet , carmichael , son to the earl of wig●on's chamberlane , cannon of mondrogat , mr. william ferguson of ketloch , james russel in kingsketle , george balfour in gilstoun , andrew and alexander hendersons , sons to john henderson in killbraichmont , andro guilan weaver in balmerino , george fleeming younger of balbuthy , robert dingwall , son to dingwall in caldhame , mr. samuel arnot , mr. gabriel semple , mr. iohn welsh , mr. iohn king , mr. donald cargil , mr. george barclay , mr. john rae , mr. thomas dowglas , mr. forrester , mr. robert muir , mr. lamb , mr. richard cameron , mr. davi● home ure of shirgarton , forrester of bankhead , john haddoway merchant in dowglas , james white writer the 〈…〉 cunninghame of mountgrenan , and mr. iohn cuninghame sometime of bedland , james and william cleillands , brethr●n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to john haddoway merchant in dowglas , thomas bogle of boglehole , alias neither-carmile , gordons of ea 〈…〉 older and younger , medowgall of freuch , the laird of remenstoun , brother to the earl of galloway , the laird of 〈◊〉 stewart , brother to the said earl , gordon of craichlay turnbul of beuley , thomas turnbul of standh 〈…〉 hendry hall , george home of greddin , macky of cloncard , mr. john kae , somervel of vrats , mr. archibald riddel , brother to the laird of riddel , catcharts , two sons of the lord cathcart , blair of phinnick , murdoch , alias laird murdoch , r●lland ritchison fewar in gilmerton and his three sons . or any others who concurred or joyned in the late rebellion , or who upon the account thereof , have appeared in arms in any part of this our kingdom : but that they pursue them as the worst of trai●ors , and present and deliver such of them as they shall have within their power , to the lords of our privy council , the sheriff of the county , or the magstrates of the next adjacent burgh-royal , to be by them made forth-coming to law : certifying all persons , either heretors , tenents , or other men or vvomen , as shall be found to fail in their duty herein , they shall be esteemed and punished as favourers of the said rebellion , and as persons accessory to , and guilty of the same . and to the end , all our good subjects may have timeous notice hereof , vve do ordain these presents to be forthwith printed , and published at the mercat crosses of edinburgh , linlithgow , stirling , lanerk , air , rutherglen , glasgow , irwing , vvigton , kirckcudurgh , dumfreice , cowpar in fife , jedburg , perth , and remanent mercat crosses of the head burghs of the several shires of the kingdom , by macers or messengers at armes : and we do recommend to the right reverend our archbishop and bishops , to give order that this our proclamation be , with all diligence , read on the lords day in all the churches vvithin their several diocesses , that none pretend ignorance . given under our signet at edinburgh , the twentieth sixth day of june , 1679. and of our reign the thirty one year . al. gibson . cl. sti. concilii . god save the king . edinburgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to his most sacred majesty , anno dom. 1679. reprinted for andrew forrester , in king-street vvestminster . answeres to the particulars proponed by his majesties commissionar 1638 approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a73800 stc 665.5 estc s124181 99898570 99898570 173359 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a73800) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 173359) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 2036:11) answeres to the particulars proponed by his majesties commissionar hamilton, james hamilton, duke of, 1606-1649. [4] p. s.n., [edinburgh? : 1638] the answer of the scottish covenanters; the commissioner was james hamilton, duke of hamilton. caption title. imprint from stc. signatures: a² . in this edition, catchword on first page reads "es". reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng covenanters -early works to 1800. scotland -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-07 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion answeres to the particulars proponed by his majesties commissionar . having seriously considered with our selves that nothing in this world is so pretious , and ought to be so deare unto us as our religion , that the diseases of this kirk after long toleration did threaten no lesse than her owne ruine , and expiring of the trueth of religion at last . and that a free generall assembly was the ordinarie remedie appointed by divine authoritie , and blessed by divine providence in other kirks , and after a speciall manner in the kirk of scotland ; wee have often and earnestly supplicated for the same , and have laboured to remove what was objected , or what we could concieve to bee any hinderance to the obtaining of our desire , like as wee have now for the same good end resolved to returne this answer to the particulars proponed to bee performed by us before an assembly be indicted . the particulars proponed are either matters ecclesiastick or civil : ecclesiastick or kirk matters are , the first concerning ministers deposed or suspended by the presbyteries , since the first of februar last without warrant of the ordinar , that they bee reponed to their own places . the second concerning moderators of presbytrys deposed since the forsaid day to be reponed , and all moderators appointed by the said presbyteries without warrant forsaid to desist from executing the office of moderator . the third anent ministers admitted since the day forsaid that they desist frō exercising the function of the ministerie in that place to which they had beene admitted . these three particulars doe concerne the power , duetie and particular facts or faults of presbyteries where in wee have no power to judge and determine whether they have lawfully proceeded or not , far lesse can wee urge or command them to alter or recall what they have determined or done , in the suspending , deposing or admitting of ministers or moderators : they beeing properly subject to the superiour assemblies of the kirk , and in this case and condition of the kirke , to the generall assembly , where if they shall not after tryall justifie their proceedings from the good warrants of scripture , reason , and of the acts and practises of the kirk , they ought sustaine their owne deserved censure . and since upon the one side there be many complaints against the prelates for their usurpation over presbyteries in the like particulars : and on the other side there bee such complaints of the doings and disorders of presbyteries to the offence of the prelats . wee trust that his majesties commissioner will not esteeme this to bee an hinderance of the indiction of a generall assembly : but rather a powerfull and principall motive with speed to conveen the same , as the proper iudicatorie for determining such dangerous and universall differences of the kirke . neither doe wee heare that any ministers are deposed , but some only suspended during this interim , till a generall assembly for their erronious doctrine and flagitious life : so that it were most offensive to god , disgracefull to religion , and scandalous to the people to repone them to their places till they be tried and censured . and concerning moderators none of them ( as we understand ) are deposed , but some only changed , which is verie ordinarie in this kirk . the fourth , anent the reparing of parochinars to their own kirks , & that elders assist their minister in the discipline of the kirk , ought to bee cognosced and judged by the particular presbyterie to which the parochiners and elders are subject , since the cause may bee in the ministers no lesse than the parochinars and elders . and incase they find no redresse there , to ascend till they come to a generall assembly , the want wherof makes disorders to be multiplyed both in presbyteries and paroches . to the sixth , that ministers waite upon their owne kirks , & that none of them come to the assembly or place where the same is keeped : but such as shall bee chosen commissionars from presbyteries . wee answere , that none are to come to the place of the assembly , but such as are either allowed , by commission , or other-wise have such interest as they can approve to his majesties commissionar , and the assembly conveened . to the seventh , anent the appointing of moderators of presbyteries to be commissionars to the genertll assembly : only constant moderatours , who ceased long since , were found in the assembly 1606 ( which yet was never reputed by this kirk to be a lawfull national assembly ) to be necessarie members of a generall assembly . and if both the moderators , who if they bee necessarie members need not to bee chosen , and the chosen commissionars repare to the assembly : the assembly it self can judge best of the members where-of-it ought to bee constitute . to the nynth , that no laick whatsoever meddle with the choosing of commissionars for the presbyteries , and no minister without his owne presbyterie : wee say that according to the order of the kirk none but ministers and elders of kirks ought to have voice in choosing commissioners for presbyteries : and that no minister or elder ought to have voice in election , but in his own presbyterie . the rest of the particulars are civill matters , as the fifth , anent the paying of the rents and stipends of bishops and ministers : concerning which wee can say no further , but that the lawes are patent for them as others his majesties subjects . and that the generall assembly ought not to bee delayed upon any complaint of that kind . the eight , requiring that bishops and other ministers may bee secured in their persons : wee think so reasonable , that we will promise everie one of us for our owne parts they shall suffer no violence from us , and shall hinder others so far as we may , and if any trouble them otherwise , or make them any kind of molestation in that attendance , except by order of law : the parties are justly punishable according to the degrie of their fault as other subjects are . to the tenth , concerning the dissolving of all convocations & meetings and the peaceablenesse of the countrie : these meetings beeing keeped for no other end , but for consulting about lawfull remedies against such pressing grievances as threaten the desolation of this kirk and state , cannot be dissolved till the evills be removed : and we trust that nothing in these our meetings hath escaped us , which carryeth in it the smallest appearance of undutiefullnesse , or which may seeme to tend to the breach of the common peace ; but although our adversaries have heerein calumniated us , yet we have alwayes so behaved our selves as beseemed his majesties most humble and loyall subjects petitioning his majestie for a legall redresse of our just grievances . to the last , concerning the covenant : the commissioner his g. having many times and most instantly pressed us with that point . we did first by invincible reasons make manifest that we could not without sinning against god and our consciences , and without wrong done to this nationall kirk , and the posteritie , rescind or alter the same . and thereafter did at length cleare the same of all unlawfull combination against authority by our last supplication & declaration which his majesties commissionar accepted as the most readie and powerfull of all other meanes which could come within the compasse of our thoughts to give his majestie satisfaction . the subscription of this our confession of faith and covenant , beeing an act so evidently tending to the glorie of god , the kings honor , and happinesse of of the kingdome . and having already proven so comfortable to us in the inward of our hearts : it is our ardent and constant desire , and heartie wish that both his majestie , and all his good subjects may bee partakers of the same comfort : like as wee find our selves bound by conscience and by the covenant it selfe to perswade all his majesties good subjects to joyne with us for the good of religion , his majesties honour , and the quyetnesse of the kingdome , which being modestly used by us without pressing or threatning of the meanest , wee hope shall never give his majestie the least cause of discontent . seeing therefore according to our power and interest we are most willing to remove all hinderances , that thinges may bee carried in a peaceable manner worthie of our profession and covenant , doe ayme at nothing but the good of the kingdome , and preservation of the kirk , which by consumption and combustion is like to bee desperately diseased , except remedie some way bee speedily provided ; and delight to use no other meanes but such as are legall , and have beene ordinarie in this kirk since the reformation , we are confident that without further delaye for preventing of greater evills and miseries than wee can expresse our just desires shall bee granted . so shall we bee incouraged in the peace of our soules still to pray for his majestie all encrease of true honour and happinesse . finis . the complaint of time against the tumultuous and rebellious scots sharply inveighing against them (as most justly they deserve) this yeare, 1639. by w.s. saltonstall, wye, fl. 1630-1640. 1639 approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a11385 stc 21643.5 estc s106432 99842148 99842148 6778 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a11385) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 6778) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 585:16) the complaint of time against the tumultuous and rebellious scots sharply inveighing against them (as most justly they deserve) this yeare, 1639. by w.s. saltonstall, wye, fl. 1630-1640. [8] p. printed by b. a[lsop] and t. f[awcet] for richard harper in smithfield, at the bible and harpe, london : 1639. w.s. = wye saltonstall. printers' names from stc. in verse. signatures: a⁴. formerly stc 21525. identified as stc 21525 on umi microfilm. reproduction of the original in the folger shakespeare library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng covenanters -scotland -early works to 1800. england -foreign relations -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 simon charles sampled and proofread 2005-04 simon charles text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the complaint of time against the tumultuous and rebellious scots . sharpely inveighing against them ( as most justly they deserve ) this yeare , 1639. by w. s. london printed by b. a. and t. f. for richard harper in smithfield , at the bible and harpe . 1639. the grounds and reasons of times complaint against the rebellious scots . this land ( god be thanked ) is blest in the happy government of a most gracious king , against whom in despight of mercy divers aff●onts have lately beene offerd by the rebellions scots , who under pretence of religion would ouerthrow the hierarchy of the church , pulling downe the house of god , and building babels of their owne invention , and man'd with this furious zeale , they have raised great forces , and stand ready armed in the field to resist the head of the church in his dominions our most gracious king charles ; time therefore hearing how these bold attempts under the title of covenanters bad acted many outrages , entrencht vpon the kings soveraigne power , and have hitherto neglected and slighted his royall authority ; therefore in this complaint of time some reasons are laid downe . for the chronicles of this land due witnesse that rebels have beene alwayes overthrowne in their designes , and at last met with a deserved death . thus mortimer who rebelled against king edward the second , and violently tooke away his queene , was afterwards himselfe taken and beheaded . also those rude mechannicke rebels that were led under the conduct of watt tiler , tom miller , and iack strae made a great tumultuous vproare in kent and essex , untill sir william walworth than lord mayor of london did with his dagger stabbe iacke straw in smith-field , whereupon the dagger was set in the armes of london . the rebellion for perkin warbek was soone disanimated , and the imposture discovered , and so likewise iack cade and his associates were soone confounded and overthrowne , and punished according to their deserts . and thus rebellion is like that ignis fatuus or that phantastick apparition of fire , which running under hedges doth affright country-people , but having blazed a while , it is soone dissipated and extinguished . the scots therefore cannot promise to themselves any better fortune than their rebellious predecessours , who were soone scatter'd and confounded , and their leaders received condigne punishment . if therefore any precise humorist that accounts himselfe a transcendant protestant , and a goliah in religion ▪ when indeed he is an hypocriticall puritane , if any such doe thinke the complaint of time against the scots is too satyricall ▪ i would have him know , that the rebellion of the scots as it is haynous in its owne nature , and deserves a sharpe vindication and revenge , so it also hath cast an aspersion vpon time , for both the city and country doe find fault , that it is a very hard , dangerous and doubtfull time. and some in regard of this unnaturall rebellion say , time declines and growes worse , and that many discentions , divisions and rebellions shall happen in the old age of time , unto all which accusations time doth make answere with one old ancient verse ▪ conscia mens recti famae mendacia ridat . the conscience that is cleere from spot or stayne , laughs at the false reports of flying fame . time did not cause the scots rebellious factions , which breaking forth in time , time blames their actions . the complaint of time against the tumultuous and rebellious scots . anno dom. 1639. age now hath silver'd ore the haires of time , and as i am growne old , so i decline in native goodnes , else what frantick moode could make the scots so prodigall of their blood to staine their honour by the imputation of tempting their king to high indignation by being sonnes of tumult and of thunder ? time grieves for them , and shooke with holy wonder admires what genius leades them on to be revolters against sacred majestie , why they had best attempt if they thinke good to prove themselves of the gygantick brood pelion on ossa hurling up againe , so to invade the high olimpian name of love ; for whether wont their boldnesse presse ? vnlesse the just revenger send redresse . time needs not heere from his owne height descend as to make answere to what they pretend in frivolous objections , for what pretence can heaven allow them for their bold offence ? what have they made such a strange scrutiny that none but they have found divinity ? or have they fanci'd to themselves abstractions of angels zeale set forth in divelish actions ? will they allow unto the king of heaven no ceremonies which are duly given vnto his majesty , but will bluntly fall without ceremony to rebellion all , must they needs teare the miter from the head of bishops ; what antipathy is bred within that land which doth on england border that they should seeke equality of disorder ? which alwayes tends to ruine , nature makes in all her workes a resemblance of estates , the peacefull bees have kings , the waspes have none , they onely buzze , and sting , and so are gone ; most perfect creatures have the truest sence of soveraignty and true obedience ; the hierarchy of angels still doe cry all prayse and honour be to god on high whom they obey , and government on earth from heaven had originall and birth . and would the scots thinke by their furious rage . to turne the world into a golden age as in the infancy of time ? yet then saturne did raigne , and was obey'd by men , then iupiter the ancient world sway'd whose soveraignty was generally obey'd ; and time that measures out the workes of nature from the first being of a formed creature to thee not being , was at first created by the king of heaven , and my power is dated and whatsoever is his great decree i must therein obey his majesty . but since the giants warres i was not tooke with greater feare , nor with more horrour strooke then when lowd fame did bring unto my eares the scots attempt ; i drown'd my cheekes with teares and wisht that i my patent might resigne before the world should say that aged time had thus produc'd by the seeds of dissention an armed brood of men sprung from contention that in despight of mercy will proceed to court their ruine , and desire to bleed . is there a plurisie , and an excesse in spirituall matters that must find redresse by such a cruell salve ? or doth the sword more mercy then is vsuall now afford ? and not cut off ill members , will it spare those who in deepe affronts engaged are against their soveraigne ? who did wooe them long by mercy which was powerfull and strong to conquer good minds , but when his grace found that balme of mercy could not cure the wound , then our dread soveraigne mindfull of his cause , went downe against those that did flight his lawes arm'd with his iustice full of powerfull dread for kings have iron hands , though feete of lead . now heaven protect him , time on aged knees prayes that these waspes which scorne the obedient bees though they are gathered into mighty swarmes yet may bee all compell'd by force of arm●s to yeeld their stubborne neckes , let angels drive these waspes away out of the churches hive . who bring no honey , but have often stung their mother with contentions from them sprung . time hath spoke liberally , but now hee 'le stay no correct himselfe , for some perhaps will say that the scots beare an earnest great affection vnto my daughter truth , by whose direction in her defence this furious course they take for love of truth through danger way doth make , but they doe erre herein , for my deere childe and daughter truth 's by nature soft and milde . christ was all truth , yet when hee came to wooe the world to goodnesse , and the way to shew vnto all truth the holy angels then sang peace on earth , and goodwill unto men . can therefore tumult , and the thundring drum speake in a language that may well become the wooers of faire truth ? or else transported doe they imagine truth can thus bee courted ? me thinkes i see the angels hide their faces and blush in angry zeale , for their disgraces no thinke the scots should thinke faire truth to winne from her most just defendor , and her king. me thinkes i see sad truth kneele downe and speake her wrongs against them who her lawes doe breake , shee pleads for mercy and doth plead againe and with her oratory doth enflame the kings most royall brest , then having got his gracious favour , shee tels him the scot with many shewes of holinesse doth wooe her , pretends much inward zealous love unto her but yet doth mocke her with a smooth pretence of love to colour over his offence ; and then shee wishes shee may never know heaven if truth did bid them thus to goe in huddle into armes , for truth sayes shee loves and obeyes your sacred majestie ; and all my precepts say that kings appeare like gods on earth and his vice-regents heere ; then why should they the truth and you abuse and fasten upon truth a false excuse ? no 't is their pollicie that doth extend to use my name to a prodigious end , and with the veyle of truth to hide and shrowd their proud ambition which walkes in a cloud and like a piller of fire guides them on into a wildernesse of rebellion . thus would my daughter truth make her complaint 'gainst the tumultuous scots that doe so vant in crying up her name , when heaven knowes that truth was never tooke with feyned showes . bee dumbe night-ravens then , and doe not croake to piece up the alleageance you have broke with faire pretences , for old time doth know you have entrencht on soveraignty , and doe grow gyants in your opinion , being so given to furious zeale that you would invade heaven , pluck iupiter out of his seate , and all of you would then be gods in generall . and yet they are but shadowes you pretend while in substantiall matters you offend by fallacie joyning god and king together , and yet will shew obedience unto neither ; there you devide the cause by your affection and distinguish of a limited subjection . even nature doth instruct that you should be subject unto the power of majestie , and all the workes of nature seeme to speake hee is a rebell doth alleagiance breake . then trust not to your selves , though you are strong , for heaven will vindicate all rebellion , and truth doth say of old , no warres can bee happie attempted against soveraigntie . how dare you still persist ; time bids pull downe your baffling flags , and on your knees fall downe , and for your colours let your blushing cheeke display them , while you doe for mercy seeke ; if not , then time doth bid you know bold scots , your vrne is turn'd , and fate hath shooke your lots , you have betray'd your selves , up english then and shew your courage against those contemne heaven in their king , o let not his great cause suffer while they 〈◊〉 his power and lawes . finis . the fanatick indulgence granted anno 1679. by mr. ninian paterson. paterson, ninian, d. 1688. 1683 approx. 29 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a56578 wing p693 estc r217125 99828825 99828825 33257 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a56578) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 33257) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1932:11) the fanatick indulgence granted anno 1679. by mr. ninian paterson. paterson, ninian, d. 1688. [6], 14 p. printed by david lindsay and his partners, at the foot of heriot's-bridge, edinburgh : 1683. latin dedication to james ii (as future king) on verso of title page and at end of text. in verse. an appeal to the future king to renounce "indulgence" for protestant dissenters, especially the covenanters, followed by an enthusiastic welcome to scotland. copy stained. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng james -ii, -king of england, 1633-1701. covenanters -controversial literature -early works to 1800. dissenters, religious -scotland -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-02 tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread 2002-02 tcp staff (oxford) text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-03 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the fanatick indulgence granted , anno 1679. si natura negat facit indignatio versum qualemcunque potest . juvenal . sat. 1. by m r. ninian paterson . edinbvrgh , printed by david lindsay and his partners , at the foot of heriot's bridge , 1683. ad illustrissimum principem iacobvm albaniae et eboraci ducem . princeps magne meae tibi si placuere camoenae , muneris instat erit , quod plac●●re tibi . at si displiceant , metuendae praem●● poenae , damnum ingens claris displicuisse viris . principis est laus summa tamen , dare dona poëtis , vel magis ut placeant , displiceantve minus . to his royal highnes james duke of albanie . great sir , this poëm still conceal'd have i , till time hath christn'd it a prophesy . indulgence now unmasked , strives to tryst with john of leyden against antichrist . this is the trojan horse , wherein there lies catsbie and vaulx , with new conspiracies . this the shaftburian crockodil his blind to lure scotes rogues to english commons mind ; nor is this twattling fame , but sure as death , witness where welsh resign'd his latest breath . this meteor impregnated the air with some to usurp the throne , and sacred chair with a new faith , but not without its works : yet such as more beseemeth iews and turks . but now wee 'r fallen in that dismall time , wherein to utter truth 's an hainous crime . when squinteyed slander , and hypocrisy , in triumph bear away the verdant bay . protect me then , the galled brother-hood smart censures will reject , thô wise and good ; being swell'd with that same furie , which before glutted it self with our dread soveraings gore . noll is reviv'd , his ghost drinks our ill health , and we must once more try a common wealth , no more succession , rather be 't our fate to truckle under illegitimate . and then in our career , each friend , or foe , iust as we please , wee 'l call , or make him so . and like an hurrying flood wee 'l still increass , and swell our channel , as we mend our pace . wee 'l scorn hobs leviathan , whill we play our selves i' th ocean of stern tyrranny . begon religion , and be buried law , brittain must once more turn aceldama . but oft omnipotency lurkes , untill the creaturs pollicy , and prowess fail ; and god will joseph press , and gall , and wring . e're he advance him second to the king. and hath decreed this lot for every man , to pass the red sea e're he taste canaan . we see the soveraign , and imperial state is not exempted from the common fate , nay heavens impartial , and resistless brow frowns oftner on the scepter then the plough : when he securely whistles to his teem . the other fears a tottring diadem . all my desire , great sir , is that i may live like an atome in the radiant ray of your life-giving heat , and glorious light , whose crisping spires may make me warm and bright . princes ar prophets guardians , ye know , jacobus rex was , aris excubo . david was poët ; and king james they sing , was king of poets , and the poëts king. and this emblazons most a prince renown . when he with muses laurel crowns his crown . poets and prophets both inspir'd of god , were kings companions , till our late bownd rode : where reason and religion did invade a frantick passion , and prevailing made that giddie furie , that awaits the power of thy more sacred charming hellebore . and be 't thy fate , for to suppress this flamm , and be true majestie thy anagram ; which for thy anagram may justly passe , as wanting the dull omen of the a. s. and spite of envy may thy glory be confin'd to nothing but eternity . the fanatick indulgence , anno 1679. juven . sat. 1. sed si mora longior hortum fanatico indulget non illi deerit amator , mittentur braccae , cultelli , fraena , flagellum , agmina sic veteres referent whigimiria mores . idem sat. 2. sic , sic , fanaticus oestro percussus bellona tuo pugnavit , & ingens abstulit omen adhuc clari magnique triumphi : nam regem cepit : sic de temone britanno excidit arviragus , sat not a est bellua , cerno erectas in terga sudes , ast absit ab illo dedecus hoc claverus ait . sat. 4. ver . 124. sic vetus indulget senibus clementia porcis . idem sat. 6. quae stimulat vos iam sibi materiam ducis indulgentia quaerit , spes nulla ulterior . idem sat. 7. iramque animosque a crimine sumunt . the fanatick indulgence . to the king . 1. indulgence ! thunder-clap ! medusa's head : which makes us all like stones , dumb , stupified . and with amazement confidently vow , the british isle it is grown africk now . it s crete , its crete , this island , and at length indulgence tells us what 's the labyrinth ; not in one town , but all the nation o're ten thousand sold to feed the minotaure . and which would make an heart of flint to bleed , no hope appears of ariadne's threed . wee are in monsters ●ertil ; after this impossible ? incredible what is ? what is 't that the fanatick askes so great transcends his hopes , or can his wish defeat ? when wee thy loyal subjects looked for some halcyonian dayes , the tempests roar : and to our eyes on every rising wave , death sits in triumph , and presents a grave , and in the mid'st of our dispaires , and fears , tears drowns our sighs , and sighs dries up our tears . wee are like iob's these ninteen years perplext , betwixt distractions , and destructions vext . and that ( dread sir ) tho not so strange , as true , by scabbs , and devils now indulg'd by you . 2. indulgence ! mercy lord ! from whence ? to whom ? from charles ; nay : to ripp his mothers womb as nero did , i 'le nee'r belive't ; like this ovid hath no such metamorphosis . charles both merciful and wise , to act the much deplored athamas mistake , to murder his own children , and to spare the loathsome vermin the * whole body tare . to set three kingdoms all again in flamm , and throw poor meleager in the same , to please some mad altheas : acts like those , may frett thy friends , not satisfie thy foes . to lay the tittle , faith's defender , down , the richest jewel of thy radiant crown . strike loyalty , law , and religion dumb , to please a fullsome , nastie , hairbraind scum , a furious spawn of fiends , by whom alone the devil doth blush to see himself outdone . i mean their master leaders , the rest all sees hes no more brains , then sillie butter-flies ; and yet can act such bloody monstrous crimes , not writ in registers of former times . rebellion , murder , sacriledg , a fault complext , not to be purg'd with fire , nor salt ! these to indulge , is scepter to resign , and let the bramble king it o'r the vine . o boundless mercy ! heaven and hell here lyes , in strange ( how ? ) reconcil'd antipathies . base unrelenting fate could thou not spare good major weir till now to have got a share . unhappy mitchel had thou liv'd so long , thou had escaped in this damned throng , and had been sentenc'd at the council table , the innocentest traitour of the rabble . iii. indulgence in the hebrew hamal is , yet hamilton swears this is none of his projecting , or procuring , or desire ; his grace would never kindle such a fire . the other great , and mighty duke , he vowes it came from hell for any thing he knowes . the legat , men suspected most , he sayes , he acted but as stickes in puppet playes ; he acted being acted , this was all his influence on its original . avant then snake unto these dismall deeps , where every thing but damned sorrow sleeps . iiii. indulgence is cains mark , or such another ; no man may kill him that hath kill'd his brother . and herein cain was scot : the duke like god , who sent the traitour to the land of nod ; and yet confind him home to this his nation ; a land of fugitives and trepidation , a land wherein disgrace , and loud toung'd shame , hath split the trumpet of our former fame , either for armes or artes. your huskoes yield , ye sons of mars its cowards gains the field , these only now the acts of grace commands , because no widow curst their swords , nor hands . an apple cleft in two is not more twin , then their religion and their fights have been ; whose chiefest properties lyes in their voice , like shearing of a sow , no wool but noise : for when with covenants they brag the starrs . unto their heels they do commend ther warrs . just as the forced air below , doth fall in noise and loathsom stink , and there is all . they are no witches , tho their exercise are parallels , murders and tragedies . they 'r alwayes grumbling , cruel , furious , ill looking , spiteful , and malitious , blood-thristy tigers , never pleas'd but when they swill like leeches in the blood of men . their baptism they renounce , or do as much ; they need no devils each of them is such : for being baptized to the trinitie , they dare sit mute to the doxologie . they dare not sing , what they dare say , like those despise in verse what they commend in prose . they to their souls in consciencious care preferr their babling to our saviours prayer . and take their grounds of fighting from the word , because our saviour said put up thy sword . just like that wylie jesuits mistake , that of saint peter did salt peter make . they say a bishops office is for a turk , because saint paul did call it a good work . it brings damnation for to resist , saint paul did say , they say its the cause of christ. strange estredg consciences that quick devours great camel-truths , fir'd with gnat-metaphors . be subject all for conscience sake ; these heroes can swallow that , and fight at curse ye meroz . but as of faith , and manhood , they are outted , their learning too it mightily is doubted ; their logick's out of date , for they do know no syllogisme , but in fer●o . and when their courage with their powder 's spent , indulgence closeth all in celarent . they 'r puddle-rithmers too , they dare we see discharge their bumbast at our poësie . and it s reported that they largely share in glistring guinies , for their paltrie ware . the famine in samaria we see makes slimie sordid doves dung sell so hie , they gave ( in ghuest accompt ) when wanting bread , near ten pound sterling for an asses head . ( had all our whiggs been there , from rear to van , they had happ't headless every mortal man ) muse burn thy bayes , gold and the laurell now is onely given to the thick brained crew . empiricks let alone , your market fall's , the revenues of close-stools and urinals . we need no potions to our paunch , nor purse ; trai●ours indulg'd , will gratis murder us . close up the muses courts , the colleges , a living vatican , each fanatick is . baronius and bellarmin ingrost , their first two syllables in his brains have lost . our musickes all in discords : acts of grace hath highest trebl's joyn'd with lowest base . we croak like ravens , and we screech like rats , and for one sharp we have ten thousand flats . out notes so dissonant will nee'r agree in church , nor state , to make an harmonie . our kirk's a new benjotral , which we call nor presbiterian , nor episcopal . all tend to the old chaos , our very laws are all ingulphed in the good old cause . no wonder , traitours make monopoly of the embalmed name of honesty ; and will admit no honest man but him , dare call a bishop antichristian limm : no honest man if not of their opinion , altho he were almighties dearest minion . saint paul himself they scorn to call him saint , because he never took their covenant . yea from fool-hatred of the organs they made poor bagpypes sing dumb , and out of play . v. indulgences ar popish things , then why should they be fancied by such saints as they ? since their foundation fails them ; for it s known that neither saints , nor merits they can own . and too , for which i verily am sorie , they are not yet come to their purgatorie . besides indulgences they have no place , if men be not into the state of grace , and they the very name of grace think vile , because it sometimes is a bishops stile . but now the case is stated amongst all , treason indulg'd makes all sins venial . may not the papist say what need of rome for pardons now , since charles is pope at home . had luthers minde run parallel with his , no strife had been about indulgences . martin had still been monk , nor had he yet in genial sheet protested with his kate. but yet to pardon those , by pardons worse , is heavens dire vengeance , and earths heavy curse . saw ye an ape , that a purgation took , before these news so did our whigmares look . now like a passenger that scapt a grave in the sweld womb of an impostum'd wave ; they knock the starrs with their advanced head , as phaeton when he the reins did guid . with that same success too , the world they 'l fire , by guiding ill , what they did ill desire . for they repent not what they late have done , vowing the second part of that same tune . clearing both throats and pypes ; it s not in vain , a well payed spring ought to be played again . if ancient sages saws with you have credite , to spare a vice , it is the way to spread it . tame mercie is the breast that suckls vice , till hydra like her heads she multiplies . in sparing thieves and murderers , all see , a privat favour 's publicque injurie . should pitie spare , and let the gangren spread , until the bodies wholly putrified ? what surgeon would do this , but he that 's mad ? he 's cruel to the good who spares the bad . cause feed them fatt , and give them flesh and wine , bring in a water pipe to wash the swine . cause light the western lamp , which when it died , was ay with fire and sacrifice supplied give them a power rebellions trump to blow , in that same breath forbid them to do so . give them all kirkes , reward them for their flight , encourage them to such another fight . when all is done , let the whole world view , they only hold kirk government of you . o power ( i l'e not blaspheme ) beyond divine , to make meer contradictions so combine ; things so discordant meekly to agree , the presbiterians and monarchie . the covenant , and the alledgeance oath , bear-chaff and butter , makes a choaking broath . no longer then , this prophesie is hid , the leopard must lie down with the kid . then wheel about , and as at first ye were , the court commands the haughtie presbiter . auspicious peace clapps her triumphant wings , betwixt the presbiterians cause and kings . that valiant heel runs from it self at last , that lately ran from bothwel-bridge so fast . yet who should challenge those the king will cocker * stay , stay , & then take up that ewe and yoak her . a companie of bloody mutineers , who alwayes set both church and state by th' ears . the planets , if we trust the astrologer , at their wretcht birth were all irregular ; a tribe that would that learned greek compel to bring metempsychosis too from hell . changing like weather cocks , still at the flight like metra daughter to the hungrie wight . still skittish finding fault with that , with this , making the bible metamorphosis . the hieroglyphicks of all ill ; no less then the perfection of all wickedness . for if uncleanness , lyes , and murders be the devils markes , they 're devils more then he . sleep pluto , sleep , thou has no more to do , wher 's one of those ther 's hell and legion too . all coxcomb , motly clowns , yet could invent a way to heaven called kirk government . where major wier , who galls their memories , is now call'd maximus , and bears the keyes . they 'r dan and bethels calfs , yet whom before ladyes not on their face prostrate adore . these she-fanaticks worst of papists be if creature worship be worst poperie . yet since sharp's slain , justice may fall asleep , and her revengful sword in scabbard keep , and it may be astrea's gainful trade , to use her ballance now , more then her blade . or since correction makes the rabble worse , its gallantrie to let them take their course . so lybian lyons in ther high wrought rage with bulls and panthers only will engage . while the dull snail , and painted butterflie glides through the air , or craw'ls securely by . we fear not then the caledonian boar , as the tangier his wanscot faced moor. for such indulgence , were he nee'r so wild , would make a tyger , or a panther mild . how many have severe proceedings ended ? whom such indulgence might perhaps amended . if iove dart thunder still when men revolt he quickly would not leave himself a bolt . vi. indulgence , if an act of pollicie , it s deep as hell , or as the heavens it's hie . to gather altogither in a train , and iehu and baals priests to act again . or else it 's like to jesus who did call from heaven , and pardoned a slaughtering saul . amen , good lord ; but let us never see , our king accurst for letting syria free . me thinks , i saw our trembling kirk for life . panting like isaack underneath the knife : and heard heavens cry , charles withdraw that blow , let not these ramms caught in the thickets go . but since it s done , heavens pardon all offence in pities , or in policies pretence ; yet we thought policy should taught you rather , to indulge them as they indulg'd your father : or , as he did , we fear , too late yee 'l see . there are extreams of gracious clemencie . since none may say what doest thou , i take leave , indulgeo seldom hes the accusative . mollis illa educatio quam indulgentiam vocamus , nervos omnes , & mentis , & corporis frangit . quintilianus . nimia principum clementiorum lenitas , innumer a mala , caedes , latrocima , in ipsorum ditionibus gignit , adeo principum indulgentia , quam inclementia publicè nocentior est . machiavellus de principe , cap. 17. o cruel , and wicked indulgence , that is now found guilty of the death , not only of the priests & people , but of religion ! unjust mercy can never end in less then blood ; and it were well , if only the body should have cause to complain of that kind cruelty . halls-works first vol. lib. 11. pag. 967. in mr. ninian paterson his book of epigrams , lib. 3 . epi. 4 . the ghost of king charles the first , is brought in , thus speaking , non scelus ingrati populi , non palma rebellis , me non ira poli , noxa , luesve soli ; non vis foeta dolis , non daemonis aestus . & astus , sed mea me pietas perdidit , atque fides esto tibi clemens , populo ( me teste ) rebelli impius es princeps , qui cupis esse pius . englished abus , nor crimes , nor sucoess of the rebell crue , nor yet heaven vengeance , nor earths curse me slew , valor not wiles , hells craft , nor rage annoy'd , me my indulgence , and my faith destroy'd , art thou a pious prince , learn this of me , kindness to rebels is impietie . a welcome to his royal highness iames duke of albanie , to the kingdom of scotland . novr. 24. 1679. now , now , i know what made the eolian ●lave stern northern boreas lately so outbrave our hosts of mists and clouds , and sweep the sky with his swell'd cheeks ; to brush a canopy for justice princely stuard ; that none may know tempests above , or murmurs here below . welcome great sir , welcome as was the light to chaos after an eternal night : for in this distance from our charles his wayn , only lights elder brother here did raign . we were so dark , and in so great a thrall , egypt might well boast our original . and lesly make less-ly , who sayes we came from scota pharohs daughter ; whence our name . and make buchanans ghost for to recall both our ius regni , and original . shine then upon our poor cimmerian clime , make this our first of moneths , of years , of time ; all annals eternize this happy day , let it be rubrick and an epochee to all succeeding generations : since the blest arrival of that noble prince . let old men blesse their fates , that made them last till now , and young men , that they made such haste : for all dayes untill this , had lost their names in golden number , since our late king james . heavens grant our scotland once more the renown , to bring him furth shall wear the british crown . and since it 's thought good fortune lacqueys names , let him be rex pacificus , a james . that so this isle the worlds epitomee ( neptuns inclosure ) once more gods may be . yee 'r welcome then great sir , to put a date to the tempestuous tumults of our state , whose boiling billows to that hight did rise , like gyants , to wage warr against the skies . ambitious is that raging foaming main once more to exalt it self o're charles his wain . but all in vain , heavens will all storms defeat , where charles is pilot , & great james his mate , be our physician , all our fears appease , calm church distractions , and cure states disease , and crush them ( sir ) for they are your worst friends , who turns their publick power to private ends . ambitious phaetons may they have place , will gladly sacrifice their countries peace . ye will see royal sparkes amongst our smoak , wee 'l be your ivi , if yee 'l be our oak ; and faithfully we promise for our parts , tho we cannot give crowns , we will give hearts . let english be more fortunate throughout , bate us that ace , we scots are still as stout . nor power , nor honour is confin'd to place , the trojans ruins rais'd the roman race . nay we have some who fame and honour breath . dare gaze undaunton'd on the face of death ; who to the whispers of a palefac't fear , or dreadfull danger , never lent an ear . whose purchases altho not great , yet good , were bought with sweat , and sealed with their blood . all which in camp , or court , by night , or day , if you command , are ready to obey . may 't only please your highness quash these fears , we have conceiv'd from dalted whiggimares . and yet what e're these villains did presume , their flamm at last did only prove a sume . so may health , honour , saftie , still attend your royal highness to an happy end . and still like caesars may intrancing blisse crown your desires , or else prevent your wis●● and be it registrate in after storie , your presence , was our happiness , and glory . ad illustrissimum principem jacobum albaniae & eboraci ducem . dvx duce ubique deo , per te tua scotia sumit fracta ani●●s mores barbara , pa●per opes . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a56578-e250 james stuart anagr. true majeste ablato a. s. notes for div a56578-e1590 * sanum . the bishops murder . 2 kings 6. 25. vid. pell . de indulg : lib. 1. c. 13. lightfoots temple . service . c. 9. * this was fulfill'd in cameron , and his companie the spawn of the indulgence . pythagoras . si quoties peccant b●mines , &c. notes for div a56578-e6060 at the arrival of his r. highnes it blew hard . the dutchess was reported with child . a true and exact copy of a treasonable and bloody-paper called the fanaticks new-covenant which was taken from mr. donald cargill at queens-ferry the third day of june, anno dom. 1680 one of their field-preachers, a declared rebel and traitor ; together with their execrable declaration published at the cross of sanquhair upon the twenty two day of the said month of june after a solemn procession and singing of psalms by cameron the notorious ring-leader of and preacher at their field-conventicles, accompanied with twenty of that wretched crew. cargill, donald, 1619?-1681. 1680 approx. 28 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a71139 wing t2431 estc r27018 09618915 ocm 09618915 43824 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a71139) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43824) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1326:24 or 1344:4) a true and exact copy of a treasonable and bloody-paper called the fanaticks new-covenant which was taken from mr. donald cargill at queens-ferry the third day of june, anno dom. 1680 one of their field-preachers, a declared rebel and traitor ; together with their execrable declaration published at the cross of sanquhair upon the twenty two day of the said month of june after a solemn procession and singing of psalms by cameron the notorious ring-leader of and preacher at their field-conventicles, accompanied with twenty of that wretched crew. cargill, donald, 1619?-1681. 10 p. printed by the heir of andrew anderson ..., edinburgh : 1680. "printed and published by order of his majesties privy council in obedience to his majesties commands in his letter dated at windsor-castle the 5th day of july, 1680." "the declaration and testimony of the true-presbyterian, anti-prelatick and anti-erastian persecuted-party in scotland": p. 9-10. this item appears at reel 1326:24 as wing c569 (cancelled in wing (cd-rom, 1996)), and at reel 1344:4 as wing t2431. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dissenters, religious -england. covenanters. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 john latta sampled and proofread 2006-09 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true and exact copy of a treasonable and bloody-paper , called , the fanaticks new-covenant : which was taken from mr. donald cargill at queens-ferry , the third day of june , anno dom● : 1680. one of their field-preachers , a declared rebel and traitor . together with their execrable declaration , published at the cross of sanquhair , upon the twenty two day of the said month of june ; after a solemn procession , and singing of psalms , by cameron , the notorious ring-leader of , and preacher at , their field-conventicles , accompanied with twenty of that wretched crew . printed and published by order of his majesties privy council , in obedience to his majesties commands , in his letter dated at windsor-castle , the 5th . day of july , 1680. edinbvrgh , printed by the heir of andrew anderson , printer to his most sacred majesty , anno domini . 1680. a true and exact copy of a treasonable paper , called , the fanaticks new-covenant . we under-subscribers , for our selves , and all that joyn with us , and adhere to us , being put to it by god , our consciences , and men ; do bind our souls with a solemn and sacred bond , lest on the one hand weshould be carried away with the stream of the apostacy and defection of the church in this time , and on the other hand , lest we should ( not being so engaged ) evanish in vanity , and be without a right rule in good designs : we have judged it our duty again to covenant with god , and one another , and to publish this declaration to the world of our purposes , that men may know our most inward-thoughts , the rules that we walk by , and the outmost ends that we have before our eyes for this intent , that these who are lovers of god , zealous of his reigning in glory , and desirous of reformation , and the propagation of his kingdom , may have occasion no more to be jealous of our intentions , and others may have no ground to load us with odious and foul aspersions ; but , that all knowing the truth of us , if they shall strive against us , and truth with us , shall do it without excuse , and against conviction ; and that these who shall joyn with us , may do it upon solid and undoubted-grounds , and both they and we may expect grace from him , faithfully to persevere , and happily to be successful in so good purposes . it is true , we are not ignorant of the great unmindfulness , failing , counteracting , and mocking that has been in our former vows and covenants with god , and of the great judgments that hath , and are like to follow such impious and sinful dealing with god in such weighty matters , ( for which we both ought and desire to be humbled before him , ) which cannot but make us with great trembling of heart enter into new ones , knowing both our own weakness and readiness to relapse , and the great hazard and danger of such relapses ; yet , the desire of recovering and preserving a remnant , and the conviction of this , as the most convenient mean , the zeal to gods glory , and christs reigning , ( which is the highest and most acceptable duty man can perform to god , ) hoping for his mercies , ( who is witness to the integrity of our hearts and rightness of our intentions , ) that he will instruct , direct , accept , and prosper us , we go forward , declaring , that nothing else but what we here express is our design . i. we covenant and swear , that we take the only true and living god , father , son , and holy ghost , to be our god , and betakes our selves to the merits and righteousness of his son , as the alone righteousness that can justify us before god ; and that we take his scriptures and word to be the object of our faith , and rule of our conversation in all things ; and that we shall give up our selves to him , to be renewed , instructed , and in all things ruled by his spirit , according to that word ; and shall earnestly endeavour by his grace , to render to him that love , worship , and obedience , that his word requires , and his goodness engages us to . ii. that we shall to the outmost of our power , advance the kingdom of christ establish'd throughout the land , ( if at any time hereafter god shall give us this opportunity ) righteousness and the true reformed religion , in the truth of its doctrine , in the purity and power of its worship and ordinances , and in its discipline and government , and free the church of god from the thraldom , tyranny , incroachment , and corruption of prelacy on the one hand , and erastianism on the other . and that we shall to our power , relieve the church and subjects of this kingdom , ( we being called thereto , by his giving of us power , power being gods-call to do good , ) of that oppression that hath been exercised upon their consciences , civil rights and liberties , that men may serve him holily , without fear , and possess their civil rights in quietness , without disturbance . iii. that we shall endeavour to our outmost , the extirpation of the kingdom of darkness , and whatsoever is contrair to the kingdom of christ , and especially idolatry , and popery in all the articles of it , as we are bound in our national covenant ; and superstition , will-worship , and prelacy , with its hierarchy , as we are bound in our solemn league and covenant ; and that we shall with the same sincerity , endeavour ( god giving us assistance ) the overthrow of that power that hath established that prelacy and erastianism over the church , and exercises such a lustful and arbitrary tyranny over the subjects , seeking again to introduce idolatry and superstition in these lands , contrair to our covenants : and in a word , that we shall endeavour the extirpation of all the works of darkness , and the relicts of idolatry and superstition , ( which are both much enlarged and revived in our times , ) and execute righteous judgment impartially ( according to the word of god , and degree of wickedness ) upon the committeis of these things , but especially blasphemy , idolatry , atheism , sorcery , perjury , uncleanness , profanation of the lords-day , oppression and malignancy , that being thus zealous for god , he may delight to dwell among us . iv. seriously considering , that the hand of our kings has been against the throne of the lord , and that now for a long time , the succession of our kings , and the most part of our rulers with him , hath been against the purity and power of religion and godliness , and freedom of the church of god , and hath degenerate from the vertue and good government of their predecessors into tyranny , and hath of late so manifestly rejected god , his service and reformation , as a slavery , as they themselves call it in their publick papers , ( especially in these last letters to the king , and duke of lauderdale ) disclaiming their covenant with god , and blasphemously inacting it to be burnt by the hand of a hang-man , governed contrary to all right laws divine and humane , exercised such tyranny and arbitrary government , opprest men in their consciences and civil rights , used free subjects ( christian and reasonable men ) with less discretion and justice then their beasts ; and so not only frustrate the great end of government , ( which is , that men may live godly , holily and peaceably under them , and might be maintained in their rights and liberties from injury and wrong ) but hath also walked contrary to it , so that it can no more be called a government , but a lustful rage , exercised with as little right reason , and with more cruelty then in beasts , and they themselves can be no more called governours , but publick grassators , and publick judgments , which all men ought as earnestly to labour to be free of , as of sword , famine , or pestilence raging amongst us ; and besides , hath stopped ( instead of punishing ) the course of law and justice against idolaters , blasphemers , atheists , murderers , incestuous and adulterous , and other malefactors ; and instead of rewarding the good , hath made butcheries and murthers on the lords people , sold them as slaves , imprisoned , forfaulted , banished and fined them , upon no other account , but for maintaining the lords right to rule consciences , against the usurpations of men , for fulfilling their vows , and repelling unjust violence , which innocent nature allows to all ; of all which , and moe particulars , we can give ( we speak as before god ) innumerable and sure instances : neither can it be thought that there is hope of their returning from these courses , having so often shewed their natures and enmities against god and all righteousness , and so often declared and renewed their purposes and promises of persevering in these courses . and , suppose they should dissemble a repentance of these evils , and profess to return to better courses , being put to straits , or for their own ends , ( for upon no other account can we reasonably expect it ; ) and though it might be thought , that there might be pardon for what is done , ( which we cannot yet see to be , without the violation of the law of god , and a great guiltiness on the land , from which guiltiness the land can never be free , but by executing of gods righteous judgments upon them for omitting of so greatly deserved , and so necessarily requisite a justice ; ) yet they cannot be believed , after they have violated all tyes that humane wisdom can devise to bind men ; and beside , there will be something of folly found , to think to bind a king that pretends to absoluteness : and our fathers , or rather our selves , at first judged it not warrantable to receive him , without consenting to , and swearing of the covenant : and if so , the renouncing and disclaiming thereof , we ought at present to judge to be a just and reasonable ground of rejecting him upon these grounds , being assured of gods approbation , and mens , whose hearts are not utterly byassed , and their consciences altogether corrupted , and knowing assuredly , that the upholding of such , is to uphold men , to bear down christs kingdom , and to uphold sattans , and the depriving of men of right government and good governours , to the ruining of religion , and undoing of humane society . we then seeing the innumerable sins and snares that are in giving obedience to their acts , on the other hand , seeing if we shall acknowledge their authority , and refuse obedience to their sinful commands , the endless miseries that will follow , and siding with god ( who we hope will accept and help us to a liberation from their tyranny ) against his stated and declared enemies ; do reject that king , and these associate with him , from being our rulers , because standing in the way of our right , free and peaceable serving of god , propagating his kingdom and reformation , and overthrowing satans kingdom , according to our covenant ; and declares them henceforth to be no lawful rulers , as they have declared us to be no lawful subjects , upon a ground far less warrantable , as men unbyassed may see ; and that after this , we neither owe , nor shall yield any willing obedience to them , but shall rather suffer the outmost of their cruelties and injustice , until god shall plead our cause , and that upon these accounts ; because , they have altered and destroyed the lords established religion , overturned the fundamental and establish'd laws of the kingdom , taken altogether away christs church and government , and changed the civil government of this land ( which was by king and free parliaments ) into tyranny , where none are associat to be partakers of the government , but only those who will be found by justice to be guilty of criminals , and all others excluded , even those who by the laws of the land by birth had a right to , and a share in that government , and that only , because not of the same guiltiness and mischievous purposes with themselves : and also , all free elections of commissioners for parliaments , and officers for government , are made void by their making those the qualifications of admission to these places , which by the word of god , and the laws of this land , were the cause of their exclusion before , so that none can look upon us , or judge us bound in alledgeance to them , unless they say also we are bound in alledgeance to devils , they being his vicegerents , and not gods. v. we then being made free , by god and their own doings , he giving the law , and they giving the transgression of that law , which is the cause that we are loosed now from all obligations , both divine and civil to them , and knowing that no society of men that hath corruption in them , ( which alwayes is ready to beget disorders and do injuries , unless restrained and punished by laws and government ) can be without laws and government , and withal desiring to be governed in the best way that is least lyable to inconveniencies and tyranny : we do declare , that we shall set up over our selves , and over all that god shall give us power , government , and governours , according to the word of god , and especially according to that word , exod. 18. v. 21. moreover , thou shalt provide out of all the people , able men , such as fear god , men of truth , hating g●vetousness ; and that we shall no more commit the government of our selves , and the making of laws for us , to any one single person , and lineal successor , we not being tied as the jews were by god , to one family , government not being an inheritance , but an office , which must be squared , not to the interest and lust of a man , but to the good of the commonwealth , and this kind of government by a single person , &c. being most liable to inconveniencies , ( as sad and long experience may now teach us , ) and aptest to degenerate into tyranny . moreover , we declare that these men whom we shall set over us , shall be engaged to govern us principally by that civil or judicial law given by god to his people of israel , especially in matters of life and death , and in all other things also , so far as they teach , excepting only that law , ( viz. anent slaves , ) which does not agree with that christian liberty established in all christendom , ( only violated by our tyrants , and some others of late , ) and that of divorces and poligamy ; the one being not a law , but a permission granted upon the account of the hardness of their hearts , the other being a sinful custom contrair to the first institution of marriage , crept in into the church : we know that men of malignant and perverse spirits , that has not a higher god than a wicked king , which suits only with their lustful licentiousness , and it may be others with them that seemed to be of better principles , will raise an ignorant clamour upon this , that it is a fifth-monarchy , and we fifth-monarchy-men , and will labour to amuse the people with strange terms , and put odious names on good things to make them hateful , as their way is ; but if this be their fifth-monarchy , we both are , and ought to be such , and that according to his word . vi. it being the work of the ministers of the gospel , to preach , propagate , and defend the kingdom of god , and to preserve the doctrine , worship , discipline , government , liberties and priviledges of the same , from all corruptions and incroachments of rulers , and all others . and seing , that the ministers of the church of scotland , ( at least the greatest part of them before ) not only were defective in preaching and testifying against the acts of these rulers , for overthrowing religion and reformation , abjuring our covenant made with god , establishing a government in the church , which that king calls his own government , ( and so not gods , ) contrair to our covenant ; against inacting of that blaspemous ( so calvin calls that supremacy of henry the eight , upon which this prerogative is founded , and from which it is derived , and is no less , if not more injurious to christ , and inslaving to his church , ) and sacrilegious prerogative given to a king over the church of god , and against the other acts and incroachments of his church , and hindered others also who were willing , and would have testified against them , and censured some that did it , ( for which , together with the other causes in their trust and administration , we may say , god hath left them to do worse things ; ) but also hath voted in that meeting , ( which they are pleased to call an assembly of ministers , but how justly , let men judge , ) an acceptation of that liberty , founded upon , and given by vertue of that blasphemously arrogated and usurped power ; and hath appeared before their courts to accept of that liberty , and to be enacted and authorized there as ministers , and so hath willingly ( for this is an elicit act of the will , and not an act of force and constraint ) translated the power of sending out , ordering , censuring , ( for as they accept of their liberty from them , so they submit to their censures and restaints , at least all of them who were yet tried with it , and others of them appeared and acknowledged before their courts , that they would not have done these things that they were charged with , if they had thought it would have offended them , ) ministers departing from the court of christ , and subjection to the ministry , to the courts of men , and subjection to the magistrate , ( which had been impious and injurious to christ and his church , though they had been righteous and lawful rulers , ) and by their changing of courts , ( according to common law ) hath changed their masters , and of the ministers of christ are become the ministers of men , and bound to answer to them as oft as they will ; and as by the acceptation of this liberty in such manner , they have translated the power , so they have given up and utterly quit the government , and a succession of a presbyterian ministry ; for as these were not granted them of their masters , so they exercise their ministry without them , and so by this , as the ecclesiastick government is swallowed up in the civil , ( if the rest had followed them ) the ministry should have also been extinct with themselves , and the whole work of reformation had been buried in oblivion , not so much as the remembrance of it kept up : these , together with the other of their commissions in preaching , the lawfulness of paying that tribute declared to be imposed for the bearing down of the true worship of god , ( which they falsly termed seditions conventicles , ) and their advising these poor prisoners to subscribe the bond , and consequently could not but so advise all others , if put to it , ( for the hazard that men were in , will not make a real change of the morality of that action , ) and beside , the rest may be put to it upon the same hazard , and so if the one should advise , ( which consequently they must do , ) and the other should subscribe , this would altogether close that door which the lord hath made use of in all the churches of europe , for casting off the yoke of the whore , and restoring the truth and purity of religion and reformation , and freedom of the churches , and should have stopped all ingress for men , when once brought under tyranny , to recover their liberty again . these ministers then , not being followers of christ , who before pontius pilate , gave a good confession , which was , that he was a king , and no king , if he have not power to order his house and subjects , and they not following him , nor his ministers , if not asserting and maintaining of this his kingly power , against all incroachers and usurpers of it ; and besides , we being commanded , if any brother walk disorderly , from such to withdraw ; and although in the capacity we now are in , we neither have , nor assumes to our selves authority to give out definite and authoritative sentences of deposition and supension against these ministers ; yet we declare , which is proper for us to do , that we neither can , nor will hear preaching , nor receive sacraments from these ministers that hath accepted of , and voted for that liberty ; and declares all who have encouraged and strengthened their hands , by hearing and pleading for them , all those who have traffiqued for an union with them , without their renouncing and repenting of these things , all those that do not testifie faithfully against them , and after do not deport themselves suitably to their testimonies , and all who joyn not in publick with their brethren , who are testifying against them ; we declare , that we shall not hear them preach , nor receive sacraments from them , at least , till they stand in judgment before these ministers , and be judged by them who have followed the lord , and kept themselves free of these defections : and as our hearts hath cleaved to these ministers , while they were on the lords side , and subjected our selves to them , so we shall still cleave to those that abide following him , and shall be subject to them in the lord. vii . then we do declare and acknowledge , that a gospel-ministry , is a standing ordinance of god , appointed by christ , to continue in the church , until the end of the world ; and that none of us shall take upon him the preaching of the word , or administring the sacraments , unless called , and ordained thereto , by the ministers of the gospel : and as we declare that we are for a standing gospel-ministry , rightly chosen , and rightly ordained , so we declare , that we shall go about this work in time to come , with more fasting and praying , and more careful inspection into the conversation and holiness of these men that shall be chosen and ordained , the want of which formerly , hath been a great sin , both in ministers and people , which hath not been the least cause of this defection . the declaration and testimony of the true-presbyterian , anti-prelatick , and anti-erastian , persecuted-party in scotland . it is not amongst the smallest of the lords mercies to this poor land , that there hath aways been some who hath given a testimony of every course of defection which we were guilty of , which is a token for good , that he does not as yet intend to cast us off altogether , but that he will leave a remnant , in whom he will be glorious , if they ( through his grace ) keep themselves clean still , and walk in his way and method , as it hath been walked in , and owned by him in our predecessors ( of truly worthy memory ) their time , in their carrying out of our noble work of reformation , in the several steps thereof , from popery and prelacy , and likewise from erastian-supremacy , so much usurped by him , who it is true ( so far as we know ) is descended from the race of our kings ; yet he hath so far deborded from what be ought to have been , by his perjury and vsurpation in church-matters , and tyranny in matters civil , as is known by the whole land , that we have just reason to believe , that one of the lords great contraversies against us is , that we have not disowned him , and the men of his practices , whether inferiour magistrates , or any others , as enemies to our lord and his crown , and the true protestant and presbyterian-interest in their hands , our lords espoused bride and church . therefore , although we be for government , and governours , such as the word of god , and our covenants allows , yet we for our selves , and all that will adhere to us , as the representatives of the true presbyterian-church , and covenanted nation of scotland , considering the great hazard of lying under such a sin , do by these presents , disown charles stuart , who hath been reigning , or rather ( we may say ) tyrannizing on the throne of scotland , or government thereof , ( forfaulted several years since by his perjury and breach of covenant with god and his church , ) and usurpation of his crown and royal prerogatives therein , and many other breaches in matters ecclesiastick , and by his tyranny and breach of the very leges regnandi in matters civil ; for which reasons , we declare , that several years since he should have been denuded of being king , ruler , or magistrate , or having any power to act , or to be obeyed as such : as also , 〈…〉 of christ , captain of salvation , we declare war against such a tyrant and vsurper , and all the men of his practices , as enemies to our lord jesus christ , his cause and covenants , and against all such as have strengthened him , sided with him , or any ways acknowledged him in his vsurpation and tyranny , civil and ecclesiastick , yea , and against all such as shall strengthen , side with , or any ways acknowledge any other in the like vsurpation and tyranny , far more against such as would be tray or deliver up our free reformed mother church , into the bondage of antichrist , the pope of rome . by this we homologat the testimony given at rutherglen , the twenty ninth of may , 1679. and all the faithful testimonies of these that have gone before us , as of these also that have suffered of late ; and we do disclaim that declaration published at hamiltoun , june 1679. chiefly , because it takes in the kings , interest , which we are several years since loosed from , because of the foresaid reasons , and others , which may after this ( if the lord will ) be published . as also , we disown , and by this resente the reception of the duke of york , a profest papist , as repugeant to our principles and vows to the most high god , and as that which is the great ( though alace too just ) reproach of our church and nation : we also , by this , protest against his succeeding to the crown , and whatever hath been done , or any are essaying to do in this land ( given to the lord ) in prejudice to our work of reformation . and to conclude , we hope none will blame us for , or offend at , our rewarding these that are against us , as they have done to us , as the lord gives the opportunity . this is not to exclude any that hath declined , if they be willing to give satisfaction to the degree of their offence . given at sanqhuair , the 22. of june , 1680. these are the true and exact copies of the fanaticks new-covenant , and declaration ; collationed with the originals , which are kept amongst the records of his majesties privy-council ; and attested by al. gibson , cl. sti. concilij . and will. paterson , cl. sti. concilij . finis . the last speeches of the two ministers mr. john king, and mr. john kid, [brace] at the place of execution at edenburgh on the 14th day of august, 1679. king, john, d. 1679. 1680 approx. 37 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 26 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47415 wing k508 estc r39063 18208261 ocm 18208261 107131 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47415) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107131) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1125:25) the last speeches of the two ministers mr. john king, and mr. john kid, [brace] at the place of execution at edenburgh on the 14th day of august, 1679. king, john, d. 1679. kid, john, d. 1679. [4], 29 p. s.n.], [edinburgh? : 1680. separate t.p. for speech by john kid, dated 1679. imperfect: print show-through; torn, begining-page 11 of defective huntington library copy spliced at end. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published 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make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng king, john, d. 1679. kid, john, d. 1679. covenanters -scotland. presbyterianism. 2004-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the last speeches of the two ministers mr. john king , and mr. john kid , at the place of execution at edenburgh on the 14 th day of august , 1679. printed in the year , 1680. the publisher to the reader . having observed that of late years it is become customary to publish the dying speeches of such as have been in a publick manner executed as criminals ; i thought the sight of these speeches ( not as speeches or discourses only , but ) as the speeches of these two ( so much talk'd of ) men , would to most be very acceptable ; all persons i believe being curious to know what they would say in their circumstances , i did not think it necessary to make any animadversions upon them , but lea●e it to the 〈◊〉 of every reader to make his own remarks , ( it being as easie to animadvert in this case as to read ) i would as unwillingly impose my comment upon others , as i would be imposed upon my self . farewel . the speech of mr. john king . men and brethren , i do not doubt but that many that are spectators here , have some other end , than to be edified by what they may see and hear in the last words of one going to eternity ; but if any one of you have ears to hear , ( which i nothing doubt but some of this great gathering have ) i desire your ears and attention , if the lord shall help and permit me to speak , to a few things . i bless the lord , since infinite wisdom and holy providence has so carved out my lot to dye after the manner that i do , not unwillingly , neither by force : it 's true , i could not do this of my self , nature always having an inclination to put the evil day far off , but through grace i have been helped , and by this grace yet hope i shall : 't is true , through policy i might have shunned such a hard sentence , if i had done some things ; but though i could i durst not , god knows , redeem my life with the loss of my integrity and honesty . i bless the lord that since i have been apprehended and made a prisoner , god hath very wonderfully upholden me , and made out that comfortable word , fear not , be not dismayed , i am with thee , i will strengthen thee , i will uphold thee by the right hand of my righteousness , isaiah 42.10 . i thank the lord he never yet gave me leave so much as to have a thought , much less to seek after any shift that might be in the least sinful : i did always , and yet do judge it better to suffer affliction with the people of god , than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season ; therefore i am come hither to lay down my life ; i bless the lord i dye not as a fool dyeth , though i acknowledge i have nothing to boast of in my self : yea i acknowledge i am a sinner , and one of the chiefest that hath gone under the name of a professer of religion ; yea amongst the unworthiest of those that have preached the gospel ; my sins and corruptions have been many , and have defiled me in all things ; and even in following and doing of my duty , i have not wanted my own sinful infirmities and weaknesses , so that i may truly say , i have no righteousness of my own , all is evil and like filthy rags ; but blessed be god that there is a saviour and an advocate , jesus christ the righteous , and i do believe that jesus christ is come into the world to save sinners , of whom i am the chief , and that through faith and his righteousness i have obtained mercy ; and that through him , and him alone , i desire and hope to have a happy and glorious victory over sin , satan , hell , and death ; and that i shall attain unto the resurrection of the just , and be made partaker of eternal life . i know in whom i have believed , and that he is able to keep that which i have committed unto him against that day . i have , according to my poor capacity , preached salvation in his name ; and as i have preached , so do i believe , and withal my soul have commended it , and still do commend to all of you the riches of his grace , and faith in his name , as the alone and only way whereby to come to be saved . it may be many may think ( but i bless the lord without any solid ground ) that i suffer as an evil-doer , and as a busie body in other mens matters ; but i reckon not much upon that , having the testimony of my own conscience for me . it was the lot of our blessed saviour himself , and also the lot of many of his eminent precious servants and people to suffer by the world as evil-doers : yea i think i have so good ground not to be scar'd at such a lot , that i count it my non-such-honour ; and oh what am i that i should be honoured so , when so many worthies have panted after the like , and have not come at it : my soul rejoyceth in being brought into conformity with my blessed lord , and head , and so blessed a company in this way and lot ; and i desire to pray that i may be to none of you this day upon this account a stone of stumbling , and a rock of offence ; and blessed is he that shall not be offended in christ and his poor followers and members , because of their being condemned as evil doers by the world. as for these things for which sentence of death hath past against me , i bless the lord my conscience doth not condemn me , i have not been rebellious , nor do i judge it rebellion for me to have endeavoured in my capacity what possibly i could for the born-down and ruined interest of my lord and master , and for the relief of my poor brethren afflicted and persecuted , not only in their liberties , priviledges , and persons , but also in their lives ; therefore it was that i joyned with that poor handful ; the lord knows , who is the searcher of hearts , that neither my design nor practice was against his majesty's person and just government , but i always studyed to be loyal to lawful authority in the lord , and i thank god my heart do●h not condemn me of any disloyalty ; i have been loyal , and i do recommend it to all to be obedient to higher powers in the lord. and that i preached at field-meetings , which is the ground of my sentence ; i am so far from acknowledging that the gospel preached that way was a rendezvous of rebellion , as it is so tearmed , that i bless the lord that ever he counted me worthy to be witness of such meetings ; which have been so undoubtedly countenanced and owned , not only to the conviction , but even to the conversion of many ; therefore i do assert , that if the lord hath had any purer church in the land than other , it hath been in and amongst these meetings in fields and houses , so much now despised by some , and persecuted by others . that i preached up rebellion , and taking up arms against authority is untrue , i bless the lord my conscience doth not condemn me for that ; this never being my design ; if i could have preached christ , and salvation through his name , it was my work ; and herein have i walked according to the light and rule of the word of god , as it did become me , though one of the meanest of the ministers of the gospel . i have been looked upon by some , and represented by others to be of a divisive , and factious humor , and one that stirred up division in the church , but i am hopeful that they will all now give me their charity , being within a little to stand before my judge , and i pray the lord forgive them that did so misrepresent me ; but i thank the lord what-ever men have said against me concerning this , that on the contrary , i have often disswaded from such ways and practices , as contrary to the word of god , and of our covenanted and reformed religion ; and as i ever abhorred division , and faction in the church , as that which tends to its utter ruine , if the lord prevent it not . so i would in the bowels of my lord and master , if such an one as i am may presume to perswade , and exhort both ministers and professors ; if there be any consolation in christ , if any comfort of love ; if any fellowship of the spirit , if any bowels and mercies that you be like minded , having the same love , being of one accord , of one mind in lowliness of mind ; let each esteem others better than themselves , phil. 1.12 . harmoniousness and honesty in the things of god , can never enough be sought after , and things that tend to the prejudice and hurt of christs interest , can never enough be fled from and avoided . and as i am come hither willingly to lay down my tabernacle , so also i die in the belief , and faith of the holy scriptures , and in the faith of the apostles , and primitive christians , and protestant reformed churches , and particularly the church of scotland , whereof i am a poor member : that have been so wonderfully carried on against so many oppositions , by the mighty power and goodness and wisdome of god , i bear my witness and testimony to the doctrine and worship , discipline and government of the church of scotland , by kirk sessions , presbyters , synods with assemblies . here he also bore his testimony to the solemn league and covenant . also i bear testimony to our publick confessing of sins , and ingagements to duties , and that either as to what concerns the reformation of the whole church in general , as also the causes of gods wrath , the neglecting of which is feared , to be one of the greatest causes of gods wrath this day against the land : i also give witness and testimony unto the protestation , given in against the receiving the malignant party into places of power and trust , contrary to our solemn ingagements , and obligations to god , also i adhere unto our confession of faith , larger and shorter catechisms . i witness my testimony against popery , which is so greatly increased , yea so much countenanced , and professed openly by many , and that without the least punishment ; i bear witness against the antichristian prelacy now — established by a law contrary to our vows to almighty god , and against defending all our solemn oaths , and ingagements , as a thing that calls for divine vengence . here he bore witness against all oaths contrary to the covenant : and then proceeded thus . also i bear my testimony against all error , schisme , heresie , contrary to our ingagements to god , and especially against that reviving again , and soul deluding evil or rather devilry quakerisme so much connived at , if not allowed and countenanced by many , whose office it is to restrain it , as also against all the steps and courses of backslidings , defections , which have been and now are on foot in the land , and against all branches and parties thereof , under whatsoever name or notion ; moreover , i bear my testimony to all the testimonys both formerly and of late , by suffering and banished witnesses , and to all the testimonies by our first suffering gentlemen , noble-men , and others , that have suffered in this city and kingdome , who chearfully laid down their lives with admirable divine assistance , and all those who have laid down their lives , as also to those who have sealed their testimony , either with suffering imprisonment or banishment upon this account , score , and quarrel . here he bore his testimony against their act of supremacy . as also i bear my testimony against the cess imposed by the late convention of estates , whereby the enemies of christ , and his church , are supplyed with all necessaries , for the utter extirpating of the interest of christ in this church . and there is one thing more i would say , that the lord seems to be very wroth with the land. the causes are many , first the dreadful sleights our lord jesus christ , has received in the offers of his gospel . secondly , the horrid profanity that has overspread the whole land , that not only religion in its exercise , but even common civility is gone . thirdly , there is the horrid perjury in the matters of our vows and ingagements , it s to be feared will provoke the lord to bring his sword upon these lands . fourthly , the dreadful formality and stupidity in the duties of religion , which is introduced , like that which came upon the careless daughters . fifthly , horrid ingratitude , what do we render to him for his goodness ? is not the most of all that we do , to work wickedness , and to strengthen our selves to do evil , and want of humility under all all our breaches ? we are brought low , and yet we are not low in the sight of god , what a dreadful covetousness , and minding our own things more than the things of god , and that amongst all ranks ? would to god that there were not too much of this among many , who are enemies to the cross of christ , and mind earthly things . and yet i dare not say , but there are many faithful and precious to him in scotland , both of ministers , and professors , whom i trust god will keep stedfast , and who will labour to be found faithful to their lord and master , and whom i hope he will make a brazen wall and iron pillars , and as a strong defenced city , in the following of their duties in these sad evil times ; but it were to be wished , that there were not too many to strengthen the hands of the evil-doers , and make themselves transgressors , by endeavouring to build again that which formerly they did destroy ; but let such take heed of the flying roll , zach. 5. and let all the lords servants and ministers take heed that they watch , and be stedfast in the faith , and quit themselves like men , and be strong , and set the trumpet to the mouth , and give seasonable and faithful warning to all ranks concerning sins , and duties , especially against the sins of this sinful time : it is to be lamented and sadly regretted by many of the lords people , that there has been so much silence and fainting , even amongst ministers of how great concernment it is ; now in this sad juncture , let ministers consider well , what it is that god calls for at their hands ; to be silent now , especially when so many cruel and horrid things are acted , when they are so much called , and ought to be concerned to speak even upon the peril of their lives , certainly a dreadful sin in the light of god , their silence must be . i shall only desire that the lord would open the mouths of his faithful servants , that with all boldness , they may speak out the mind of their master , that so the work , interest , crown and kingdome of our lord jesus christ , may not be destroyed , and that the troubles of his poor people , which are precious to him , may not without a testimony be ruined ▪ i shall but say a few words . first , all you that are profane , i would seriously exhort you that you return to the lord by serious repentance ; if you do , iniquity shall not be your ruine ; if you do not , know that the day of the lords vengeance is near and hastneth on ! oh know for your comfort , there is a door of mercy yet open , if you be not despisers of the day of salvation . and you that have been , and yet are , reproachers and persecutors of godliness , and of such as live godly ; take heed , oh take heed , sad will be your day , when god arises to scatter his enemies , if you repent not for your ungodly deeds . secondly , all those who are taken up with their own private interests , and if that go well they care the less for the interest of christ , take heed and be zealous , and repent , lest the lord pass the sentence , i will spew you out of my mouth . thirdly , for the truly godly , and such as are lamenting after the lord , and are mourning for all the abominations of this city , and are taking pleasure in the very rubbish and stones of zion , be of good courage , and cast not away your confidence , i dare not say any thing to future things , but surely the lord has a handful that are precious to him , to whom he will be gracious ; to these is a dark night at present , how long it will last the lord knows ! oh let not the sad disasters , that his poor people meet with , though very astonishing , terrifie you , beware of snares that abound , cleave fast to your reformed religion , do not shift the cross of christ , if you be called to it , it is better to suffer than sin , account the reproaches of christ greater riches than all the treasures of the world. in the last place , let not my death be grievous to any of you , i hope it will be more profitable both for you and me , and for the church and interest of god , than my life could have been . i bless the lord , i can freely and frankly forgive all men , even as i desire to be forgiven of god , pray for them that persecute you , bless them that curse you . as to the cause of christ , i bless the lord i never had cause , to this day , to repent for any thing i have suffered , or can now suffer for his name . i thank the lord who has shewed mercy to such a vile sinner as i am , and that ever he should advance me to so high a dignity , as to be made a minister of his blessed and everlasting gospel ; and that ever i should have a seal set to my ministry , upon the hearts of some in several places and corners of this land : the lord visit scotland with more and more faithful pastors , and send a reviving day unto the people of god ; in the mean time be patient , be stedfast , unmovable , always abounding in the work of the lord ; and live in love and peace one with another , and the lord be with his poor afflicted groaning people , that yet remain . now i bid farewell to all my friends , and dear relations ; farewell my poor wife and children , whom i leave in the good hand of him who is better than seven husbands , and who will be a father to the fatherless . farewell all creature comforts , welcome everlasting life , everlasting glory , welcome everlasting love , everlasting praise ; bless the lord , o my soul , and all that is within me . sic subscrib . john king. august , 14th . 1679. tolbooth , circa horam septimam . the last speech of mr. john kid . at the place of execution , on the fourteenth day of august 1679. printed in the year , 1679. the speech of mr. john kid . right worthy and well beloved spectators and auditors . considering what bodily distempers i have been exercised with since i came out of the torture , ( viz. ) scarce two hours out of my naked bed in one day , it cannot be expected , that i should be in case to say any thing to purpose at this juncture , especially seeing i am not as yet free of it , however i cannot but reverence the good hand of god upon me , and desires with all my soul to bless him for this my present lot. it may be there are a great many here that judge my lot very sad and deplorable . i must confess death it self , is very terrible to flesh and blood , but as it is an out-let to sin , and an in-let to righteousness , it is the christians great and inexpressible priviledge , and give me leave to say this , that there is somthing in a christians condition , that can never put him without the reach of insufferableness , even shame , death , and the cross being included . and then if there be peace betwixt god and the soul , nothing can damp peace with god through our lord jesus christ , this is a most supporting ingredient in the bitterest cup , and under the sharpest , and firiest tryal he c●n be exposed unto ▪ this is my mercy , that i have somthing of this to lay claim unto , viz. the intimations of pardon , and peace betwixt god and my soul. and as concerning that , for which i am condemned , i magnifie his grace , that i never had the least challenge for it , but on the contrary , i judge it my honour , that ever i was counted worthy to come upon the stage upon such a consideration ; another thing that renders the most despicable lot of the christian , and mine sufferable , is a felt and sensible presence from the lord , strengthening the soul when most put to it , and if i could have this for my allowance this day , i could be bold to say , oh death where is thy sting , and could not but cry out welcome to it , and all that follows upon it : i grant the lord from an act of soveraignity may come , and go as he pleases , but yet he will never forsake his people , and this is a cordial to me in the case i am now exposed unto . thirdly , the exercising and puting forth his glorious power , is able to transport the soul of the believer , and mine , above the reach of all sublunary difficulties , and therefore seeing i have hope to be kept up by this power , i would not have you to look upon my lot , or any other that is or may be in my case , in the least deplorable , seeing we have ground to believe , that in more or less he will perfect his power and strength in weakness . fourthly , that i may come a little nearer to the purpose in hand , i declare before you all , in the sight of god , angels and men , and in the sight of that son and all that he has created , that i am a most miserable sinner , in regard of my original and actual transgressions . i must confess they are more in number then the haires of my head. they are gone up above my head , and are past numbering , i cannot but say as jacob said , i am less then the least of all gods mercies , yet i must declare to the exalting of his free grace , that to me who am the least of all saints is this grace made known , and that by a strong hand , and i dare not but say he has loved me , and washed me in his own blood from all iniquities , and well is it for me this day , that ever i heard or read that faithful saying ; that jesus christ , came into the world to save sinners , of whom i am chief . fifthly , i must also declare in his sight , i am the most unworthiest that ever opened his mouth to preach the unsearchable riches of christ in the gospel . yea the sense of this made me altogether unwilling to fall about so great a work , until by the importunity of some whose names are precious and savoury to me and many others , i was prevailed with to fall about it , and yet i am hopeful not altogether without some fruit , and if i durst say it without vanity , i never found so much of the presence of god upon my spirit , as i have found in exercises of that nature , though i must still confess attended with inexpressible weakness , and this is the main thing for which i must lay down my tabernacle this day , viz. that i did preach christ and the gospel in several places of this nation ; for which i bless him ( as i can ) , that ever such a poor obscure person as i am , have been thus priviledged by him , for making mention of his grace as i was able . sixthly , give me leave to add this word farther , that though there be great appearances , for spreading and preaching this glorious gospel , yet i fear there is a snare at the bottom , and poyson in that dish which may gender , and be productive , of not only greater scarcity of honest preaching and preachers , but a real famine of the word , this i say is my fear , and i hope god will keep his servants and people from fomenting any thing to the detriment of the gospel . seventhly , i am also afraid that the lord is intending to multiply his stroaks upon the land , we have walked seven times contrary to him , and therefore we may lay our account ( unless repentance prevent it ) that he will walk seven times contrary to us , there is more and more grounds to fear that a sword is brandished in heaven , a glittering sword , sharpned and forbished against the guilty and harlot scotland . eightly , as for the fifth cause in my indictment , upon which my sentence of death is founded , ( viz. ) personal presence , twice or thrice , with that party whom they call the rebels ; for my own part i never judged them such : i acknowledge and do believe there were many there that came in the simplicity of their hearts , like those that followed absolom long ago , and i am as sure on the other hand there were a great party there that had nothing before them but the repairing of the fallen work , and the restoring the breach , which is wide as the sea , and i am apt to think that such of these who were most branded with mistake , will be found to be most single : but for rebellion against his majesties person or lawful authority , the lord knows my soul abhorreth the name and thing ; loyal i have been , and i wish every christian to be so , and i was ever of this judgment , to give to caesar the things that are caesars , and to god the things that are gods. ninthly , since i came to prison , i have been much branded with many that i must call aspersions whereof jesuitisme is one , i am hopeful there was never one that did converse with me that had the least ground for laying this to my charge , i know not how it comes to pass it is laid upon me now , except implacable prejudice that some have been prepossest with against me . i am not ignorant that near two years ago , a person of some note in this church while living , was pleased to say , i was dyed in that judgment : after he was better informed , he changed his note , and said it was misinformation : but now the lord , before whom i must stand , and be judged by and by , knows i have a perfect abhorrence of that thing . and that it was never my temptation directly nor indirectly . though i must confess , some few years ago , some were very pressing upon me that i would conform , and imbrace prelacy ? but for popery , and that trash , it never came nearer my heart than the popes conclave , and the alcoran , which my soul abhors . tenthly , i have also been branded with factiousness , divisive , and seditious preaching , and practices . i must confess if it be so , it was more then ever i was aware of : according to the measure that god has given me , it was my endeavor to commend christ to the hearts and souls of the people , even repentance towards god and faith towards our lord jesus christ , according to the word of god , confession of faith , and catechismes larger and shorter , yea i did press them , when god did cast it in my way to remember their former obligations in doctrine , worship , discipline and government , and that they would make it their work to stand to it , in substance and circumstance , seeing it is so cryed down in this day , and if this be divisive preaching , i cannot deny it . eleventhly , i am prest in conscience to bear my testimony to and abhorrence of every invasion , usurpation , and incroachment that is made or has been made against christs royal prerogative , crown , and kingdome , originate upon and derivate from that which they call the supremacy , i was never free to say a confedcracy with those that i judge have in a great part said a confederacy with that thing , and the lord is my record , i was never free in my conscience for that that is called indulgence , neither first nor second , as it was tendered by the counsel , and as it was imbraced by a great many godly men in this land , yea it was never laudable nor expedient to me , and in effect this is one of the main grounds , why i am rendred so obnoxious to so many imputations , that i have been all along contrary to that indulgence in my judgment , i confess i have been so , and i die in my judgment contrary to it , and this i crave leave to say without any offence given to the many godly and learned , that are of another judgment . twelfthly , i judge it fit likewise in this case to leave my testimony against that stent , taxation and cess , that has been so injustly imposed , so frivolently founded , and vigorously carried on by the abettors of that contention , and meerly upon no other account imaginable , but to make a final extirpation of christ , and his gospel ordinances out of the land , and how lamentable it is to consider how many professors did willingly pay it , and were most forward for inciting others to do the same . in the next place , though to many i die desired , yet i know to not a few my death is not desired , and it is the rejoycing of my heart , that i die in the faith of our lord jesus christ , who has loved me , and given himself for me , and in the faith of the prophets and apostles , and in this faith that there 's not a name under heaven by which men can be saved , but the name of jesus , and in the faith of the doctrine and worship of the kirke of scotland , as it is now established according to the word of god , confession of faith , catechisms larger and shorter , and likewise i joyn my testimony against popery , perjury , profanity , heresie , and every thing contrary to sound doctrine . in the close , as a dying person , and as one who has obtained mercy of the lord to be faithful , i would humbly leave it upon godly ministers to be faithful for their lord and master , and not to hold their peace in such a day , when so many ways are taken for injuring of him , his name , way , sanctuary , ordinances , crown and kingdome , i hope there will be found a party in this land , that will continue for him , and his matters , in all hazzards , and as faithfulness is called for in ministers , so professors would concern themselves that they countenance not , nor abet any thing inconsistent with former principles and practices . let the land consider how neuteral and indifferent we are grown in the matters of god , even like ephraim long ago , a cake not turned . next how far we are fallen from our first love , how far we are degenerated from the noble vine into which the lord did once plant us ; lamentable it is how far we are gone in the way of egypt , drinking the waters of sichar , &c. again , what a woeful spirit of bitterness is predominate in this land , in this our age , ephraim vexing judah , and judah ephraim ; manasseth ephraim , and ephraim manasseth , the growing dogedness of this temper almost amongst us all , portends terrible things from the lord against scotland . fourthly , reformation neither designed nor practised ; what means all this deformity that is come to pass in these days , instead of the contrary ? how many of us are pulling down that which we have been building up ; how many of us calling good evil , and evil good , dis-owning and dis-savouring that which sometime we judged our honour to testifie for and to avouch . fifthly , a publick spirit in contending for god in his matters , in substance and circumstance , according to our vows and obligations , is much wanting amongst us at this day . farther i am prest in conscience to make honourable mention of all those glorious things that god has done in scot. since the year 1638. the abundant measure of his spirit that has been power'd out upon his people . here he spoke much concerning the solemn league and covenant ; and afterwards proceeded as followeth . and moreover i bear my testimonies against all other confusions , imprisonment and blood , that is or may be intended against those of the land that desire to keep their garments clean , whether in prison or out of prison 6thly , as concerning that which is the ground of my death , viz. preaching here and there in some corners , i bless my god i have not the least challenge for it ; and though those that condemned me are pleased to call such preachings rendezvouses of rebellion , yet i must say this of them , they were so far from being reputed such in my eyes , that if ever christ had a people or party wherein his soul took pleasure , i am bold to say these meetings were a great part of them ; the shineing and glory of god was eminently seen amongst these meetings , the convincing power and authority of our lord went out with his servants in those blasphemously nick-named conventicles ; this i say without reflection upon any ; i have a word to say farther , that god is calling persons to repentance , and to do their first work ; oh that scotland were a mourning land , and that reformation were our practice , according as we are sworn in the covenant . again , that christians of grace and experience would study more streightness and stability in this day , when so many are turning to the right hand , and many to the left ; he that endureth to the end shall be saved ; he has appointed the kingdom for such as continue with him in his temptations . next , if ever you expect to have the form of the house shewed you in all the laws thereof , goings out thereof , and comings in thereof , then think it no shame to take shame to you for all that has been done , sitting down on this side jordan is like to be our bane . oh when shall we get up and run after him till he bring us into the promised land , let us up and after him with all our heart , and never rest till he return . i recommend my wife and young one to the care and faithfulness of the god of abraham , isaac , and jacob , the god that has fed me to this day , and who is the god of my salvation , their god and my god , their father and my father , i am also hopeful , that christians , friends , and relations , will not be unmindful of them when i am gone . lastly , i do further bear my testimony to the cross of christ , and bless him that ever he counted me worthy to appear for him in such a lot as this : glory to him that ever i heard tell of him , and that ever he fell upon such a method of dealing with me as this , and therefore let none that loves christ and his righteous cause be offended in me . and as i have lived in the faith of this , that the three kingdoms are married lands , so i dye in the faith of it , that there will be a resurrection of his name , word , cause , and of all his interest therein , though i dare not determine the time when , nor the manner how , but leave all these things to the infinitely wise god , who has done , and will do all things well . oh that he would return to this land again , to repair our breaches , and take away our back-sliding , and appear for his work : oh that he were pacified towards us ; oh that he would pass by scotland once again , and make our time a time of love , come lord jesus , come quickly . himself hasten it in his own time and way . the lord is my light and life , my joy , my song , and my salvation ; the god of his chosen be my mercy this day , and the inriching comforts of the holy ghost keep up and carry me fair through , to the glory of his grace , to the edification of his people , and my own eternal advantage . amen . sic subscrib . john kid. august , 14th . 1679. tolbooth , ante horam septimam . finis . generall demands concerning the late covenant propounded by the ministers and professors of divinitie in aberdene, to some reverend brethren, who came thither to recommend the late covenant to them, and to those who are committed to their charge. together with the answers of those reverend brethren to the said demands. as also the replyes of the foresaid ministers and professors to their answers. 1638 approx. 84 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a69202 stc 66 estc s100396 99836238 99836238 496 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a69202) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 496) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1402:01, 644:16) generall demands concerning the late covenant propounded by the ministers and professors of divinitie in aberdene, to some reverend brethren, who came thither to recommend the late covenant to them, and to those who are committed to their charge. together with the answers of those reverend brethren to the said demands. as also the replyes of the foresaid ministers and professors to their answers. henderson, alexander, 1583?-1646. forbes, john, 1593-1648. hamilton, james hamilton, duke of, 1606-1649. [18], 37, [1] p. printed by robert young, his majesties printer for scotland, [london] : anno 1638. the answers are signed by alexander henderson, david dickson, and andrew cant. the replies are signed by john forbes and five others. p.[1]: "imprinted by his majesties printer for scotland. anno 1638." this is followed by the title page, and a vindication by james hamilton, duke of hamilton, beginning "it will, no doubt, seem strange to see my name in print..". folger shakespeare library copy identified as stc 66a in reel guide. reproduction of the originals in the union theological seminary (new york, n.y.). library of the folger shakespeare library. appears at reel 1402 (union theological seminary (new york, n.y.). library copy and at reel 644 (folger shakespeare library copy). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of scotland -early works to 1800. covenanters -scotland -17th century -early works to 1800. aberdeen (scotland) -church history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2004-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-11 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion generall demands concerning the late covenant : propounded by the ministers and professors of divinity in aberdene , to some reverend brethren , who came thither to recommend the late covenant to them , and to those who are committed to their charge . together with the answers of those reverend brethren to the said demands . as also the replyes of the foresaid ministers and professors to their answers . 1 pet. 3.15 , 16. sanctifie the lord god in your hearts , and be ready alwayes to give an answer to every man that asketh you a reason of the hope that is in you , with meeknesse and fear : having a good conscience , that whereas they speak evil of you , as of evil doers , they may be ashamed that falsly accuse your good conversation in christ. printed by robert young , his majesties printer for scotland . anno 1638. it will , no doubt , seeme strange to see my name in print , standing so neare these men who are interlocutors in the succeeding pages , their profession and mine being of such different natures ; but i shall entreat the ingenuous reader to take notice of the necessitie of this my doing . i am by the three answerers to these demands wronged , and that by an injurie of an high nature , challenged in writing to have done that , which god doth know never entred into my thoughts ; and for any thing the answerers did or doe know , never came into my minde . and though by the law of challenges , they having challenged me , i may choose the weapons ( which certainely should have beene in another kinde , had the challengers beene of another profession ) yet being men of so holy a function , i have thought good to make choyce of their own weapons ; and by my pen to doe out that blot , which they by their pen have laid upon me . and i have thought it fit to doe it in a scedule annexed to this booke ( which for that cause only i have caused to be here reprinted ) that where mens mindes perhaps may be poysoned by swallowing an untruth in their answers , so deeply wounding my honour and loyaltie ; this antidote might be ready at hand to cure them , before they should be fully tainted with it : as likewise supposing that if they should be printed severally , many might meet with their answers alone , which might leave in them a bad impression of me ; if they should not be attended with this just and true expression of mine . the injuries wherewith i am violated by the three answerers , are of two sorts : one of them strikes me alone , as his sacred majesties high commissioner ; the other wounds me as his majesties counsellour ; and with me all of that honourable boord . the former is this , they deliver affirmatively , that the declaration which they tendered mee of their late covenant , was such as i accepted , and was well pleased with . and this they set down twice for failing ; in their answer to the first demand towards the end , and in their answer to the third demand a little before the middle of it ; and that with such confidence , as truly i cannot with any justice blame the reader for beleeving of it , when it fell from the pens of these men , whose profession is the teaching of truth . but i shall desire the readers to suffer themselves ( notwithstanding the prejudice of these mens persons ) to be undeceived by a plaine averment of truth . i am confident none of these three answerers ever heard me say so , nor will they say they did . if they but heard it from others ( which i do verily beleeve they did not , and shall do so still , till they avouch their authors ) sure no man can choose but misse in them that civill prudence , which will not allow any discreet man to affirme that of any other ; much lesse of a person of my qualitie , and at this time of my place ; the foundation whereof shall be so frail and slipperie , as report , which is alwaies uncertaine , and most times false . for clearing the truth , i doe averre upon mine honour that i never said so , i never thought so . and though that that declaration was much bettered by the industrie of some well affected ( from what was first intended ) yet it gave me not satisfaction : and i dare boldly affirme , i never said it would give my master the kings majesty any . my justifiers in this , shall be these noblemen , gentlemen , and others to whom i ever spoke , either publickly , or in private . i was indeed content to catch at any thing i could , when i could not obtaine what i would ; as being willing to doe my countrey-men that respect , as to the utmost of my power to recommend to my gracious master , with all favourable construction , even that which i then thought , and did know fell short of just and home satisfaction . † and here , i doe confesse , i cannot charge it for a faultie mistake upon the readers of these asseverations of the three answerers , if they should , before this my declaration , conceive that his majestie were in all probabilitie like to rest satisfied with that declaration of the covenant ; having it delivered to them from men whom they have in all this businesse beleeved as much as themselves , that his majesties commissioner , who in all likelihood did know his majesties minde best , did rest satisfied with it . but his majesty hath just reason to charge me , if these asseverations were true ; as i have good reason to vindicate my selfe , they being not true . the truth is , if these asseverations be true , i doe professe to the whole world , that his majesty hath a most just cause to discharge himselfe of mee , and my service , and to discharge mee of all trust in this , or any other negotiation for i professe , that i knowing his majesties constant mislike of the said covenant , it must bewray in me , either breach of trust , or want of judgement ; if i should goe about to make either my self , or the world beleeve , that my master could receive satisfaction by such an explanation . and here i cannot dissemble , but must ask leave to vent my self thus far . had these wrongs beene put upon me by the pens of other men , and not of these whose professions i am forward and willing to beleeve ( because i would have it so ) will not suffer them to embrace wilfull and malicious designes : i should justly have doubted , that there had been some men in this kingdome , who being afraid of a setling and peaceable conclusion of this businesse , had gone about to raise in my royall and gracious master a jelousie of my slacknesse in my king and countries service , that so i might be called back , re infecta . if any such enemies there be to the peace of this miserable distracted church and state , i beseech god in time to discover them , and that all may end , in covering them with shame and confusion . the summe of all i will say of this personall wrong offered to my self , is this ; if these reverend and learned gentlemen , the answerers , in these untrue aspersions intended any harme to me , i shall only now requite them with a cast of their own calling ; i pray god forgive them . if they intended me no harm , then i do expect that they will give my self and the world satisfaction , in clearing me that i gave them no ground for these their asseverations . and so being confident of his majesties goodnesse to all his ministers ; amongst the rest , to the meanest of them , my self , especially in this particular , that he will never be shaken in the opinion of my loyall and constant service , upon such slight , light , and groundlesse reports : i will say no more of that first point . for that which concerneth my selfe as a counsellour , and the rest of that honourable boord , averred by the three answerers , in their answers to the third and fourteenth demand ; i do here protest before almighty god , that none of the allegations alledged by the three answerers , nor any petition given me by the supplicants , moved me to give way , that the order of the councell table should not passe into an act : for i did then , and doe now avow , that i then was , and now am fully satisfied with his majesties most gracious declaration ; and that in my opinion all ought to have thought themselves sufficiently freed from fears of innovations . but the true reason was this , i was so tenderly affectioned towards the peace of my country , that i gave way to that , which many of honourable qualitie assured me , if it were not done , a present rupture might follow , and so consequently the ruine of this kingdome ; which i was resolved to keep off so long as possibly i could , retaining my fidelitie to my master . vvhich care of mine i finde but slenderly required , when it is made an argument to perswade his majesties good subjects to do that which is so displeasing to him , and so unsafe for them . and yet even in this passage , it would have beene expected from men of that profession , that nothing should have passed but undoubted truth . in which point too they have failed , either as i hope by a mistaking , or a mis-informing . for the missive once thought fit to be sent to his majesty was never rent , but remaineth yet as it was : and wee did not send it , because wee did not thinke , thanks to his majesty would be seasonable in the name of the whole kingdome , when we knew his majestie , by the last proceedings of many , and protestations made against his royall declaration ( pretended in the name of the whole country ) could not receive satisfaction . to conclude , notwithstanding this personall wrong offered to me his majesties high commissioner , i will carefully ; cheerfully , and constantly go on with this great businesse , wherewith he hath intrusted me . vvhich as i pray god that it may prosper under my hands ; so i praise god that he hath given me so cheerfull and willing a heart to go on in it ; that if my life could procure the peace of this torn church and kingdome , to the contentment of my royall master , and comfort of his distracted subjects ; he who knoweth all things , knoweth likewise this truth ; it is the sacrifice of the world , in which i would most glorie , and which i would most sincerely offer up to god , my king and countrey . hammilton . generall demands concerning the late covenant : propounded by the ministers and professors of divinity in aberdene , to some reverend brethren , who came thither to recommend the late covenant to them , and to those who are committed to their charge . together with the answers of those reverend brethren to the said demands . as also the replyes of the foresaid ministers and professors to their answers . 1 pet. 3.15 , 16. sanctifie the lord god in your hearts , and be ready alwayes to give an answer to every man that asketh you a reason of the hope that is in you , with meeknesse and fear : having a good conscience , that whereas they speak evil of you , as of evil doers , they may be ashamed that falsly accuse your good conversation in christ. printed by robert young , his majesties printer for scotland . anno 1638. generall demands concerning the late covenant ; together with answers to them , and replies to those answers . the first demand . by what power , or warrant , these our reverend bretheren can sute of us , or of our people , subscription to this late covenant ; not being sent by his majestie , or by the lords of councell , nor by any nationall synod of this kingdome , nor by any judicatorie established in it ? and , how they can enforce upon us , or upon our people , who are no wayes subject unto them , their interpretation of the articles of the negative confession ? in respect whereof , as also in respect of that band of mutuall defence against all persons whatsoever , this late covenant is substantially different from that which was subscribed by the king and his subjects , anno 1580. and 1581. answer . we are not come hither to usurpe the authoritie of any civill or spirituall judicatorie , or to enforce upon our reverend brethren , and the people committed to their charge , the subscription of the late covenant , or the interpretation of the articles of that confession which is called negative , or whatsoever else of that kinde : but are sent to represent unto them , in all humilitie , the present case and condition of this kirk and kingdome ; crying for help at their hands also : and , in brotherly love , to exhort and intreat , that they will be pleased to contribute their best endevours , for extinguishing the common combustion , which by joyning with almost the whole kirk and kingdome in the late covenant , we trust they may lawfully do , without prejudice to the kings majestie , or to any lawfull judicatorie , or to that confession of faith above mentioned : since the sound interpretation and application thereof , to the errours of our times , can make no substantiall change , and the band of mutuall defence , wherein wee oblige our selves , to defend the true religion , and the kings majesties person , and authoritie , against all persons whatsoever , is joyned , at first , with the confession of faith . like as his majesties commissioner objecting , that our covenant was suspect to be an unlawfull combination against authoritie , and to be the main hinderance of obtaining our desires , hath accepted , and was well pleased with our declaration ; bearing , that we have solemnly sworn , to the uttermost of our power , with our means and lives , to stand to the defence of the kings majestie as of gods vicegerent , set over us , for the maintenance of religion , and ministration of justice . reply . we have , reverend brethren , sufficiently considered and examined your answers to our demands , by which we expected full satisfaction to all our scruples and doubts concerning the late covenant : but truly , in modesty and brotherly love , we tell you , that your answers ( whatsoever you think of them your selves ) have not given us that satisfaction which we expected . we know that some who rashly condemne every thing which is said or written contrarie to the cause which they maintain , will boldly say of us , that we have closed our eyes against a clear and ingyring light : but first , we say with job , our witnesse is in heaven , and our record is on high . that lord who only seeth the secrets of hearts , knoweth , that we love his truth , and are ready , so soon as it shall be shown unto us , to embrace and professe it before the world . next , we appeal to the consciences of all impartiall readers , who shall have occasion to weigh and consider maturely the weight of our arguments , and of these answeres which it hath pleased you to give us : wishing them , yea , most humbly and earnestly intreating them , to judge both of your writings and ours without prejudice , or any partiall respect . yea , we are confident , that ye also , of whose love to the truth of god we are perswaded , will after better advisement , and more mature consideration of the matters debated , acknowledge that we are not against the truth , but for it . the lord open your eyes , that you may clearly see that truth for which we stand . we objected to you , reverend brethren , that you had not a calling to urge us to the subscription of the late covenant , from any acknowledged authoritie , or lawfull judicatorie established in this church or kingdome : to which objection ye answere not here particularly , as we expected . and whereas you say , that you are come to exhort us , and our people , in all humility , to joyn with you ; how is it , that without our consent , and against our will , not having lawfull authority , which you seem here not to acclaime to your selves , you have publickly preached to our people , within our congregation ? which is a thing repugnant to those places of scripture , in the which the spirit of god recommendeth to elders , or pastors , the care of those flocks , over which the holy ghost hath made them over-seers , acts 20.28 . 1 pet. 5.2 . as also telleth us , that the pastors whom the flock must know , and to whom they must submit themselves , do watch over the souls of that flock , and must give account for them , 1. thessal . 5.12 . hebr. 13.17 . it is also contrarie to the laws of the christian church in all ages . for by the ancient canons , pastors are commanded to containe themselves within the limits of their own charge ; and not to presume to exercise pastorall office in another pastors diocesse , or parioch , without leave : as also , they forbid pastors to receive to divine service any man of another parioch , that commeth in contempt of his own pastor . concil . nicen. 1. oecum . 1. can. 16 concil . 2. oecum . constantinop . can. 2. concil . carthag . 2 can. 11. concil . carthag . 3. can. 20. concil . chalced. oecum . 4. can. 13. concil . nicen. 2. can. 10. concil . tribur . can. 28. concil . nannet . cap. 1. & 2. ¶ 2. we did not without reason say , that you , and others of your confederation , enforce your interpretation of the negative confession upon others ; seeing we hear , that some pastors and prelates are forced to flee to forraigne countreys , for fear of their lives , because they have refused the said interpretation ; and those who have stayed in the countrey , dare scarcely appear in the high wayes , or streets ; and are threatned , that their stipends shall not be payed unto them , untill they subscribe your covenant . ¶ 3. whereas you do in brotherly love exhort , and entreat us to contribute our best endeavours , for extinguishing the common combustion ; we praising god for your pious zeal , and for the lovingnesse and modesty of your speeches , ( wherein by gods help we shall labour to keep correspondence with you ; that both we and you may shew our selves to have learned of christ , meeknesse , and lowlinesse of heart ) we most willingly promise to do so , by all means which our consciences will permit us to use ; as also to joyn our most humble and hearty prayers with yours , that it may please god in this dangerous exigent , to do good in his good pleasure to our sion , and to build up the wals of our ierusalem . ¶ 4. we may justly say , that this new covenant is substantially different from the old , which was made anno 1581. in respect it not only containeth that old covenant , or confession , which was allowed by two generall assemblies , but also your interpretation of it , which , as yet , hath no such authority , or approbation . ¶ 5. no band of mutuall defence , against all persons whatsoever , is expressed in the covenant made 1581. and although it were , yet the case is very unlike : for subjects may make such a covenant of mutuall defence by armes , with the consent of the king , who only under god , hath the power of armes , or of the sword , in this kingdome . but they who made this late covenant , had not his consent , as that former or old covenant had : which is a thing so evident , that no man can call it in question . ¶ 6. as for that which you affirm here , that my lord commissioner his grace was well satisfied with your declaration ; it becommeth not us to pry narrowly into his graces doings : but truly we have more than reason to pry most narrowly into the words of a covenant , which is offered unto us , to be sworn , and subscribed , left we abuse , and prophane the sacred name of god , and tye our selves to the doing of any thing which is displeasing unto him . last of all ; whereas ye desire us to joyn our selves to you , and to the rest of your confederacie , who are ( as you affirm ) almost the whole church and kingdome : truly we cannot but reverence such a multitude of our reverend brethren ▪ and dear countrey-men , and are ready to be followers of them , in so far as they are followers of christ : but neither can we do any thing against the truth , neither can we attribute so much authoritie to their multitude , as otherwise we would , in respect there hath been so much dealing for subscriptions , in all quarters of this kingdome , and so many have been threatned , to give their consent , as we are most credibly informed . the ii. demand . whether or no we ought to subscribe the foresaid covenant , seeing all covenants of mutuall defence , by force of armes , made amongst subjects of any degree , upon whatsoever colour or pretence , without the kings majestie or his successours privitie and consent , are expresly forbidden by king james of blessed memorie , and the three estates of this kingdome , in the parliament holden at linlithgow , anno. 1585 ? ansvver . the act of parliament forbiddeth in the first part , leagues and bands of maintenance privily made , such as are called bands of manrent , as the act in queen maries time , to which it hath relation , doth bear . and in the second part , only such , as tend to the publick disturbance of the peace of the realme by moving sedition . but no act of parliament doth discharge , nor can any just law forbid , conventions , or covenants in the generall ; or such covenants in speciall as are made with god , and amongst our selves ; not for any mans particular , but for the common benefit of all ; not to move sedition , but to perserve peace , & to prevent trouble : which by all probability had been to many , before this time , too sensible , if this course had not been taken . conventions and covenants ( in the judgement of jurisconsults ) are to be esteemed and judged of , according to their diverse ends , good or bad : which made king james of happie memorie to take it for an undoubted maxime , that pro aris & focis , & pro patre patriae , the whole body of the common-wealth should stirre at once : not any more as divided members , but as one consolidate lump . reply . in that second part of that act of parliament , holden at linlithgow , anno 1585. are forbidden , all leagues or bands of mutuall defence , which are made without the privitie and consent of the king , under the pain to be holden and execute as movers of sedition and unquietnesse , &c. wherefore we can no wayes think , that any bands or leagues of mutuall defence , by force of armes , are there permitted , ( that is , not forbidden ) seeing first the words of the act are so generall : for in it are discharged all bands made amongst subjects of any degree , upon any colour whatsoever , without his highn●sse , or his successours privitie and consent had and obtained thereunto . next , all such bands are declared to be seditious , and perturbative of the publick peace of the realme : or , which is all one , are appointed to bee esteemed so . and therefore , we cannot see how any bands of that kinde can be excepted , as if they were not seditious . 2. we doubt not , but the late covenant , being considered according to the main intention of those pious and generous gentlemen , barons , and others our dear countreymen , who made it , especially our reverend brethren of the holy ministery , is a covenant made with god , and proceeding from a zealous respect to gods glory , and to the preservation of the puritie of the gospel in this church and kingdome : but we cannot finde a warrant in our consciences to grant , that such covenants , in so farre as they import mutuall defence , against all persons whatsever , none being excepted , no , not the king , ( as it seemeth unto us , by the words of your covenant , but far more by the words of your late protestation , the 28 of iune ; wherein you promise mutuall defence against all externall or internall invasion , menaced in his majesties last proclamation ) are not forbidden by any band , nor justly yet can be forbidden . for first , we have alreadie shown , that they are forbidden in the foresaid act of parliament , anno 1585. 2. no warfare ; and consequently , no covenant , importing warfare , is lawfull , without just authoritie ; which , we are perswaded , is onely in the supreme magistrate , and in those who have power and imployment from him , to take armes : yea , so farre as we know , all moderate men , who duely respect authority , will say , that it is so in all kingdomes , and monarchies , properly so called : ( of which nature is this his majesties most ancient kingdome ) and , that it is altogether unlawfull to subjects in such kingdomes , to take armes against their prince . for which cause , that famous and most learned doctour rivetus , in a late treatise called iesuita vapulans , speaking of the judgment of buchanan , and others , who taught , that subjects might take armes against their prince , in extraordinary cases , and extreme dangers of the religion , and common-wealth ; professeth first , that he , and all other protestants , condemne such doctrine . secondly , that this errour did proceed from a mistaking of the government of the scotish kingdome , as if it were not truely and properly monarchicall . thirdly , that the rashnesse of those writers , is to be ascribed partly to the hard and perilous times of persecution , wherein they lived , and partly , scotorum praefervido ingenis , & ad audendum prompto . thus he writeth in the 13. chap. of the said book , pag. 274. and 275. answering to the recrimination of a iesuit , who had affirmed , that buchanan , knox , and goodman , had written as boldly for the rebellion of subjects against princes , as any of their order at any time had done . a thing much to be noted by us at this time , lest we any more give that advantage to iesuites , to make apologie for their rebellious doctrines and practises . 3. not only making of covenants , but also all other actions , are to be esteemed and judged of , first , by the equitie of the subject , and matter ; then , by the end : for if the matter pactioned ( that is , which the parties mutually do promise ) be justly forbidden , by a lawfull authoritie , and consequently be unlawfull in it self ; then the goodnesse of the end , or project , cannot make the paction , or covenant , to be good , or lawfull . the iii. demand . if it be alledged , that in extreme and most dangerous cases , such acts of parliament may be contraveened ; quaeritur , whether there be now such extreme case , seeing we have his majestie , in his former proclamations , avowing , protesting , declaring , and in this last proclamation taking god to witnesse , that he never intended any innovation of religion ; and also seeing he hath removed alreadie all that which made men fear novations , to wit , service book , book of canons , and the alledged exorbitancie of the new high commission . ansvver . if the removing of the service book , book of canons , and the limitation of the vast power of the high commission , containing so much superstition , and tyranny of prelates , be a benefit to this kirk and kingdome , we ought , under god , to ascribe the same to the peaceable meetings , humble supplications , and religious covenanting of the subjects ; which have given information to his majestie , and have procured from his justice and goodnesse so great favour , as is thankfully acknowledged in the last protestation : which doth also expresse the many particulars , wherein his majesties late proclamation is not satisfactorie . and therefore the lords of his majesties privie councel , upon the supplication and complaint of his lieges , were moved to rescind the act of the approbation of the foresaid proclamation , and to rend the subscribed missive , which was to be sent therewith to his majestie . we are confident , that the declaration wherewith his majesties commissioner was so well pleased , will also give satisfaction to our reverend brethren ; and that they will not think it convenient for them to give further approbation to the proclamation , than the councel hath done , although all of us ought , with thankfulnesse , to acknowledge his majesties benignitie . reply . we will not here dispute what hath been the maine or principall cause moving his sacred majesty to discharge the service booke , and other things which occasioned the present perturbation of our church ; nor yet whether or not his majesties proclamation may give full satisfaction to all the feares and doubts of his subjects . for our selves , we professe , that upon his majesties declaration , and gracious promise contained in his majesties last proclamation , we beleeve , first , that his majesty never intended innovation in religion : secondly , that he will maintain the true protestant religion , all the dayes of his life : which we pray god to continue long . thirdly , that all acts made in favours of the service boook , &c. are discharged . fourthly , that he will never urge the receiving of the service book , book of canons , &c. nor any other thing of that nature , but by such a fair and legall way , as shall satisfie all his subjects . and thence we do collect , that which we affirmed before , to wit , that there is no such extraordinary or extreme case , as might give occasion to subjects to make such a band , as is directly forbidden by the foresaid act of parliament , and to contraveen it in such a manner , as may seeme to import a resisting of authority by force of armes . the iiii. demand . concerning that interpretation of the negative confession , which is urged upon us , and wherein the articles of pearth , and episcopacie , are declared to be abjured , as well as all the points of poperie , which are therein expresly and distinctly mentioned ; quaeritur , who are the interpreters of that confession ? that is , whether all the subscribers , or only those ministers conveened in edinburgh , in the end of february , who set it down ? if all the subscribers ; then what reason have we to receive an interpretation of that confession from la●cks , ignorant people , and children ? if only those ministers conveened then in edinburgh ; then seeing no man should take an honour to himself , but he who is called of god , as aaron , heb. 5.4 . what power and authority had they over their brethren , to give out a judiciall interpretation of these articles of faith , and to inforce their interpretation of these articles upon them ? answer . the subscribers are here mis-interpreted in two points , very materiall : one is , that they presume upon power , or authority , which they have to give out a judicial interpretation of the articles of the confession , and to enforce the same upon others : whereas they only intended to make known their own meaning , according to the minde of our reformers ; and in charity to propound and recommend the same to others , who might be made willing to embrace it : although it be true also , that very great numbers of ministers were conveened , and testified their consent as that time : and although the private judgment of those who are called laicks , ought not to be mis-regarded . for it is confessed , that an interpretation , which is private ratione personae , may be more than private , ratione medii . the other , which being observed , will answer diverse of the following demands , that the articles of pearth , and of episcopall government , are declared to be abjured , as points of poperie , or as popish novations : where as the words of the covenant put a difference betwixt two sorts of novations : one is of such as are already introduced in the worship of god , and concerning those , whatsoever be the judgement of the subscribers , which to every one is left free , by the words of the covenant , they are onely bound to forbear the practise of them , by reason of the present exigence of the kirk , till they be tried , and allowed in a free generall assembly . the other sort is of such novations , as are particularly supplicated against , and complained upon ; as the service book , and canons , &c. which are abjured , as containing points of poperie . and this we avouch , from our certain knowledge , to be the true meaning of the controverted words of the covenant . and therefore humbly intreat , that no man any more , upon this scruple , with-hold his testimony . reply . as for the first of these two mistakings : if you have not given out that interpretation of the negative confession judicially , but only have made known your own meaning , according to the minde of the reformers , as you alledge ; then , first , your interpretation hath no obligatory power over others ; and consequently you ought not to obtrude your interpretation upon us , more then we doe our interpretation thereof upon you . neither ought any man to be molested , or threatned , for not receiving your interpretation ; chiefly seeing all who are of your confederation have so solemnly vowed , and promised , to be good examples to others of all godlinesse , sobernesse , and righteousnesse , and of every duety which you owe to god and man. secondly , as for the minde or judgement of our reformers , we know no evidence of it , having publick authority to oblige the subjects of this kingdome , except that which is expressed in our nationall confession of faith , ratified in parliament twenty years before the negative confession was penned : wherein we finde no warrant or ground of such interpretation as you bring . thirdly , the interpretation of the negative confession , set down in your covenant , as it is not publick , ratione personae , so also not ratione medii : for it hath no warrant , for ought we could ever perceive , either from the word of god , or from the testimony of the ancient church , or from the consent of other reformed churches , or from our nationall confession , registrated in parliament . as for the second mistaking , or mis-interpretation of the words of the late covenant , first , we marvell , that a generall covenant appointed to be subscribed by all , learned and unlearned , should have been set down by you in such ambiguous termes . for , truly , all men here , even the most judicious , do so take your words , as if the articles of pearth were in them abjured . 2. we have again more attentively examined the words of the late covenant , and do evidently perceive by them , that in the said covenant , the articles of pearth , and episcopacie , are condemned , and abjured , as erroneous , and damnable corruptions . for where you professe , and before god , and his angels , and the world , solemnly declare , that you shall labour , by all means lawfull , to recover the libertie , and puritie of the gospel , as it was established and professed before the foresaid novations : we ask you , what is that period of time , to which your words have reference , when you promise to labour , to recover the puritie and libertie of the gospel , as it was professed and established before the foresaid novatitions ? if you mean that period of time , when the service book , and book of canons were urged upon you ; to wit , the last year by-past in summer ; then you acknowledge , that all that time you enjoyed the puritie and libertie of the gospel ; and consequently , that you yet enjoy it ; for no new thing hath since that time been publickly received , and practised in this church . if you mean ( as undoubtedly we think you do ) the time praeceding the bringing in of episcopacie , and the acts of pearth ; then you comprehend both episcopacie and the acts of pearth under these novations : for the removing whereof , you promise to labour , according to your power : and consequently do dis-allow and condemne them , even before they be tried in a free assembly , and before they be heard who maintain and approve them as lawfull . 3. we may evidently demonstrate this , argumento ad hominem , as we say in the schools : for , those rites and ceremonies , which are abjured in the negative confession , are also abjured in your late covenant ; which , as you say , is all one with the negative confession , or with the covenant made 1581. but the rites and ceremonies which were concluded in pearth assembly , are abjured , as you say , in the covenant made 1581. and therefore they are also abjured in this your late covenant . the first proposition is evident : for in your late covenant , speaking of the oath contained in that old covenant , which was made anno 1581. you professe , that the present and succeeding generations in this land , are bound to keep the foresaid nationall oath , as you call it , and subscription , unviolable . the second proposition also cannot be denied by you : for , these twenty years by-past , you have accused those who conformed themselves to the ordinances of pearth , of perjurie ; and that because they had violated the oath made anno 1581. in the which those articles ( as you alledge ) were abjured . but perhaps you will say to us , that we think those things not to be abjured in that oath made anno 1581. and therefore we may swear , and subscribe your late covenant ; and , notwithstanding of our oath and subscription , be tied only to the forbearance of the practice of pearth articles for a time . we answer , first ; the words of an oath should be clear , and plain : or , if they be any wayes ambiguous , the true sense of them should be so declared , and manifested , that all may know it . 2 an oath is to be given , according to the minde and judgement of him that requireth it . and therefore , seeing you who require this oath of us , think the rites or ceremonies concluded at pearth to be abjured in that oath made anno 1581. how can we swear and subscribe your covenant , which reneweth the foresaid oath , and bindeth us to it ? 3 if we should swear , and subscribe the negative confession , as it is included in your covenant ; then ye , who think the articles of pearth to be abjured , and condemned in the negative confession , will think us tied , by our own personall oath , to condemn the articles of pearth . 4 seeing this covenant was penned by you , who have hitherto not conformed your selves to pearth assembly , and have opposed episcopacie , and seeing you all condemn episcopacie , as if it were that popish , or wicked hierarchie , mentioned in the negative confession ; as also esteem the things concluded in pearth assembly , to be idolatrous , or superstitious ; how can we think , that you in your solemn vow made to god , for reformation of this church , and resisting , in times to come , the novations and corruptions of it , have passed by these things , which are the only novations already introduced by authority , and from which , as you affirm , the church hath so great need to be purged : chiefly , seeing ye think them as popish , superstitious , and idolatrous , as ye do these other novations , which are not as yet introduced . 5 if in all your supplications , plaints , and protestations , ye have only sought the removing and discharging of the service book . book of canons , and the new high commission , not complaining of any other novations ; and seeing his majestie hath discharged the first two , and hath promised to rectifie the third , or last of them ; then , what reason have ye to think , that his majestie hath not satisfied your supplications ? for , all the novations , upon which you complained , are removed by his majestie , and ye have his princely promise , that no further shall be urged upon us , but by such a fair and legall way , as may satisfie all his subjects . 6 as for that which your covenant , by your own confession , requireth of us , to wit , the forbearance , and abstinence , for a time , from the practising the articles of pearth ; we professe sincerely , and in the sight of god , that our c●nscience will not suffer us to subscribe that part of your covenant ; and that because laws being standing for them , and our lawfull superiours requiring obedience from us , by practising them , to swear forbearance of the practise of them , is to swear disobedience , and , to wrong their authority . 7 how can we , with a good conscience , abstaine presently from private baptisme , and private communion , being required thereunto by sick persons , and those parents whose children cannot be carried to the church commodiously with their lives ; seeing we think it a thing very unlawfull , in such cases , to refuse to administrate those sacraments in private houses ? not that we think , that god hath tyed himself , or his grace , to the sacraments ; but because he hath tyed us unto them , by his precept : and , not to use the means appointed by god , when our people , or their children stand in need of them , is a contempt of the means , and a tempting of god. the v. demand . whether or no we can sincerely , and with a good conscience , subscribe the negative confession , as it is expounded and interpreted by the contrivers or authors of the late covenant , seeing it maketh a perpetuall law concerning the externall rites of the church , which god hath not made , as if these rites were unchangeable ? and how they who both swear the positive confession , and the negative , thus interpreted , can eschew contradiction , seeing the positive confession , chap. 21. evidently declareth , that these rites are changeable , according to the exigencie of time ; and consequently , that no perpetuall law may or ought to be made concerning them ? likewise we would know how it can stand with truth to abjure all these rites , as popish , which are used in the church , without divine institution , expressed in gods word ; seeing even these who urge the covenant , practise some ceremonies which are not mentioned in gods word ; as the celebration of marriage before the church , in the beginning , or at the end of divine service , with all the particulars of it , and the stipulation of fathers and god-fathers , for the childe in baptisme , which are not meer circumstances , as they use to distinguish , but also ceremonies , properly so called ? answer . the late covenant maketh not a perpetuall law concerning the externall rites of the kirke , as if they were unchangeable : but , as we have said before , onely bindeth us , for a time , to forbear the practise of innovations already introduced , and doth not determine whether they ought to be changed , or not . 2. according to this true interpretation , all appearance of contradiction betwixt the confession of faith insert in the act of parliament , and the latter confession , is removed , beside that the article 21. of the confession of faith , giveth power to the kirke , in matters of externall policie , and order of the worship of god , is expounded in the first booke of discipline , distinguishing between things necessary to be observed in every kirke , and things variable in particular congregations . 3. we declare again , that the covenant doth not abjure pearth articles , as popish , and thinketh not time now to dispute of significant ceremonies , or other holy rites , and whether the two particulars named be ceremonies , or not : since the confession condescended upon on both sides , abjureth rites which are added without the word of god. reply . first , vve have already told you , that we cannot subscribe your oath of forbearance of the practise of the articles already introduced , without violation of authority , and of wronging our own consciences , who think private baptisme and communion , not to be indifferent , but also necessary , in some cases ; not indeed , necessitate medii , as if gods grace were tyed to the externall means , but , as we say in the schools , necessitate praecepti , because we are commanded to use these means . 2. this late covenant leadeth and bindeth us to the old covenant , made 1581. and that old covenant bindeth us perpetually to that discipline which was then ; that is , ( as ye alledge ) to the whole policie of the church , comprehending all the externall rites of it : and so , à primo ad ultimum , this late covenant bindeth us to the whole policie of the church , which was then ; and consequently maketh a perpetuall law , concerning externall rites of the church , as if they were unchangeable . all parts of this argument are sure : for by your late covenant , you professe your selves bound , to keep the foresaid nationall oath ( as you call it ) inviolable : and that oath , or covenant , bindeth us , to continue in the obedience not onely of the doctrine , but also of the discipline of this kirke . where by the discipline of the kirke , ye understand ( as ye have in all your writings professed , especially of late , in your booke entituled , a dispute against the english popish ceremonies . part 4. chap. 8. sect. 6. ) the whole externall policie of the church , as it was at that time ; to wit , anno 1581. yea , you confesse , that no other thing can be understood by the discipline of the kirke , but that which we have said already ; and consequently we shall be tyed by that oath which you require of us , to admit and practise no other rites and ceremonies , but such as were then received in our church . we can no wayes passe by this , seeing ever since the assembly of pearth , in your publick sermons , and printed books , ye have most vehemently accused us of perjurie , as violating the oath , or covenant , made anno 1581. and that in respect we have admitted into the church , some rites , or ceremonies , which were not in it the foresaid year of god. is not this to make a perpetuall law , concerning the externall rites of the church , as if they were unchangeable , and to abjure the practice of all rites introduced in the church since that time ; and consequently the practise of the articles of pearth , and that not for a time onely , but for ever ? 3. seeing the negative confession , according to your minde , and conception of it , maketh the whole externall policie of the church , as it was anno 1581. to be unchangeable : and on the contrary , the confession insert into the acts of parliament , declareth , that the rites belonging to the externall policie of the church , are changeable ; how can you escape a contradiction , if ye receive both these confessions ? 4. whereas by that distinction mentioned in your answer , of things necessary to be observed , and of things variable in particular congregations , ye insinuate that by the keeping of the discipline of the kirke as it was then , to which we are bound in the old covenant , ye understand the observation of those things which are necessary to be observed in every kirke , and not of things variable in particular congregations : we ask , into which of the members of this distinction ye refer episcopacie , and the articles of pearth ? that is , whether they must necessarily be omitted in all churches , and at all times , or not ? if ye say , that they must be necessarily omitted , and that the negative confession , confirmed with an oath , doth tye us to the omission of them ; then both ye would make us to swear , and subscribe against our consciences , ( for we are perswaded , that these things are lawfull ) as also ye would make us to abjure episcopacie , and the articles of pearth , in perpetuum ; which is flatly contrary to your declaration in your answers , 1.5 . &c. if you say on the other part , that we are not tyed by the negative confession , to the omission of these things ; then , why have ye , in all your writings against us , exprobrate to us , perjurie , in violating of the oath contained in the negative confession ? 5. we would gladly have known your minde , concerning the lawfulnesse of such rites as are not of divine institution , expressed in gods word . for we ingenously professe , that none of your answers ( which hitherto we have seen ) to the instances , or examples brought by us in our fift demand of rites used by your selves , in your churches , as lawfull , without divine institution , ( to which we could adde many moe ) do give us any satisfaction : nor yet , as we think , can give satisfaction to any indifferent man. as for example ; is blessing of marriages a meer circumstance ? who can be so impudent , as to say so ? or , if it be a ceremonie , what precept or practise have ye of it in gods whole word ? if it be alledged . that we have a warrant from that blessing pronounced , gen 1.28 . upon m●n and woman , after their creation ; we ask , by what consequence can that solemnity of blessing of marriages used in our churches , with all the ceremonies of it , be drawn from that effectuall and operative blessing of our first parents , or rather of whole mankinde ? is there here an institution of a perpetuall observance , or rite , to be used in the church , more than in the 22. verse of the same chapter , when god blessed the fowls , and fishes , and said , be fruitfull , and multiple , and fill the waters in the seas ? &c. if again it be answered , that pastorall benediction , is mentioned in scripture ▪ first , vvhat is that to blessing of marriages ? and secondly , vvhy are not all other pactions ▪ as well as marriages , blessed in the church ; chiefly , seeing matrimoniall blessing hath been , and is , abused in the romane church , which holdeth , that marriage is a sacrament ; and consequently , matrimoniall benediction ought , as it would seem , to be secluded from the church , rather than other blessings ? the vi. demand . whether or no it be fit to subscribe such an interpretation , as in matters of lawfulnesse , and unlawfulnesse ; and consequently in matters of faith , contradicteth the judgement of so many divines , most famous , of the reformed church , both ancient and modern , ( who did , and do hold , that these rites and ordinances brought into this church by the assembly of pearth , are in their own nature lawfull , and such as ought not to make a stir in the church of god ) and also condemneth the venerable practise of the ancient church , and the most eminent lights of it , even in those purest times , unto which we appeal against the papists , in our disputes . answer . we trust , that no sound divine , ancient or modern , would in this case deny the expedience of the forbearance of the practise of pearth articles . and further than this , nothing at this time is required . reply . your silence , in not answering that which we affirmed , concerning the judgement of divines , ancient and moderne , of the reformed church , anent the lawfulnesse of the rites and ordinances , which were received in our church , by the ordinance of the assembly of pearth ; as also concerning the judgement and practise of the ancient church ; doth make us think , that ye acknowledge the truth of that which we affirmed there . 2. vve have already shown , that the oath which ye require of us , importeth more than the forbearance of the practice of pearth articles , for a time . 3. the forbearance of some of them , seemeth to us , to be meerly unlawfull , and contrary to that pastorall duty we owe to our flock . 4. the forbearance of any of them , considered with a relation to the authority enjoyning them , in our judgement , is plain disobedience . the vii . demand . whether it be agreeable to charity or piety , to require us to abjure these rites , as popish ; which in the sincerity of our hearts , following the light of our conscience , ( whereof we take god to witnesse ) we have hitherto practised , as lawfull , and laudably following the same light , do yet practise them ? but suppose this might be required of us by any ; quaeritur , whether or no it becometh them so peremptorily , and upon such a suddenty , to urge us to this , who these by-gone twenty years , have desired earnestly to enjoy the freedome of their consciences in their ministerie , even in denying obedience to these things , and standing laws for them ; and when they were urged to obedience did so often protest , and earnestly request , that they might have a time , to be well enformed , and maturely advised of the matter , which to the most part of them was most graciously granted ? let them ▪ therefore , look to that naturall maxime , quod tibi fieri non vis , alteri ne feceris : and to our saviours precept of the same sense , and almost of the same words , mat. 7. vers . 12. answer . we hope , that such a forbearance of the practise , will prejudge the liberty of no mans conscience . reply . it would much prejudge our consciences , to swear and subscribe the negative confession , taking it according to your conception and meaning , who require our oath . 2 how can we swear , to labour , by all means lawfull ( as ye require in your covenant ) to expell those things , whereof we hold some to be necessary , and all the rest , to be lawfull , and laudable ? the viii . demand . whether it be fitting to swear to defend the kings person and authoritie , with this limitation , in the defence and preservation of the true religion , laws , and liberties of this kingdome ? as if their persons ought not to be defended against all enemies , although as yet they embraced not the truth : or having before embraced it , yet have fallen from it : or as if their royall authority were not to be acknowledged , although commanding things unlawfull ; and as if we were not subject thereto , in yeelding to suffer under them , when we give not active obedience to them ? answer . 1. the answer of the first demand , may give satisfaction here . 2. the specification of the defending the kings person and authority , in the defence of the true religion , laws , and liberties of the kingdome , is warranted by the confession ratified in parliament , by other acts of parliament , by the other confession , and by the generall band joyned with it . 3 no man will with-hold his subscription from the covenant , because it doth not , as it intendeth not to expresse every duty we owe to the kings majestie , as if the not naming , were a denying of the duty . reply . what ye have replyed in your answer to our first demand , we have examined , in our confutation of your answer . 2. if ye consider well all the circumstances of the making of your covenant , ye will finde that it had not been amisse , at this time , to have expressed more fully the loyaltie of your intentions , to maintain the kings person , and honour . next , it is necessary to expresse it yet more fully , for our cause , whom ye require to swear and subscribe your covenant ; lest we do any thing , in this matter , with a doubting conscience , ( which is a grievous sin ) that is , doubting whether or no we are tyed by our oath to maintain the kings authority , only in so far , as it is employed in the defence of the foresaid true religion : or , at least , as it is not employed against it . for it seemeth to us unlawfull , to swear the maintenance of the kings authoritie , with this limitation precisely . and if ye be of a contrary minde , we are most willing to confer with you of this point . the ix . demand . whether or no we can sincerely swear to maintain the authoritie , truely and properly monarchicall of the king ; and withall swear also disobedience to these articles , which are authorized by his standing laws , and to maintain the meanest of his subjects against him , in their disobedience of his laws , as yet standing in vigour concerning these things . answer . 1. the answer to the first demand , is usefull here also . 2. forbearance of practise , for a time , in such a case , is rather obedience , than disobedience : for example , kneeling was thought convenient , because all memorie of superstition was past ; should it not therefore be forborn , because superstition , is now revived , and flagrant ? they who practise , keep the letter of the law : but they who forbear , keep the life and reason thereof . reply . your covenant requireth more of us , than the forbearance of the practise of pearth articles , as we have often times declared . 2 we have also shown , that the forbearance of obedience to standing laws , without license of superiours , and contrary to their commandment , especially if it be done by deliberation , and if men tye themselves , by an oath , to do so , is manifest disobedience . 3 the article of pearth , anent kneeling , was not grounded only , nor yet principally , upon that narrative which ye mention ; but rather upon the conveniencie and decencie of the gesture of kneeling , in the receiving of the holy sacrament : which reason doth yet continue ; as also the other reason which ye mention , holdeth yet : for the body of the people of this church were never papists ; and consequently , have no memorie of popish superstition , as those who lived in time of reformation . 4 we cannot see nor conceive , how a vow and band of maintaining the meanest subject of this kingdome , against all persons whatsoever ; and consequently , against the king himself , as we have shown in our second reply , in disobedience of his laws , can consist with that love , reverence , and subjection , which we owe to our king. neither have ye brought any thing in your answer , to satisfie us in this point . and , because ye alledge , as we hear , that ye are mistaken in this point , and do vindicate your selves , by those words of the covenant , wherein ye promise to maintain the kings authoritie ; we pray you to expresse your minde more fully , concerning it ; and to show us , 1 what ye mean by maintaining the kings authoritie , in that part of your covenant , wherein ye expresse your loyall intention , to maintain the kings person , and authoritie ; and in speciall , whether or no the maintaining of the kings authoritie , be taken by you , as it excludeth all resisting of his authoritie , by force of arms , even although he should command things unlawfull , and contrarie to the truth ? for so we think it should be taken : and that it should be so taken , we are readie to demonstrate . neither can we swear it in any other sense . 2 whether your promise of mutuall defence , in the same cause of maintaining the true religion , and his majesties authoritie , &c. ought to be understood , of the maintaining the kings authoritie absolutely : that is , whether he maintain the true religion , or no ? or , on the contrarie ; if it ought to be understood of the maintaining the kings authoritie conditionally , in so far as he maintaineth the true religion , and not any other wayes ? if you say , that it is to be understood the first way , we assent to that part of your covenant , and have no more scruple anent it , except that one which we mentioned in our reply to your second answer : to wit , that the words of your protestation seem to import more ; and , that your paction , or covenant , is made without the kings privitie , and consent . if ye say , that it is to be understood the second way ; then we continue urging our foresaid demand : to wit , how a man can maintain the kings authoritie , and withall maintain the meanest of his subjects in resisting his authoritie ? and how we can be said , to stand for the kings honour , when we vow and promise , do to that which he himself professeth to be against his honour ; and which , in the common judgement of men , is thought to be so ? the determination of this point , is more than necessarie , at this time : and therefore , let us in sinceritie and brotherly love , confer of it ; that the consciences of others who doubt of this , may receive satisfaction . the x. demand . whether or no we ought to swear to such a covenant , which taketh away from us all hope of a free assembly , or parliament , to judge of the matter presently debated ? for how can these vote freely of any matter propounded to the decision and deliberation of the church and estate , who have already sworn to adhere to one part of the question ? and how can those who dissent from them , submit themselves to their judgement , chiefly seeing they are possessours , and have laws civill and ecclesiastick , standing as yet for them ? answer . we perceive , that this tenth demand , is made of the articles of pearth ; therefore we answer as before ; that we promise only forbearance , which can prejudge no mans liberty in a generall assembly . reply . we have shown , that your covenant , and oath , importeth a manifest abjuration of the articles of pearth : and therefore , the swearing of it doth manifestly prejudge the liberty of voting in a nationall assembly : for , how can they freely either reason in an assembly , concerning episcopacie , and the articles of pearth ; or else , give their judgement , without prejudice , concerning them who have alreadie promised , sworn , and vowed , first , to adhere to the discipline of the kirke : that is , ( according to your interpretation ) to the whole externall policie of the church , as it was 1581. 2 to labour , by all means lawfull , to remove , and expell , all those rites and ordinances , which have come into the church since the foresaid year of god ; that the church may be restored to the liberty , and purity , which it then had . whereby ye declare , that the foresaid articles , and episcopacie , are contrary to the liberty , and purity of the church ; and consequently , ye are tied by your oath , to vote against them , if ye be called to the intended assembly . the xi . demand . whether our subscribing , together with our people , to the confession of this nation , which is ratified and registrated in parliament , anno 1567. may give full satisfaction to all who doubt of the sincerity of our profession , if so be they have no farther ayme , but only to know and see our willingnesse , and constant resolution , to adhere to the religion presently professed , and to oppose all errours contrary to it , to our lives end ? now seeing we are willing to do this , as we take god to witnesse , we are ; how are we hated , maligned , and traduced as enemies of the truth , only because our consciences do not suffer us to subscribe to that interpretation of the negative confession insert in the covenant , ( concerning which we can see no warrant of the truth of it , nor lawfull authority binding us to it ) and to the politick , or rather military part of that covenant , which is a thing without the compasse of our calling , and not belonging to that contending for the faith once delivered to the saints , of which s. iude speaketh in his epistle . answer . since no other mean could be found so effectuall , for holding out of poperie , and forbearing of dangerous novations in religion , such as the service book , and canons , which as yet are only discharged , till in a fair and legall way they may be introduced ; and are by no word of the late proclamation disallowed : although the service book , by the proclamation , february 19. be highly praised , as serving to edification , and to beat out all superstition : and nothing in this application is abjured , but what was abjured in the former ; why shall we forbear to use a mean so just , and so powerfull , for the preservation of the purity of religion ? reply . here ye do not particularly answer to our demand , and seem unwilling to give that testimonie of us , your brethren , concerning our sincerity in professing of the truth , which , all who know and judge unpartially of us , do think to be due to us . it is sufficiently known , what pains we take in disputing and writing against papists , in confuting their errours in our pulpits , in leading processe against them , according to the order of the church , and in doing all things against romish errours , which can be expected from the most zealous professours of the truth . if ye , or any other of our reverent brethren , doubt of the sinceritie of our profession , then pose us concerning any article controverted , and we shall be most ready to declare our minde concerning it before all men , and give a sufficient proof to the world , that we have pried as narrowly into the mysteries of romish errours , for refutation of them , as any of those who impiously , and uncharitably traduce us , as favourers of poperie . 2. we have other means more effectuall , and lawfull , ( whereas we think this your mean to be unlawfull ) for holding out of poperie : and in which we ought to confide more , than in all the promises and vows of men ; yea , also , more than in all the united forces of all the subjects of this land : to wit , diligent preaching , and teaching of the word , frequent prayer to god , humbling of our selves before him , amendement of our lives and conversations , and arming our selves against our adversaries , by diligent searching of the scriptures , and using all other means , whereby we may increase in the knowledge of the truth , and in ability , to defend it against the enemies of it . 3. the subjects of this kingdome , at least a great part of them , either by their own inclination , or by the perswasion of others , have such a hard conceit of the service book , and canons , that if his majesty use a faire and legall way of bringing them into this church , especially such a way as may give satisfaction to all his subjects , in all appearance , we need not to fear the in bringing of them . the xii . demand . whereas we heare of diverse disorders , and violent miscarriages of those who have subscribed the covenant , against our brethren of the holy ministerie , who continue in their obedience to the laws of the church and kingdome ; which miscarriages being done without all forme of justice , or legall proceeding , are an exercising of revenge , by private authoritie , and consequently are forbidden in the sixt commandment : which is one of the reasons which moveth us , not to joyn our selves unto their society . we would gladly therefore know of our reverent brethren , who have come hither to recommend the late covenant unto us ; first , whether or no they do allow these disorders ? 2. if they allow them , what reason have they so to do ? and if they allow them not , how is it , that these disorders and miscarriages , are not publickly by them , and other pastours of their confederacy , condemned , and sharply rebuked in their pulpits ? why are the actours of them not tryed and censured ? and why do they delay to give out some publick declaration , either in print or writ , to this effect , being long since exhorted to do so ? ansvver . 1. hardly can a zealous people assembled in a kirk for the worship of god , be kept from tumult , when books , and a worship which they either know , or conceive to be popish , are suddenly , and imperiously obtruded upon them by the leaders : & how far the keeping of the materiall kirks from the pollution of worship , belongeth to the people , and community of the faithful , should be considered . 2. violence done in other places , and upon other occasions , we no more allow , than we doe approve the aspersions of perjurie , rebellion , &c. which some men do put upon us . reply . it belongeth not to the people , or communitie of the faithfull , to contemne authoritie , and the lords service , done in his owne house , on his own day , so farre as to put violent hands on prelates and pastours , in time of divine worship , while they are practising those things which are enjoyned by the king , and his councell . such disorders , and contemptuous carriages , doe not beseeme those whom christ inviteth to come to him , and to learn of him , meeknesse , and lowlinesse of heart ; chiefly , seeing there are many other wayes , whereby people may testifie their aversation of those books , and worship , which they conceive to be popish . if it be a sinne in parents to provoke their children to wrath ; much more is it a sinne in children to provoke their parents ; especially patrem patriae , the common father of the countrey , so to wrath . 2. the keeping of gods house from the pollution of worship , belongeth to those who are cloathed with lawfull authority . 3. we not onely asked of you , whether or no ye did allow the miscarriages towards our brethren of the holy ministerie , mentioned in our demand ? but also supposing that ye do not allow them , we asked , how is it that those disorders and miscarriages , are not publickly by you condemned , and rebuked ? why are the actours of them not tryed , and censured ? and why do ye not give some publick document to the world of your aversation of such miscarriages ? chiefly , seeing they are , as we have shown , a manifest transgression of the sixt commandement . we cannot sufficiently marvell , that ye have kept up your mindes in this matter , and not answered to so important , and necessary a demand . as for your complaint of perjurie and rebellion , &c. if ye mean the warning late written to the subjects in scotland , ye shall know , that the author thereof himself is much displeased with any offensive asperitie , which hath been found in some written copies thereof ; and hath already done that , for removing of that offence : which , we hope , shall give full satisfaction to all men . the xiii . demand . how can we subscribe that covenant , without incurring many grievous scandals ; as first , the scandall of dissenting from other reformed churches , and famous divines , the chief instruments of the reformation of the church in europe , who did hold these rites which are abjured in this late covenant , as meerly unlawfull , popish , and idolatrous , to be in their own nature , lawfull . secondly , the scandall of dissenting from antiquitie , and vilipending it altogether in matters of the externall policie of the church ; which we know , and have found by frequent experience , to be a thing that maketh many papists more averse from our profession , than other wayes they would be . thirdly , the scandall of perjurie , which some of us cannot escape , who did swear obedience to the articles of pearth , and to our ordinarie , at our admission to the ministerie . answer . that threefold scandall causeth upon the right interpretation of the clause of the forbearance of the novations already introduced . reply . we have shown your interpretation of the clause of forbearance , not to be right , and have refuted it , we think , by the very words of your covenant ; so that none of these three scandals can be eschewed by us , if we subscribe to your foresaid covenant . 2. suppose the other two might be eschewed by that interpretation of the clause of forbearance , yet the third cannot be eschewed , seeing at our admission we have sworn obedience to the articles of pearth , and to our ordinarie : wherefore , ye must either prove the articles of pearth , and episcopacie , to be unlawfull , or else , we cannot , without violation of our oath , made at our admission , forbear the practise of the foresaid articles , against the will of our ordinary , and other our lawfull superiours . the xiiii . demand . last of all ; we pray these reverend and worthy brethren , to consider impartially , and charitably , seeing we have all these scruples in our minds concerning their covenant , as also seeing we are yet most confident , and assured of the lawfulnesse of the articles of pearth , together with the lawfulnesse and venerable antiquity of episcopall government , how we can , with a safe conscience , give our consent that they should preach in our pulpits , who come professedly to withdraw our people from that which we in the inmost thoughts of our souls do embrace as lawfull ; and from that obedience which they do owe to their gracious and pious soveraigne therein ; whose last proclamation hath given full satisfaction to us all , and much rejoyced our hearts , in respect he hath there in most solemnly , and by his oath declared , not only his sincerity in professing the truth , but also his pious resolution , to continue therein , and maintain it constantly to his lives end , most graciously and wisely removing these things which have occasioned the late perturbation of our church . we wish them likewise , to consider , how they can require this of us , seeing they would not ( we appeal to their own consciences ) be content that they should be so dealt with themselves ; we mean , that any should go up to their pulpits , and condemn their doctrine , and practice , and withdraw their people from that which hath been before recommended unto them as truth . we conclude : exhorting earnestly , entreating lovingly , and charging modestly , these , and all others , our reverend brethren , before god , and the lord iesus christ , who shall judge the quick and the dead at his appearing in his kingdome , if there be any consolation in christ , if any comfort of love , if any fellowship of the spirit , if any bowels of mercies , to look narrowly to their own consciences , in these weighty matters ; remembring that of ieremy , the heart is deceitfull above all things , and desperately wicked , who can know it ? to judge charitably of us their brethren ; remembring that of our saviour , iudge not , that ye be not judged : to deal with us in love and meeknesse , ( if so be they think us to have gone astray from the truth ; which , god knoweth , we no wayes do perceive ) remembring that of s. paul , if a man be overtaken in a fault , ye that are spirituall , restore such an one with the spirit of meeknesse : as also that of s. iames , the wisdome that is from above , is first pure , then peaceable , gentle , and easie to be entreated ; full of mercy , and good fruits , &c. and last of all , to seek peace , and so to follow after it ; that this our dear native countrey be not exposed to a dangerous warfare , and to all the wofull consequents thereof ; of which our hearts cannot think , without trembling and horrour . answer . 1 nothing in the interpretation of the covenant , against the lawfulnesse of pearth articles , and of episcopall government . 2 we never intended to draw the meanest of the subjects , from that loyalty of obedience , which they owe to their soveraigne , and ours . 3 the counsell hath rescinded the approbation of that proclamation . 4 his majesties religious and righteous disposition , hath been to us a ground , and chief argument of our hope of the hearing of all our petitions . 5 we have no desire to wrong our reverend and worthy brethren : but rather to passe in silence , the wrongs which we have sustained by them : and would approve our selves unto our god , and prove faithfull in the imployments put upon us : earnestly desiring , that every eye may perceive the wonderfull work of god in this land : lest any of us be found fighting against god ; and that all of us may joyn heart and hand , for the purity and peace of the kirk of our lord iesus christ , blessed for ever . m r. alexander henderson , minister at leuchars . m r. david dickson , minister at irwing . m r. andrew cant , minister at petsligo . iuly 21. 1638. reply . there is too much , as we think , in your covenant against the lawfulnesse of pearth articles . 2 your band of mutuall defence , against all persons whatsoever , may draw subjects , perhaps , to take arms against their king , ( which god avert ) and consequently from that loyalty of obedience , which they owe to their soveraigne , and ours ; except ye declare , and explain your selves better , than ye have hitherto done . 3 what the most honourable lords of his majesties privie councell have done concerning the kings majesties last proclamation , is not sufficiently known to us , and far lesse upon what grounds and motives they have ( as you say ) rescinded their approbation of the late proclamation . 4 his majesties religious and righteous disposition , hath been to us , and is a main ground wherefore we rest and rely upon his gracious proclamation , perswading our selves , that he intendeth not , nor ever intended , any innovation in religion . 5 we shall labour , by all means , to eschew every thing , which in the least degree may wrong you , our reverend and worthy brethren . as for the wrongs already done by us to you , ( as ye pretend ) whensoever it shall please you to specifie them , we hope to give you full satisfaction , and to clear our selves of that imputation . 6 the work of god towards any nation , how strange and wonderfull soever it seem to be , is never contrary to his word : and therefore we fear not to be found fighting against gods work , so long as we fight not against his truth , revealed in his word . that all-seeing lord knoweth , that we maintain his truth according to the light of our consciences , and are ready to joyn heart and hand with you , for the purity and peace of this church , in every lawfull way and course , as sincere lovers of truth and peace . and now , brethren , before we conclude , again we entreat you , and all others our dear country men , especially our reverend brethren of the holy ministery , to judge charitably of us , and of our proceedings at this time ; and in particular , of these our demands , and replyes ; which , god is our witnesse , neither hatred of any mans person , nor love of contention , nor any worldly respect ; but only the conscience of our calling hath drawn from us . and as for our arguments for not subscribing , which are taken from our due subjection and obedience to our soveraigne , and his laws , we protest and declare , that they ought not to be so interpreted , as if we intended to accuse you , or others , our dear countrey men , of disloyalty towards our most gracious king ; or as if our purpose were to lay any such imputation upon you : for they are only used by us , to show what the words of the covenant seem to us to import , and how we conceive of them ; as also , what maketh us so to conceive of them . we doubt not , reverend brethren , but ye know , that as we owe to you , and to your proceedings , the favourable judgement of charitie ; so we ought to judge of those things , which we are to swear , and subscribe , with the strict and inquisitive judgement of veritie ; and consequently , we ought to ponder duly , and to propound particularly and fully to others , ( especially to those who require our oath and subscription , and undertake to satisfie our consciences thereanent ) all the doubts and reasons which make us unwilling or afraid to give our subscription thereunto . john forbes of corse , doctor and professor of divinity in aberdene . alexander scrogie , minister at old aberdene , d. d. william lesley , d. d. and principall of the kings colledge , in aberdene . robert baron , doctor and professor of divinity , and minister at aberdene . ja. sibbald , doctor of divinity , and minister at aberdene . alexander ross , doctor of divinity , and minister at aberdene . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a69202-e90 † nor is there any ground for their opinion of my acceptation of that declaration , unlesse they call receiving , accepting ; and that was not in my power to refuse , it being conceived in formall words of a supplication , and so tendered to me , who by my royall master his instructions was commanded to receive the petitions of all his good and loyall subjects . the ansvveres of some brethren of the ministerie to the replyes of the ministers and professours of divinitie in aberdeene, concerning the late convenant. henderson, alexander, 1583?-1646. 1638 approx. 92 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20388) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 23673) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1699:3) the ansvveres of some brethren of the ministerie to the replyes of the ministers and professours of divinitie in aberdeene, concerning the late convenant. henderson, alexander, 1583?-1646. dickson, david, 1583?-1663. [44] p. [j. wreittoun?], [edinburgh?] printed: 1638. signed at end: master alexander hamilton, master david dickson. imprint suggested by stc (2nd ed.). signatures: [pi]² *⁴ [a]²(-a1) b-i². reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published 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and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the ansvveres of some brethren of the ministerie . to the replyes of the ministers and professours of divinitie in aberdeene : concerning the late covenant . 2 : chron. 15. 15. and all ivda rejoyced at the oath : for they had sworne with all their heart , and sought him with their whole desire : and hee was found of them . printed the yeare of god , 1638. to the christian reader . that you maye know our proceedings , how wee are brought upon the stage , and con●…rie to our expectation , are put in print . comming to abe●…dede on fryday the afternoone , wee received , the demands of our reverend brethren that night late : and , for the greater expedition , without delay , wee returned our summarie answers on saturday at night . on the lords day following , wee desired to expresse our-selves to the people in presence of the ministerie , but the pulpits and kirks were altogether refused ; and therefore in the most convenient place wee could have , sub dio , and at such houres as were vacant from the ordinarie exercises of publicke worship ; wee delivered our message in the audience of manie . after our last sermon , towards evening , wee found that our labour was not in vaine in the lord , for diverse persons , of speciall note , both for place and wisedome , with willing heart , & great readinesse of minde did publickly put their hands to the couenant . having the weeke following seene some parts of the countrey , ( where besides the presbyteries alford and deare , who had subscribed before , the moderator , & diverse of the presbyterie of aberdene , the presbyterie of turreff , after they were satisfied in some scruples , did also subscribe ) wee returned the next saturday to aberdene ; where finding that some others had subscribed that week , we resolved to preach upon the morne . that night wee received a reply , unto which before our returne home , wee have made an answere . all these we desire may bee unpartially considered : and if it shall please the lodd , that any light shall come from our labour unto thy minde , let it bee ascribed not unto us , ( who neither had time nor helps for such a taske ) but to the brightnesse of the trueth , and cause it selfe , and to the father of lights : to whom bee all glorie . vvhat did prodeed from our penne in our answ●… to the d. d. of aberdeene , concerning the late declaration given to his majesties commissioner , did flow from minds filled with a zeale to the peace of this kirk & kingdome , and from our earnest desires of a perfect harmonie , betwixt the king and his subjects against all mistakings . this zeale of ours wee confesse made us studie more , how to decline and to keepe our selves from touching such of the d. d. demands as were thornie , than howe to walke safely through them . and likewise to make manifest to his majesties good subjects in all places whether the d. d. demands , and our answeres should happen to come . that matters inclined to pacification , and were in a faire way off setling : for which peaceable intentions we could conceive nothing to bee more behovefull , than by word and write to make knowne to all men the forsaid declaration , which his majesties loyall subjects presented to his majesties commissionar , for clearing their covenant of all unlawfull combination against authoritie . and by so doing , to stoppe the mouthes of our adversaries , and to stay all their obloquies . in using of this meane , it was far from our thoughts to wound anye man , or to write anye word , which might give the smallest offence to the meanest of his majesties subjects , hoping rather that these our proceedings should have beene more acceptable to authoritie , more approven of the wife and men of understanding , and more aggreable unto the minds of such as are for peace ; than rashly and unadvisedly to have gone on in a dispute of state questions , which hardly at any time hath beene profitable for peace , and which at this time seemed to us ( to say no further ) most unseasonable & impertinent . yet knowing that it were not only base and shamefull , but in our persons , and in our proceedings in this cause , a very great incongruitie , and in it selfe sinfull , to speake wickedly for god , and to talke deceitfullie for him , for that were as one man mocketh another so to mocke him . iob. 13. 7. 9. and to make iniquitie a meane to promove piet●…e , ( a policie which wee have not learned , ) as if god could bee served with our sinnes . wee have made heere a briefe relation of the reasons & grounds , where-upon wee have in our answeres confidently affirmed , that his majesties commissionar did accept , and was well pleased with the late declaration . 1. his g. was most earnest to have the late covenant so solemnely sworne , and so universally subscribed to bee rendred , or rescinded , and did propone plausible reasons for that effect . but this by such strong impediments as were at that time represented , and are now extant in print , being impossible to us to doe , except wee wold sin highly against god. his g. afterward declared that the kings majesty was most willing to indict an assembly & call a parliament , but that our covenant in the clause of mutuall defence , was a combination against authoritie , and that we had sworne to defend one another in our owne private quarrells , aswel as in the cause of religion . this his g. desired to bee removed , as a maine hinderance of the obtaining of our desires , and without the removall whereof an assembly , and parliament could not be indicted . when this motion of a declaration was first proponed to the severall meetings the greater part was against it : because no declaration , containing ●…ye thing contrarie to the covenant could bee granted , and an explanation of the covenant , the meaning whereof seemed to be plaine enough , would no more please than the covenant it self : but by the earnest dealing of some noblemen of his majesties counsell sent from the commissioner , with some commissioners sent from everie meeting , it was thought meet in end , that a supplication containing a declaration should bee formed , which at last his g. did receive at the hands of the supplicants , and upon the receiving thereof promised to deale with the kings majestie for obtaining a free assembly and parliament , which he refused to undertake without this declaration . thus by the very nature and course of our proceedings about this point , it is manifest that the declaration was , at least in this farre satisfactorie to the commissioner himselfe , that hee did promise to mediate for an assembly and parliament , which was both the summe of our desires , and the onely end of this declaration . so that no man could in any reason think that we should have wronged him in affirming that his g. did accept , and was well pleased with that declaration since upon the sight , receiving , and hearing thereof , he promised to doe his best endeavours with his majestie for obtaining what was petitioned by us , which before and without it , his g. had utterly refused to doe . 2. the three noble-men of his majesties counsell who were imployed by his g. about this declaration , did repare ordinarly to him for advysing what forme of declaration would best please , and give best satisfaction . and we had great reason to think that the forme which pleased their lorships should not be displeasing , or unacceptable to his g. 3. after that diverse formes of declaration were drawn up , and none of them was found to give satisfaction : at last it was thought good , that one should bee formed by waye of supplication for a generall assembly and parliament . and because the maine hinderance of obtaining thereof , was that our covenant was suspect to be a combination against authoritie , it was found necessare that this impediment should bee removed by declaring that no such thing was intended in the covenant . this forme of supplication did first please the three noble-men , and thereafter , diverse parts and expressions of it were corrected by his g. particular direction , which are still keeped in remembrance , & in the notes of the noblemen and others at that time imployed about this work frō their several meetings . this made us to think that his g. was well pleased with so much as was corrected by himself , and that his g. would have also corrected other parts & expressions thereof , if hee had not bene well pleased with them : and therfore made us secure that his g. would no have offended that we or any other , shuld have affi●… so much . 4. wee have reason to think that the first declaration which was showne to the petitioners by the three noblemen sent from his g. to negotiate with them , would have given satisfaction ; why then shall wee not think , that the supplication mended by his owne particular direction , not in the petitorie part , but in the declaration which it contained , might in like manner satisfie . 5. among other partes of the declaration which were mended by the commissioners direction , one was in the beginning thereof , where , in place of that which was first written that the kings majestie bad conceived the confession of fayth and covenant lately renewed by us his majesties subjects to bee an unlawfull combination against authoritie : his g. would have it changed thus , that his majesties commissioner hath conceived the confession of faith , &c. wee might therefore have imagined that the kings majestie possibly would not have beene pleased with our declaration , but it could not so much as enter in our minds that his majesties commissioner , who would have the words to expresse his owne dislike , and not the kings , should not for his owne part beene pleased with it , or bee offended with us , for affirming so much . 6. there was some reasoning between the three counsellers and the petitioners , whether the words of the declaration should bee thus conceived , amaine hinderance , or , the mains hinderance , for which later conception the petitioners did plead , that this which was the maine hinderance being removed by their declaration , for which end they were moved to make it , ther might bee no more hinderances afterward , or at lest so small ones , that they might easily be put out of the way ; and the trueth is , that since the removall of that main hinderance , we have heard of no particulare hinderance from the contents of the covenant . this also did make us to say with the greater confidence that the declaration did please . 7. when the declaration was received by his majesties commissioner , was read openly , and was confirmed heartily by the oath of the petitioner . his g. declared that hee verily believed that they meaned what they spake , that hee hoped what they had written should prove satisfactorie to his majestie , and that hee would against the time appointed do his best endeavours with his majestie for obtaining our desires , which could not but make us conceive that his g. was satisfied with it himself . 8. although all the companies of petitioners could not bee present to hear with their own eares , the words that were spoken , yet all of them had so much as we have written , reported unto them , not by uncertaine rumour , but by the faithfulnesse of their commissioners ; and upon the certaintie of this report , and certaine evidences of the trueth , they rested satisfied , and were put in hope of a generall assembly at the commissioner his returne . which hath made them also now in their answers to the last of the late propositions made unto them by his majesties commissioner after his returne , to affirme , that his g. accepted their declaration as the most ready & powerfull mean , which could come within the compasse of their thoughts , for clearing them of that objected combination , lykeas they have testified no lesse in their letters to others . so that if wee have erred in our affirmation , we have not erred alone , but have beene carried awaye with the common errour of so many as were heere conveened , without exception of any one . 9. as it is verie unbeseeming our profession & calling , so was it verie far from our minde & desire , in our answers to touch the honourable lords of counsell , or any in authoritie under his sacred majestie . if the act of approbation with the subscriptions thereof , ( the ground of the missive ) was torne and rescinded and the missive it selfe , once thought fitte to bee sent , was returned and promise given , that it should not be sent , there was no lesse done than was assevered by us . what reason wee had to affirme that this was done upon the supplication & complaint of the lieges , may appeare , if it be remembred , first , that some of the honourable lords of ●…unsell after they were informed by the supplicants what p●…udices were done to their cause by the act approving the proclamation , were passionatly desirous to have the act rescinded , and did declare that they would not spare to deale with the commissioner for that effect . 2. when it was requyred by the supplicants , that another act should bee made bearing , that by their subscribing the proclamation they had not given their approbation to it , it was often and at large answered , that they did not by their subscription approve the proclamation , but onely gave warrant thereby to the clerke for registration , and to the herauld for publishing the same . and thirdly the supplicants presented a petition containing the reasons of their desires , and could not bee satisfied , except upon these reasons the act were rescinded , and the missive stayed . this supplication was received by the commissioner , was openly reade , and answere was given by his g. that their desire should be satisfied . all this in substance was knowne to many thousands before any word was seene from our penne , neither had anye thing written by us come to the sight of the world , if it had not beene put to the presse by the d. d. so much have wee beene constrained to say for vindicating our selves , who esteeme it to bee our chiefest comfort and greatest glory , that wee plead for the cause of god , and trueth of religion and desire neither in our plea nor in our preaching for the defence of the trueth to alledge any un●…ueth . we have written nothing before , or at this time , from an humour to contradict any man , or to wrong the meanest far lesse any of the honorable lords of his majestices counsell , & least of all his maiesties high commissioner but doe confesse that there was much insisting great working on both sides ; & many meetings ▪ before the forme of declaration could bee agreed upon , and received : and wee doe believe also that the rescinding of the covenant , so vehemently urged , was that which would have given him , as his majesties commissioner , greatest satisfaction , neither are wee ignorant that partly through the malignancie of sycophants watching all opportunities to promove their owne projects ; partly through the rubs and difficulties which occurre in working of great maters to their wished ends ; and partly through the busie and overweaning conceit of some who would seeme to bee somewhat that they may warme themselves at a combustion , and who are readie to raise suspitions against the wisest and best affected to authoritie ; much must beewritten and spoken per ragioni di stato , which otherwise would not bee thought so necessarie . yet cannot wee conceive but the acceptance of the declaration of the loyaltie of his majesties subjects set down in writ , and seconded by oath , was good service to the king , and that labouring with his majestie to possesse his royall heart with the best conceptions and constructions of the actions of his well meaning , and honest hearted subjects , deser●…eth from them the increase of that respect , and honour which they owe to all whom god honoureth to bee instruments of good and happinesse to this kirke and kingdome , which the lord establish under his majesties long and prosperous reigne . to the reader . good reader , what could not be performed by us in printing or answeres severally after their owne replyes , let it bee supplyed by thy selfe in reading . and if there bee any part of our answers which seemeth not to be relative to the replyes , let it bee imputed to the d. d. whose printed copie agrieth not with that , which in wr●…t was sent unto us under their hands , & unto which our answeres were made . neither is it our fault that our answeres have not come to light before this tyme , we having sent the same , without the changing of one word to bee printed at aberdene , before our comming from that part of the countrie : this must bee ascribed to the ordinary difficulties and hinderances , which use to oppose the trueth and a good cause in the world , and which , it is not meete now to specifie . to ovr reverend brethren , the doctors and ministers of aberdeene . that our answeres ( reverend and beloved brethren ) have not given you full satisfaction , as it may bee imputed to our weaknesse , in the defence of so good a cause , so may it proceede also from your owne prejudice against what could be said by us , which wee have some reason to suspect for two causes , one is , that your demands which wee conceived to have beene intended meerly for us , and were sent unto us from you in write , were published before our comming in print , lyke as you have now printed and published your replyes before you had seene our answeres unto that which wee received from you last in write ; wee having promised to the bearer , to returne an answere shortly ere wee departed the countrey . this may seeme rather to bee a seeking of victorie from praejudice , than a search of veritie for satisfaction . the other cause of our suspition , is , that the groundes of our answeres to you , have proven satisfactorie to others , who for age , and gifts of learning and understanding , are pryme men in this kirk and kingdome , and to whom modestie will not suffer you to preferre your selves . but whether our weaknesse , or your prejudice bee the cause , must bee now judged by others , to whose viewe yee have brought us : whom therefore wee with you heartily desire unpartiallie to considder our first and second answeres ; wishing and hoping that partialitie , prejudice , and all worldly respects and feares , layde aside , the naked trueth shall bee seene of all her lovers . concerning your confidence of us , as wee in loue judge , that yee thinke not your selves to bee striving against the trueth ; so maye yee conceive , that wee can no more be●… brought to your minde , than wee can bee drawne from the profession of our religion , as it hath been reformed , sworne , and confirmed by the late and preceeding covenants , and from following the example of our religious reformers , and the many worthies succeeding them in this kirke , who would have beene glad to have seene the dayes which wee now doe see : and for which wee pray , that both yee and wee may bee thankfull ; so shall it not be imputed unto us , that wee have not discerned , and used the daye of the lords visitation : so shall wee all rejoyce together in the daye of the lord . to the first reply . yovr experience in your disputes agaynst the common adversarie , wherein you say ye are so frequent , hath ( no doubt ) taught you , howe easie a matter it is to multiply objections against the tr●…th , and cause of god : and your selves knowe , that your objection against our calling , and the warrant of our comming to you , was framed , and published in print , before it was propounded unto us : and ere our answere could bee had ; but so soone as we did heare your demands , we answered incontinent , in the humilitie and trueth of our minds , that wee were to obtrude nothing upon you , or your flock , by any particular authoritie , civill or ecclesiastick , but that we did come in all meeknesse , to represent unto you the present case of this kirke , and in love to intreat you , to joyn with us , for the peace thereof ; for which wee trust , without wronging any lawfull authoritie , wee may claime the warrant of the highest and greatest authority , although wee had not beene sent from almost the whole kirke and kingdome , lawfully conveened at this time , for preservation of religion , and of the liberties and lawes of this kingdome , so sore shaken , by the usurpation of the prelates , and their favourers . let us consider one another , to provoke unto love , and to good works , &c. sayeth the apostle , heb. 10. 24. and where yee object , that without your leave we preached within your congregation ; which is aggravated by you , as a hainous fault , both against scripture , and against the canons of antient councells , which yee have laboriously quoted against us , we intreat you , to bee more sparing , lest the guiltinesse , if there be any , reflex upon your selves : for your pulpits and kirks beeing denyed us , ( not from any injurie done by us , but by your owne determination , before our comming ) a necessitie was laid upon us , to deliver our message in such places , as your courtesie did permit ; wherein no man will find , that we have failed , if he consider , first , that there is as wyde difference betwixt ecclesia turbata & pacata , the troubled and peaceable estate of a kirke , as is betwixt ecclesia constituenda & constituta , & many things are necessarie in the one , which perhaps are not expedient in the other . ye speak of the constitution of the kirk this yeere , as if ye had beene speaking thereof many yeeres before this time . 2. that the word of god , and the canons of councels , will have pastors so to care for their owne flockes that they forbidde them not , to care for the whole kirke , especiallie in the time af a common combustion . when the house is on fire everie man ought to runne to all rowmes , where hee may quench it : when a laik striketh up in a ship , every mariner , yea , everie passinger ought to labour to stop it . even hee who is not universall pastor of the kirke , is pastor of the universall kirk : and the apostle hath taught us , that wee are members one of another , rom. 12. 4. as all the members of one bodie beeing many , are one bodie ; so also is christ. 1. cor. 12. 12. that the members should have the same care one of another , verse . 25. if some members of this kirk had not cared more kindlie , in this time of common danger : than other some have done , the whole bodie had beene ere now dangerously , if not desperately diseased . 3. that we made choyse of such ho●…res , for delivering our message , that the people might attend your ordinarie times of publick worship ; which maketh your charge , of the peoples contempt , or ours , of your ministerie , to be most unjust . in the second part of your reply to our answere to your first demand , yee might have made choyse of words witnessing more respect to the most part of the kingdome now , and to the kirke in former times , than of a confederation , and negative confession : we know no other confederation at this time , but this same laudable covenant which our progenitors , and many yet living , made with god , and amongst themselves , at the commandement of authoritie , and according to the example of the people of god in former times . neither is that short confession meerly negative , since the beginning thereof is affirmative , & doeth virtuallie containe the first large confession ratifyed in parliament , 1567. 2. no pastors , in our knowledge , have either beene forced to flee to forraigne countreyes , or have beene threatned with the want of their stipends , for the refusing their subscription : but this wee have heard , that some of them have of their owne accord , gone to court , for procuring of protections against their creditours , and against the lawes , and duetie of good subjects , have made lies between the king and his people . others wee knowe have wilfully refused , to abyde with their flock : and beeing eranestly entreated by them , to attend their charge , have left them , and haue gone out of the countrie , for no reason , but because the people had subscribed , and as ye know , that arguments have beene taken from augmentation of stipends , to hinder subscription : so ye may know , that feare of worldy losse , rather hindereth men to subscribe , than scruple of conscience . the prelates flight , seemeth rather to have proceeded from inward furies of accusing consciences , or for feare of a storme , ( which beeing procured by their owne doing , may be easily prognosticated by them ) than from the inforcing of subscription of the covenant , which in our knowledge was never required of any of the prelates , although they bee grosslie guiltie of the breach of the covenant , which they did sweare , and subscribe before . 3. your helpe , by your prayers , and other meanes , for extinguishing of the present combustion , wee still desire , but withall intreat , that you would both ioyn with the rest of the kirks of the kingdome , in publick humiliation and fasting , which the lord himselfe doeth proclaime , and call for at this time ; so should your prayers bee the more effectuall , and also yee bee good instruments , according to your power , with your owne people , and the countrey about , to joyne in the covenant , so should yee find the worke of pacification the more easie . 4. the reasons which wee touched in our answere , for proving , that ye might , without iust offence to anye , joyne with us in subscribing , are not yet answered for , first , a sound interpretation of the covenant , although proceeding from a private person , and altogether voyde of externall authoritie , can not make a substantiall difference : and if the interpretation bee unsound , although it were confirmed with authoritie , it maketh not a substantiall co-incidence . 2. why is it denyed , that the former covenant containeth mutuall defence , since all are obliedged thereby to defend religion , according to their vocation and power , and the king's person and authoritie , which can not possiblie bee done without mutuall defence : and since that clause of the covenant , is so expo●…ded , and applyed upon grounds of perpetuall reason , in the generall band drawne up , and printed by authoritie , anno 1590. 3. yee must either prove this covenant to bee sub stantially different from the former , which is impossible , or ye must acknowledge this to have the same authority with the former , since wee are reallie obliedged in the former covenant , and virtuallie the same warrant of king , counsell , and assembly , remaineth , and was never yet discharged : by vertue whereof the covenant might have beene renewed yearely by all the subjects of the kingdome , no lesse than it hath beene subscribed yearely by such as passe degries in colledges , and such as were suspect of papistrie from time to time . 4. what was done by his majesties commissionar , was not done in a corner , that it needeth to bee pryed into , or doubted of , and what was allowed by his grace , who had so great power from his majestie , to declare his majesties will , and to receive declarations from his subjects , and who was in every point so zealous , and tender of his majesties service and honour : who are yee , that it should be disallowed by you ? ye will have the kingdome guiltie of combination against authoritie , and will not have the king to bee satisfied . when they have declared themselves to the contrarie , & their declaration is accepted by his majesties commissionar . this manner of dealing , is more sutable to papists , and such in●…ndiaries , than for you , who desire to prove good patriots , in using all means of pacification . 5. we are sorrie that ye shuld be the first , who have accounted our covenant to bee a confedearcie , against the trueth , since some of your selves , and all everie where haue beene constrained ; to acknowledge , that they ayme at the same end with us , to maintaine the trueth . and for that which displeaseth you in our way , that wee deale after such a manner with people , to come in , wee answere , that wee have seene in this land , the day of the lords power , wherein his people have most willingly offered themselves in multitudes , lyke the dew of the morning : that others of no small note , have offered their subscriptions , and have beene refused , till time should trye , that they joyne in sinceritie , from love to the cause , and not from the feare of men : and that no threatnings have beene used , except of the deserved judgment of god ; nor force , except the force of reason , from the high respects which wee owe to religion , to our king , to our native countrie , to our selves , and to the posteritie : which hath beene to some a greater constraint , than any externall violence ; and we wish , may also prevaile with you . to the second ▪ wee perceive , that you passe in silence , that which wee answered concerning the preventing of trouble , which by all appearance had beene too sensible to many before this time , if the conventions censured by you , had not beene kept ; we desire that yee would heere declare your selves , whether yee would have rather received the service booke booke of canons , and other trash of that kynd , tending to the subversion of religion , and to the prejudice of the liberties of the kingdom●… , than to have conveened in a peaceable manner , to present supplications to his majestie , for averting of so great evilis . neither doe yee speake a word of the saying of k. iames , which ought to bee regarded ; both for the witnesse sake , who is of so great authoritie , and for the testimony which containeth so great reason . for , shall not the whole bodie of a kingdom stirre pro aris & 〈◊〉 or shall our religion be ruined , & our light bee put out , and all men hold their peace ? we told you also , that the first part of the act of parliament , 1585 , is relative to another act in queene maries time , which specifieth , what sort of leagues and bands are forbiddin , and setteth us free from the breach of the act ; but yee have answered nothing to this , and still dispute from the act of parliament , rather than from othergrounds , better beseeming your 〈◊〉 and ours ; and in this will so precilelit adhere to the letter of the law , that you will have no meetings , withhout the kings consent , even in case of the preservation of religion , of his majesties authoritie , and of the liberties of the kingdome , which wee are sure must bee contrarie to the reason and life of the law , since the safetie of the people is , the soveraigne law. although it bee true also that for our covenant , we have the consent of authoritie pressing upon all the subjects in the generall band , and confession of faith , formerly subscribed for maintenance of the religion , their subscription and oath as a note of their soundnesse in religion , and of their loyaltie and fidelitie to the king , and his crown , wherin iuris-consults , more skilled in this kynd , than we need to be , have given their responses , & verdicts , in favour of us , and our cause . 2. the poynt touching authoritie , is so full of thornes and rockes , useth to bee so vehemently urged , to pro cure envye agaynst the gospell of christ , and can so hardly bee disputed and discussed except in a large treatise , to the satisfaction of king's and kingdomes ; and all having interest , that for the present wee onelie wish you to heare the testimonies of two great divines , the one is whitaker , in his answere to master reynolds preface , pag. 6. stirres and tumults for matters of religion , reynold rehearseth , that have beene in germanie , france , bohemia , as though it were sufficient for their condemnation , that they once resisted , and did not by and by admitt what-so-ever violence was offered either to god's trueth , or to them-selves , contrarie to promise , to oath , to publick edicts , to law , whereby they were warranted to doe as they did : more of this matter , will i not answere , beeing of another nature , and cleared long since from the cryme of rebellion , not only by just just defence of their doing : but also by the pro clamations and edicts of princes themselves . the other is bilson , in his booke of christian subjection , in defence of the protestants in other countreyes , against the objection of the iesuit , pag. 332 , affirming , that subjects maye defend their antient and christian liberties , covenanted and agreed upon by those princes to whom they first submitted themselves , and were ever since confirmed and allowed by the kings that have succeeded , they may require their owne right , save their own lyves , beseech , that they bee not used as slaves , but lyke subjects ; lyke men , not lyke beasts ; that they maye bee convented by lawes , before iudges , not murdered in corners , by inquisitors . this is also the judgment of rivetus , in his commentarie , psal. 68 which beeing looked upon by you , will furnish a full answere to what yee have cited at length from his iesuita vapulans . for betwixt iesuiticall treasonabe & pernitious doctrine , and practises agaynst princes , and magistrates , refuted by him , and the loyall and sound doctrine of protestants : your selves knowe the difference and opposition , lyke as it is cleare as the sunne , by that short confession , by the application there-of , to the tymes in this present confession , by our publicke protestation , and by the declaration exhibited to his majesties commissioner , that wee meane not onely mutuall concurrence , and assistance in the cause of religion , but also to the uttermost of our power , to defend the king's majestie , his person and authoritie . wee would bee glad , that yee and others were witnesses to our private prayers , nd the most secret of our thoughts . and affections concerning our loyaltie to our dread soveraigne : so should yee either cease to write in this against us , or bee forced to write against your own consciences . 5 , when wee justifie our conventions and covenants , from their purposed ends , we meane not only the last and most remote ends : but the nearest and immediate , and if nothing in these can merite just censure , the conventions and covenants no more in that which yee call the object , nor in their ends , can bee culpable : what aspersions have beene put upon our reformation , and reformers , by the malice of our adversaries , can not bee unknowne to you . but wee wish , that your ingynes and pennes maye bee better imployed , than to joyne with them in so badde a cause , which we expect also from your prudence , considering the people and place where yee live . to the third . y●…e doe well and wisely , that you search not curiouslie into the myndes of princes , and reasons of state : but whether all his majesties subjects bee satisfied with the last proclamation , needeth no deepe search . for although possibly some had beene more pleased with a proclamation , commanding the service booke , such especiallie , who either will see no errours in it , or have publicklie prosessed , that they have beene groaning for it , yet the protestation of the supplicants against it , as it giveth most humble and heartie thankes to his gratious majestie , for what is granted : so it restifieth upon undenyable evidences , that the proclamation is not a satisfaction of our just desi●…es : for , first , the proclamation supposeth the service booke to bee no innovation of religion . 2. that it is not contrare to pro testant-religion . 3. that the proclamation giveth not or●…r for discharging all the acts made in favours of the service booke , especially that of the 19 of februarie , which giveth unto it so great approbation , as serving for maintaining the true religion , and to beate out all superstition , and no wayes to bee contrarie to the lawes of this kingdome , but to bee compyled , and approved for the universall use and edification of all his majesties subjects . 4. it is so farre from disallowing the sayde booke , that it putteth us in feare , that it shall bee prest in a faire and legall way , and therefore , notwithstanding the proclamation , the necessitie of covenanting , which containeth nothing contrarie to the acts of parliament , nor to the duetie of good subjects , but is the largest testimonie of our fidelitie to god , and loyaltie to our king , ( whatsoever it maye seemeto you to import ) doeth yet continue , that his majestie maye bee pleased , to grant the full satisfaction of our reasonable petitions , and that our religion , and liberties , may bee preserved for afterwards . who-so-ever professe themselves to be perfectly satisfied with the proclamation , doe proclame in the eares of all the kingdome , that they are better pleased with the service book and ( anons , than with the religion , as it hath beene prosessed in this land since the reformation . to the fourth . vvee were assured that your demand proceeded from a mistaking , & therefore , according to our knowledge , did ingenuously , for your satisfaction , expound unto you the mind of the subscribers , but find now , that we have laboured in vain at your hands , from which we have receiued this reply : unto which , concerning the first . missinterpretation , wee answere : 1. that altho we do neither use threatnings , nor obtrude our interpretation , upon you , as bearing any obligatorie power , yet pardon us , that wee match you not , and put you not in the ballance with the greatest part of the kingdome both ministers , and others , in whose name we recōmended this interpretation unto you , by all faire meanes , and force of reason : and in so doing , wee are so farre from the breach of our solemne uow , and promise , that wee esteeme this to bee no small proofe of that godlynesse and righteousnesse , wherein wee are bound by our covenant , to walke . 2. the authoritative judgment of our reformers and predecessors , is evidenced not onlie by the confession of fayth , ratified in parliament , but also by the bookes of discipline , acts of generall assembllies , and their owne writs ; wherein if yee will , ye may find warant for this interpretation : and in respect whereof , it is publick , ratione medij , besides these midses of scripture of antiquitie , and of the consent of the reformed kirks , which are named for midses by you . concerning the 2 missconstruction , it is no marvell that prejudices , and pre-conceived opinions , poss●…ssing the mynd , make men to fall upon interpretations of their own ; but in the south parts of the kingdome , where many learned and judicious men , both pastors . & professors were assembled at the first subscribing thereof , wee remember of none that did fall into that misstake . and the two sorts of novations , such as are alreadie introduced , and such as are supplicated against , are so punctually distinguished , that there is no place left to ambiguitie : but o●… the contrarie , the novations which wee promise to forbeare for a time onlie , can not bee supposed in the following words , to bee abjured , for ever , as popish novations . 2. vpon a new examination of the words , yee perceive , that the articles of pearth , and episcopacie , are condemned as erronious corruptions , because we promise , to labour , to recover the former puritie & libertie of the gospel , unto which our answere is , that it appeareth , that you will have all the covenanters against their intention , and whether they will or not , to disallow , and condemne the articles of pearth , and episcopall governament , lest they bee tryed in a generall assembly but it is knowne to manie hundreths , that the words were purposely conceived , for satisfaction of such as were of your judgement , that we might all joyne in one heart , a●…d couenant for establishi●…g religion , and opposing errours . and for your argume●…t , whether the articles of perth and episcopacie , bee against the puritie and liberty of the gospell or not , which is not determined by these words of the covenant . but it cannot be denyed , first , that if in a free assembly , they bee found to bee ●…gainst the puritie and libertie of the gospell , ●…hey ought to bee abolished : in the meane time , it beeing left free , by the words of the covenant to all , who will , to stand to the defence of their lawfulnesse . secondly , how can it be denyed , that manie corruptions , contrarie to the puritie and libertie of the gospell , were they never so innocent in themselves , have accompanyed these novations , such as the superstitious observing of dayes , ●…eriation and cessation from worke , on those dayes , feasting guysing . &c. manie grosse abuses have entred in the sacrament , upon kneeling before the elements , and upon the lawlesse usurpation of prelates : in respect whereof , even they who allow pearth articles , and episcopacie , may sweare to recover the puritie of the gospell . and thirdly , who can bee so great a stranger at home , as to denye , that manie corruptions of poperie and arminianisme , have entred in the kirke , and have beene vented , and defended , in schools , and pulpits : by reason whereof wee are bound , everie one of us , according to the measure of our light , to labour for recovery of our former puritie ? and therfore , if you had cast your eyes upon the condition of this 〈◊〉 kirk , as yee have pryed narrowlie , into the expressions of the covenant , yee might have spared both your owne labour and ours , and not laboured to skarre both your selves and others , with this shadow . in your argument , ad hominem , you should have considered , that whatsoever bee our judgment , as wee are particular persons , yet , at this time wee were to bee taken , as commissionars , from the whole companio of subscribers , who , about this point , are of different judgments , and if some of your owne judgment , had either come alone in our place , or had beene joyned in commission with us , we had anticipate your objection : and this yee have beene forced to see : and so yourselves , in propnunding your objection ; have answered , your owne syllogisme , in making us to say , that yee may sweare and subscribe , seeing ye thinke not these thinges to bee abjured in that oath made ann●… 15●…1 neyther was it for you , to inquire in our private opini●… , nor necessarie for us , to make it knowne , but to have conceived of our mindes , according to our commission , and the will of those that sent us . your arguments neede to bee no impediments unto your swearing of the covenant . for upon your grounds , you would not have sworne the short confession , any time by past : yea . yee can not sweare the confession of anie kirke : nay , not the articles of the cr●…d , because of the diverse interpretations of the article of christs descen●… into hell ; or swearing them in scotland and england , yee behoved to sweare them in diverse senses . there be some words of the lord's prayer as , give us this day our daylie bread : and of the x commands as the wordes of the 4 command , which are diversly understood ; must christians , therefore , forbeare to joyne in saying the prayer , or swearing obedience to the commandements ? neither for this doe wee admit anie ambiguitie , or aequivocation : the wordes certainly have but one true sense and signification . , but diverse persons conceave and understand them , according to the different measures of their light . since then your disputation , is builded upon such a s●…pposition , it must eyther fall to the ground , or hardlie can any confession of fayth , or religious covenant be sworne . offend not therefore if wee in modesty present unto you , a dis●… of your owne dressing : we meane , the like argument , adhominem . the rites and ceremonies which are not abjured in the negative conf●…ssion , are not abjured in this late covenant . but the rites and ceremonies , which were concluded in perth assembly , are not abjured as you say , in the negative confession made , 158●… . therefore , they are not abjured in this late covenant , as yee thinke . the first proposition is evident , because in the late covenant we are bound no farther , concerning the negative confeffion , but to keep it inviolable : and therefore , what rites are not abjured there , are not abjured here ? the second proposition cannot be denyed by you ; for these twenty years by gone yee have thought your selves free of perj●…rie , notwithstanding of the oath in 1581. & of your conforming your selves to the ordinances of perth . and whereas ye alledge , afterwârd , as before , that our supplications are satisfied , the contrary is known , by our publick protestution , & by our last supplication & complaint presented to his majesties còmissioner . and the urging of the service book was a sufficient reason , for for be arance of perth articles , till an assembly ; at which time it may bee determined , whether it bee expedient , that this kirk bee any more troubled with them . neither needeth your conscience to subscribe the forbearance of these novations , as if swearing of forbearance , were a swearing of disobedience to authoritie : first , because the swearing of forboarance of a thing in your opinion , indifferent , in the case of soandall , and of sensible feare in others , of superstition , is the swearing of obedience to the commandement of god. which sorbiddeth us , to destroy him , for whom christ dyed , altho man should command the contrarie . 2. because the articles of perth were concluded , for satisfying , & not to presse any man with the practise of them , as was openly professed unto the opponents . before the face of the whole assembly , and because the act it self giveth warrant , to forbeare the practise at this time , when the memorie of superstition is revived , which maketh us to thinke , that they who have for borne the practise of these articles , since the superstitious service booke was complaned upon , make most truely conscience of obedience of the act of perth , & parliament , ratilying the same , and are most conforme to the confession of saith , ratifyed in patliament , declaring that ceremonies ought to bee changed ; when they rather soster superstition , than edifie the kirke , using the same . last of all , you saye , yee can not sweare forbearance , because yee can not abstaine from private baptisme , and priva●…e communion : where we perceave , that , in your judgment , private baptisme & communion , are not any more things indifferent but necessarie , necessitate praecepti , in so farre , that the not using them , is a contempt of the meanes , and a tempting of god. by this your doctrine , first , the state of the question anent perth artieles , is quite altered : for yee , and your associats , did ever to this time , alledge the question , to bee of thinges indifferent : but now yee finde some of them so necessarie , that although the generall assembly of the kirke , should discharge them : yet yee behoved still , for conseience of the commandement of god to practise them . if yee have the same judgement of kneeling before the elements , and of festivall dayes , it commeth to passe amongst us , which hath beene incident to the kirke in former ages that thinges have beene first brought in , as indifferent , their urged as necessarie . if confirmation also in your judgement , bee not indifferent , but necessarie , we desire to understand , with what conscience it hath beene slighted , and utterly neglected by the prelates these 20 yeeres past ? and how it is , that yee have carried so small regard to the canon of the kirke , and act of parliament , and to the benefite of young children , as not to require , urge , and presse the practise thereof , both in your owne charge & throughout the whole kirke ? this would seeme to bee partiall dealing , to presse some ceremonies , and neglect other some ; while both by the same canon of the kirk & act of parliament are appointed . 2. ye doe hereby coudemne the practise of the kirke of scotland ; from the time of reformation ; till perths assembly ; and put no small guiltinesse upon other reformed kirks , who use not that at all , but rather abstaine from it ; as dangerous , which yee now doe prof●…sse , to be so necessarie , 3. we wish you wisely to consider , whence 〈◊〉 is , and what can bee the true cause , that yee living in that part of the kingdome , should bee more pressed by the people , with the practise of privat baptisme , and communion , than all the kirks in the kingdome beside , where these 20 yeares past , rarely any such motion hath beene made : it is not because that popery prevaileth there , and the people have a superstitious conceate of baptisme & communion , as absolutly necessarie to salvation ; as it god had tyed his grace to the sacraments ; and children dying without baptisme , and others without their last vi●…ticum did perish ? thus ye minister the sacraments in private , as necessarie necessitate praecepti ; and the people seeme to desire , and receive them , as necessarie , necessitate medij ; an evill very curable , in that citie where the assemblyes of the people , for publick worship are frequent , wherein the sacraments might bee ministred frequently enough , with great solemnitie and edification . 4. and though wee doe not denye , but baptisme privately ministred , by the minister of christ , according to the institution , be true baptisme , and , that a childe thus privately baptized , bee not to bee baptized againe , ( altho it be true also , that private baptisme maketh way to the errour of re-baptizing , ) yet wee hold that the necessitie of the commandement , stands only for baptisme in publicke , since no precept requireth baptisme , but when the ministration thereof can bee had orderly , with all the circumstances requisite ; whereof this is one , that it bee ministred in the presence of that visible kirke , whereof the children are to bee members : for not onely the minister of baptisme , and the parents of the children , but the congregation also hath interest in the baptisme of everie member that entereth in their communion ; which therefore , ought to bee a publick actio●… , no lesse than the cutting off of a rotten member , by excommunication , ought to bee done publickly . 5. it is knowne that ptivat baptisme hath bred , and fostered the opinion of absolute necessitie of baptisme , of baptisme of women , and private persons , of baptisme by supposition , &c. and , that the ministration of the sacraments in private places , hath beene , and is , the ready waye to bring people to the contempt , and neglect of the sacramentes in publicke , and to the prophanation thereof in private . 6. when all the formes of ministration of baptisme ; shall bee compared , both that of the ancient kirke , keeping easter and pent●…st , for the solemne times of baptisme , and the other of the popish kirke , and other kirks , not well purged of the dregs of poperie ; ministring baptisme and communion at all times , in privat places , & before few persons ; it shall be found , that no better course could bee taken , than that which hath beene wyselie appointed and observed , in the kirk of scotland , since the reformation , that the sacraments be ministred in the ordinarie meetings of god's people ; unto which they had regard , and not unto the places of materiall kirkes : which wee adde , lest any should thinke , that wee entertaine any superstitious conceat of places . to the fifth . to the first exception , wee have even now answered , and need to adde no farther , concerning private baptisme and communion . 2. wee looked that your argument , ad hominem , had beene closed in the fourth reply & wish , what yee had to say against the dispute of popish english ceremonies , or any other treàtise : of that kynd , or any of us in particular , had beene kept to another time : for , wold any of us , refuse to sweare the short confession , because yee ●…ave expounded some articles thereof , contrarie to our mynd ? our desire is , that ye keepe your owne meaning of the negative confession , and we keepe ours , according to our diverse measures of light : and , that both sides promise forbearance , as is required in the covenant , which may verie well stand both with your meaning , and ours : of ours , there is no question : and of yours , there needeth none to bee moved by you , since ye thinke them indifferent and therefore , in such a case , may promise , to forbeare them . from this ground , and from the different use of the word discipline , and policie , it is easie to answere , both your sorites and dilemma : for the late covenant , bindeth you to keepe the forme●… , according to the common meaning of the subscribers , and not according to your interpretation or ours , in particulare : and the horues of your dilemma , maye be turned against your selves : for wee aske of you , vnto which of the members of the distinction doe you referre episcopacie , and the articles of perth ? if they were abjured for ever , before perths assembly , how is it that yee have admitted and practised them , since that tyme ; for this was perjurie ? and if they were not abjured , but by the short confession were left indifferent , why may yee not , for any impediment yee have from that confession , forbeare now the practise of them ? wee looked not for velitations of this sort , which the change of commissioners sent unto you mighthave prevented , but for some solide and grave reasons , why yee could notsubscribe the covenant , whether presented from our hands , or the handes of others , our learned and reverend brethren , of your practise and judgment , who might have beene sent unto you in our place . in the meane time , because manie are intangled with the word of discipline , and policie , we desire the reader to remember , that sometime the word is taken for the rule of givernement of the kirke , and censure of manners , by office-bearers appointed by christ ; and thus it was unchangeable : sometimes for the constitution of councells and acts of parliament , about matters of religion , and thus it is alterable or constant according to the nature of particular objects : and thirdly , it is taken for the ordering of the circumstances , to bee observed in all actions divine , and humane : and thus it is variable . wee appeale with you , to the indifferent reader , who is judicious , whether it bee necessarie for your subscription , to knowe our opinion of such rites & ceremonies , as are not of divine institution . wee have reason , ( for any thing that , ever wee heard to the contrarie , these 20 yeers past ) to eleave unto the wordes of the covenant , concerning such rites as are broght into the kirke , without or against the word of god. the blessing of marriage ( now the second time instanced ) wee conceive neither to bee circumstance , it beeing neither time , place , order of doing , nor anye such thing , nor a ceremonie properly so called , more than the blessing of the people , commanded in the law , & practised before the law , or praying for a blessing upon the ordinance of god that it may bee sanctified unto his people : wee neither exalt marriage so high , as with the papists to thinke it a sacrament ; nor doe wee abase it so lowe , as to think it a paction or contract , meerly civill , it beeing the couenant of god , which cannot be dissolved by consent of the parties , as other civill contracts maye bee : and therefore , as wee will not use it superstitiously , according to the praescript of the service booke , so will wee not for the abuse of poperie , although it were a paction meerly civill , it beeing so important , with-hold ecclesiastick benediction from it . to the sixth . silence carrieth sometimes the appearance of consent , sometime it is from weaknesse ; and sinee you knowe also , that it maye at sometimes come from wisedome , and moderation ; why doe yee not rather keepe silence your selves , than make such an interpretation of ours ? we denye not , but diuines both ancient , and moderne , are against us , concerning the lawfulnesse of the thinges contraverted : but wee withall affirme , first , that divines both ancient and moderne , are against you also , and both may bee true , for both are propositions indefinite , in a matter contingent . 2. that almost all divines universally are for us , and for the forbearance of things indifferent , in such a case , which is the point urged by us , and cleared before . secondly , wee deny not , but the oath containeth manie other articles : but concerning that of the novations alreadie introduced , if you could have believed us , & so many thousands as have subscribed , it containeth no more , but the forbearance of them , for a time , neither can any farther bee extorted from the tenor of the covenant it self , according to your grounds . if you will interprete it according to the meaning which yee thought it hadde the last yeare , and which we urge you not to change : & to promise forbearance , can neither bee contrarie to that duetie which yeow to your flock , nor be disobedience to authority , but a means to edifie god's people , and obedience to god. to the seaventh . first , the reason propounded in the 7. demand , for refusing your subscription , because yee supposed perth articles to have beene abjured , as popish , is answered to the full , and the impediment put out of your way . this other that ye propound concerning our conception and meaning of the short confession , may bee as easilie removed , if yee will once believe ; that wee urge not upon you our meaning , but leave you to your owne , till the matter be examined in an assembly . 2. ye call some of those novations , necessarie : but without warrant of that assembly , which concluded them , as indifferent , & all the rest ye will have to bee laudable : thus by progresse of time , things formerly indifferent , become necessarie : and what was but lawfull before , and had much adoe to gaine that reputation , is now become laudable : where yee plainely discover the cause of your unwillingnesse to subscribe , not so much to bee the commandement of authoritie , as the necessitie and excellencie of the things commanded . till yee , therfore , change this opinion , ye cannot promise forbearance neither upon our dealing , nor at the commandement of authoritie , altho forbearance should serve for the peace of the kirk , & kingdome . to the eight . first , wee remit the reader to our answere , and your reply , which , we hope , shall be fouud no confutation . 2. we observe . that ye have not answered our argument , for our swearing the defence of the king and his authoritie , with a specification , which yee call a limitation , wherin we have followed the confession of faith , ratified in parliament , the king's confession , and act of parliament , upon which yeewill not doe well , to fasten so foule imputations , and put so hard constructions , as yee doe upon us , for inserting in our covenant , what they have said before us . if our specification be right , why censure you it ? if it bee wrong , why fasten you not your censures upon the fountaine from which it is derived ? the loyaltie of our intentions to maintaine the kings person , and honour , is fully expressed , that it hath given content to those who are nearest his majestie : and wee should wrong , not onely them , but also the covenant , and the subscribers thereof , if wee should make new declarations to others of greater distance , who wrong both the king , and them-selves , in craving them . 3. to doe with a doubting conscience , is a grievous sinne but to make and multiplie doubtes , for hindering a good worke , and to oppose against a shyning light , is no lesse grievous . ye spake before of a limitation , & now ye have added precislie , as if the naming of our duetie , were the excluding of all other dueties . we all by our oath of alleadgeance , by his majesties lawes and by other obligations acknowledge , that wee owe many other dueties to the king , which were verie impertinent to expresse in this covenant . 4. what kynd of conference yee meane ; whether by word or writ : we know not , but while we were amongst you ; yee know what notice yee were pleased to to take of us , and wee have no delight , to resent it . to the nynth . first , wee are ashamed to draw the rug-saw of contention , to and fro , in a continuall reciprocation , concerning the serbearance of pearth articles and therefore forbearing to doe so any more , wee referre the reader to our former answeres . 2. we doe not affirme that the only reason , why kn●…eling was appointed , was because all memorie of superstition was past . there be indeed other reasons expressed in the act , but such as the authors therof may bee ashamed of , as both perverting the text. psal. 93 , as making kneeling to bee necessarie , in everie part of god's worship , and as giving matter to many treatise●… , proving kneeling before the elements , to be idolatrie , according to the act , unto which wee now referre you : but this wee say , ( which is manifest by the act it selfe ) that in the case of present superstition , or feare thereof , all other reasons had not beene forcible , to enforce knee●…ing then , nor can have force to continue kneeling now , this feare hath beene great , this yeere by past , throughout the kingdome , by reason of the manie superstitions of the service booke , which it may bee yee no more acknowledge , than yee doe the superstitious disposition of the people , because they are not that which they were at the time of reformation . 3. wee would heare what malice it self can say against the words of the protestation , that it shall bee lawfull uno us , to defend religion , and the king●… a●…ritie , in defence thereof , and everie one of 〈◊〉 of anot●… , 〈◊〉 that cause of maintaining religion , and the kings forsaid authoritie , and to appoynt and hold meetings to that end : lyke as our proceedings have beene in themselves most necessarie , and orderly meanes , agreeable to the lawes and p●…ise of this kirk and kingdome , to be commended as rea●… dueties of faythfull christians , loyall subjects , and sensible members of the bodie of the kirke and kingdome , and tend to no other ende , but to the preservation of religion , and maintenance of the king's authoritie . to your interrogator ( which yee seeme to propone , rather to be snares to us , than for satisfaction to your selves ) we an swere once for all in generall , that if this were the opportunitie to that disputation , wee shall bee found to deny nothing unto authoritie of that which the worde of god , the law of nature , and nations , the acts of parliament , chiefe royalists , sound divines , and loyall subj●…s give unto kinges and princes , god's vi●… 〈◊〉 earth ; and that not from respect to our selves , ●…t to ●…e ordinance of god , by whom kings reign●… . but seeing so oft , & so instanly , you presse us in this point , yet force vs mutually to propone to you such questi●… , 〈◊〉 it may bee , yee will have no great delight to answere●… we desire to understand of you , whether yee allow , or disallow the service booke , and booke of canons ? if ye disallow them as an innovation of religion , why have ye not either ioyned in supplication with the rest of the kingdome , or made a supplication of your owne , against them , or some other way testified your dislyke ? next ; whether it bee pertinent for men of your place and qualitie , to move questions of state , touching the power of princes , and liberties of subjects ; after his majesties commissioner , & wise states-men have received satisfaction of the subjects , for suppressing such motions as yours ? 3. whether doe the subscribers more tender , his majesties honour , by supposing his constancie , in profession of religion , and equitable disposition , in ministration of iustice : or yee who suppose hee shall fall upon his religious and loyall subjects , with force of armes , contrarie to both ? 4. whether the joyning of the whole kingdome , in the subscription of the covenant , or the intertaining division , by your wrytting , preaching , and threatning of your people , otherwise willing to joyne , bee a more readie meane to settle the present co●…tions of the kirke , and kingdome ? . 5. if the prelates and their followers labouring to introduce popery in the land , make a faction by themselves , or as the guisians in france , did abuse his majesties name , in execution of the bloodie decrees of trent . ( which god forbid ) wee aske , whether in such a case , the lawfull defence of the bodie of the kingdome , against such a faction , bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the m●…rate , and a taking a●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…g ? if ye ●…firme it to be is not this to take p●…t with a ●…tion ; seeking their owne endes , against the common-wealth of ●…he ki●…ke , and kingdome , and honour of the ●…ing ? if yee say 〈◊〉 , why then find you fault with our pr●… 〈◊〉 of defending the religion , liberties , and 〈◊〉 of the kingdome , of the kings authoritie , in defence th●…of , and everie one of us of another , in that cause , as if it were an unlawfull combination against authoritie ? 6. whether doe yee thinke christian magistrates to bee of so absolute and undoubted power , notwithstanding of the promise , or paction made with the subjects at their co●…ion , or of any law made for the establishing their religion , & liberties , that there is nothing left but ●…ering of martyrd●… , in the c●…se of publick 〈◊〉 , of their religion , and liberties ? if ye thinke , that any defence , is lawfull , why ●…isconstrue yee the subscribers of the covenant ? if not , how can you be free of flatterie , and of stirring up princes against their loyall subjects , for such ends as yourselves know be●… ? we ●…lie believe , that yee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thankes , either of so good & just a king , or of so ●…uetiefull subjects , for entering within these lists . it is enough , that such questions bee agit●…ed in the schooles , and that with as great prudencie , & ●…s circumspectly as may bee . to the tenth . first , yee take us in our 4 rep●… to bee the penners of the covenant , and yet will rather wrest the wordes of it , to your owne meaning , than receive the interpretation thereof from us : for wee prejudge not your libertie of conception of that short confession ; but permit it to your selves ; whatsoever may bee the private meaning of some who have subscribed ; yet their is nothing in the late interpretation that condemneth the articles of pearth , and episcopacie , as popish novations . yee may voyce & reason in an assembly as freelie concerning them ; and give your judgement of them , without prejudice , notwithstanding of your oath , according to your owne grounds , as you would have done at the assembly of perth . 2. we hope yee bee not so ignorant of the estate of the kirke , neither will wee judge so uncharitablie ; as to think you so corrupt , that in your opinion there is no thing hath entred in the kirke , since that time designed by you , beside episcopacie , and articles of pearth , which can bee thought prejudiciall to the libertie , and puritie of the gospell . to the eleaventh . first , yee finde fault with us , that wee have not upon this occasion , given you that testimonie which wee owe to you , of your sinceritie ; and professing the trueth , & therefore , to supplie our defects , have taken an ample testimonie to your selves , of paines in disputing , in wryting , and preaching against poperie , in processing of papists , and in doing all things which can bee expected from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of frequent prayer to god , of humbling your selves before him , of your holinesse of lyfe , and conversation , &c. which have made us who were desirous to heare that testimonie , rather at the mouthes of others , that wee might bee no more challenged as deficient in that kynde , but give unto you your deserved praise , to inquyre in matters ; where upon , if wee would believe the report of others , wee heare , that for all your paynes , papists , and persons popishly affected , are multiplyed , and papistrie increased in your towne , more than , in any other towne of the kingdome , and no lesse under your ministrie , than any time before , since the reformation ; that there be in private houses mosses , crucifixes , and other monuments of idolatrie ; that yee had not manie convers from poperie , that iesuites , and priests ; are countenanced there , that your people at home , and your magistrates abroad , complayne ; that yee are but too sparing of your paines in preaching , and often fill your places with novices : but this wee are sparing to believe , and wish , that the not imploying of your tongues and pennes , in defence of the service booke , and canons , which are so pestred with poperie , ( if the seedes of romish heresie superstition , ido latrie , and papall tyrannie come under that censure ) and your willingnesse to joyne with the kirk and kingdome , in fasting an humiliation , had beene also testimonies of your sinceritie against poperie . 2. the laudable meanes of preaching , praying , &c. which wee wish may be still in all faythfulnesse used by you , maye verie well agree with the renewing of our covenant with god , aod both beeiug joyned , have , in a short time past , produced more powerfull effects , to the comfort of manie thousandss , than all our prayers and preaching have done for a long tyme before : which testifie , that as it is warranted by the word of god ; so the motion hath proceeded from god. all the arguments and subtilities that can be devised , will never make a people , ( who at this time have found god dwelling , and working in their hearts ) to think the contrarie . 3. the naturall inclination of people to poperie , and the perswasion of others of their disposition , maye make the people to conceive other wayes of the service booke , and canons , that ere it be long , they may bee brought in , in a fair and legall way : and therefore , it is necessarie , for preventing of those , and other evills of that kynde , that the subjects joyne in a covenant , both for themselves , and their posteritie . to the twelfth . first , wee have ever preached according to our measure , and have given example of reverence to authoritie , and the lords service ; but wee neither acknowledge the usurped authoritie of prelates , for lawfull authoritie , nor the service booke , for the lords service . and therefore , it was so much the more intolerable for the prelates , without authoritie from the kirke , or parliament , to bring in the service booke into god's owne house , upon the lord' 's owne day . which maketh it nothing strange , that people zealous of the trueth , and of the service of god , were stirred up to oppose : and wee are verie confident that those that have opposed , doe beare as loyall respect to the kings majestie , and will bee as loath to provoke him to just wrath , as their opposites are . in the meane tyme , why doe yee not acknowledge , that the children were higher provoked to wrath , by the prelates , whom yee account reverend and holie fathers ? 2. as the preservation of our owne private possession , from invasion of others , belongeth to our selves , under the kings protection ; so the keeping of gods house , from pollution and superstition , belongeth to authoritie , to the communitie of the faithfull , and to everie one in his owne place and order . 3. we told you before , that wee did no more allow violence of that kind , nor wee did allow the foule aspersions of rebellion , ●…eresie , schisme & perjurie , put upon the noble-men , and remnant covenanters . and where yee aske of us , why these tumults are not publickly by us condemned , and rebuked ? wee aske againe of you , why yee did not condemne and rebuke such dealing , since that it is no lesse transgression , both against the sixth , and nynt command , than the other is against the sixt ? and whereas yee are now so peremptorie , in drawing a declaration from us , answerable to that which yee have given concerning the foresayd aspersions and calumnies , wee having no commission , to declare the mindes of others in this point , or to give documents , for our own private judgement , doe heartilie disallow everie wrong of that kynd . as for the apologie of doctour iohn forbes of corse , seeing the wrong hath beene done not unto some few particulare persons , such as ye say have been wronged by some of the people ; but unto the bodie of the kingdome , consisting of noble-men , barons , &c. who are highlie offended thereby , it were in us presumption , and without the bounds of our calling , to take upon us , to receive any declaration of that kynd , especiallie wherein so manie things are reprooveable ; as first , that his bitter speaches were occasioned by some printed bookes , affirming , that episcopacie and perth articles , were antichristian and abominable . supposing it were true , did he think the noble-men and whole covenanters , to be the authors of those bookes ? and was this dealing agreeable to that christian meeknesse so much requyred of us before ? the wryters of those printed bookes , are not the first who have spoken so . for master knox spared not , ( in a letter of his ) to call this kneeling , a diabolicall invention . secoudly ; the swearing of forbearance of the practise of perth articles & the cōfirmation of the said doctrine which wee neither deny , nor affirme , to bee imported in the olde covenant , but onelie in the interpretation thereof , wee de clare . that promise is onely made , to forbeare for a tyms doth not deserve so bitter a censure , as this apologie beareth upon us . 3. if the king's majestie , councell , or the subjects of scotland , had asked his opinion and advice , hee he might have used the greater libertie . 4. it is ill apologized , to call it an holy indignation ; & worse defended ; since it is such a wrath as worketh not the righteousnesse of god. 5. whereas hee desireth to be accounted in the number of these , qui proficiendo scribunt & scribendo proficium , wee could wish that hee had profited better by writing , than hee hath done by wryting his irenicum first , & now this his warning , after his irenicum ; for which if hee make no better apologie , than confessing asperitis of wordes , proceeding from an holy indignation , it will come to passe of his apologie , as it fared with his irenicum , unto which was applyed fitly , what was spoken in the lyke case , aut fabrum forceps , aut ars ignara fefellit . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 voluit cudere cudit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 6. whereas yee desire us , to doe the lyke , if yee meane of us personallie , wee have declared our judgement , and shall bee carefull to approve our selves to god , and the consciences of all men , in everie such duetie : and if yee meane us , and those that sent us , wee shall not faile to to report unto them , what yee desire , altho our commission from you had beene more acceptable , if yee had spoken more reverently of our confession and covenant , than yee have beene pleased to doe , in the wordes of your desire , and had put your hand unto the covenant ; which would presently have joyned us in a greater affection , and made way for union in judgement , and perfect peace , which is the desire of our soules . to the thirteenth . yee pretended a threefolde scandall , which should follow upon your subscription . 1. the scandall of dissenting from other reformed kirkes , and famous divines . 2. the scandall of dissenting from anthoritie . 3. the scandall of perjurie , . wee answered , that the controverted words of the covenant being rightly conceived , & interpreted according to their true meaning , & not after the glosse which yee have put upon them , doe put you out of danger of all the three scandalls , which yee seeme to acknowledge of the first two , and maye by the lyke reason acknowledge of the third , of perjurie . we dispute not of the lawfulnesse of the oath given at your admission , by what authoritie it was exacted , with what conscience it was given , nor how yee can answere for the scandall risen thereupon : but conceaving it according to your owne grounds , none of you will saye , that yee have sworne the perpetuall approbation and practise of those things which yee esteeme to bee indifferent , what-soever bad consequent of poperie , idolatrie , superstition , or scandall should follow thereupon : wee speake heere onely of thinges indifferent , in your owne judgement ; for yee have declared before . that yee thinke the ministration of the sacraments in piivate places , no more indifferent : and therefore , cannot forbeare the practise of these , altho your ordinarie , and other lawfull superiours , should will you to doe soe ; wherein pearths assembly for which you stand , is wronged by you two wayes : 1. that yee differ in judgement from them , about the indifferenc●…e of the five articles ; and next , that at the will of your ordinarie , and wee knowe not what other lawfull superiours , yee are readie to forbeare the practise of these thinges which the assembly hath appointed to bee observed . what oathes you have given at your admission , wee know not , because their is no ordinance made , civil or ecclesiasticke , appointing any such oath , and because the prelates , who arrogated that power , presented to the intrants diverse models of articles , to bee subscribed , dealing with some more hardlie , and with others more favourably , according to their owne diverse motives , and considerations . for some immediately after p●…rth assembly , without anye warrant from the kirke or parliament , were made to sweare at their admission , that they should both in private and publicke maintaine episcopall iurisdiction , and in their private and publicke prayers , commend the prelats to gods mercifull protection ; that they should subject themselves to the orders that presently were in the kirk , or by the consent of the said kirke , should bee lawfullie established , the word lawfullie ; was not in the principal first subscribed , ( as wee have learned ) and if it had beene exprest , it is all one , for the superiors were iudges to this lawfulnesse and vnlawfulnesse . wee will not labour to reconcile everie oath given by ministers , at their entry with the present covenant ; but wish , and exhort rather , that they may bee recalled , and repented of , as thinges for which they cannot answere before a generall assembly , to the fourteenth . if the words of the covenant bee plaine , concerning the meere forbearance , & speake nothing of the vnlawfulnes , no man's thoughts can make a change . 2. by this reply ye wrong your selves , in forging from the words of the covenant , impediments , and drawing stumbling blocks in your own way to hinder your subscription ; yee wrong the subscribers , in changing the state of the question , & in making a divorce betwixt religion and the kings authority , which the covenant joyneth together . hand in hand : and , most of all , ye wrong the kings majestie , in bringing him upō the stage , before his subjects , in whose minds ye wold beget , & breed susspitions , of opposing the trueth , of making innovation of religion , & of dealing with his subjects contrary to his laws & proclamations & cotrary to the oath at his coronation . we are not here seeking inscitiae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or a starting hole of ignorance , or the smalllest disloyalty of affection ; but would willingly decline that for the present , which neither his majesties wisdome , nor the prudence of statesmen : nor the modestie of good subjects , will allow you or us to dispute . the crowns and scepters of kings would be more tenderlie tonched , than the ordinarie subjects of schoole disputes . the naked naming , & bare rpoposall of certaine suppositions , such ( as some are made by you ) cannot but reflex upon authoritie , & sound harsh in the eares of all his majesties good subjects who wish , he may long and prosperously reigne over us . 3. his majesties most honourable privie counsell , hath proven more fauourable to this cause , of maintaining the reformed religion , than many pastors , whom by reason of their place & calling , it beeseemed to goe before others ; & altho according to their wonted custome , they gave warrant , to make his majesties proclamation , yet on good grounds remonstrated unto them by the supplicants , they willinglie refused their approbation , therof ; hoping that his majestie should be moved to give greater satisfaction thereafter : and this is not our saying , but a publicke doing , before many honourable witnesses ; of which number , some were directed unto you , whose report yee have no reason to call in question . 4 , it becommeth us , to judge charitably of the intentions of our superiors ; but most of all , of the intentions of our dread soveraigne . yet if that hold good which the supplicants have offred to prove , that the service booke , & canons , containe a reall innovation of religion wee must judge otherwise , de conditione operis , of the matters contained in the book than de intentione operant is , of his majesties intention ; altho the inten tion of the prelats & their associats , the authors and contrivers of the bookes be most justly suspected by us . 5. it is no delight to us , and can bee but small comfort to you , to mention the wrongs , which by you are done to us all who have joyned in this couenant , & doe adhere to the religion as it was reformed in this land ; in your estimation and wrytings , we are rebellious perjured , hereticks . schismaticks , blind guides , seducers , miserable interpreters , ignorants : shall such men as these bee your reverend brethren ? is this your meeknesse & charitie ? is this the duetie ye expect from us ? but setting these aside , yee have wronged us , in with-holding your hand and helpe from so good a cause , of purging religion , & reforming the kirke from so many grosse abuses , and opposing all those who have modestlie laboured for reformation your speaches in private , in your chambers , beds of sicknes , & in your missives , & in publicke , at tables and in synods , which are come to our knowledge ; wee wish rather should be remembred , & repented of , by your selves , than bee recited by us , who desire not to work you any trouble . 6. altho there be a perpotuall harmonie betwixt the word and workes of god , sarre contrarie to that which wee find to bee amongst the children of men ; yet often it commeth to passe , that the word and warnings of god , which we heare with our eares , are not believed , till we behold with our eyes , the plaine commentaries thereof , in his works . many proofs and notable documents have beene observed of the finger of god , in the worke in hand , the characters of the gaeat workes of god's , more than ordinarie providence , since the beginning , are legible heere . then did the lord bgin this work , when the adversaries were raised to a great hight , and become intolerably insolent . the beginnings were small , and in the eyes of the world contemptible ; such as use to bee the beginnings not of the works of men , but of the magnificke works of god : the power of god sensible in the hearts of many , & manifested by the joy ; the tearesand cryes of many thousands , at the solemne renewing of this covenant , hath beene a matter of admiration and amazement , never to bee forgotten , to many wise and ancient pastors and professors , who did also finde an unwonted flame , warming their owne breasts ; the plots and workings of the adversary , have wroug●… against their own projects , & have served ●…or our endes , m●…e than all that have beene thought , or done by our selves , that wee may justly say , what they devysed , for evill , the lord hath turned to good : manie thousands conveened , diverse times , in one place , have beene kept in such order & quyetnesse , without the smallest trouble , in such sobernesse & temperance , without excesse or riot , that hardly can history furnish a paralell , & what effectes there bee already throughout the land , of pietie in domestick worship , in observing the exercises of religion . in publick , of sobernesse in dyet and appatrell , & of righteousnesse and concord , wee trust shall be sensible by the blessings of god upon us , and shall be examplarie to the posteritie , these wee present unto you , and unto all , as a commentary , written by the lord' 's owne hand ; wishing againe , that neither yee nor others , bee sound fighting against god , who so is wise , and will observe these things , even they shall understand the loving kindnes of the lord. psal 107. 43. lord ; when thy hand is lifted up , they will not see but they shall see , & hee ashamed for their envy at the people . is. 26. 11. master alexander henderson , minister at leuchars . master david dickson , minister at irwin . a fair warning for england to take heed of the presbyterian government of scotland as being of all others the most injurious to the civil magistrates, most oppressive to the subject, most pernicious to both : as also the sinfulnesse and wickednesse of the covenant to introduce that government upon the church of england / by dr. john brumhall [sic], lord arch-bishop of armagh and primate of all ireland. fair warning to take heed of the scotish discipline bramhall, john, 1594-1663. 1661 approx. 103 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a29197 wing b4220 estc r4624 10802811 ocm 10802811 45970 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29197) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 45970) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1416:18) a fair warning for england to take heed of the presbyterian government of scotland as being of all others the most injurious to the civil magistrates, most oppressive to the subject, most pernicious to both : as also the sinfulnesse and wickednesse of the covenant to introduce that government upon the church of england / by dr. john brumhall [sic], lord arch-bishop of armagh and primate of all ireland. fair warning to take heed of the scotish discipline bramhall, john, 1594-1663. [2], 40 p. s.n., [london? : 1661?] imprint suggested by nuc, wing. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project 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record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of scotland -government. covenanters -england. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a fair vvarning , for england to take heed of the presbyterian government of scotland ; as being of all others most injurious to the civil magistrate , most oppressive to the subject , most pernicious to both . also the sinfulnesse and wickednesse of the covenant , to introduce that governement upon the church of england . by dr iohn brumhall lord arch-bishop of armagh , and primate of all ireland . luke 9.35 . no man having drank old wine straight-way desireth new , for he saith the old is better . now reprinted for the good and benefit of all his majesties subjects . the contents . chap. i. the occasion and subject of this treatise . pag. 1 chap. ii. that this new discipline doth utterly overthrow the rights of magistrates , to convocate synods , to confirme their acts , to order ecclesiasticall affairs , and reforme the church within their dominions . p. 3 chap. iii. that this discipline robs the magistrate of the last appeale of his subjects . p. 12 chap. iv. that it exempts the ministers from due punishment . p. 13 chap. v. that it ●●bjects the supreme magistrate to their censures , &c. p. 16 chap. vi. that it robs the magistrate of his dispensative power . p. 17 chap. vii . that the disciplinarians cheat the magistrate of his civil power in order to religion . p. 1● chap. viii . that the disciplinarians challenge this exorbitant power 〈◊〉 divine right . p. 24 chap. ix . that this discipline makes a monster of the commonwealth . p. 26 chap. x. that this dicipline is most prejudiciall to the parliamen● . p. 2● chap. xi . that this discipline is oppressive to particular persons . p. 30 chap. xii . that this discipline is hurtfull to all orders of men . p. 32 chap. xiii . that the covenant to introduce this discipline is void and wicked , with a short conclusion . p. 3● a faire warning , to take heed of the presbyterian government , as being of all others most injurious to the civil magistrate , most oppressive to the subject , most pernicious to both . chap. i. the occasion and subject of this treatise . if the disciplinarians in scotland could rest contented to dote upon their own inventions , and magnifie at home that diana which themselves have canonized , i should leave them to the best school-mistris , that is experience , to feel where their shoe wrings them , and to purchase repentance . what have i to do with the regulation of forreign churches to burn mine own fingers with snuffing other mens candles ? let them stand or fall to their own master : it is charity to judge well of others , and piety to look well to our selves . but to see those very men who plead to vehemently against all kinds of tyranny , attempt to obtrude their own dreames not only upon their fellow-subjects , but upon their sovereigne himself , contrary to the dictates of his own conscience , contrary to all laws of god and man , yea to compell forreigne churches to dance af●er their pipe , to worship that counterfeit image which they seign to have fallen down from iupiter , and by force of armes to turne their neighbours out of a possession of above 1400 years , to make roome for their trojan horse of ecclesiasticall discipline , ( a practice never justified in the world but either by the turk or by the ●ope ) . this put us upon the defensive part , they must not think that other men are so cowed or grown so tame , as to stand still blowing of their noses , whilst they bridle them and ride them at their pleasure . it is time to let the world see that this discipline which they so much adore , is the very quintessence of refined popery , or a greater tyranny than ever rome brought forth , inconsistent with all forms of civil governement , destructive to all sorts of policy , a ra●k to the conscience , the heaviest pressure that can fall upon a people , and so much more dangerous , because by the specious pretence of divine institution , it takes away the sight , but not the burden of slavery . have patience reader , and i shall discover unto thee more pride and arrogancy through the holes of a thred-bare coat , then was ever found under a cardinals cap or a tripple-crown . all this ▪ i undertake to demonstrate , not by some extraordinary practices justified only by the pretence of invincible necessity , ( a weak patrociny for generall doctrine , ) not by the single opinions of some capricious fellows , but by their books of discipline , by the acts of their generall and provinciall assemblies , but the concurrent votes and writings of their commissioners . i foresee that they will suggest that through their sides i seek to wound forreigne churches . no , there is nothing which i shall convict them of here , but i hope will be disavowed , though not by all protestant auctours , yet by all the protestant churches in the world . but i must take leave to demand of our disciplinarians , who it is they brand with the odious name of erastians , in the acts of their parliaments and assemblies , and in the writings of their commissioners , and reckon them with papists , anabaptists , and independents ; is it those churches , who disarme their presbyteries of the sword of excommunication , which they are not able to weeld ? so did erastus ; or is it those who attribute a much greater power to the christian magistrate , in the managery of ecclesiasticall affairs than themselves ? so did erastus , and so do all protestant churches . the disciplinarians will sooner endure a bishop or a superintendent to govern them , than the civill magistrate . and when the magistrate shall be rightly informed , what a dangerous edg'd tool their discipline is , he will ten times sooner admit of a moderate episcopacy , then fall into the hands of such hucksters . if it were not for this disciplinarian humour , which will admit so latitude in religion , but makes each nicity a fundamental , and every private opinion an article of faith , which prefers particular errours before generall truths . i doubt not but all reformed churches might easily be reconciled . before these unhappy troubles in england , all protestants both lutherans and calvinists did give unto the english church the right hand of fellowship ; the disciplinarians themselves , though they preferred their own church as more pure , ( else they were hard-hearted ) yet they did not , they durst not condemne the church of england , either as defective in any necessary point of christian piety , or redundant in any thing that might virtually or by consequence overthrow the foundation . witnesse that letter which their generall assembly of superintendents , pastors and elders , sent by mr iohn knox to the english bishops , wherein they stile them reverend pastors , fellow-preachers , and joynt opposers of the roman antichrist . they themselves were then far from a party , or from making the calling of bishops to be antichristian . but to leave these velitations and come home to the point . i will shew first how this discipline entrencheth most extreamly upon the right of the civill magistrate , secondly that it is as grievous and intollerable to the subject . chap. ii. that this new discipline doth utterly overthrow the rights of magistrates , to convocate synods , to confirme their acts , to order ecclesiasticall affairs , and reforme the church within their dominions . all princes and states invested with sovereignty of power , do justly challenge to themselves the right of convocating nationall synods of their own subjects , and ratifying their constitution . and although pious princes may tollerate or priviledge the church to convene within their territories annually or triennially , for the exercise of discipline , and execution of constitutions already confirmed , ( neverthelesse we see how wary the synod of dort was in this particular , ) yet he is a magistrate of straw , that will permit the church to convene within his territories , whensoever , wheresoever they list , to convocate before them whomsoever they please , all the nobles , all the subjects of the kingdome , to change the whole ecclesiasticall pollicy of a commonwealth , to alter the ▪ doctrine and religion established , to take away the legall rights and priviledges of the subjects , to erect new tribunals and courts of justice , to which sovereigns themselves must submit , and all this of their own heads , by virtue of a pretended power given them from heaven , contrary to known laws and lawfull customs , the supreame magistrate dissenting and disclaiming . synods ought to be called by the supreame magistrate if he be a christian , &c. and either by himself , or by such as he shall please to choose for that purpose , he ought to preside over them . this power the emperours of old did challenge over generall councels , christian monarchs in the blindnesse of popery over nationall synods , the kings of england over their great councels of old , and their convocation of later times , the estates of the united provinces in the synod of dort , this power neither roman catholick or protestant in france dare deny to his king. none have been more punctuall in this case then the state of geneva , where it is expresly provided , that no synod or presbytery shall alter the ecclesiasticall pollicy , or adde any thing to it , without the consent of the civil magistrate . their elders do not challenge an uncontrolable power as the commissioners of christ , but are still called the commissioners of the signiory . the lesser councel names them with the advise of the ministery , ( their consent is not necessary ) the great councel of 200. doth approve them or reject them . at the end of the year they are presented to the signiory , who continue them or discharge them as they see cause . at their admission they take an oath , to keep the eccesiasticall ordinances of the civil magistrate . the finall determination of doctrinall differences in religion , ( after conference of , and with the ecclesiasticks , ) is referred to the magistrate . the proclamations published with the sound of trumpet registered in the same book , do plainly shew , that the ordering of all ecclesiasticall affairs , is assumed by the signiory . but in scotland all things are quite contrary , the civil magistrate hath no more to do with the placing or displacing of ecclesiasticall elders , than he hath in the electoral colledge , about the election of an emperour . the king hath no more legislative power in ecclesiasticall causes , than a cobler , that is a single vote in case he be chosen an elder , otherwise none at all . in scotland ecclesiasticall persons make repeal , alter their sanctions every day , without consent of king or councel . king iames proclaimed a parliament to be held at edenburgh , and a little before by his letter required the assembly to abstain from making any innovations in the policy of the church , and from prejudging the decisions of the states by their conclusions , and to suffer all th●ngs to conti●ue in the condition they were untill the approaching parliament . what did they hereupon ? they neglected the kings letter , by their own authority they determined all things positively , questioned the arch-bishop of st andrews upon their own canons , for collating to benefices , and voting in parliament , according to the ●ndoubted laws of the land. yea to that degree of sawcinesse they arrived , and into that contempt they reduced sovereigne power , that twenty presbyters ( no more at the highest , sometimes but thirteen , sometimes but seven or eight ) dared to hold and maintaine a general assembly , ( as they miscalled it , ) after it was discharged by the king , against his authority , an insolence which never any parliament durst yet attempt . by their own authority , long before there was any statute made to that purpose ; they abolished all the festivals of the church , even those which were observed in memory of the birth , circumcision , resurrection , and ascension of our saviour . by their own authority they decreed the abolition of bishops , requiring them to resigne their offices , as not having any calling from gods word , under pain of excommunication . and to des●st from preaching , untill they had a new admission from the generall assembly . and to compleate their own folly , added further , that they would dispose of their possessions as the churches patrimony in the next assembly , which ridiculous ordinance was maintained stifly by the succeeding synods , notwithstanding the statute , that it should be treason to impugn the authority of the three estates , or to procure the innovation or diminution of ●●y of them . which was made on purpose to controll their vain presumption . notwithstanding that themselves had formerly approved , and as much as in them lay established superintendents , to endure for terme of life with their numbers , bounds , salaries , larger than those of other ministers , indewed with episcopall power , to plant churches , ordaine ministers , assign stipends , preside in synods , direct the censures of the church , without whom there was no excommunication . the world is much mistaken concerning episcopacy in scotland : for though the king and parliament were compelled by the clamours and impetuous violence of the presbyters to annex the temporalities of bishops to the crown , yet the function it self was never taken away in scotland , from their first conversion to christianity , untill these unhappy troubles . and these very temporalities were restored by the ad of restitution , and their full power was first established synodically , and afterwards confirmed by the three estates of the kingdome in parliament . by their own authority when they saw they could not prevaile with all their iterated indeavours and attempts to have their book of discipline ratified , they obtruded it upon the church themselves , ordaining that all those who had born , or did then bea●● any office in the church , should subscribe it , under pain of excommunication . by their own authority , or rather by the like unwarrantable boldness they adopted themselves to be heirs of the prelates and and other dignities and orders of the church , suppressed by their tumultuous violence , and decreed that all tythes , rents , lands , oblations , yea whatsoever had been given in former times , a should be given in future times to the service of god , was th● patrimony of the church ; and ought to be collected and distributed by the deacons , as the word of god appoints . that to convert any of this , to their particular or profane use of any perso● , is detestable sacriledge before god. and elsewhere , gentle●●● , barons , earls , lords , and others must be content to live 〈◊〉 their just rents , and suffer the kirk to be restored to her li●erty . what this liberty is , follows in the same place , all things given in hospitality , all rents pertaining to priests , chanteries , colledges , chappetries , frieries of all orders , the sisters of the seens , all which ought to be retained still in the use of the kir● . give them but leave to take their breath and expect the rest . t●● whole reven●es of the temporalities of bishops , deans , and an●deans lands , and all rents pertaining to cathedrall kirks . then supposing an objection , that the possessours had leases and estates , they answer , that those who made them were thieves and murtherers , and had no power to alienate the common good of the kirk . they desire that all such estates may be anulled and avoided , that all collectours appointed by the king or others , may be discharged from intermedling therewith , and the deacons permitted to collect the same : yea to that height of madnesse were th●y come , as to define and determine in their assembly , ( judge whether it be not a modest constitution for a synod . ) that the next parliament the church should be fully restored to its patrimony , and that nothing should be p●st in parliament untill that was first considered and approved . let all estates take notice of these pretensions and designs . if their project have not yet taken eff●ct , it is only because they wanted sufficient strength hitherto to accomplish it . lastly by their own authority , under the specious title of iesus christ , king of kings , and lord of lords , the only monarch of his church , and under pretence of his prerogative royall , they erected their own courts and presbyteries in the most parts of scotland , long before th●y were legally approved or received , as appeareth by their own act , alledging that many suites had been made to the magistrate for approbation of the policy of the kirk , which had not taken that happy effect which good men would crave : and by another act acknowledging that presbyteries were then established ( synodically ) in most parts of the kingdome . and lastly by the act of another generall assem●ly at edenburg , ordaining that the discipline contained in the acts of the generall assembly should be kept , as well in agnus and mernis as in the rest of the kingdome . you see sufficiently in point of practice how the disciplinarians have trampled upon the laws , and justled the civill magistrate out of his supremacy in ecclesiasticall affaires . my next ●ask shall be , to shew that this proceeds not from inanimadvertence or passion , but from their doctrine and principles . first , they teach that no persons , magistrates nor others , have power to vote in their synods , but only ecclesiasticall . secondly , they teach , that ecclesiasticall perso●s have ●he sole power of convening and convocating such assembles , all ecclesiasticall assemblies have power to convene lawfully together , for treating of things concerning the kirk . they have power to appoint times and places . again , nationall assemblies of thi● countrey ought alwayes to be retained in their own liberties , with power to the kirk to appoint times and places . thus they make it a liberty , that is a priviledge of the church , a part of its patrimony , not only to convene , but to convocate , whomsoever , whensoever , wheresoever . thirdly , for point of power , they teach , that synods have the judgement of true and false religion , of doctrine , heresies , &c. the election , admission , suspension , deprivation of ministers , th● determination of all things that pertain to the discipline of the church . the judgement of ecclesiasticall matters , causes ben●ficiary , matrimoniall and others . iurisdiction to proceed to excommunication against those that rob the church of its patrimony . they have legislative power to make rules and constitutions for keeping good order in the kirk . they have power to abr●gate and abolish all statutes and ordinances concerning ecclesiasticall matters , that are found noisome and unprofitable , and agree not with the time , or are abused by the people . and all this without any reclamation , or apellation to any iudge , civill 〈◊〉 ecclesiasticall . fourthly , they teach that they have these priviledges not from the magistrate or people , or particular laws of any other countrey . the magistrate can not execute the censures of the church , nor prescribe any rule how it should be done , but ecclesiasticall power floweth immediately from god , and from the mediatour iesus christ. and yet further , the church cannot be governed by others , than those ministers and stewards set over it by christ , nor otherwise than by his laws . and therefore there is no power on earth that can challenge to it self a command or domini●● upon the church . and again , it is prohibited by the law of god and of christ , for the christian magistrate to invade the government of the church , and consequently to challenge to himself the right of both swords , spirituall and temporall . and if any magistrate do arrogate so much to himself , the church shall have cause to complain and exclaime , that the pope is changed , but the papacy remains . so if kings and magistrates stand in their way , they are political popes , as well as bishops are ecclesiasticall . whatsoever these men do , is in the name of our lord iesus , and by authority delegated from him alone . lastly , they teach that they have all this power , not only without the magistrate , but against the magistrate , that is , although he dissent , and send out his prohibitions to the contrary , parliamentary ratifications can no way alter church canons concerning the worship of god. for eccclesiasticall discipline ought to be exercised , whether it be ratified by the civill-magistrate or not . the want of a civill sanction to the church , is but like lucrum cessans , non damnum emergens . as it addes nothing to it , so it takes nothing away from it . if there be any clashing of jurisdictions , or defect in this kind , they lay the fault at the magistrates doore . it is a great sinne or wickednesse , for the magistrate to hinder the exercise , or execution of ecclesiasticall discipline . now we have seen the pernicious practices of their synods , with the doctrines from which they flow ; it remains to dispel umbrages , wherewith they seek to hide the ugliness of their proceedings and principles from the eyes of the world . we ( say they ) do give the christian magistrate a politicall power to convocate synods , to preside in synods , to ratifie the acts of synods , to reform the church . we make him the keeper of both tables . take nothing and hold it fast , here are good words , but they signifie nothing . trust me whatsoever the disciplinarians do give to the magistrate , it is alwayes with a saving of their own stakes , not giving for his advantage , but their own . for they teach that this power of the christian magistrate is not private and destructive to the power of the church but cumulative , and onely auxiliary or assisting . besides the power which they call abusively authoritative , but is indeed ministeriall , of executing their decrees , and contributing to their settlement , they ascribe to the magistrate concerning the acts of synods that which every private man hath , a judgement of ●iscretion , but they retain to themselves the judgement of iurisdiction . and if he judge not as they would have him , but suspend out of conscience th● influence of his politicall power , where they would have him exercise it , they will either teach him another point of popery , that is an implicite faith , or he may perchance ●eel the weight of their church-censures , and find quickly what manner of men they be , as our late gratious king charles and before him his father , his grandmother , and his great grandmother did all to their cost . then in plain english , what is this politicall power to call synods to preside in synods , and to ratifie synods , which these good men give to the magistrate , and magnifie so much ? i shall tell the truth . it is a duty which the magistrate ows to the kirk , when they think necessary to have a synod convocated , to strengthen their summons by a civill sanction , to secure them in coming to the synod , and returning from the synod , to provide them good accommodation , to protect them from dangers , to defend their rights and priviledges . to compel obstinate persons by civill laws and punishments , to submit to their censures and decrees . what gets the magistrate by all this to himself ? he may put it all in his eye , and see never a whit the worse . for they declare expresly , that neither all the power , nor any part of the power , which synods have to deliberate of , or to define ecclesiasticall things , ( though it be in relation to their own subjects ) doth flow from the magistrate , but because in those things which belong to the outward man , ( mark the reason ) the church stands in need of the help of the magistrate . fair fall a● ingenuous confession , they attribute nothing to the magistrate , but only what may render him able to serve their own turns , and supply their needs . i wish these men would think a little more of the distinction , between habituall and actuall jurisdiction . after a school-master hath his license to teach , yet his actuall jurisdiction doth proceed from the parents of his scholars . and though he enjoy a kind of supremacy among them , he must not think that this extinguisheth , either his own filiall duty , o● theirs . like this power of presiding politically in synods is the other power which they give him of reforming the church , that is when the state of the church is corrupted , but not when it is pure , as they take it for granted , that it is , when the jurisdiction is in their own hands . although godly kings and princes , someti●● by their own authority , when the kirk is corrupted , and all things out of order , place ministers , and restore the true service of the lord , after the example of some godly kings of iud●● , and divers godly emperours and kings also in the light of the new testament ; yet where the ministry of the kirk is once lawfully constituted , and they that are placed , do their office faithfully , all godly princes and magistrates ought to hear and obey their voice , and reverence the majesty of the son of god speaking in them . leave this jugling ; who shall judge , when the church is corrupted ; the magistrates or church-men ? if the magistrates , why not over you , as well as others ? if the church-men , why not others as well as you ? here is nothing to be answered , but to beg the question , that they only are the true church . hear another witnesse , in evill and troublesome times , and in a lapsed state of affairs ; when the order instituted by god in the church , is degenerated to tyranny , to the trampling upon the true religion , and oppressing the professors of it , when nothing is sound , the godly magistrate may do some things , which ordinarily are not lawfull , &c. but ordinarily and of common right , in churches already constituted , if a man flye to the magistrate complaining that he is injured , by the abuse of ecclesiasticall discipline , or if the sentence of the presbyteries displease the magistrate , either in point of discipline or of faith , he must not therefore draw such causes to a civill tribunall , nor introduce a politicall papacy . and as the magistrate hath power in extraordinary causes , when the church is wholly corrupted , to reforme ecclesiasticall abuses ; so if the magistrate shall tyrannize , over the church , it is lawfull to oppose him , by certain wayes and meanes , extraordinarily ; how ever ordinarily not to be allowed . this is plain dealing , the magistrate cannot lawfully reforme them , but in cases extraordinary ; and in cases extraordinary they may lawfully reforme the magistrate , ●y meanes not to be ordin●rily allowed , that is by force of armes , see the principles from whence all our miseries ; and the losse of our gratious master , hath flowed ; and learn to detest them ; they give the magistrate the custody of both tables , so they do give the same to themselves , they keep the second table , by admonishing him ; he keeps the first table by assisting them : they reforme the abuses , of the first table by ordinary right , of the s●cond table extraordinari●y . he reforms the abuses against the second table ; by ordinary right : and the abuses against the first table extraordinarily . but can the magistrate , according to their learning call the sy●od to an account for any thing they do , can he remedy the erto●rs of a synod either in doctrine or discipline ? no , if magistrates had power to change , or diminish , or restraine the rights of the church ; the condition of the church , should be worse , and their liberties less , under a christian magistrate , than und●r an heathen . for ( say they ) parliaments and supreame senates , are no more infallible th●n synods , and in matters of faith and discipline more apt to ●rre ; and again , the magistrate is ●ot judge of spirituall caus●s co●troverted in the church . and if he decree any thing in such businesses ; according to the wisdom of the flesh , and not according to the rule of gods word , and the wisdome which is from above , he must give an account of i● unto god. or may the supreame magistrate oppose the execution of their discipline practised in their presbyteries , or synods , by laws o● prohibitions ? no , it is wickednesse , if he do so farre abuse his authority , good christians must rather suffer extremities , th●● obey him . then what remedy hath the magistrate , if he find himself gri●ved in this case ? he may desire and procure a review in another nationall synod , that the matter may be lawfully determined by ecclesiasticall judgement . yet upon this condition , the notwithstanding the future review , the first sentence of the synod be executed without delay , this is one main branch of popery , and agrosse incrochment , upon the right of the magistrate . chap. iii. that this discipline robs the magistrate of the last appeale of ●i● subjects . the second flows from this . the last appeal ought to be the supreame magistrate , or magistrates , within his or their dominions , as to the highest power under god. and where it is not so ordered , the common-wealth can injoy no tranquility , ●s we shall see in the second part of this discourse . by the laws of england , if any man find himself grieved with the sentence o● consistoriall proceedings of a bishop , or of his officers , he may appeal from the highest judicatory of the church to the king i● chancery , who useth in that case to grant commissions under the great seal , to delegates expert in the laws of the realme , wh● have power to give him remedy , and to see justice done . in scotland this would be taken in great scorn , as an high indignity upon the commissioners of christ , to appeal from his tribunal , to the judgement of a mortal man. in the year 1582. king iames by his letter by his messenger , the master of requests , and by an herald at arms , prohibited the assembly at saint andrews to proceed in the case of one mongomery , and mongomery hims●lf appealed to caesar , or to king and councel . what did our new matters upon this ? they sleighted the kings letter , his messenger , his herald , reject●d the appeal , as made to an incompetent judge , and proceeded most violently in the cause . about four years after this , another synod held at saint andrews , proceeded in like manner against the bishop of that se● , for voting in parliament according to his conscience , and for being suspected to have penned a declaration , published by the king and parliament at the end of the statutes ; notwithstanding that he declined their judicature , and appealed to the king and parliament . when did any bishops dare to doe such acts ? there need no more instances , their book of discipline it s●lf being so full in the case , from the kirk there is no reclamation , or appellation , to any judge civil or ecclesiastical , within the realm . chap. iv. that it exempts the ministers from due punishment . thirdly , if ecclesiastick persons in their pulpits or assemblies , shall leave their text and proper work to turn incendiaries , trumpeters of sedition , stirring up the people to tumults and disloyal attempts in all well-ordered kingdoms and commonwealths , they are punishable by the civil magistrate , whose proper office it is to take cognizance of treason and sedition . it was well said by a king of france to some such seditious sheba's , that if they would not let him alone in their pulpits , he would send them to preach in another climate . in the vnited provinces there want not examples of seditious oratours , who for controlling their magistrates too sawcily in the pulpit , have been turned both out of their churches and cities , without any fear of wresting christs scepter out of his hand . in geneva it self , the correction of ecclesiastical persons ( qua tales , ) is expresly reserved to the signiory . so much our disciplinarians have ou●-done their pattern , as the passionate writings of heady men out-do the calmer decrees of a stayed senate . but the ministers of scotland have exempted themselves in this case from all secular judgement , as king iames ( who knew them best of any man living ) witnesseth . they said , he was an incompetent iudge in such cases , and that matters of the pulpit ought to be exempted from the judgement and correction of princes . they themselves speak plain enough . it is an absurd thing , that sundry of them , ( commissaries ) having no function of the kirk , should be iudges to ministers , and depose them from their rooms . the reason holds as well against magistrates as commissaries . to passe by the sawcy and seditious expressions of mr dury , mr mellvill , mr b●lcanqu●ll , and their impunity . mr iames gibson in his sermon taxed the king for a persecutor , and threatned him with a curse , that he should die childless , and be the last of his race ; for which being convented before the assembly , and not appearing , he was onely suspended during the pleasure of his brethren , ( he should have been suspended indeed , that is hanged . ) but at another assembly , in august following , upon his all●gation , that his not appearing was out of his tender care of the rights of the church , he was purged from his contumacy , without once so much as acquainting his majesty . the case is famous of mr david blake minister of st andrews , who had said in his sermon , that the king had discovered the treachery of his heart , in admitting the popish lords into the countrey . that all kings were the devils barns , that the devil was in the court , and in the guiders of it . and in his prayer for the queen , he used these words , we must pray for her for fashion sake , but we have no cause , she will never do us any good . he said , that the queen of england ( queen elizabeth ) was an atheist , that the lords of the session were miscreants and bribers , that the nobility were degenerated , godless , dissemblers , and enemies to the church , that the councel were holly glasses , cormorants and men of no religion . i appeal to all the estates in europe , what punishment could be severe enough for such audacious virulence ? the english ambassadour complains of it ; blake is cited before the councel . the commissioners of the church plead , that it will be ill taken , to bring ministers in question upon such trifling delations , as inconsistent with the liberties of the church . they conclude , that a declinatour should be used , and a protestation made against those proceedings , saying , it was gods cause , wherein they ought to stand to all haz●rds . accordingly a declinatour was framed and presented . blake desires to be remitted to the presbytery , as his ordinary . the commissioners send the copie of the declinatour to all the presbyteries , requiring them for the greater corroboration of their doings , to subscribe the same , and to commend the cause in hand in their private and publick prayers to god , using their best credit with their flocks for the maintenance thereof . the king justly incensed herewith , dischargeth the commissioners . notwithstanding this injunction , they stay still , and send delegates to the king , to represent the inconveniences that might ensue . the king more desirous to decline their envy , than they his judgement , offers peace . the commissioners refuse it , and present an inso●ent petition , which the king rejects deservedly , and the cause was heard th● very day that the princes elizabeth ( now queen of bohemia ) w●s christened . the witnesses were produced , mr robert ponte in the name of the church makes a pretestation . blake presents a second d●clinatour . the councel decree that the cause being treasonable , is cognoscible before them . the good king still seeks peace , sends messengers , treats , offers to remit : but it is labour in vain . the ministers answer peremptorily by mr robert bruce their prolocutor , that the liberty of christs kingdom had received such a wound , by this usurpation of the rights of the church , that if the lives of mr blake , and twenty others had been taken , it would not have grieved the hearts of good people so much , as these injurious proceedings . the king still woos and conferres . at last the matter is concluded , that the king shall make a declaration in favour of the church , that mr blake shall only make an acknowledgment to the queen , and be pardoned : but mr blake refuseth to confesse any fault , or to acknowledge the king and councel to be any judges of his sermon . hereupon he is convicted and sentenced to be guilty of false and treasonable slanders , and his punishment referred to the king. still the king treats , makes propositions unbeseeming his majesty , once or twice . the ministers reject them , proclaim a fast , raise ● tumult in edenburgh , petition , preferre articles . the king departeth from ●he city , removeth his courts of iustice , the peop●e repent , the ministers persist , and seek to engage the subjects in a covenant for mutual defence . one mr walsh in his sermon tells the people , that the king was possessed with a devil , yea with seven devils ; that the subjects might lawfully rise and take the sword out of his hands . the seditious encouraged from the pulpit , send a letter to the lord hamilton to come and be their general . he nobly refuseth , and sheweth their letter to the king. hereupon the mini●ters are sought for to be apprehended , and flie into england . the tumult is declared to be treason by the estates of the kingdom . i have urged this the more largely ( yet as succinctly as i could ) to let the world see , what dangerous subjects these disciplinarians are , and how inconsistent their principles be , with all orderly societies . chap. v. that it subjects the supreme magistrate to their censures , &c. fourthly , they have not onely exempted themselves in their duties of their own function from the tribunal of the sovereign magistrate or supream senate , but they have subjected him and them ( yea even in the discharge of the sovereign trust ) to their own consistories , even to the highest censure of excommunication , which is like the cutting of a member from the body natural , or the out-lawing of a subject from the body politic● , excommunication ; that very engine , whereby the popes of old advanced themselves above emperours . to discipline must all the estates within this realm be subject ; as w●ll rulers , as they tha● are ruled . and elswhere , all men , as well magistrates , as inferiours , ought to be subject to the judgement of general assembli●● . and yet again , no man that is in the church , ought to be exempted from ecclesiastical censures . what h orrid and pernicious mischiefs do use to attend the excommunication of sovereign magistrates , i leave to every mans memory or imagination . such cours●s make great kings become cyphers , and turn the tenure of ● crown copy-hold , ad voluntatem dominorum . such doctrines might better become some of the roman alexanders , or b●nifaces , or gregorius , or pius quintus , than such great prosessors of humility , such great disclaimers of authority , who have inveighed so bitterly against the bishops for their usurpations . this was never the practice of any orthodox bishop . st ambrose is mistaken , what he did to theodosius was no act of ecclesiastical jurisdiction , but of christian discretion . no , he was better grounded . david said , against thee onely have i sinned , because he was a king. our disciplinarians abhorre the name of authority , but hugge the thing , their profession of humility , is just like that cardinals hanging up of a fishers net in his dining-room , to put him in mind of his discent , but so soon as he was made pope he took it down , saying , the fish was caught now , there was no more need of the net. chap. vi. that it robs the magistrate of his dispensative power . fifthly , all supreame magistrates do assume to themselves a power of pardoning offences and offenders , where they judge it to be expedient . he who believes that the magistrate cannot with a good conscience dispence with the punishment of a penitent malefactour , i wish him no greater censure , than that the penall laws might be duly executed upon him , untill he recant his errour . but our disciplinarians have restrained this dispensative power , in all such crimes as are made capitall by the judiciall law , as in the case of bloud , adultery , blasphemy , &c. in which cases , they say the offender ought to suffer death , as god hath commanded . and , if the life be spared , as it ought not to be to the offenders , &c. and , the magistrate ought to preferre gods expresse commandment before his own corrupt judgement , especially in punishing these crimes which he commandeth to be punished with death . when the then popish earls of angus , huntley , and erroll , were excommunicated by the church , and forfeited for treasonable practices against the king , it is admirable to read with what wisdome , and charity , and sweetnesse his majesty did seek from time to time to reclaime them from their errours , and by their unfeigned conversion to the reformed religion to prevent their punishment . wherein he had the concurrence of two conventions of estates , the one at falkland , the other at dumfermling . and on the other side to see with what bitternesse and radicated malices they were prosecuted by the presbyteries , and their commissioners , sometimes petitioning , that they might have no benefit of law , as being excommunicated , sometimes threatning , that they were resolved to pursue them to the uttermost , though it should be with the loss of all their lives in one day . that if they continued enemies to god and his truth , the countrey should not brook both them and the lords together . sometimes pressing to have their estates confiscated , and their lives taken away . alledging for their ground , that by gods law they had deser●ed death . and when the king urged that the bosom of the church should be ever open to penitent sinners , they answered , that the church could not refuse their satisfaction , if it was truly offered , but the king was obliged to do justice . what do you think of those that roar out , iustice , iustice , now adayes , whether they be not the right spawn of these bloud-suckers , look upon the examples of cain , esau , ishmael , antiochus , antichrist , and tell me , if you ever find such supercilious , cruel , bloud-thirsty persons , to have been pious towards god , but their religion is commonly like themselves , stark naught , cursed be their anger for it was fierce , and their wrath , for it was cruel . these are some of those incroachments which our disciplinarians have made upon the rights of all supreame magistrates , there be sundry others , which especially concerne the kings of great brittain , as the losse of his tenths , first-fruits , and patronages , and which is more than all these , the dependence of his subjects ▪ by all which we see , that they have thrust out the pope indeed , but retained the papacy . the pope as well as they , and they as well as the pope , ( neither barrel better herrings , ) do make kings but half kings , kings of the bodies , not of the souls of their subjects : they allow them some sort of judgement over ecclesiastical persons , in their civill capacities , for it is little ( according to their rules ) which ever is not ecclesiasticall , or may not be reduced to ecclesiasticall . but over ecclesiastick persons , as they are ecclesiasticks , or in ecclesiasticall matters , they ascribe unto them no judgment in the world . they say it cannot stand with the word of god , that no christian prince ever claimed , nor can claime to himself such a power , if the magistrate will be contented to wave his power in ecclesiasticall matters , and over ecclesiasticall persons , ( as they are such , ) and give them leave to do what they list , and say what they list in their pulpits , in their consistories , in their synods , and permit them to rule the whole commonwealth , in order to the advancement of the kingdome of christ. if he will be contented to become a subordinate minister to their assemblies , to see their decrees executed , then it may be they will become his good masters , and permit him to injoy a part of his civill power . when sovereigns are made but accessaries , and inferiours do become principals , when stronger obligations are devised , than those of a subject to his sovereign , it is time for the magistrate to look to himself , these are prognosticks of insuing storms , the avant curriers of seditious tumults . when supremacy lights into strange and obscure hands , it can hardly contain it self within any bounds . before our disciplinarians be well warmed in their ecclesiasticall supremacy , they are beginning , or rather they have already made a good progresse in the invasion of the temporall supremacy also . chap. vii . that the disciplinarians cheat the magistrate of his civill power in order to religion . that is their sixt incroachment upon the magistrate , and the verticall point of jesuitism , consider first how many civil causes they have drawn directly into their consistories , and made them of ecclesiasticall cognisance , as fraud in bargaining , false weights and measures , oppressing one another , &c. and in the case of ministers , bribery , pe●jury , theft , fighting , usury , &c. secondly , consider that all offences whatsoever are made cognoscible in their consistories , in case of scandall , yea even such as are punishable by the civill sword with death : if the civill sword foolishly spare the life of the offender , yet may not the kirk be negligent in their office , which is to excommunicate the wicked . thirdly , they ascribe unto their ministers a liberty and power to direct the magistrate , even in the managerie of civill affairs : to governe the commonwealth , and to establish civill laws is proper to the magistrate : to interpret the word of god , and from thence to shew the magistrate his duty , how he ought to governe the commonwealth , and how he ought to use the sword , is comprehended in the office of the minister , for the holy scripture is profitable to shew what is the best governement of the commonwealth . and again all the duties of the second table as well as the first , between king and subject , parents and children , husbands and wives , masters and servants , &c. are in difficult cases a subject of cognisance and judgement to the assemblies of the kirk . thus they are risen up from a judgment of direction , to a judgement of jurisdiction , and if any perso●s , magistrates or others , dare act contrary to this judgement of the assembly , ( as the parliament and committee of estates did in scotland , in the late expedition ) they make it to be an unlawfu●l ingagement , a sinfu●l war , contrary to the testimonies of gods servants , and decree the parties so offending , to be suspended from the communion , and from their offices in the kirk . i confesse ministers do well to exhort christians to be care●ull , honest , industrious in their speciall callings : but for them to meddle pragmatically with the mysteries of particular trad●s , and much more with the mysteries of state , which never came within the compasse of their shallow capacities , is a most audacious insolence , and an insufferable presumption . they may as well teach the pilot how to steer his course in a tempest , or the physician how to cure the distempers of his patient . but their high●st cheat is that jesuiticall invention , ( in ordi● ad spiritualia , ) they assume a power in worldly affairs indirectly , and in order to the advancement of the kingdome of christ. the ecclesiasticall ministry is conversant spiritually about civill things . again must not duties to god whereof the securing of religion is a main one , have the supreame and first place , duties to the king a subordinate and second place ? the case was this . the parliament levied forces to ●ree their kings out of prison . a meet civill duty . but the commissioners of the assembly declare against it , unlesse the king will first give assurance under hand and seal , by solemne oath , that he will establish the covenant , the presbyterian discipline , &c. in all his dominions , and never indeavour any change thereof , least otherwise his liberty might bring their bygone proceedings about the league and covenant into question , there is their power in ordine ad spiritualia . the parliament will restore to the king his negative voice . a meer civill thing . the commissioners of the church oppose it , because of the gre●t dangers that may thereby come to religion . the parliament name officers and commanders for the army . a meer civil thing . the church will not allow them , because they want such qualifications as gods word requires , that is to say in plain terms , because they were not their confidents . was there ever church challenged such an omnipotence as this ? nothing in this world is so civil or political , wherein they do not interest themselves , in order to the advancement of the kingdom of christ. upon this ground their synod enacted , that no scotish merchants should from thenceforth traffique in any of the dominions of the king of spain , until his majesty had procured from that king some relaxation of the rigour of the inquisition , upon pain of excommunication . as likewise that the munday market at ed●nburgh should be abolished , it seems they thought it ministered some occasion to the breach of the sabba●h . the merchants petitioned the king to maintain the liberty of their trade , he grants their request but could not protect them , for the church prosecuted the poor merchants with their censuers , untill they promised to give over the spanish trade , so soon as they had perfected their accounts , and payed their creditors in those parts . but the shoemakers , who were most interested in the munday markets with their tumults and threatenings comp●lled the ministers to retract , whereupon it became a jest in the city , that the souters could obtain more at the ministers hands than the king. so they may meddle with the spanish trade or munday markets , or any thing in order to religion . upon this ground they assume to themselves a power to ratifie acts of parliament , so the assembly at edenburgh enacted , that the acts made in the parliament at edenburgh the 24 of august 1560 , ( without either commission or proxie from their sovereign , ) touching religion , &c. should have the force of a publick law : and that the said parliament , so far as concerned religion , should be maintained by them , &c. and be ratified by the first parialment that should happen to be kept within the realm . see how bo●d they make with kings and parliaments , in order to religion . i cannot omit that famous summons which this assembly sent out , not onely to entreat , but to admonish ●ll persons truly professing the lord jesus within the realm , as well noble-men as barons and those of other estates , to meet and give their personal appearance at edenburgh the 20 of iuly ensui●g , for giving their advice and concurrence in matters then to be proponed , especially for purging the realm of popery , establishing the policy of the church , and restoring the patrimony thereof to the just possessours . assuring such as did absent themselves that they should be esteemed dissimulate professours , unworthy of the fe●lowship of christs flock , who thinks your scotish disciplinarians know not how to ruffle it ? upon this ground they assume a power to abrogate and invalidate laws and acts of parliament , if they seem disadvantagious to the church . church assemblies have power to abrogate and abolish all statutes and ordinances concerning ecclesiastical matters , that are found noysom and unprofitable , and agree not with the times , or are abused by the p●ople . so the acts of parliament 1584 ▪ at the very same time that they were proclamed , were protesied against at the market crosse of edenburgh by the ministers , in the name of the ●irk of scotland . and a li●tle before , whatsoever be the treason o● i● pugni●g the authority of parliament , it can be no treason to obey god rather than man. neither did the general assembly of glasgow 1638 , &c. commit any treason , when they impugned epis●opacy , and perth-ar●icles , although ratified by acts of parliament , and standing laws then unrepealed . he saith so far true , than we ought rather to obey god than man , that is , to suffer when we cannot act ; but to impugn the authority of a lawfull magistrate , is neither to obey god nor man. god commands us to die innocent rather than live nocent , they teach us rather to live nocent than die innocent . away with these seeds of sedition , these rebllious principles , our master christ hath left us no such warrant , and the unsound practise of an obscure conventicle is no safe patern . the king was surprized at ruthen by a company of lords and other conspirators ; this fact was as plain treason as could be imagined , and so it was declared ; ( i say declared not made ) in parliament . yet an assembly generall ( no man gain saying ) did justify that treason in order to religion as good and acceptable service to god , their soveraign , and native countrey , requiring the ministers in all their churches to commend it to the people , and exhort all men to concurre with the actors , as they tendred the glory of god , the full deliverance of the church , and perfect reformation of the commonwealth , threatning all those who subscribed not to their judgement with excommunication . we see this is not the first time that disciplinarian spectacles have made abominable treason to seem religion , if it serve for the advancement of the good cause . and if were well if they could rest here , or their zeale to advance their ecclesiasticall soveraignty , by force of armes , and effusion of christian blood , would confine it self within the limits o● scotland : no , those bounds are too narrow for their pragmaticall spirits : and for bus●e bishops in other mens diocesses , see the articles of sterling , that the securing and setling religion at home , and promoting the work of reformation abroad , in england and ireland , be referred to the determination of the general assembly ( of the kirk ) or their commissioners . what , is old edenburgh turned new rome , and the old presbyters young cardinals , and their consistory a conclave , and their committees a juncto for propagating the faith ? themselves stand most in need of reformation ; if there be a mote in the eye of our church , there is a beam in theirs . neither want we at home god be praised , those who are a thousand times fitter for learning , for piety , for discretion , to be reformers , then a few giddy innovators . this i am sure , since they undertook our cure against our wills , they have made many fat church-yards in england . nothing is more civill , or essentiall to the crowne , then the militia , or power of raising armes : yet we have seen in the attempt at ruthen , in their letter to the lord hamilton , in their sermons , what is their opinion . they insinuate as much in their theorems , it is lawfull to resist the magistrate by certain extraordinary wayes or meanes , not to be ordinarily allowed . it were no difficult task out of their private authors , to justifie the barbarous acts that have been committed in england . but i shall hold my selfe to their publike actions and records . a mutinous company of citizens forced the gates of halyrood-house , to search for a priest , and plunder at their plrasure . m. knox was charged by the councell to have bin the author of the sedition ; and further , to have convocated his m●jesties subjects by letters missiv● when he pleased . he answered , that he was no preache● of rebellion , but taught people to obey their princes in the lord ; [ i se●● he t●ught them likewise , that he and they were the compet●nt judges what is obedience in the lord. ] he confessed his convocating of the subjects by vertue of a command form the church , to advertise the brethren when he saw a ●ecessity of their meeting , especially if he perceived religion to be in peril . take another instance , the assembly having received an answer from the king , about the tryall of the popish lords ; not to their contentment , resolve all to convéne in armes at the place appointed for the tryall ; whereupon some were left at edinburgh to give timely advertisement to the rest . the king at his return gets notice of it , calls the ministers before him , shewes them what an undutifull part it was in them to levy forces , and draw his subjects into armes without his warrant . the ministers pleaded , that it was the cause of god , in defence whereof they could not be deficient . this is the presbyterian wont , to subject all causes and persons to their consistories , to ratifie and abolish civill lawes , to confirm and pull down parliaments , to levy forces , to invade other kingdoms , to do any thing respectively to the advancement of the good cause , and in order to religion . chap. viii . that the disciplinarians challenge this exorbitant power by divine right . behold both swords spirituall and temporall in the hands of the presbytery , the one ordinarily by common right , the other extraordinarily ; the one belonging directly to the church , the other indirectly ; the one of the kingdom of christ , the other for his kingdom , in order to the propagation of religion . see how these hoc as pocases with stripping up their sleeves and professions of plain-dealing , with declaiming against the tyranny of prelates , under the pretense of humility and ministeriall duty , have wrested the scepter out of the hand of majesty , and jugled themselves into as absolute a papacy , as ever was within the walls of rome . o saviour , behold thy vicars , and see whither the pride of the servants of thy servants is ascended . now their consistories are become the tribunalls of christ. that were strange indeed i christ hath bet one tribunall , his kingdome is not of this world . their determinations passe for the santence of christ. alas there is too much fiction , and passion , and ignorance in their presbyteries . their synodall acts go for the lawes of christ. his lawes are immutable , mortall man may not persume to alter them , or to adde to them ; but these men are chopping and changing their constitutions every day . their elders must be looked upon as the commissioners of christ. it is impossible ! geneva was the first city where this discipline was hatched ; though since it hath lighted into hucksters hands . in those dayes they magnified the platform of geneva , for the pattern she●ed in the mount . but there , the presbyters at their admission take an oath , to observe the ecclesiasticall ordinances of the small , great , and generall councels of th●t city . can any man be so stupid , as to think , that the high commissioners of christ swear fealty to the burgers of geneva ? now forsooth their discipline is become the scepter of christ , the eternall gospel . ( see how successe exalts mens desires and demands . ) in good time , where did this scepter lye hid for 1500 yeers , that we cannot finde the least footsteps of it in the meanest village of christendom ? this world drawes towards an end ; was this discipline fitted and contrived for the world to come ? or how should it be the eternal gospel ? when every man sees how different it is from it self , in all presbyterian churches , adapted and accommodated to the civill policy of each particular place where it is admitted , except only scotland , where it comes in like a conqueror , and makes the civill power stoop and strike top saile to it . certainly , if it be the gospel , it is the fifth gospel , for it hath no kindred with the other foure . there is not a text which they wrest against episcopacy , but the independants may with as much colour of reason , and truth , urge it against their presbyteries . where doth the gospel distinguish between temporary and perpetuall rulers ? between the government of a person , and of a corporation ? there is not a text which they produce for their presbytery , but may with much more reason be alledged for episcopacy , and more agreeable to the analogie of faith , to the perpe●uall practice and belif of the catholick church , to the concurrent expositions of all interpreters , and to the other texts of holy scrip●u●e ; for untill this new modell was yesterday devised , none of those texts were ever so understood . when the practise ushers in the doctrine , it is very suspicious , or rather evident , that the scripture was not the rule of their reformation , but their subsequent excuse . this ( jure devino ) is that which makes their sore incurable , themselves incorrigible , that they father their own brat upon god almighty , and make this mushrome which sprung but up the other night , to be of heavenly d●scent . it is just like the doctrine of the pop●s infallibility , which shu●s the door against all hope of remedy . how should they be brought to reform their errors , who bel●eve they cannot erre , or they be brought to renounce their drowsy dreams , who take it for granted , that they are divine revelations ! and yet when that wise prince , king iames , a little before the nationall assembly at perth , published in print 55 articles or questions , concerning the uncertainty of this discipline , and the vanity of their pretended plea of divine right , and concerning the errours and abuses crept into it , for the better preperation of all men to the ensuing synod , that ministers might study the point beforehand , and speak to the purpose ; they who stood effected to that way were extremely perplexed . to give a particular account , they knew well it was impossible ; but their chifest trouble was , that their foundation of divine right , which they had given out all this while to be a solid rock , should come now to be questioned for a shaking quagmire . and so without any opposition they yeelded the bucklers . thus it continued untill these unhappy troubles , when they started aside again like broken bowes . this plant thrives better in the midst of tumults , then in the times of peace and tranquillity . the elme which supports it , is a factio●● multitude , but a prudent and couragious magistrate nips it i● the bud . chap. ix . that this discipline makes a monster of the commonwealth , we have seen how pernicious this discipline ( as it is maintained in scotland , and endeavoured to be introduced into england by the covenant , ) is to the supreme magistrate , how it robs him of his supremacy in ecclesiasticall affaires , and of the last appeals of his own subjects , that it exempts the presbyters from the power of the magistrate , and subjects the magistrate to the presbyters , that it restraines his dispensative power of pardoning , deprives him of the dependance of his subjects , that it doth challenge and usurp a power paramount both of the word and of the sword , both of peace and war , over all courts and estates , over all laws civill and ecclesiasticall , in order to the advencement of the kingdom of christ , wherof the presbyters alone are consti●●ted rulers by god , and all this by a pretended divine right , which takes away all hope of remedy , untill it be hissed out of the world ; in a word , that it is the top-branch of popery , a greater tyranny , then ever rome was guilty of . it remains to show how disadvantagious it is also to the subject . first , to the common-wealth in generall , which it makes a monster , like an amphishbaina , or a serpent wi●h two heads , one at either end . it makes a coordination of soveraignty in the same society , two supermes in the same kingdom or state , the one civill , the other ecclesiasticall , then which nothing can be more pernicious , either to the consciences , or the estates of subjects , when it falls out ( as it often doth ) that from these two heads issue contrary commands , if the trumpet give an uncertain sound , who shall prepare himself to the battel ? much more when there are two trumpets , and the one sounds an alarm , the other a retreat . what should the poor souldier do in such a case ? or the poor subject in the other case ? if he obey the civill magistrate ; he is sure to be excommunicated by the church ; if he obey the church , he is sure to be imprisoned by the civill magistrate ; what shall become of him ? i know no remedy , but according to solomons sentence , the living subject must be divided into two , and the one half given to the one , and the other half to the other . for the oracle of truth hath said , that one man cannot serve two masters . but in scotland every man must serve two masters , and ( which is worse ) many times disagreeing masters . at the same time the civill magistrate hath command●d the feast of the nativity of our saviour to be observed , and the church hath forbidden it . at the same time the king hath summoned the bishops to sit and vote in parliament , and the church hath forbidden them . in the year 1582. monsieur-le-mot , a knight of the order of the holy ghost , with an associate , were sent ambassadours from france into scotland . the ministers of edenburgh approving not his message , ( though meerly civill , ) inveigh in their pulpits bitterly against him , calling his white crosse the badge of antichrist , and himself the ambassadour of a murtherer . the king was ashamed , but did not know how to help it ; the ambassadours were discontented , and desired to be gone : the king willing to preserve the ancient amity between the two crownes , and to dismisse the ambassadours with content , requires the magistrates of edenburgh to feast them at their departure ; so they did ; but to hinder this feast , upon the sunday preceding , the ministers proclame a ●ast to be kept the same day the feast was appointed ; and to detaine the people all day at church ; the three preachers make three sermons , one after another without intermission , thundring out curses against the magistrates aud noblemen which waited upon the ambassadors by the kings appointment . neither stayed they here , but pursued the magistrates with the censures of the church , for not observing the fast by them proclaimed ; and with much difficulty were wrought to abstaine from excommunicating of them ; which censure , how heavy it falls in scotland , you shall see by and by . to come yet neerer , the late parliament in scotland injoyned men to take up armes for delivery of their king out of prison ; the commissioners for the assembly disallowed it ; and at this present how many are chased out of their country ? how many are put to publike repentance in sackcloth ? how many are excommunicated , for being obedient to the supreme judicatory of the kingdom , that is , king and parliament ? miserable is the condition of that people where there is such clashing and interfereing of supreme judicatories and authorities . if they shall pretend that this was no free parliament : first , they affirm that which is not true ; either that parliament was free , or what will become of the rest ? secondly , this plea will advantage them nothing ; for ( which is all one with the former ) thus they make themselves judges of the validity o● invaidity of parliaments . chap. x. that this dicipline is most prejudiciall to the parliament . from the essentiall body of the kingdom we are to proceed to the representative body , which is the parliament . we have already seen , how it attributes a power to nationall synods to restrain parliaments , and to abrogate their acts , if they shall judge them prejudiciall to the church . we need no other instance , to shew what small account presbyteries do make of parliaments , then the late parliament in scotland . not withstanding that the parliament had declared their resolution to levy forces vigorously , and that the● did expect as well from the synods and presbyteries , as from all other his majecties good sujects , a ready obedience to the commands of parliament , and committee of estates . the commissioners of the assembly not satisfied herewith , do not onely make their proposalls , that the grounds of the warre and the breaches of the peace might be cleared , that the union of the kingdomes might be preserved , that the popish and prelaticall party might be suppressed , that his majesties offers concerning religion might be declared unsatisfactory , that before his majesties restitution to the exercise of his royall power , he shall first engage , himself by solemn oath under his hand and seal , to passe acts for the settlement of the covenant and presbyterian government in all his dominions , &c. and never to oppos● them , or endeavour the change of them , ( an usurer will trust a bankrupt upon easier tearms , then they will do their soveraign , ) and lastly , that such persons onely might be intrusted , as had given them no cause of jealousie , ( which had been too much , and more then any astates in europe will take in good part from half a dozen ministers . ) but afterwards by their publick declaration to the whole kirk and kingdom , set forth that not being satisfied in these particulars , they do plainly dissent and disagree , and declare that they are clearly perswaded in their consciences , that the engagement is of dangerous consequence to true religion , prejudiciall to the liberty of the kirk , favourable to the malignant party , inconsistent with the union of the kingdom ; contrary to the word of god and the covenant , wherefore they cannot allow either ministers or any other whatsoever to concurre and cooperate in it , and trust that they will keep themselves free in this businesse , and choose affliction rather then iniquitie . and to say the truth , they made their word good . for by their power over the church-men , and by their influence upon the people , and by threatening all those who engaged in that action with the censures of the church , they retarded the levies , they deterred all preachers from accompanying the army to do divine offices . and when saint peters keyes would not serve the turn , they made use of saint pauls sword , and gathered the countrey together in arms at machleene-moore to oppose the expedition . so if the high court of parliament will set up persbytery , they must resolve to introduce an higher court then themselves , which will overtop them for eminency of authority , for extent of power , and greatnesse of priviledges , that is , a nationall synod . first for authority , the one being acknowledged to be but an humain convention , the other affirmed confidently to be a divine institution . the one sitting by vertue of the kings writ , the other by vertue of gods writ . the one as councellers of the prince , the other as ambassadours and vicars of the sonne of god. the one as burgesses of corporations , the other as commissioners of jesus christ. the one judging by the law of the land , the other by the holy scriptures . the one taking care for this temporall life , the other for eternall life . secondly for power , as curtius saith , ubi multitudo vana religione capta ●st , melius vatibus s●uis quam ducibus paret , where the multitude is led with superstition , they do more readily obey their prophets then their magistrates . have they not reason ? pardon us o magistrate , thou threatenst us with prison , they threaten us with hell fire . thy sentence deprives us of civill protection , and the benefit of the law , so doth theirs indirectly , and withall makes us strangers to the common-wealth of israel . thou canst outlaw us , or horn us , and confiscate our estates , their keyes do the same also by consequence , and moreover deprive us of the prayers of the church , and the comfortable use of the blessed sacrament . thou canst deliver us to a pursevant , or commit us to the black rod , they can deliver us over to sathan , and commit us to the prince of darknesse . thirdly for priviledges , the priviledges of parliament extend not to treason , felony , or breach of peace , but they may talke treaso● , and act treason in their pulpits and synods without controlment . they may securely commit not onely petilar●iny but burglary , and force the dores of the pallace royall . they may not onely break the peace , but convocate the subjects in armes , yea give warrant to a particular person , to conveen them by his letters missives , according to his discretion , in order to religion . of all which we have seen instances in this discourse . the priviledges of parliaments are the graces and concessions of man , and may be taken away by humane authority , but the priviledges of synods they say are from god , and cannot without sacriledge be taken away by mortall man. the two houses of parliament cannot name commissioners to sit in the intervalls , and take care ne quid detrimenti capi at res● publica , that the common-wealth receive no prejudice ; but synods have power to name vicars generall , or commissioners , to sit in the intervalls of synods , and take order that neither king nor parliament nor people do incroach upon the liberties of the church . if there be any thing to do , they are ( like the fox in aesops fables , ) sure to be in at one end of it . chap. xi . that this discipline is oppressive to particular persons . towards particular persons this discipline is too full of rigour ▪ like dracos lawes that were written in blood . first in lesser faults , inflicting church censures upon slight grounds , as for an uncomely gesture , for a vain word , for suspition of covetousnesse or pride , for superfluity in raiment , either for cost or fashon , for keeping a table above a mans calling or means , for dancing at a wedding , or of servants in the streets , for wearing a mans hair ala mode , for not paying of debts , for using the least recreation upon the sabbath , though void of scandall , and consistent with the duties of the day . i wish they were acquainted with the practise of all other protestant countries . but if they did but see one of those kirmess●s which are observed in some places , the pulpit , the consistory , the whole kingdom would not be able to hold them . what dig●adiations have there been among some of their sect about starch and cuffes , &c. just like those grave debates which were sometimes among the franciscans , about the colour and fashion of their gowns ? they do not allow men a latitude of discre●ion in any thing . all men , even their superiours must be their slaves or pupils . it is true they begin their censures with admonition , and if a man will confesse himself a delinquent , be sorry for giving the presbyters any offence , and conform himself in his hair , apparrell , diet , every thing , to what these rough hewen cato's shall prescribe , he may escape the stool of repentance , otherwise they will proceed against him for contumacy , to excommunication . secondly this discipline is oppressive in greater faults . the same man is punished twice for the same crime , first by the magistrate according to the lawes of god and the land , for the offence : then by the censures of the church for the scandall . to this agrees their synod , nothing forbids the same fault in the same man to be punished one way by the politicall power , another way by the ecclesiasticall ; by that under the formallity of a crime with corporall or pecu●iary punishment , by this under the formallity of scandall with spirituall censures . and their book of discipline , if the civill sword foolishly spare the life of the offender , yet may not the kirk be negligent in their office . thus their liturgy in expresse termes , all crimes which by the law of god deserve death , deserve also excommunication , yea though an offender abide an assise , and be absolved by the same , yet may the church injoyn him publick satisfacti●● , or if the magistrate shall not think fit in his judgement , or cannot in conscience prosecute the party upon the churches intimation , the church may admonish the magistrate publickly . and if to remedy be found , excommunicate the offender , first for his crime , and then for being suspected to have corrupted the judge . observe first that by hook or crook they will bring all crimes whatever great and small , within their jurisdiction . secondly observe that a delinquents triall for his life is no sufficient satisfaction to these third cato's . lastly , observe that to satisfie their own humor , they care not how they blemish publickly the reputation of the magistrate upon frivolous conjectures . thirdly , adde to this which hath been said , the severity and extreame rigour of their excommunication , after which sentence no person ( his wife and family onely excepted ) may have any kinde of conversation with him that is excommunicated , they may not eate with him , nor drink with him , nor buy with him , nor sell with him , they may not salute him , nor speak to him , [ except it be by the license of the presbytery , ] his children begotte● and born after that sentence , and before his reconciliation to the church , may not be amitted to baptisme , untill they be of age to require it , or the mother or some speciall frind being a member of the church present the childe , obhorring and damning the iniquity and obstinate contempt of the father . adde further that upon this sentence letters of horning ( as they use to call them in scotland ) do follow of course , that is an outlawing of the praty , a confiscation of his goods , a putting him out of the kings protection , so as any man may kil● him , and be unpunished ; yea , the party excommunicate is not so much as cited to hear th●se fatall letters granted . had not david reason to pray , let me fall into the hands of the lord , not into the hands of men , for their mercies are cruell . cruill indeed , that when a man is prosecuted for his life , prehaps justly , prehaps , unjustly , so as appearing and hanging are to him in effect the same thing ; yet if he appear not , this pitifull church will excommunicate him for contumacy : whether the offender be convict in judgement , or be fugitive from the law , the church ought to proceed to the sentence of excommunication ; as if the just and evident fear of death did not purge away contumacy . chap. xii . that this discipline is hurtfull to all orders of men . lastly , this discipline is burthensome and disanvantagious to all orders of men . the nobility and gentry must expect to follow the fortune of their prince . vpon the abatement of , monarchy in rome , remember what dismall controversies did presently spring up between the patricii and plebei . they shall be subjected to the censures of a raw heady novice , and a few ignorant artificers ; they shall lose all their advowsons of such benefices as have cure of soules , as they have lately found in scotland , for every congregation ought to choose their own pastour . they shall hazard their appropriations and abby-lands : a sacrilege which their nationall synod cannot in conscience tolerate , longer than they have strength sufficient to overthrow it . and if they proceed as they begin , the presbyters will in a short time either accomplish their designe , or change their soyle . they shall be bearded and maited by every ordinary prisbyter , witnesse that insolent speech of m. robert bruce to king iames , sir , i see your resolution is to take huntley in favour ; if you doe , i will oppose ; you shall choose whether you will lose huntley or me ; for us both you cannot keep . it is nothing with them for a pedant to put himselfe into the ballance with one of the prime and most powerfull peers of the realme . the poor orthodox clergy in the meane time shall be undone , their straw shall be taken from them , and the number of their bricks be doubled : they shall lose the comfortable assurance of an undoubted succession by episcopall ordination , and put it to a dangerous question , whether they be within the pale of the church : they shall be reduced to ignorance , contempt , and beggery ; they shall lose an ancient liturgy , ( warranted in the most parts of it by all , in all parts of it , by the most publick formes of the protestant churches , whereof a short time may produce a parallel to the view of the world , ) and be enjoyned to prate and pray non-sence everlastingly . for howsoever formerly they have had a liturgy of their own , as all other christian churches have at this day ; yet now it seems they allow no prayers , but extemporary . so saith the information from scotland , it is not lawfull for a man to tye hims●lf , or be tyed by others , to a perscript form of words in prayer and exhortation . parents shall lose the free disposition of their own children in marriage if the childe desire an husband or a wife , and the parent gainstand their request , and have no other cause than the common of men have , to wit lack of goods , or because the other party is not of birth high enough , upon the childes desire , the minister is to travail with the parents , and if he finde no just cause to the contrary , may admit them to marriage . for the work of god ought not to be hindered by the corrupt affections of worldly men . they who have stripped the father of their countrey of his just right , may make bold with fathers of families , and will not stick to exclude all other fathers , but themselves out of the fifth commandement . the doctrine is very high , but their practise is yet much more high , the presbyteries will compell the wronged parent to give that childe as great a portion as any of his other children . it will be ill newes to the lawyers to have the moulter taken away from their mills upon pretence of scandall , or in order to religion , to have their sentences repealed by a synod of presbyters , and to receive more prohibitions from ecclesiasticall courts , than ever they sent thither . all masters and mistresses of families , of what age or condition soever , must come once a year before the presbyter , with their housholds , to be examined personally whether they be fit to receive the sacrament , in respect of their knowledge , and otherwise . and if they suffer their children or servants to continue in wilfull ignorance ( what if they cannot help it ? ) they must be excommunicated . it is probable , the persons catechised could often better instruct their catechists . the common people shall have an high-commission in every parish , and groan under the arbitrary decrees of ignorant unexperienced governours , who know no law but their own wills , who observe no order but what they list ; from whom lyes no appeale but to a synod , which for the shortnesse of its continuance can afford , which for the condition of the persons will afford them little relif . if there arise a private jar between the parent and the child , or the husband and the wife , these domesticall judges must know it , and censure it . scire volunt secreta domus , atque inde timeri and if there have been any suit or difference between the pastor and any of his flock , or between neighbour and neighbour , be sure it will not be forgotten in the sentence . the practice of our law hath been , that a judge was rarely permitted to ride a circuit in his owne countrey , least private interest or respects might make him partiall . yet a country is much larger than a parish , and a grave learned judge is presumed to have more temper than such homebred fellowes . thus we see what a pandoras box this pretended holy discipline is , full of manifold mischiefes , and to all orders of men most pernicious . chap. xiii . that the covenant to introduce this discipline is void and wicked , with a short conclusion . but yet the conscience of an oath sticks deep . some will plead , that they have made a covenant with god , for the introduction of this disciplne . oaths and vowes ought to be made with great judgement and broken with greater . my next task therefore must be to demonstrate this clearly , that this covenant is not binding , but meerly void , and not onely void but wicked ; so as it is necessary to break it , and impious to observe it . the first thing that cracks the credit of this new covenant is , that it was devised by strangers , to the dishonour of our nation , imposed by subjects , who wanted requisite power upon their sovaraign and fellow-subjects , extorted by just feare of unjust sufferings . so as i may truly say of many who took this covenant , that they sinned in pronouncing the words with their lips , but never consented with their hearts to make any vow to god. again , errour and deceite make those things voluntary to which they are incident , espcially when the errour is not meerly negative by way of conce●lement of truth , when a man knowes not what he doth , but positive , when he beleeves he doth one thing , and doth the clean contray , and that not about some inconsiderable accidents , but about the substantiall conditions . as if a physitian , either out of ignorance or malice , should give his patient a deadly poyson under the name of a cordiall , and bind him by a solemn oath to take it , the oath is void , necessary to be broken , unlawfull to be k●pt ; if the patient had known the truth , that it was no cordiall , that it was poyson , he would not have sworn to take it : such an errour there is in the covenant with a witnesse , to gull men with a strange , unknown , lately devised platforme of discipline , most pernicious to the king and kingdome , as if it were the very institution of christ , of high advantage to the king and kingdome , to gull them with that covenant which king iames did sometimes take , as if that and this were all one , whereas that covenant issued out by the kings authority , this covenant without his authority , against his authority ; that covenant was for the lawes of the realm , this is against the lawes of the realm ; that was to maintain the religion established , this to overthrow the religion established : but because i will not ground my discourse upon any thing that is disputable , either in matter of right , or fact ; and in truth , because i have no need of them , i forgive them these advantages , onely with this gentle memento , that when other forraign churches , and the church of soctland it selfe ( as appeares by their publike liturgy used in those dayes ) did sue for aid and assistance from the crown and kingdom of england , they did not go about to obtrude their owne discipline upon them , but left them free to choose for themselves . the grounds which follow are demonstrative ; first , no man can dispose that by vow , or otherwise , either to god or man , which is the right of a third person without his consent : neither can the inferiour oblige himself to the prejudice of his superiour , contrary to his duty , without his superiours allowance : god accepts no such pretences , to seem obsequious to him , out of the undoubted right of another person . now the power of armes , and the defence of the lawes , and portection of the subjects by those armes , is by the law of england clearly invested in the crowne . and where the king is bound in conscience to protect , the subject is bound in conscience to assist . therefore every english subject owes his armes and his obedience to his king , and cannot dispose them as a free gift of his owne ; nor by any act of his whatsoever diminish his soveraignes right over him , but in those things wherein by law he owes subjection to his prince , he remaineth still obliged , notwithstanding any vow or covenant to the contrary ; especially when the subject and scope of the covenant is against the konwn lawes of the realm . so as without all manner of doubt , no divine or learned casuist in the world dissenting : this covenant is either void in it self , or at least voided by his majesties proclamation , prohibiting the taking of it , and nullifying its obligation . secondly , it is confessed by all men that , that an oath ought not to be the bound of iniquity , nor doth oblige a transgressour . the golden rule is , in malis pr●missis rescinde fidem , in turpi voto muta decretum , to observe a wicked engagement doubles the sinne : nothing can be the matter of a vow or covenant , which is evidently unlawfull . but it is evidently unlawfull for a subject or subjects to alter the lawes established by force , without the concurrence , and against the commands of the supreme legislator , for the introduction of a forraign discipline . this is the very matter and subject of the covenant . subjects vow to god , and swear one to another to change the lawes of the realm , to abolish the discipline of the church , and the liturgy lawfully established , by the sword , ( which was never committed to their hands by god or man , ) without the king , against the king , which no man can deny in earnest to be plain rebel●ion . and it is yet the worse , that it is to the main prejudice of a third order of the kingdom , the taking away whose rights without their consents , without making them satisfaction , cannot be justified in point of conscience , ( yea though it were for the greater convenience of the kingdom , as is most falsely pretended , ) and is harder measure than the abbots and friers received from hanry the eight , or than either christians or turkes do offer to their conquered enemies . lastly a supervenient oath or covenant either with god or man , cannot take away the obligation of a just oath precedent . but such is the covenant , a subsequent oath , inconsistent with , and destuructive to a precedent oath , that is the oath of supremacy , which all the church-men throughout the kingdome , all the parliament men at their admission to the house , all persons of quality throughout england have taken . the former oath acknowledgeth the king to be the onely supreame head , ( that is civill head to see that every man do his duty in his calling , ) and governour of the church of england , the second aoth or covenant , to set up the presbyterian gouernment as it is in scotland , denieth all this virtually , maks it a politicall papacy , acknowledgeth no governors but onely the presbyters . the former oath gives the king the supream power over all persons , in all causes , the second oath gives him a power over all persons , ( as they are subjects , ) but none at all in ecclesiasticall causes , this they make to be sacriledge . by all which it is most apparent , that this covenant was neither free nor deliberate , nor valide . nor lawfull , nor consistent with our former oathes , but inforced , deceitfull , invalid , impious , rebellious , and contradictory to our former ingagements , and consequently obligeth no man to performance , but all men to repentance . for the greater certainty whereof i appeale , upon this stating of the case , to all the learned casuists and divines in europe , touching the point of common right ; and that this is the true state of the case , i appeal to our adversaries themselves . no man that hath any spark of ingenuity will denie it . no english-man who hath any tolerable degree of judgement , or knowledge in the laws of his countrey , can denie it , but at the same instant his conscience must give him the lie . they who plead for this rebellion , dare not put it to a triall at law , they doe not ground their defence upon the lawes , but either upon their own groundlesse jealosie and fears , of the kings intention to introduce popery , to subvert the lawes , and to ensla●e the people . this is to run into a certain crime , for fear of an uncertain . they who intend to pick quarrels , know how to feign suspicions . or they ground it upon the succ●sse of their arms , or upon the soveraigne right of the people , over all lawes and magistrates , whose representatives they create themselves , whilest the poor people sigh in corners , and dare not say their soul is their own , lamenting their former folly , to have contributed so much to their own undoing . or lastly upon religion , the cause of god , the worst plea of all the rest , to make god accessary to their treasons , murthers , covetousnesse , ambition . christ did never authorise subjects to plant christian religion , much lesse their own fancticall dreames , or fantasticall devises , in the blood of their soveraigne , and fellow subjects . speak out , is it lawfull for subjects to take up arms against their prince meerly for religion ? or is it not lawfull ? if ye say it is not lawfull , ye condemn your selves , for your covenant testifieth to the world , that ye have taken up armes , meerly to alter religion , and that ye bear no allegiance to your king , but onely in order to religion , that is in plain terms , to to your own humours and conceits . if ye say it is lawfull , ye justifie the independents in england , for supplanting your selves , ye justifie the anabaptists in germany , iohn of leyden and his cure . ye break down the banks of order , and make way for an inundation of bloud and confusion in all countreys . ye render your selves justly odious to all christian magistrates , when they see , that they owe their safety not to your good wills , but to your weaknesse , that ye want sufficient strength to cut their throats . this is fine doctrine for europe , wherein there is scarce that king or state , which hath not subjects of different opinions and communions in religion . or lastly if ye say , it is lawfull for you to plant that which ye apprehend to be true religion , by force of arms , but it is not lawfull for others to plant that which they apprehend to be true religion by force , because yours is the gospel , theirs is not . ye beg the question , and make your selves ridiculously partiall by your overweening opinion , worse than that of the men of china , as if yee onely had two eyes , and all the rest of the world were stark blind . there is more hope of a fool , then of him that is wise in his own eyes . i would to god we might be so happy as to see a generall councell of christians , at least a generall synod of all protestants , and that the first act might be to denounce an anathema maranatha , against all brochers and maintainers of seditious principles , to take away the scandall which lyes upon christian religion , and to shew that in the search of piety , we have not lost the principles of humanity . in the mean time , let all christian magistrates , who are principally concerned , beware how they suffer this cockatrice egg● be hatched in their dominions . much more how they 〈◊〉 for baal , or baal-berith , the baalims of the covenant . 〈◊〉 were worth the inquiring , whether the marks of antio●● do not agree as eminently to the assembly generall of s●●●land , as either to the pope , or to the turk : this we 〈◊〉 plainly , that they spring out of the ruines of the 〈◊〉 magistrate , they sit upon the temple of god , and they ●●●vance themselves above those whom holy scripture 〈◊〉 gods. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a29197-e540 syn. gen. 1647. declar. parl. 1648. &c. assemb gen. anno. 1556. notes for div a29197-e800 can. 50. ench. cand . s. min. ex decreto fal . the edit . gron. 1645. pag. 161. les ordium eccles. printed at geneva 1562. pag. 66. ●ag . 20. pagin . 20. pag. 9. pag. 11. octob. 10. 1597. assemb . abherd . 1600. 1. book disc . 1. head . ass. d●n . 1580. parl. 1584. 1. book discip . 4. and 6. head . anno. 203. 1606. ass. glasg . 1610. parl. edenb . 1612. ass. edenb . 1590. 2. book disc . chap. 9. 1. book disc . 6. head . ibidem . ibidem . ibidem . ass. edenb . 1647. ass. glasg . 1581. ass. edenb . 1590. ass. edenb . 1591. 2. book disc . chap. 7. chap. 12. ass. edenb . 1570. ● . book disc . chap. 7. chap. 12. ● . book disc . chap. 1. theoremata iii. imp . edenb . 1647. decreto synodi theor. 4. theor. 9. theor. 68. informatio● . ●r●m s●otland pag. 1● . theor. 98. theor. 82. theor. 〈◊〉 theor. 50 , ●1 . ibid. 1. book disc . ●hap . 10. theor 84 , and ●5 . ibidem . theo● . 48. theor. 97. theor. 88. theor. 82. theor. 82. theor. 91 , 92. notes for div a29197-e2560 1582. a●● . saint andrews , 1532. ass. saint andrews , 15●● . notes for div a29197-e2760 eccl. ord. p 14. declar 1581. 2 book disc . chap. 11. at fdenb . 1567. master david blake , 1596. notes for div a29197-e3620 1 book di●c 7. head . 2 book disc . chap. 12. theor. 8. notes for div a29197-e3880 1 book di●● head 9. ibid. ass. eden● . 1594. par. ed. 1594. gen ' 49 ● vindicatiou of commissioners : j●n . 6. 1648. notes for div a29197-e4150 1 book disc . 7 he●d . 2 book disc . chap. 7. 1 book disc . 9 h●ad and theor. 6● . theor. 47 , 48. vindicat. com . p. 6. solemn acknowl●dgem●●● . octob. 6 1648. theor. 6● . vindication . ● . 5 ▪ humble advise edenb . 〈◊〉 10. 1648. : a●s . d●●b . 1598. ass. edenb . 1597. a book disc . ch . 7. vindication pag. 11. p 10. 1582. 1583. ass. edenb . 1582. sept. 27. 1648. ar. 3. theor. 84. a●n . 1562. ass. edenburg ; 1593. notes for div a29197-e4980 〈◊〉 1596. notes for div a29197-e5210 1 cor. 1. ● . 1 kings ● , ●●● 158●● febr. 16● at saint gil●● church . notes for div a29197-e5460 〈…〉 de●la● . notes for div a29197-e5750 sco●t 〈◊〉 pag. 57.58 . 1 ●o●ok dis . 7. head . theor , 63. 1 book 9 ●ead pag. 44. sco● ▪ lit . 4● . 47. 1 book dis . 7. hea● . 79. arti●l . 1599. scot. lit. 47 notes for div a29197-e6090 motus b●●●nici 〈◊〉 1 book dis . 9 hea● . 1 book dis . 9 he●d . a serious expostulation with that party in scotland, commonly known by the name of whigs wherein is modestly and plainly laid open the inconsistency of their practices i. with the safety of humane society, ii. with the nature of the christian religion, iii. their two covenants are historically related, and prov'd to be no sufficient warrant for what they do, iv. their new doctrine of a pretended forfeiture, is prov'd to be groundless. craufurd, james, 17th cent. 1682 approx. 123 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34948 wing c6865 estc r4965 12703493 ocm 12703493 65995 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34948) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65995) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 686:5) a serious expostulation with that party in scotland, commonly known by the name of whigs wherein is modestly and plainly laid open the inconsistency of their practices i. with the safety of humane society, ii. with the nature of the christian religion, iii. their two covenants are historically related, and prov'd to be no sufficient warrant for what they do, iv. their new doctrine of a pretended forfeiture, is prov'd to be groundless. craufurd, james, 17th cent. 63 p. printed for j.d. for richard chiswell ..., london : 1682. attributed to james crawfurd. cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.). reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng covenanters. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688. 2006-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-03 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a serious expostulation with that party in scotland , commonly known by the name of whigs . wherein is modestly and plainly laid open the inconsistency of their practices ; i. with the safety of humane society . ii. with the nature of the christian religion . iii. their two covenants are historically related , and prov'd to be no sufficient warrant for what they do . iv. their new doctrine of a pretended forfeiture , is prov'd to be groundless . london , printed by j. d. for richard chiswell , at the rose and crown in st. paul's church-yard , mdclxxxii . a serious expostulation with that party in scotland , commonly known by the name of whigs . with what horror must one look back upon the deplorable state of this wretched kingdom these 45 years , since the unhappy principles of subjects taking arms against the lawfull magistrate under pretence of religion first prevailed among us ! should i here impartially set down the strange distractions that tore us in pieces , the rivers of blood that were shed , and the manifold miseries that we and our fathers for many years groaned under , i might seem perhaps to affect the writing a tragedy , or the raising transports of passion in my readers breast . but , alas ! the dismall effects of those convulsions are still so visible , that as they will justify all that can be said upon this subject ; so at the same time they make it needless . when we had fought our selves into bondage in the late unnatural war , and had no way left to remove the just scourges of rebellion , besides our prayers and tears , which at length obtain'd of god the recovery of our ancient government , rights and properties , it was to be hop'd that the fresh remembrance of what we had felt , would have frighted at least the present generation from all thoughts of renewing our sufferings , and have kept our soveraign's reign as free from blood , as god was pleased to make his restauration . but wofull experience has prov'd how soon so great a deliverance was forgotten : before the cicatrice of the late wound was well closed , we made haste to open it again . pentland hills , and bothwell-bridge will stand for lasting monuments both of our ingratitude to god , and of our disloyalty to his vicegerent . nor do we only adhere to those wicked principles which have already cost the nation so dear , but even outdo them by new and more dangerous positions . our fathers , without casting off all reverence for the government , insisted only upon some pretended excesses , which they pretended to redress . but some among us of late , by taking upon them to lay aside him who had undoubted right to govern , do strike at the very root , and endeavour to destroy the whole ancient constitution at one blow . they set up for a further degree of sanctity and reformation , which we have unhappily brought into such a corruption of morals , as has not been hitherto known among christians . are not assassinations taught , as well as practis'd among us ? and those who suffer for the basest of murders , are they not cry'd up for martyrs ? are not the minds of many debauch'd to that strange degree , as to glory in opinions , and die for doctrines , which others cannot hear mention'd without horror ? do not men , pretending to no ordinary measure of christianity , every day commit and allow of actions whereof heathens would be asham'd ? and in one word , can any thing be so wickedly contriv'd by those of the party , as not to be cloak'd with the specious title of zeal for christ ? hence it is that atheists and profane persons take occasion to scoff at our holy religion ; a reproach is hereby brought upon the reformation , which always charg'd popery with rebellion . the rest of mankind look upon us as enemies , and contemners of the most sacred ties of religion and society . nor is it to be doubted but if we go on in such brutal tenets and practices , our land will again become a field of blood. for can we expect that the government will thus give way to its own dissolution ? or suffer us to go on in courses so inconsistent with the publick safety ? when softer methods prove ineffectual , will it not be forced to defend it self by proceeding to the utmost severities ? and i dread to think how when the wrath of god , and of our injur'd prince , shall at length pursue us for our unaccountable obstinacy , we cannot any where expect either refuge or pity . this terrible prospect of what is most likely to come to pass , has so wrought upon me in my retirement , that notwithstanding the circumstances of my present condition , which secure me as much from any share in my native countrey 's danger as my conscience doth from its guilt . i am resolv'd to discharge the duty of a sincere christian and of a faithful patriot , in laying open my thoughts upon this occasion . now that those , for whose sakes this discourse is undertaken , may both the better understand , and the less partially read it , i shall endeavour to fit my stile to the meanest capacities , and to avoid , as much as possible , all sharpness of expression , being of my self most inclin'd to lenitives ; and having often observ'd that gentle treatment is most apt to affect noble tempers , i shall therefore beg of my countreymen that they will be pleased to lay aside prejudice for a little while , and consider fairly with me these four things . i. if such courses be not really inconsistent with the safety of any government . ii. if they be not contrary to the nature of the christian religion . iii. if what is alledged from the obligation lying upon us by the late covenants , be a sufficient warrant for what we do . iv. if there be any ground for the new doctrine of a pretended forfeiture , which some among us insist upon . first consideration . it is necessary in all civil constitutions , that the actions of particular persons be directed towards the publick good. but most men being apt to steer their course only by the compass of interest , the wisdom of no government has hitherto found out a better way to support it self , than by establishing such an authority as might see to every man performing his part in relation to the publick . this last resort of power , as the very life of the government , has still been accounted sacred and inviolable ; has had all the advantages of laws in its behalf ; has every where been arm'd against the attempts of malice , faction , or ambition ; nor has any thing been wanting that might enable it to answer the great ends of its institution , either to administer justice , secure property , or maintain peace and order . in whatever hands this soveraign power is lodg'd , as with us it is undoubtedly in the king 's , there all must be ready to pay an humble deference , not only to countenance authority when it promotes our private interest , but even when it seems least favourable to us , to own that it has power to punish as well as reward , there being no less reason for mens submitting to what authority thinks proper to inflict upon their breach of the laws , than for their laying claim to protection , and other benefits , while they observe them . no severity in the prince can cancel the obligation that lies upon subjects , nor put them in commission to make violent resistance , seeing this were a taking upon them to reject that judge , and deny that authority , which the laws , the government , and they themselves as members of it , have already own'd to be supream upon earth . nothing here below can be so perfectly contriv'd as not to retain some inconveniences , and i shall grant a probability , or a possibility at least , of particular persons suffering sometimes unjustly , to be an inconvenience which necessarily accompanies the chief authority in all governments . but if there be no other way to shun it , than by allowing violent resistance to be lawfull in such cases , the remedy will questionless prove much worse than the disease . if with the many laws in the prince's behalf , there were but one to countenance resisting him , this one would in a short time destroy all the rest , and reduce his authority to an empty name . or if it were declared lawfull for subjects only to resist in some cases , who must judge when these fall out ? the prince could hardly be brought to give sentence against himself , to wound his power by releasing men from their allegiance . and if it were left to the judgment of subjects , it is to be feared that the determination would be highly partial on their side ; the case of lawfull resistance would then turn frequent , obedience would be rare , unless supported by interest , and subjects would at this rate only be such to whom and when they pleased . this principle of resistance being once allow'd , it necessarily opens a door to subvert all authority , and renders the whole design of government ineffectual . how could the publick peace be secur'd , if there were ways left for particular persons lawfully to rebel ? differences could never be decided but by granting a sentence from which there is no appeal , back'd with a power of executing without danger of opposition . there could be no order , were it left to private men to desert their stations , to turn judges where they are parties , and to call rulers to an account of their administration . if we leave kingly government , and look upon the most popular constitutions , which are raised but one step above anarchy , even there the chief magistrates are only accountable to the whole body for their actions : nor can any part of this body , without the concurrence of the rest , meddle with those that have their authority from all . let us suppose authority in some cases may be mistaken or biass'd in its decisions ; without doubt we might expect much greater errors and partiality , were every man left to judge of his own performances . if we think it inconvenient that the prince should be enabled by his power to injure any particular person , much worse would it be to put it in every particular person 's power to be unjust to the prince . to be short , the supream power falling sometimes into no good hands , doth not frustrate the chief ends of government ; but if discontented spirits may find ways lawfully to make opposition , nothing can keep it from being dissolved . it is most plain that subjects rights are rather secur'd than endanger'd by the princes not being accountable for his actions , and that they would soon find themselves at a loss by being allow'd to resist : for as men are naturally apt to complain , and are allways partial enough to think themselves most hardly dealt with ; so if they were at liberty to fall upon the government , in helping to weaken that they would wound their own security . the whole body must feel the blow which the head receives . life may be preserved with the hazard or loss of several members , but when the head is affected , every part languishes , and with it all dies . the great foundation then of the subjects safety being shaken by violating the prince's rights , interest it self should teach us to be very tender of them , and never to offer at destroying that which appears perhaps inconvenient in one respect , but is useful and necessary in many . if it trouble us to be at the prince's mercy , we may remember we are likewise under his protection , and so need apprehend none besides . and this i humbly conceive is a condition much more desirable , than by renouncing our allegiance , unhinging the government , and getting thus without the reach of an imaginary danger , to draw upon our selves the violence of every one that hath strength or wickedness enough to hurt us . and truly our countrey is at little beholden to us for resisting authority , as we are to our selves ; for in shaking off all duty to our prince , we encourage others to do the same : this must involve the government in constant trouble , and deprive us of the blessed fruits of peace upon which we cannot set too high a value . if every one of us be resolv'd to make good our petty rights , can we imagine our prince will tamely pass from his , which are so great ? and at this rate there is no avoiding a civil war , with all its fatal consequences , which will fall much heavier upon the publick , than any thing that any particular man or sort of men can suffer . the government of the worst of princes is infinitely preferable to anarchy and confusion , where guilty and innocent are equally obnoxious to danger ; where no man's prudence , vertue , or merit can give him sanctuary . rome felt it self much more at ease under a caligula , a nero , a domitian , or a commodus , than amidst the terrible alarms of a civil war. this in a few days spilt more of rome's best blood , banish'd more senators , and ruin'd more families , than any of those tyrants did in several years . but if it went better with the publick , while such monsters sate at the helm , who were themselves govern'd , and govern'd others by no better laws , than what cruelty , avarice , ambition , and the rest of their unbridled passions suggested ; i am willing still to believe , that none of us are so much our own , and our countrey 's enemies , to prefer anarchy before the easy yoke of our indulgent prince , who 's reign has never yet been stain'd with one act of his cruelty ; whom envy it self cannot charge as gratifying his avarice , or ambition , at the expence of his subjects fortunes or lives ; but who on the contrary has hitherto made good , what he has been pleased , both in publick and private , often to declare , that he intends to govern according to the established laws of his kingdoms . and truly we must allow it reasonable , that all his subjects follow this royal pattern , and make the laws likewise the sandard of their actions ; or if they cannot be brought this length , it is fit that at least they learn patiently to submit , without taxing their prince of severity or injustice , for requiring them to observe those rules , by which he himself vouchsafes to be govern'd . but if nothing besides our own private interest will influence us , even this ought to make all tremble at the very thoughts of disturbing the publick peace , or of setting their countrey on fire , lest they themselves be burnt up in its ashes . as no art can manage this flame , when it is once kindled ; so it has always been observ'd , that the unhappy instruments of such tragedies have seldom escap'd , or , at best , the issue has prov'd more grievous , than any thing that could have befallen them by keeping to a dutiful compliance . it must then be confest , that men are very ill advis'd , to draw inevitable calamity upon their countrey , and to sacrifice the lives and fortunes of so many thousands , where the injustice is so plain , and the success of the undertaking so doubtful . and now me-thinks i hear some alledg , that they only endeavour to maintain those natural rights and priviledges to which every man has an undoubted title , or that they only stand upon self-defence , which is enjoin'd them by the law of nature . but however plausible such pretences may appear at first view , yet when narrowly look'd into , they will not be able to bear them out : for neither the defence of natural rights , nor the law of nature , will allow of any such monstrous doctrine . as to things which are undoubtedly natural rights , all men , who are members of societies , and live under any rules , do every day part with several of them , and find a real advantage in so doing , they freely resign some natural rights into the hands of the publick , which thereupon ensures to them the rest . and tho by this means their natural liberties are brought under the confinement of laws , and are in some measure abridg'd , yet still their condition is much more comfortable , than if they continued single and independent persons , neither owing obedience as subjects , nor as such receiving protection ; for in this case the pleasure of enjoying all the priviledges of nature , with the gilded name of entire liberty , would be sufficiently allay'd by the constant terrors and fears they must then live in . their own natural rights , without any other support , would little avail them , nor would their overvalued freedom fail to determine in slavery , as soon as they met with any stronger than themselves . and thus by standing upon all the priviledges of their birth , and every thing that nature had given them , they should be able to secure nothing . the greatest lovers therefore of freedom , have in all ages been wise enough to see an interest in framing themselves into bodies under certain laws , which limited , but withal secured those rights of nature ; and the great dangers from which this union freed them , as well as the advantages that have arisen from it , made men agree , to keep nothing back , no not life it self , when the publick required it : and this makes it evident , that self-defence is not enjoin'd by the law of nature , because this law is inviolable ; and if it absolutely required the preservation of life , no man could then venture it for his countrey , for his parents , nor for his friends , no criminal could without sin submit to the execution of the judges sentence ; and not to meddle with christ's death , the glory of martyrs would be their crime , for violating the law of nature by their voluntary sufferings . i own self-defence to be every man 's undoubted birth-right , one of our dearest priviledges , which we are not to forgo unless upon weighty considerations . but the great fallacy is here , men are apt to confound natural rights , and the law of nature , which vastly differ . the law of nature contains certain general truths , the fruit and genuine results of reflection , the very impressions which god has immediately graven in our souls , which are not to be violated , and which every man's reason must approve . whereas the rights of nature are frequently dispensed with , nor have we any further title to them , than the laws of the government , whereof we are members , allow us . so that the whole matter being rightly understood , i may boldly say , the law of nature first taught men to give up their natural rights to the publick , as the wisest bargain they could make , seeing upon their committing their lives , liberties and fortunes to its trust , to be dispos'd of at all times as the publick should think fit , there is a sufficient return made them by the publick , which in this case undertakes their protection against the whole world. second consideration . the great design of the christian religion is to reform men inwardly , to calm the storm , which pride , malice , or love of revenge are apt to raise , which it effects by seasoning the mind with humility , gentleness , and patience . it was chiefly intended to remove mens thoughts from temporal to spiritual objects , teaching them in all conditions to shew an entire resignation to god , grounded upon a sure confidence of his paternal care and protection ; and when men are once arrived at this blessed temper of spirit , it will discover it self in the whole tenor of their lives , with relation both to god and their neighbour . far from repining at the divine providence under the harshest dispensations , they will then be seen to rejoice in afflictions ; they will cheerfully take up their cross , and , notwithstanding all discouragements , will keep on a steady course towards heaven . nor is it to be imagin'd that ill usage from men will be able to discompose those , who have put on the strongest resolutions to be at peace with the whole world , to forgive injuries as soon as received , to pray for their persecutors , and to return good for evil. seeing the holy religion then , which we profess , requires such a peaceable and gentle disposition of mind in the cross occurrences of this life , and seems upon all occasions to discountenance any thing that savours of violence , certainly it will never allow of violent methods in what immediately regards it self . and as these are neither suitable to the nature nor design of religion , so it may be sufficiently secur'd without them ; and he who questions the truth of this , doth forget that religion is an inward principle , fix'd in the soul , from whence no outward force is able to remove it . men may be spoil'd of their goods , depriv'd of their liberties , and suffer constant persecution for righteousness-sake , without hazarding their religion , which is beyond the reach of the strongest and most malicious enemies . an undeniable instance of this truth we meet with in the primitive martyrs , who , tho they were oftentimes mean and contemptible persons , yet they held out against the whole power of the roman empire . so that religion may properly be term'd , a precious treasure , of which no man was ever yet rob'd , but by his own fault ; and as we may laugh at any attempts , which are made against it , so nothing can be more unreasonable , than to use violence in keeping what cannot be taken from us . we much undervalue its power , if we imagine that there is need of any thing of this kind to support it . nor can there be a more certain sign of the spirit 's being weak in us , than our not daring to trust it without a guard. in a word , religion has not throughly inflam'd those souls , which are not able to offer sacrifice to god without borrowing strange fire . the precepts of christianity do not seem plainer in any one thing , than in that unlimited submission which , as subjects , we ow to our prince ; and if our duty to god may sometimes justify our refusal to pay an active obedience , yet in no case are private persons at liberty to resist , but must bear patiently the sharpest tryals , until they can ease themselves in a lawful , that is , in a peaceable way . if the princes edicts therefore should appear such as did infringe our dearest priviledges , and in our judgment strike even at religion it self , we ought still to remember who we are , and what we are concern'd for . we must not presently shake off our allegiance , and imagine that this gives us authority to disturb the publick peace , or that there is no rebellion where religion is the cause we fight for . god doth not call us to put to our hand after this irreverent manner , to support the tottering ark ; and the sincerity of our intentions , or our zeal for god's glory and the gospel , will not excuse us in any indirect courses . god is jealous of his own honour , and can easily compass his ends , without requiring such things at our hands . the means he is pleased to recommend to us , as fittest for this purpose , are our humble addresses to our soveraign , whom in conscience we dare not oppose , our making known our just grievances in a dutiful manner , and laying modestly before him those considerations , which are most likely to remove his prejudices , and dispose him to entertain a better opinion of us and our principles ; and when we have fought with these arms , which heaven approves of , we must back our petitions with our prayers to god , that he , who has the hearts of kings always in his hands , will incline our prince to grant our requests , and then , if our cause be truly good , if it be god's as much as we are willing to believe it is , then if we do not spoil it in the management , we need not in the least doubt of a most comfortable issue . but as things are now order'd , it will be hard to persuade the world that we are acted by an evangelical spirit , where the practices of many are so apparently contrary to the gospel . to have our hands still upon our swords , ready to draw as soon as the least advantage is given us , is a posture ill befitting our profession , and is that which doth insensibly destroy , but will never maintain religion . what we would have pass for pure zeal , others look upon as rage , and love of revenge ; and condemn our fomenting tumults and insurrections against authority , as flowing either from a diffidence of god's providence , or from a distrust of his promises , or at best from our impatience to wait his good time . look back upon the contrivances of all rebellions , and you must reckon craft , ambition , and hypocrisy have been always among the most innocent instruments that are employ'd in hatching and carrying them on ; and yet these are so far from being acts of christianity , that all men who are concern'd to be thought strict in their morals , will be asham'd to own them . what then shall we say to the falsehood , the cruelty , the oppression and injustice which are so eminently conspicuous in the history of our late unhappy rebellion ? certainly for men to pretend amidst so gross enormities , that what they do is to promote god's service , and to fight his battels , is a sin much beyond all the rest , and brings so great a scandal upon our holy religion , that we see by woful experience , how it has help'd to set up that spirit of atheism which now abounds among us . the arms with which true religion delights to defend it self , are of a quite different nature , as justice and integrity in mens dealings , innocence in their lives , zeal without hypocrisy in their holy performances ; willingness rather to receive the greatest , than to do the least injury ; enmity against no person , much less against the prince ; constancy in suffering all manner of inconveniences , rather than to contract guilt in removing them ; and lastly , a sincere abhorrence of offering to stain the christian religion , by shedding any man's blood in its maintenance , while yet they are resolv'd by god's grace patiently to sacrifice their own lives , rather than renounce it . these and the like were the innocent methods which under god prov'd instrumental in converting the heathen world. christianity , after a new kind of warfare , became victorious by yielding ; planted , 't is true , it was and grew up in blood , yet in such as was not spilt in the open fields , but upon scaffolds and in amphitheaters , and always without resistance . no other arms than prayers , tears , and invincible patience , made it triumph over the power of heathen rome . holy leagues , bonds of mutual defence , cabals and secret practices were not known in those ages . private meetings indeed we read of , which far from endangering the peace of the empire , prov'd the best seminaries to instruct men in the principles of loyalty as well as religion ; nothing of sedition was ever heard or taught in those pure , tho nocturnal assemblies . no man thought fit to meddle with authority , or arraign the government there ; the time was much better spent , even in exercises of devotion , and in pious meditations ; seldom was the emperors name there mentioned , except in the prayers that they daily offer'd up for his safety , even when the church groaned under his persecution : and for the truth of what is here alledged , i dare appeal to the doctrine and practice of christ , and of the primitive christians . if we take an exact view of the great copy christ has set us , either in his words or in his actions , in what he taught , or in what he suffered , every part doth breath that peace , which , as a legacy , he did bequeath his disciples , ( john 14. v. 27. ) those who are gently and peaceably dispos'd , have no small share in the blessings he pronounced in the beginning of his most divine sermon , ( matth. 5. v. 7 , 9 , 10. ) and if we urge his own words to the contrary , that he came not to send peace , but a sword , ( matth. 10. v. 34. ) these shew us rather what he foresaw would be the unhappy effect , than the real design of his coming , which was chiefly to make peace betwixt god and man , and to make men be at peace with one another ; in order to this he commands us not to resist evil , ( math. 5. v. 39. ) or the evil person , as the learned here observe : and if the precept be general , the inference is strongest , with relation to our prince , who if he prove evil , unjust or froward , yet of all persons is least to be resisted . i might bring the most material passages of the gospel , in confirmation of this necessary truth . but i shall for brevitie's sake confine my self to two or three instances . when the inhabitants of a samaritan village refused to entertain our saviour , ( luke 9. v. 54. ) two of his disciples not being able to bear this affront , ask'd leave to command fire down from heaven and consume them , as elias ( 2 kin. 1. v. 10 , 12. ) had done , but we find he answer'd them with this sharp rebuke , ye know not of what spirit ye are . they did imagine it fit for them to imitate the prophet , forgetting that they were now in the school of christ , and not in that of moses . many things were allow'd , but especially to those called zealots , by which character elias then acted , which could not take place under this new dispensation . the gospel was to be carried on with a spirit of lenity and meekness , men were to be charm'd and not frighted into a good opinion of it . nor was it at all to be introduced with violence , or hazard to their lives , seeing the design of the son of man's coming , was not to destroy men's lives , but to save them , luke 9. v. 56. the next instance shall be that of st. peter , who when the souldiers came to apprehend christ , ( math. 26. v. 51 , 52. ) drew his sword , and smote a servant of the high-priest's , and out off his ear ; but instead of receiving thanks for his zeal in his master's defence , he was commanded to put up his sword , with this threat , that all they who take the sword , shall perish by the sword. both ancient and modern writers have urged this as a plain argument against subjects assuming to themselves the power of the sword to oppose magistrates , or those who act by their commission , and the cavil which some make , as if the threatning were here directed rather to the jews than to st. peter , will with impartial persons always pass for a violent wresting the words from their genuine sense . an ancient father ( theophilact ) doth expresly say that christ here taught his disciples not to use the sword , tho by so doing he might seem to vindicate or defend god himself . another of the ancients ( origen ) doth conclude from christ's command to peter to put up his sword , that we must not draw it unless we will perish by it , and that all those who are not inclin'd to peace , but are movers of sedition , shall perish in the war which they occasion . and to give you the comment of st. austin here for all , he saith that the lord did in these words sufficiently check st. peter's fact , when he said , put up again thy sword , for he that useth the sword shall perish by the sword ; and he useth it , who , when no superiour nor lawful power doth allow , makes use of arms against the blood of another . it would be too tedious to set down the words of the most eminent modern divines , who agree that peter's action and christ's reproof , ought to discourage all private persons from rising up against authority , i shall only give the words of one most learned and judicious commentator ( grotius in 26 math. ) upon this place , and the rather , because some have falsly challeng'd his testimony from other of his writings , to weaken this evangelical doctrine of non-resistance . this admonition , saith he , doth not only belong to peter , but indeed to all christians , whom publick authority offers to punish for their profession . and it is the will of god that we should then give testimony to all the world of our christian patience , and commit our souls unto him , as unto a faithful creator , 1 pet. 2. v. 9. for what , saith he , can be more just , than for us to lay out our lives for the honor of him , from whom we had them . nor must the natural right of self-defence be here pleaded , for there is great difference , saith he , in using this right against robbers , or such like persons , where we have the law on our side , or against the commands of authority , which , tho unjust , are to be born with . for , as he afterwards observes , men being apt to be partial in what immediately concerns themselves , if once private persons be allow'd to make violent opposition , when they think they are injur'd by the magistrate , the world will soon be fill'd with tumults , and the force of laws and judicial procedures will be made void . reason , therefore it self obligeth us to grant some power which must not be resisted ; and it is certain , saith he , in matters of religion the examples of the primitive christians do teach us to suffer patiently any violence offered us by those who are in authority . now considering all that might be said in behalf of st. peter , we shall scarce meet with such another act of hostility , that may seem so excusable . justice , duty , religion seem'd all to countenance what he did . violence was here offer'd to a person , whom he knew to be most innocent , and in whom no other fault could be found , than what malice falsly suggested ; and therefore no wonder , if peter thought fit to do what he could , to rescue him . what he did was in defence of a master , and one , who besides the common ties of duty and gratitude , which might prompt the disciple , had deserved likewise well of him , by many special acts of love and tenderness express'd towards him . and lastly , there seem'd to be true zeal for religion in this attempt ; for he saw they were going to put the messias to death , purposely to stifle the great miracles they had seen him work , to disgrace the heavenly doctrine which he had taught , and to render the whole design of his coming into the world ineffectual . besides , there were other circumstances to plead for him . as they were no magistrates who came to seize upon jesus , so 't is probable he understood not by what authority they acted ; and tho i shall not with some alledge , that the high-priests commission under the roman government was not sufficient in such cases , yet 't is most probable , that peter look'd upon those who came , as the peoples emissaries , and their coming to be an act of their popular rage . lastly , for his intention in what he did , it clearly appears , to have been only in defence of christ's person , without the least design of giving any further disturbance to the government . and yet notwithstanding all that can be said for him , his attempt is censur'd by him , whom he intended to serve in it . and that is recorded as a warning for all christians , to beware of resisting authority , even when their actions aim at nothing but the defence of christ and the gospel . the last and great instance is christ's own carriage at his tryal , in which he fully answer'd the character given him by the prophet , ( isa . 53. v. 7. ) he suffered himself to be brought as a lamb to the slaughter ; as a sheep before the shearer , so he opened not his mouth . he question'd not the authority of pilate , he summon'd not legions of angels to come to his assistance , but meekly and humbly submitting to a most unjust sentence , he has proposed himself as a patern to christians , ( 1 pet. 2. v. 21. ) for tho it behoved christ according to the scriptures to suffer , yet what was necessary both in respect of god's decrees , and for the benefit of mankind , must be acknowledged voluntary in respect of the sufferer , and ceases not to be imitable . if we will be his disciples , we must trace his glorious footsteps , take up our cross , and like faithful souldiers follow the captain of our salvation , when he calls us . what he requires at our hands is most reasonable , for if we be not able to do great things for his sake , sure it is in our power to command our selves from doing violence to any , to forbear even acting against our persecutors ; and by this means we become sufferers with him ; he approves of no other resistance than what he made himself , and what the scripture ( heb. 12. v. 4. ) mentions of , resisting to blood. christ's followers are only to fight his battels in the noble army of the martyrs . and in this , no doubt , we perform a truer act of religion , more acceptable in the sight of god , more agreeable to christ's doctrine and practice , than we are able to do by any other service whatsoever . after our blessed saviour's ascensson , the apostles did carefully observe the rules he left them , their carriage upon all occasions was humble , peaceable , and gentle ; when they were brought before magistrates and governours , they treated them with respect , but did never call their authority in question , nor upbraided them with cruelty and injustice , as we too frequently hear done in our chiefest judicatures . st. paul ( acts 23. ) having spoken irreverently to the high-priest , who unjustly commanded him to be smitten , while a prisoner at the bar , before trial or sentence , thought it his duty to make an apology , declaring that he knew not the quality of him before whom he stood , and that men were not to speak evil of the ruler of the people . he stood indeed upon his priviledg , and appealed from an inferiour magistrate unto caesar , ( acts 25. ) but in this he owned the higher powers , which some among us have learned to reject , he pleaded not any exemption by virtue of his apostleship , tho he could not reasonably expect much favour , where a nero was to be his judge . his doctrine of obedience and submission is no less remarkable than his practice ; so that if there were not one word in the writings of all the apostles to this purpose , besides what st. paul has in the first seven verses of the thirteenth chapter to the romans , we might there be sufficiently instructed in the duty of subjects : his positions are so plain , and the arguments , by which he enforces them , are so convincing , that had he lived in our times , and heard all the objections which are raised against the doctrine of submission , he could not have answered them more clearly , nor in fewer words ; and no doubt the spirit of god , which did dictate what he , and st. peter , and st. jude did write upon this subject , had an eye to the degeneracy of latter ages , and design'd to lay such sure grounds of christian obedience , as the wisdom of the world should never be able to shake in those , who are resolved to regulate their lives by the scripture . nor doth it add a little to the weight of their testimony , when we consider the circumstances under which they then were , had the world in those days been govern'd by christian princes , who submitting their scepters to the cross , had gloried in shewing themselves nursing fathers to the gospel in its infancy , their doctrine might then have seem'd suitable to the temper of those they had to deal with ; nor could they have allow'd too much to princes , who were like to use their power for the establishment of the christian religion . or had their princes , tho heathens , been nerva's , antonius's , or aurelius's , persons remarkable for their justice and clemency , there would have been no great inconvenience in this doctrine , but their preaching up submission to such monsters as claudius , or nero , under whose cruelties the roman empire then groan'd , doth clearly demonstrate , that they were not govern'd by political maximes , nor biass'd by any worldly consideration . but on the contrary , that they laid down general and inviolable rules , to be observed at all times , and towards all princes , the froward as well as the gentle ; those who did unjustly persecute them , as well as others that vouchsafed them protection . and certainly in this , and in no other sense , did the primitive christians understand the apostle's words , and were therefore of all subjects the most dutiful to the very worst of princes ; no barbarous usage , no oppression could make them swerve from their first principle of patient submission ; they had always before their : eyes the pattern of their blessed saviour , in every step of his humiliation and sufferings ; nor did they forget what he had taught them , ( john 18. v. 36. ) that his kingdom was not of this world ; and that they , being his servants , were not therefore to fight ; they knew he intended no prejudice to the rights of princes , in setting up his monarchy , which is spiritual and eternal . and this puts me in mind of a remarkable passage in a fragment of egesippus , a most ancient christian writer , how domitian , like another herod , being jealous of christ's return to dethrone him , raised an heavy persecution against the church , giving particular order , that such as were of the seed of david , should be forthwith secur'd ; whereupon some , that were related to christ according to the flesh , being brought before him , and examin'd first concerning their own condition , which they easily made appear to be mean and low ; and afterwards concerning the nature of christ's kingdom , they shewed so plainly , that it was not of this world , but commenced properly , when others ended , being spiritual and eternal , that having satisfied the emperour , and freed him from any apprehension of christ's design upon his crown , they themselves were set at liberty , and a stop was immediately put to the persecution . the behaviour of the christians , in those golden ages of the church , never gave any just ground of jealousy to the roman emperours , in all the vicissitudes of that empire , in the frequent rebellions against the government , or conspiracies against the emperour's person ; the christians kept constant to their allegiance . when by siding with such usurpers as cassius , albinus , niger , parthenius , &c. they might not only have freed themselves from bloody yokes , but have also in all probability made sure of large immunities , they could never be wrought on to take arms against the establish'd authority ; they were perswaded , how ill soever the emperours might manage their trust , yet that their commission was seal'd by god. nay sometimes the christians brought upon themselves persecution , by refusing to join with rebels ; as in the reign of adrian , when barochebas and the jews , not being able upon their revolt to engage the christians in their party , turn'd the edge of their sword against the church , killing most barbarously all the christians that they met with , and made them thus martyrs , for the next best cause after religion , if it is not to be called a part of it . now without doubt the many edicts which emperours past in favor of the christians , were grounded chiefly upon such considerations , seeing upon strict enquiry they had never found them engag'd in any plots against the state ; and 't is particularly observ'd of severus , that the kindness , he shew'd to the christians in the beginning of his reign , proceeded from a sense of their dutiful carriage in difficult times , both towards himself , and the former emperours . in fine , the most inveterate enemies of their religion could not deny them this testimony , that in the sharpest persecutions , when they were only suffered to live , to prolong their torments , when a simple death , not accompanied with those horrid cruelties , which were then practised , past for no small favour ; when the streets were filled with the carcasses of martyrs , and the rivers dy'd with the most precious blood of the church , they could never be tempted to rebel . nor was there truly any thing , in which their enemies did more industriously labour , than through despair to draw them into rebellion , that so they might have had the better excuse to cut them off . it grieved the roman emperours to employ their axes and not their swords , and to give their executioners so much work , while their legions were idle , and spill so much blood with so little reputation : but christians knew their duty too well , to give them any advantage in this point ; for the renouncing their religion , or their alledgiance were the only things , wherein they could never be brought to gratify their princes . it were easy to bring many instances in confirmation of what i say , but i shall only pitch upon that famous history of the thebean legion , which tho commonly known , yet can never be either too much admired , nor too often repeated : all the officers and souldiers of this noble legion haveing been converted to christianity by zambdas bishop of jerusalem , during their winter-quarters in those parts , were in the heat of the dioclesian persecution sent from the east , to reinforce the army of maximianus herculeus in france , and understanding upon their arrival in the imperial camp , that a new military oath was to be given them at an heathen altar , purposely to pollute them with idolatry , the whole legion did thereupon retire from the rest of the army : when maximianus commanded them back , mauritius and ex●perius the chief officers answer'd in the name of all , that they were ready to return and fight against his enemies , but being christians , they could not offer sacrifice to the gods. this answer did so enrage the emperour , that he sentenced every tenth man of the legion to be put to death , which was accordingly done , none offering to make the least resistance ; and when the same cruel orders were renew'd , mauritius had so prepar'd them by applauding their former behaviour , that they all answer'd , they were caesar's souldiers , that they had never brought upon themselves the imputation of cowardise , nor deserted their colours ; that they were ready to obey the emperour in every thing , but in offering sacrifice to idols ; and that their bodies he might dispose of as he pleased , only their souls they reserved to christ : then exuperius confirming them in their generous resolution , said , that they did now engage in a new war , and that they must not think to fight their way to heaven with their swords ; tell the emperour , says he , that despair it self shall not be able to engage us against him , we have arms , but we will not resist , because we are willing rather to suffer , than conquer ; preferring much an innocent death , before a life stain'd with guilt . and afterwards making good their own and their officers words , in imitation of their blessed master , they suffer'd themselves to be led as sheep to the slaughter , and received every one a glorious crown of martyrdom . if we compare the meek and christian behaviour of these stout officers and souldiers , with that of our greatest professors , we have reason to bewail the age in which we live , as scarce retaining any tincture of this primitive spirit . what excuse can we bring for men , who pretending to embrace the sacred function of the ministry , and to preach the gospel of peace , have thought fit to appear in arms , surrounded with troops in opposition to christian authority , when we find the officers and souldiers of a legion here throw down their arms , rather than oppose an heathen persecutor ? what could mr. welsch , or the captain of his guard , have alledged in their own behalf , had they heard maunitius upon the head of his legion rejoicing at the patient suffering of those , who died in the first decimation , and exhorting them that surviv'd to follow their example , and not to dishonour their profession , with the guilt of rebellion ? how much more christian was the death of exuperius , who stript himself of his arms , as soon as the emperours commission was produced , than that of mr. cameron , who died with a sword in his hand , resisting his prince ? i dare not say that mr. cameron and this noble officer seem'd to act each others part , seeing exuperius truly perform'd his own , and hath deserved to be celebrated by all posterity , for a christian hero. but i hope m. cameron's greatest friends will not be offended with me , if i declare that in my humble opinion , the manner of his death did give no great lustre to his former actions ; for whatever reputation it may be to a man fighting against turks and infidels in defence of christianity , to be said to have sold his life at a dear rate , yet in giving the character of a faithful minister of christ , i cannot think it much for his honour to mention that he died , as we know m. cameron did , boldly fighting in direct opposition to authority . i am not ignorant how uncharitable some have been , in affirming that the submission pay'd by the ancient christians , flow'd chiefly from their want of power , and that they did not oppose their domitians nor their dioclesians , because they were not in a condition to carry on a rebellion : but 't is a most malicious as well as a false suggestion , only to sully the glory of their sufferings , and to deprive many martyrs of one of the most precious jewels in their crown , by making that submission forced , which was most voluntary . this is directly to tax those sincere christians with disingenuity , as if they had pretended conscience , for what proceeded chiefly from fear or weakness ; while indeed the principles of their religion made them good subjects , and taught them to be more afraid of the guilt than the punishment of rebels . those that were known to pray every day , for a long life , and a peaceable reign to their emperours , could not be supposed to harbour the least thoughts of giving them disturbance , and had their inclinations been at all mutinous , by joining with a disaffected party , which could never be wanting in so great a body , it was in the christians power at any time to have shaken the empire . this we may learn from tertullian , who boasts much of their numbers in his excellent apology . those who by deserting their countrey must have depopulated it , might certainly by fighting have broken the government . in cities where there were two christians to one heathen , as in many then in africk , they needed not have suffer'd themselves to be so cruelly butcher'd , had not their consciences disarm'd them of all weapons of defence against the emperour . the same we may gather from st. cyprian , in that discourse of his addrest to demetrianus ; where he fairly lays down the grounds upon which christians then walked . but granting there had been five heathens to one christian , yet , as tertullian observes , christians readiness to sacrifice their lives might have made up their disproportion in number , had not their religion obliged them rather to dy , than by drawing their swords to kill others . and sure if the christians were considerable so early , as in tertullian's and st. cyprian's time , no question in the latter , and of the third , and the beginning of the fourth century they wanted not strength to defend themselves against the violences then offer'd them under dioclesian and his colleagues , had their religion given them leave to resist . i cannot finish this discourse , without observing that many finding violent practices in matters of religion , utterly condemned by the examples of christ , of his apostles , and of the primitive christians , retire to the old testament , as more favourable to their design : but they never consider that , as many actions are there rather recorded than commended , and which are not to be imitated , tho there be no censure an next to the relations there delivered ; so several things were lawful under that dispensation , which the gospel cannot admit . the government instituted by moses was a theocracy ; where , besides the establish'd laws , god did by immediate inspiration give commission to private persons , to turn magistrates , and to punish offenders , without tying them to any formal procedure ; such was phineas , ( numb . 25. ) and after him the zealots , whose actions were accounted most heroical among the jews . yet when christ's disciples would have assumed this priviledge in imitation of elias , they met with a check , as i have already observ'd , from their master : and if , according to the opinion of some learned men , peter's action was of this kind , we have still a further testimony of christ's discountenancing such methods , as too violent for the meek spirit of the gospel . and tho the actions of phineas , of elias , and of other prophets , while immediately directed by god , were laudable ; yet afterwards , when their zealots were acted by heat of passion , and private resentment , more than by divine inspiration , to what excess of cruelty and injustice did they rise ! fury and rage under a cloak of zeal pretended to an authority to commit the worst of actions . and josephus informs us , how those , that went under the name of zealots then , were the chief instruments in the ruin of the jewish nation , and in the destruction of jerusalem . now as no religion nor government could be safe under this latter sort of zealots ; so the former were never design'd as paterns for christians , who have settled rules to walk by ; who expect no other revelations than the oracles of god , contain'd in the holy scripture ; and must therefore condemn those that in our days pretend to new lights , and extraordinary commissions , to curb magistrates and reform governments , as seduced by a spirit of enthusiasm , savouring more of anti-christ than of the blessed author of our religion . but tho we should allow men were still at liberty , to imitate those holy zealots , the publick peace will not be much endanger'd by their example ; for by what can be gather'd from most of their actions , they were rather terrible neighbours to notorious transgressors of the law , than undutiful subjects to wicked princes ; they had only permission to do justice upon meaner offenders , but as for the sins of their kings , these were reserved cases , of such god himself thought fit to be the immediate avenger , or at least to ty subjects up from medling with them , until they had his particular commission , which was never granted against their prince , till god , by the authority he reserv'd to himself in that government , had first degraded him . in a word , let us consult the jewish annals , and see , if we can bring any good authority thence , for rising up in arms against magistrates , upon the account of religion ; or whether any of the instances , that are alledged to this purpose , be first in themselves justifiable ; and next , if they be clear evidences in a matter of so great importance : for where the question is , if subjects are to obey or resist , the proofs for resistance ought to be as plain , as those for obedience , before they venture to act ; and this i presume will hardly be made appear from scripture . when jeroboam placed his calves in dan and bethel , and made israel sin ; we find the prophets condemn his idolatry , and foretell the ruin of his house , ( 1 kings 13. v. 14. ) but they stirr'd not up his subjects to rebellion against him . elias , as a prophet , took upon him to reprove ahab ; but , as a zealot , he gave him no further disturbance in his government . against all the wicked kings of israel and judah , who were enemies to the pure religion and worship , which god had established , the prophets boldly denounced the wrath of god , but seldom help'd to execute it ; tho under the harshest treatment , when they were hid by fifties in a cave , they never employ'd their popularity to raise sedition , or to involve their countrey in a civil war , either in their own defence , or in that of their religion . when from idolatrous they fell under the yoke of heathen princes and strangers ; they preached up duty and allegiance to such , being persuaded , that these also derived their power from god. and tho the maccabees in opposing antiochus are commended , as the restorers of the ancient worship , and of the liberties of their countrey ; yet i conceive it may be prov'd , that he was an usurper , and had no just title to judea , and that the jewish nation had never , by any legal act , own'd him for their prince . if notwithstanding all that has been said , any among us should still insist upon some actions of the zealots ; which give countenance to resistance , as that of elias , in calling down fire from heaven , to destroy the king's commissionate-officers . i shall only answer , that they also may be allow'd to resist , when heaven appears as visibly in their behalf , as it did here in the prophet's . the world is uncharitable enough to believe , that our zealots would shew some instances of their severity , had they the same power with elias , to command fire from heaven ; and that the king's troops , that have at any time march'd against them , had then died without mercy , after the same terrible manner , that king ahaziah's did , which were sent against the prophet . but hitherto those , that have appear'd in arms against the king , have been so far from giving any evidence of god's fighting for them , or authorizing their proceedings by miracles , that he rather has seem'd to disown them , by casting a damp upon their spirits , when they stood most in need of some extraordinary assistance ; i appeal to those , who were at any of those unhappy engagements against their prince , whether they did not find that heat and flame , which upon other occasions they were able to express , suddenly quencht , when they were just about to act ? have not some of their teachers upbraided them in the psalmist's words , that like the children of ephraim ( psal . 78. v. 9. ) being armed , and carrying bows , they turn'd back in the day of battel ? have not the troops , that were sent against them , confess'd , they could not much glory in their victories , because they were so easily obtain'd ? to be plain , i am afraid , we are become equally the object of the world's contempt , and of its hatred ; our late behaviour having brought upon us the imputation of cowardise as well as disloyalty . third consideration . if the persons , for whom i undertook this argument , think fit to reade what has been said upon the first two points , i hope they will not give over here , but will vouchsafe to consider with me , in the third place , whether any obligation , lying upon us from the late covenants , be a sufficient warrant for what we do . now the best method i can propose in this , is to give a brief account of the rise and progress of both covenants , with some impartial reflexions upon them ; in which if my reader will not rest satisfied , he shall have no occasion at least given him to think me tedious . our late soveraign being fully persuaded that no church did approach so near the primitive purity in worship and discipline , as that of england , was resolved to make his native-countrey share in what he judg'd so great a blessing ; and in order to it had a liturgy , and a book of canons , published for the use of scotland ; where he was unhappily made believe , he should meet with approbation from the better sort , and with complyance from all . but the peoples insolent and mutinous behaviour , in affronting and disturbing the persons who were ordered to read the service in the churches of edenburgh , did shew how ill they were disposed to receive it . this popular tumult the first sunday , was soon after back'd with petitions and other marks of their dislike , which obliged the council to advance slowly , until they gave the court advice of what had past . and before the king could come to a resolution in a business of so great importance , such as were no friends to the government , not only ventur'd to publish their dissatisfaction , and to enflame the kingdom with strange jealousies of popery and arbitrary power , but likewise formed themselves into several tables ( as they called them ) of noblemen , gentlemen , ministers , and citizens , and by a new authority took upon them , to sum up all the grievances which they intended should be redressed ; and tho his majesties not urging the liturgy upon that kingdom , when he saw it could not be done in a peaceable way , might have quieted all their minds , yet finding their party strong beyond expectation , they were loth to let slip so favourable a juncture , but boldly resolved to secure themselves against all attempts of this kind , by entering into a national covenant , in which they pretended only to renew that , which had been sworn in the reign of king james . those who adhered to the king's interest , could by no means allow of this manner of proceeding , which appeared equally disingenuous and undutiful . the discontented party alledged in their own behalf , the president given them in the late reign , which the others thought did no ways favour their cause , seeing the covenant then taken was stampt with royal authority , whereas theirs now seem'd directly opposite to it ; for there could not be the least pretence to the king's consent , which they never so much as desired . 't is true , it was upon the humble motion of a general assembly , that the former king's council had order'd the national covenant to be taken the last time , with a bond to maintain the true religion , and the king's person . but this instance of the general assemblies motion , which they laid hold on , was so far from justifying , that it rather condemned their proceedings ; in regard that the general assemblies not enjoyning the covenant , till they had first obtained his majesties consent , made it evident that in the assemblies judgment the oath could not be renewed without that authority which first imposed it ; nor could they expect any sanctuary from the acts of parliament , for it had been declared by more than one , that all who leagu'd themselves together , without the knowledg of their soveraign , were to be punished as movers of sedition , and disturbers of the publick peace . besides their want of authority , they laid themselves open to another most dangerous censure , while under colour of copying a covenant and bond allowed of in the late reign , it plainly appear'd they had not taken their measures by that standard , but had explain'd many things rather according to their own , than king james's , mind , and had also added several new articles of most pernicious consequence , both to the king's person , and the establish'd government . the king's person was endanger'd , in so far , as by their new bond they enter'd into a mutual defence of one another , against all persons whatsoever , without excepting his majesty . this the royal party said was in effect to declare , that if he offer'd to thwart them , they must then oppose him , by adhering to their covenant . nor were they more favourable to the established government , in which they made a wide breach , by taking upon them to cancel all the acts of parliament , and of general assemblies , that authorized the high commission , the five articles of perth , or the sitting of bishops in judicatures . now by these and several other instances of this kind , it seem'd strange with what face they could make their covenant and bond pass for the same with the former kings , seeing it was not to be presum'd that the father design'd to lessen either his own or his son's authority ; nor to teach his subjects how to combine without being rebels ; nor yet to favour the extirpating the articles of perth , and other things after his death , which in his life he had so industriously promoted . whatever influence these pretences might have upon undiscerning people , or such , as gave an implicite credit to whatever their pastors taught them , the world abroad had much different thoughts . nor could all the endeavours that were used to win many of the reformed religion in france , to a good opinion of such courses ; for they having long inveighed against that wicked association at home , call'd the holy league , found their mouths now stop'd , when the protestants , contrary to the principles of our religion , did exactly follow so ill a pattern , set them by papists . besides , they knew not what to think of men , who , setting up for some further degrees in reformation , thought sit to communicate their counsels with cardinal richelieu , whom they in france look'd upon as the most dangerous enemy then alive to the protestant interest ; and indeed how that cardinal's creature , a bigotish fryar , whom he employ'd at that time in scotland , could go along in their counsels , and be so much in the confidence of men , that pretended to root out all the seeds of popery , is a thing yet unaccountable ; and the more to alienate peoples hearts from the new liturgy , they did maliciously give out , that it was forg'd at rome , and approv'd of by the pope . yet the king's friends might have defied them , to shew so much of popish counsel in the framing or introducing that mistaken book , as did appear in the methods they made use of to oppose it . the king perceiving how successfully they carried on their designs , and gain'd many of his subjects to their party , by frighting them with popery and arbitrary power , dispatch'd the marquess of hamilton into scotland , in quality of commissioner , with order , to issue out a declaration , containing all the assurances which could be desired of his majesty's firmness to the protestant religion , together with his engagement upon his royal word not to enjoin the liturgy , nor think of any innovation , unless in such a fair and legal way , as none could reasonably except against . whereupon those of the other party , being apprehensive lest this might remove most of the peoples prejudices against the government , used their utmost endeavours to hinder the marquess from publishing the king's declaration ; and when this could no longer be done , got time enough to form a most bold protestation , by which they labour'd to evade all that was alledged against them , and to justify their whole conduct , declaring roundly , towards the conclusion , that if his majesty did not allow of their proceedings , they were resolv'd of themselves to call a general assembly , which would be more favourable to them . the king's declaration being thus in a great measure rendred ineffectual , and their obstinacy , in adhering to the covenant , growing still greater , a way was thought on how things might be accommodated , without great prejudice to the crown , and the covenant be rendred tolerable ; the royal party therefore proposed , that in the bond of mutual defence against all persons whatsoever , the covenanters , who stood so much upon their loyal intentions , would vindicate them to the world , by excepting his majesty , and declaring , that in their bond they never design'd any opposition to his authority . but this most reasonable demand , the heads of that party could by no means be brought to grant ; and no wonder , if their rejecting so fair and so easy a proposal , gave those , who were enemies to their covenant , occasion to complain , that their practice now began to discover it self inconsistent with what they at first pretended ; for whereas in the covenant they declared from their heart before god and man , that they had no intention , nor desire to attempt any thing , which might turn to the diminution of the king's greatness and authority ; it seem'd hard now to reconcile this and other such expressions , with their threatning , to assume the king 's undoubted prerogative , in calling an assembly , and with their refusing to give the king the satisfaction of excepting him in their mutual bond , even when by his commissioner he so earnestly desired it . there remain'd yet one expedient for the king to ruin all they had done , and this was to renew his father's covenant ; and by this means for ever to defeat their malicious suggestions of his inclinations to popery , which was there so plainly renounced , or at least to make the whole world see , how disingenuous they were , if they offer'd to oppose that covenant , which from the beginning they pretended to have sworn . his majesty , accepting of this motion , was pleased to give his commissioner authority , that at the same time , he recommended the covenant , he should absolutely revoke the liturgy , the book of canons , and the high commission , forbid the practice of the five articles of perth , after a general pardon to such of his subjects , as having been misled , were willing to return to their allegiance ; and lastly , that for examining all their just grievances , he should declare his majesty's gracious intentions to call a general assembly and a parliament , where neither bishops nor others were to be exempted from censure , but proceeded against in a due and legal form according to their misdemeanors . upon the news of the king's covenant , which came thus accompanied with so many and so large expressions of kindness , and with such undeniable marks of his gracious inclinations to purchase his subjects affections at any rate , some who before despair'd of a good issue , and others , who began to shake in their allegiance , were again confirmed , nothing doubting , but that the way to heal the dangerous breach was now found out , and that the jealousies of popery and innovation being sufficiently remov'd , all parties would henceforth concur in expressing their duty to his majesty . but it proved much otherwise with those , who were deeply engaged in the covenant , whom no indulgence could sweeten , nor concession satisfy , with contempt did they reject the proffer of pardon , because accepting thereof might have perhaps argued guilt , and a tacite yielding the point , when they were resolved to insist upon the merits of their cause ; the king's covenant , which had been so dear to the nation in the former reign , and under the shadow of which their new covenant had first taken root , was now cryed down as an hellish contrivance to destroy religion , and the power of godliness , and all that subscribed it , were declared perjur'd , tho they had made their own hitherto pass with the common people for the same ; to be short , all being now at stake , and they like to be ruined by their own arts , it was high time to pull off the mask . finding then that they could no longer pretend the late king's authority , they fled to a greater , protesting their adherence to the new covenant , as immediately sealed from heaven . had they been able to give any evidence for that seal , no wonder if they still made good their party ; but when their prevaricating was already so plain , people were extreamly credulous to rest satisfied in this upon their bare word . i shall only adventure to say , it was no argument of their having the seal of god , because they wanted that of his vice-gerent ; which was indeed a strong presumption against them , and questionless the most zealous espousers of that interest , whatever assurances they seemed to have of god's approving what they then did , will be so ingenuous as to own it a thing of dangerous consequence , for all established governments to give encouragement to pretences of this nature , seeing at this rate all , who design to impose upon the world , may easily seign a warrant from god , and so set up in opposition to authority . that very resolution of adhering to their covenant , which made them fiercely oppose the king's , and reject his act of grace , prompted them to join with his motion for a general assembly , because from thence they were sure to draw some advantage ; and tho the king might justly have refused to make good his proffers , when they had so undutifully rejected the greatest part of them ; yet being willing to gratify his subjects in every thing , the commissioner had order to appoint the time and place . no sooner were they sure of an assembly ( at glasgow , the 21st of november , 1638. ) but engines were set on work to dispose things for the advancement of the cause : the marquess of hamilton being to preside there for his majesty , proposed some preliminaries to regulate elections , and to prevent such disorders and disputes , as were like to arise , if they observed not one and the same method every where ; these the tables would not hear of , alledging that nothing of this kind could be done , without encroaching upon the liberties of christ and of his church . while at the same time that the king's commissioners preliminaries were rejected , they themselves durst adventure to agree upon eight articles or directions to presbyteries , wherein they determin'd the members that were to be chosen , the matters that were to be handled , and the manner they were to proceed in the assembly , in every one of which all indifferent persons thought the tables guilty of a more open encroachment upon christ and the liberties of his church , than could be charg'd upon the marquess , for his modest and reasonable proposals . amongst other unwarrantable methods , none was more remarkable than their directing lay-elders from every parish , to be present at the several presbyteries , to vote in the election of members for the assembly ; nor could these ruling elders fail to carry the elections as they pleased , if we consider , that six ministers being declared candidates in every presbytery , were obliged to retire , as having no vote in choosing or rejecting themselves , and then the remaining ministers being lessen'd after this manner in number , were plainly out-voted everywhere by the elders . surely this was the first time that ever secular men had the naming an ecclesiastical assembly ; nor needed they have questioned the success , where the business was to be manag'd by no other than their own creatures ; yet contrary to the practice of former assemblies in scotland , contrary to the practice of all churches and ages , they took upon them to go and sit members themselves in the assembly , not only to advise in matters of discipline , for which they might perhaps have brought a president , but also to decide controverted points in divinity , for which , to say no worse , many of them were very ill qualified by their education . and now let the whole world judge if it were not an act of partiality , not to be paralell'd , for them to cry out upon bishops and clergy-men's medling in secular affairs , and do now raise such an outery against the king's supremacy , pretending that it is inconsistent with the nature of spiritual things , to bring them under the government of the secular power : when they themselves , who were secular persons , did so manifestly invade the most undoubted prerogative of the ministry , heavy complaints were given in , of the insupportable yoke of prelacy : but in truth that of secular men , lording it then over god's inheritance , was much more grievous than the former . nor were the wiser sort of ministers among them insensible of this usurpation , only they were asham'd to complain much of the uneasiness of those chains , wherewith they had help'd to fetter themselves . if the brevity , which i propose , would allow me , it might be suitable enough with my design , to give a full account of what past in that memorable assembly , and shew how they confirm'd the covenant there by the same methods , by which it was at first set on foot , and had hitherto been carried on . but it is sufficient at present to observe , that the certain prospect of a fatal issue , both to king and government , if not timely prevented , obliged the king's commissioner to dissolve the assembly within a few days after their meeting . and when he expected compliance , he found them ready with a protestation to continue their sessions , till such time as they had finished the glorious work for which they met ; however , their refusing to obey the king's commands , signified to them by his commissioner , was perfectly inconsistent with what the most eminent among them had said , some days before at the opening the assembly ; for then they exprest in several harangues their sense of the king's bounty and tenderness in bringing them thither : and who can deny but he , who only had authority to call them , could also dissolve them at pleasure ? and tho both are equally royal prerogatives , yet undoubtedly our princes have reason to set the highest value upon their power of dissolving , which has been useful to them upon many occasions ; nor did ever the crown receive so deep a wound , as when our late soveraign parted with this choice prerogative , and so lay at the mercy of a parliament , which the fears of dissolution could only have bridled , and kept them within some compass . but to return to the assembly : when so great a contempt was put upon the king , they went on in a most violent and illegal manner , to excommunicate some of the bishops , and to depose all the rest ; many acts of parliament were rescinded , the determinations of forty years assemblies were declared void ; all persons were enjoin'd to take the covenant under pain of excommunication ; and to give the world a lasting instance of their modesty , they concluded with a letter to his majesty , justifying their whole procedure , and entreating him , that he would look upon them as good and dutiful subjects , and be satisfied with what they had done . no wonder if provocations of so high a nature did beget suitable resentments in the king , who after so much abus'd indulgence , had no way left to maintain his right but by arms ; nor did the covenanters decline a breach , having made early preparation for it ; so that , before the king came to any act of hostility , they seized upon his castles , levied troops , impos'd taxes , and cast off all manner of allegiance ; and even when his majestie 's aversion from shedding his subjects blood , made him , upon the head of a brave and numerous army , yield to terms of as great condescension as necessity could have extorted , and send them home gratified in all their demands , without fighting ; yet new grievances arm'd them again ; and whereas at first they stop'd on the borders , now most boldly they march into england , force their passage at newburn , and refuse to return , until the king agreed to come into scotland , there to pass all his concessions into acts of parliament . his majesty failed not to make good what he promised , and having purchas'd their allegiance at so dear a rate , might justly have challeng'd their entire obedience upon the principles of gratitude , as well as duty ; but upon the woful rupture , which soon after followed , betwixt him and his english parliament , the spirit and temper of our covenanters did discover it self more than ever . far from being satisfied with the great trouble they had occasion'd at home , or with the settlement procur'd to their hearts desire , they cherish the two houses in their unreasonable demands about religion ; and , as it is most ingenuously observed by a late writer of our nation , shew themselves now as violent in pressing england's uniformity with scotland , as they were formerly in condemning the design of bringing scotland to an uniformity with england . 't is not my task to meddle with the differences betwixt the king and his english parliament , which i leave to the excellent pens of that nation ; but sure i am , there was not the least reason for scotland's espousing the parliaments quarrel , or for fomenting their jealousies of a prince , who had so lately given us such undoubted marks of his transcendent bounty , in yielding to all that our covenanters demanded ; besides , by the explication of the covenant , we obliged our selves to assist his majesty in every cause that concern'd his honour ; and so ought to have been thankful for his majesty's condescension , in suffering us to continue neutral ; yet notwithstanding these obligations , the parliament's interest was so dear to our commissioners then at london , that forgetting the quality of mediators , in which they first appear'd , they sided openly with the houses against the king. nor were our ministers at home less partial , our pulpits did ring with curses against some , who were for a neutrality , as enemies to the cause of christ , and the reformation of england ; all were invited to join in so meritorious a work , and at length all sense of duty was so entirely cast off , that the chief promoters of those designs adventur'd to assume to themselves a most undoubted prerogative of the crown , in summoning a convention of estates without the king's leave . from a convention call'd without authority , there was no reason to expect any legal proceedings , or complyance to the king , who yet vouchsafed to approve of their meeting , upon condition , they would observe such limitations , as were prescrib'd in his letter . but the business of england , and the raising an army , being the only things , which he forbid them to meddle with , were the first which fell under their consideration ; and commissioners being sent from the parliament of england to treat about an army , our convention of estates , notwithstanding the king 's special command to the contrary , received them with open arms , agreed readily to their demands , and exprest such an hearty desire of a strict union betwixt the two kingdoms , that their warm consultations did in a few days hatch the solemn league and covenant . it was strange to see a league , which so highly concern'd a king , two kingdoms , differing much in laws and constitutions , and two churches , differing no less in worship and discipline , so easily and suddenly concluded . it was first seen , afterwards approved , and lastly sworn in the general assembly , all within the short period of three days . the ministers made this wonderful unanimity pass with the people for an undeniable testimony of the divine approbation ; tho others , who could never be convinced that the former covenant received its seal from heaven , entertain'd no better opinion of this , but did attribute their agreement only to the dexterous management of the leaders , who had such a powerful influence and authority over the rest , that they seldom fail'd in any thing they proposed . the whole negotiation ended without any debates . yet there was apparent jugling on both hands ; for the english commissioners had a great mind to carry with them a scotish army , but had no liking at all to our presbytery ; and therefore consenting to a reformation , according to the word of god , told one another that they understood well enough what to make of that at home ; the scotish on the other hand designing to get presbytery establish'd in england , cast in the words of reforming , according to the practice of the best reformed churches , hoping this made sure for theirs , as the most perfect model that could any where be found ; our ministers were likewise for abjuring episcopacy as simply unlawful ; but neither the english commissioners then in scotland , nor the parliament or assembly of divines at westminster , thought fit afterwards to declare that institution unlawful : whereupon the article was conceived to import only an abolishing of episcopacy , as it was then in england , without condemning what the primitive church had allow'd in all its purity . to describe all the subtile arts which were used , the manifest elusions and breaches wherewith we charged england , and england us , together with the fatal consequences of this covenant in both nations , would require much pains and leisure . it will suffice at present to make some brief reflections , which may serve to cool our too great fondness of it . all that could be alledg'd against the national covenant was of force against this ; besides many material circumstances to render it yet more inexcusable ; for if we never find subjects lawfully united among themselves , without the prince's leave , much less could the subjects of one nation take upon them to make a league with those of another , contrary to the king's command , and in prejudice of his authority . ought we not to have been contented with the enjoyment of all we could desire at home , without medling in the concerns of another nation , who generally did not appear fond of an alteration , and never were fitted for our church-discipline ? was there no more regard due to a soveraign , who had deserv'd so well at our hands , than even to pursue him out of his native countrey ; and grudge him that liberty of conscience in england , which he had graciously yielded to us in scotland ? we read of many nations that engag'd in wars for the enlargement of their soveraign's empire , or authority over strangers , we alone shall be known to posterity as guilty of helping strangers to shake off the allegiance due to a prince born among our selves . but besides these general reflexions , every one of the six articles , whereof this covenant consisted , lay open to several exceptions . as i. it seem'd hard , that every ignorant person in scotland should be obliged by oath to endeavour the reformation of england , according the word of god and the practice of the best reformed churches . what knowledg , alas ! could persons of so mean capacity or education be presumed to have of differences among reformed churches , of which they were to judge upon oath ! how could they weigh the advantages of holland above geneva , of france above holland , or of scotland above france , and accordingly endeavour the reformation of england ? truly 't is to be doubted that more was here required of the meanest and weakest of the people , than many of our ablest ministers could well have perform'd : how could such persons examine nice questions about church-government according to scripture , which have divided the learned world ? and yet the vulgar were to judge of such , seeing by those rules they swore to proceed . nor do i see any shift , unless we allow them to resign their judgment by an implicite faith in their teachers , which makes no decent evasion for a reformed church . the second article was lyable to the same exceptions with the former : they swore , to extirpate popery , prelacy , superstition , heresy , schism , profaneness , and whatsoever should be found contrary to sound doctrine , and the power of godliness . this i take to have been a very hard task for every one to perform , and more certainly , than ought to be required of any man , in things which are not plain beyond controversy , as all such points were not then amongst them : for we find , that one minister did often inveigh against opinions , as savouring of popery , which another as positively deny'd , charging the contrary opinions , as leading to schism ; and ignorant persons , who under pain of perjury were equally engag'd against schism and popery , must have found strange storms , raised in their minds , and their tender consciences dreadfully rack'd , while they could not understand , which of the opposite opinions they might safely embrace . tho the former part of the third article concern'd things of a quite different nature , yet the objections are much of the same kind , by that all were engag'd to defend the rights and priviledges of parliament : but , alas ! who could expect that common people should be put to determine such , when we hear of debates started frequently concerning priviledges , which the wisdom of our greatest senators is scarce able to accommodate , and seldom is it so done , as to answer all objections , or satisfy every member . suppose a parliament so divided , that it comes to a breach , to what party must the people then adhere , who are not able to judge , which of the two really maintains their priviledges , where both with confidence pretend it , and back their pretences with plausible reasons . nothing could have been more for the peace of the world , than that a greater reverence had been kept up for vows and oaths , by not making them too common : but seeing our fathers would not be satisfied without engaging persons of all ranks in oaths , 't is to be wish'd that ordinary people had only been bound to live peaceably in their stations ; to obey those who by the laws of the land were set over them ; not to countenance division and faction , nor turn states-men and censurers of their superiours : for in these and the like engagements there had only been a further ty laid upon them to perform easy , plain , and necessary duties , suitable to their capacities , without medling in matters beyond their reach . whereas our late covenants did unadvisedly raise such persons above themselves , injoin'd them things they could not discharge , and , contrary to all reason , spurr'd those on to be troublesome , who stood more in need of a bridle to check their natural fierceness , and the ill-grounded opinion they had of their own sufficiency . by the latter part of the third article the subjects allegiance to the king was limited to the preservation and defence of the true religion ; as if princes rights , whatever they are , ought not to be maintain'd without any manner of restriction ; this was a clear diminution of the king 's just power and greatness , and consequently , inconsistent with what they swore before in the national covenant : but how ill they intended from the beginning to maintain the king's power and greatness , their positions as well as their practices do declare . if we look critically into the history of that time , we see manifest gradations in their encroachments upon the royal authority : at their first entring into the national covenant , it was alledg'd , that the body of the nation , consisting of church and state , might unite to resist the king. some years after , when the union betwixt the two kingdoms was so vehemently carried on , it was declared lawful to assist our neighbours in extorting from our soveraign the same terms for them , which of his royal bounty he had formerly vouchsafed to grant us . at last , we advanced a step higher , and boldly maintain'd , that a few associate counties might take arms against the authority both of king and parliament ; and that , having power , they wanted not right , upon all occasions , to curb the excesses of government . now here we may observe that the extravagant proceedings of some western counties , upon these seditious principles , fix'd upon them the name of whigs ; which contemptible mark of distinction was for many years appropriated to us ; till of late that , to the grief of all men , it is become more universal , and has now unluckily crept into the next kingdom ; and , notwithstanding its infamous rise , is there too liberally bestow'd upon some , and too much gloried in by others . thus the barbarous name of guelphs , which had for a long time been given to those in germany that oppos'd the emperour , was at length fatally transplanted from its native soil into italy , a warmer climate , where it took deeper root , and became , for many ages , the fomenter of terrible disorders . but i hope our prince's wisdom will think fit to give an early and effectual check to this and all other names of faction , which insensibly undermine the government , alienate mens affections from one another , make wicked men more desperate , when they see themselves discover'd , especially when by the same means they are enabled to discover the strength and number of their party , besides many other unforeseen inconveniences , which may help to bring us back into our former dreadful confusion . the fourth article did , in the judgment of many , set up a new inquisition , sufficient to make all tremble that were disaffected to the cause ; and 't is plain their violent courses gave too much ground for this complaint : such as out of real conscience towards god , or sense of duty towards their prince , refused to sign the covenants , were , after a strange manner , declared enemies to god and the king , proceeded against as traitors , and forced either to undergo banishment , or languish in prison , while their estates became a prey to those , who appeared most zealous in persecuting them . this inevitable danger obliged many to disguise themselves into a seeming compliance , to what in their hearts they did detest . and these methods being then made use of to settle the purity of the gospel among us , no wonder if there were more of hypocrisy than of the power of godliness in our profession ; or , if god were thereby provok'd to disown us and our cause , and to leave the nation for many years to groan under an heavy bondage . the fifth article , which was for executing justice upon all wilful opposers , falls under the same exceptions with the former , and might be illustrated with too many instances of cruelty , which those times afford us : how were our scaffolds dy'd with the blood of our nobility and gentry , who oppos'd the torrent , and stood up for the royal interest ! how were prisoners of war most unhumanely sentenc'd , and put to death , and all , that were like to create them any trouble , destroy'd without mercy ! i need not descend to any particulars , which are still too well known ; and indeed as i am loth to make strangers acquainted with them , so i wish there could be a curtain drawn to hide such tragical pieces from the view of after-ages . their sixth and last article was a bond of mutual defence against all opposers , without excepting the king ; and this alone might serve to render the whole void : for if the oaths of subjects without the prince's consent , in things relating to the publick , can never bind , much less then , if they directly encroach upon his authority . if a vow could absolve subjects from their duty , or deprive the prince of his right , then we should only be subjects , till we vow'd the contrary ; and thus the world might find a compendious way to shake off all dependance . but as the vowing the violation of any man's property , doth not give us a title to do it , but only renders our oath unlawful ; so where it is in prejudice of the prince , every circumstance helps to condemn us . when those , who retain'd any principles of loyalty , insisted upon this , they did fly to their sincere intentions towards the king : but nothing can so well explain their meaning , as their practices afterwards ; which , for the honour of our nation , ought either to be buried in eternal oblivion , or else so clearly manifested to the world , that the guilty might only be infamous to posterity , while the sounder part of the kingdom recover'd to it its native tincture of honesty and loyalty . having given some short hints of the manner of entering into both covenants , of their nature and design , i am persuaded there needs no further evidence of their unlawfulness from the beginning , or of their many other nullities , to prove that they could lay no obligation upon those very persons , who subscrib'd them ; and if not upon them , much less upon us , who are their children , to stand to what they then did . nor do i indeed find any formal ty upon posterity mention'd in either covenant : for what is alledged from the former , where 't is declared , that they are convinced in their minds , and confess with their mouths , that the present and subsequent generations in this land are bound to keep that national oath and subscription inviolable ; may prove perhaps that such was the opinion of our fathers , but can never make it obligatory with us , seeing the granting this were to put it in every man's power to entail his opinions upon those who come after him : to which none of us , i presume , will be willing to yield . but allowing matter of fact , and that there had been a positive oath made by them in the name of their posterity : yet this oath being by authority declared unlawful , and we forbidden to observe it , the compliance we ow to those whom god has set over us , cancels all obligations of this kind , that our parents could lay upon us . i shall therefore conclude , that seeing our covenants were in so many respects unlawful from the beginning : and seeing there was neither any formal obligation laid upon us by our parents to obscure them ; nor yet their authority in this case allowable , as interfering with the laws of the land , there the least shadow of reason cannot be brought in behalf of any that presume now to renew those covenants , when the contrary is so plainly enjoin'd us by our rescissory act of parliament ; but as such persons proceed not upon rational grounds , so it is in vain to think of reclaiming them by force of arguments ; the government must deal with this frenzy , and in its wisdom find out a cure suitable to so dangerous a distemper , before the infection spreads it self wider . fourth consideration . i should be glad to make an end here , without mentioning the last objection ; not that i apprehend any difficulty in undertaking to answer it , but because i really blush to publish the pernicious and traiterous principles , which some among us have of late taken up , and are not now asham'd to own , that our soveraign has forfeited all right to his crown ; and that his subjects are absolv'd them their allegiance . 't is plain that princes persons and authority are more effectually secur'd by the christian religion , than by all the contrivances of humane policy . fear or interest among heathens were the chief motives to keep subjects within the bounds of their duty , and made them submit , because they durst not rebel . princes had outward obedience pay'd them , which was all they could then either challenge or expect . but the doctrine , taught by our blessed saviour and his apostles , did fasten their crowns much surer , gave them a new title to reign in their subjects hearts , made subjects dutiful , more out of conscience than fear ; and by forbidding resistance under pain of damnation , laid a much stronger ty upon men , than the hazard of lives and fortunes , or all other humane penalties could ever have done : and , no question , had the roman emperours understood how much they were beholden to christianity , instead of endeavouring to extirpate it , they would have protected and encourag'd it ; for as long as christians suffer'd themselves to be govern'd by the maximes which christ left them , princes were truly happy in such subjects . christ did indeed put a sword into his ministers hands , to punish notorious sinners , when he gave them power to excommunicate , or cut men off from being members of the church , in depriving them of the benefits and publick exercise of their religion : and there being no exemption granted to any person , kings and emperours themselves were to fall under this heavy censure , when their offences deserv'd it . but tho ministers had the courage to shut them sometimes out of church , as st. ambrose did theodosius the great , yet they did not pretend to thrust them off their thrones , or wrest their scepters out of their hands . they knew that their authority was only spiritual , and did not therefore meddle with those priviledges , which they enjoy'd as princes ; but readily obey'd , in all other cases , those whom they excluded from their assemblies ; and thus they kept within the limits , prescrib'd by christ , for near a thousand years . when the spirit of christianity was afterwards quite spent , and religion had put on a new face , the riches and ambition of the roman hierarchy made them stretch their authority further than christ design'd it ; and then did they begin to declare , that princes , falling under the censure of excommunication , did forfeit their crowns and all other their temporal as well as spiritual priviledges . the great advances gregory the seventh and his successors made in several attempts of this kind , and their vanity to see themselves on a sudden raised to an universal monarchy , made them vigorously pursue such courses , and thunder their sentences of excommunication and forfeiture so liberally , that , upon every slight occasion , princes were laid aside , subjects absolv'd from their allegiance , and crowns and scepters freely dispos'd of , when and to whom they pleased ; so that under colour of maintaining christ's prerogative , they refus'd to give unto caesar what was caesar's , far from paying tribute , as christ had done , kings were forced to turn their tributaries ; and , by setting up a new power in every kingdom , they made princes , contrary to the intention of christ and the gospel , great losers by the christian religion . under these heavy pressures had the christian world for several ages groan'd , when god raised up a spirit of reformation in our fathers , who , among the manifold corruptions of rome , observ'd the ill treatment princes had there met with , and resolv'd that , in restoring to christianity its ancient lustre , princes should again be possest of the prerogatives entail'd upon them by the gospel . this made the first reformers inveigh so bitterly against the usurpations of that see , and enforce upon subjects allegiance and submission as duties , from which none upon earth could absolve them ; and we have reason to believe that the justice , then done to princes , prov'd under god an effectual means to rescue many nations from the roman yoke . nor was duty to princes only preacht up at first , but it has ever since continued as a fixt principle in the best reformed churches , where , next to the purity of their doctrine and worship , relating immediately to god , they have all along gloried most in the loyalty of their religion , for laying indispensible ties of obedience upon men towards his vicegerent . so that , as it passes with many for a maxime , that papists , acting according to the principles of their church , can hardly be good subjects , 't is most certain that protestants , who are not conscientiously dutiful and loyal , swerve from the principles of the reformed religion ; and tho there are , alas ! too many instances of such , both at home and abroad , yet their corrupt practices must not stain the purity of the doctrine , by which they stand condemned . but while i ascribe to the reformed religion the honour of reestablishing princes in their rights , i am sorry any of my countreymen should renounce their share in it , by pretending that our soveraign has forfeited his crown , and that we are freed from our allegiance . these , alas ! are words not hitherto known amongst orthodox protestants , but as they meet with them in impious and condemned writers . let us consult the confessions of all the reformed churches in the world , and see if any of them teach this doctrine . let us send an impartial account of our case , with the nature of our monarchy , to all the protestant universities abroad , whether in england , france , germany , holland , switzerland , or geneva , and try if we can have the testimony of any one society to confirm us in this tenet . let us see if we can meet with one eminent protestant divine , one single person of credit and learning , that will own himself of this persuasion . if we look back to the doctrine or practice of the church in the primitive times , we can find nothing there that makes for our purpose . neither heresy nor idolatry in those days did make void princes right to govern . constantius , an arrian , and julian , a renegade , were own'd for emperours by those , who detested their impieties , as much as jovianus or theodosius , who were orthodox . the more degenerate ages , and the most corrupt part of the church first taught us the principles , upon which some of us now go . we must look no higher than hildebrand , and apply our selves only to prostitute canonists and jesuits for testimonies and arguments to prove that princes can so easily forfeit their crowns ; for i know there are many well-meaning papists , if not whole national churches , that will utterly reject this monstrous doctrine . and truly then 't is hard that we , who look upon our selves as the most thorowly reform'd , should contemn the pattern set us by the ancients , diffent from all our brethren , and side with the greatest enemies of our religion in a point , for which they have been so much expos'd . now no wonder if we run into strange absurdities , when the whole matter is granted upon false suppositions : first , we will have the king 's right to commence only from the time of his coronation : then we will have the coronation a compact or agreement with the people , by which the prince forfeits his right , if he do not duly perform his part : and lastly , we seem to make the late covenant pass for the coronation oath : all which are inexcusable mistakes . first , our laws admit of no interregnum , but date the beginning of one king's reign from the very instant that another expir'd , it being an axiom with us , and in all other hereditary monarchies , that the king never dies . the fatal blow , that depriv'd us of our late soveraign , put the crown immediately upon his son's head : from that minute we were obliged to pay the same duty to our present soveraign , which till then we ow'd to his father ; and they , who resisted him before his coronation , were rebels as well as these who have done it since . whatever therefore a coronation might have been anciently , 't is now only look'd upon in the nature of an instalment , upon which our prince's title to reign doth no ways depend ; else it would be the first thing they would go about : whereas it is ordinarily put off till such time , as it can be performed with the most solemnity . in the second place it appears by this , that the coronation is no such compact as destroys the prince's title , if he fail in his part ; for where he has his crown by inheritance , his coronation is the effect of his title , but not his title of his coronation , which can never make him lose what it did not give him ; nor yet weaken the right , which he had upon his predecessor's death . as our king ows his crown to his birth , and not to any suffrage or mutual agreement with his people ; so 't is ridiculous to imagine that his coronation alters his right , and makes that conditional , and capable of being lost , which was before absolute and hereditary . in a word , if the reign of our princes commenced only from the time of their being crown'd , they would be in uneasy and dangerous circumstances till that were over : but , on the other hand , if their coronation limited their birth-right , or made , their title more precarious , they would contrive to have this solemnity among the last performances of their lives . lastly , in the business of the covenant there is a double fallacy ; first , in making it pass for the coronation oath ; and secondly , in inferring a forfeiture of the crown , where the coronation oath is broken . when we complain of the king 's not making good the covenant , we affirm that he has thereby cancell'd his right to govern , which yet , according to our own supposition , is not true , unless we allow the covenant to be the coronation oath . but this is absurd , seeing the covenant is a new thing , never heard of by his majestie 's royal ancestors , who did all take an oath at their instalment ; and as his title to the crown differ'd in nothing from his father's and his grandfather's , so ought his coronation oath to have been likewise the same . but if we took upon us to alter it , or to add the covenant as a new clause , no wonder if his majesty question'd what we did without authority , and refus'd to confirm since , what was extorted from him during the rebellion . this is certain , that had our representatives in parliament considered the covenant , either as a part of his majestie 's coronation oath , or as an oath lawful in it self , and lawfully impos'd upon the king and his subjects , they would never have order'd it to be abjur'd , nor have declar'd that there lay no obligation either upon prince or people to observe it . secondly , a forfeiture of the crown doth not follow upon a breach of the coronation oath ; because , as i already observ'd , the king has his crown by inheritance , not by election ; and his right , being of a more ancient date , can never depend upon what followed . the king was oblig'd to be a just prince , and we to be dutiful subjects , before that pretended agreement at his coronation ; and if he should have fail'd in his part , yet we were bound to make good ours , even before we swore any oath of allegiance . i confess the king's oath is a further confirmation of his duty , and if he were guilty of any such breach , it would much aggravate his sin ; but god , before whose tribunal he must stand , can only call him to an account for it : he is the minister of god , acts by his immediate commission , and he alone can cancel it . to god he forfeits his crown , if he should be found to manage it ill ; and in this case we were patiently to wait till heaven thought fit to remove him , remembring that the greatest injury and breach of trust was to god who employ'd him . but supposing a forfeiture , how come the people to claim the benefit of it , or to pretend themselves his heirs ? in some extraordinary cases , such as frenzy , or the like , the safety of the kingdom may require an extraordinary remedy , as at present in portugal , yet even where the king's insufficiency makes him unable to govern , subjects are not freed from their allegiance ; if there remain any that have right to govern as administrators in his name , their station is still the same ; no personal fault nor defect in the prince can dissolve the government , nor leave people to an entire liberty of choosing whom they will obey . now after all , we are as little able to prove a breach upon the king's part , as we are able thence to infer a forfeiture . his majesty did swear to govern according to the fundamental laws of the kingdom ; nor can we shew where ever he has broken them . has he not , in matters of difficulty , vouchsafed to recur to his great council ? has he not suffer'd the laws to have their free course ? has he ever invaded any man's property , or deny'd any man justice ? has he ever delighted in bloodshed , or given us one instance of his cruelty ? so far has he been from giving occasion to these cursed aspersions of tyranny and oppression , which the enemies of our peace do with equal malice and falsehood cast upon his government , that if , without breach of duty , we durst complain of our prince , it should be of his too great indulgence , which has hurt both himself and us : for 't is plain that factious spirits have adventur'd to disturb our quiet , out of hopes of impunity . but he has arrogated to himself , say some , king jesus's right , in offering to meddle with spiritual affairs . after this manner did gregory the seventh charge the emperour henry the fourth , when he only maintain'd the prerogatives of his crown . has he meddled more with spiritual affairs than other princes have done ? eusebius thought it for the honour of constantine to set down his words in an assembly of bishops , where he called himself a bishop appointed by god , to see to the outward settlement of the church : and must it be an encroachment upon christ in his majesty , to do what was so much commended in that great emperour ? did his majesty arrogate to himself christ's right , in rejecting that form of government which was brought in by rebellion , or in restoring that order and decency , which were then banish'd ? did he arrogate too much to himself , in being zealous to perform his martyr'd fathers will , or to suppress schism ? in these things , sure , he acted rather in the quality of a nursing father , and discharg'd no small part of his trust ; for what more acceptable service could he have done to christ , than to interpose his royal authority , in promoting a blessed uniformity amongst us ? there remains yet one strange article against his majesty , such an one as i 'm confident the world has not hitherto been acquainted with , and that is the sentence of deposition lastly past upon him in a pretended convention of estates , as we learn from the lanrick declaration . but seeing we have so lame an account of this business , i hope they will be pleased to tell us , when , where , and by what authority that assembly was call'd , of whom it consisted , what lords spiritual and temporal sate there : for without them , in our government , there can be no convention of estates : who presided there in his majestie 's name ; it being also necessary that he should have had his representative . in the mean time , before an answer be returned to these enquiries , we are fully satisfied , that as they met without the king's authority , and upon a most wicked design , so their rebellious conventicle must not be called a convention of estates : it was a second high court of justice , and another bradshaw no doubt was their president ; this arraign'd the king , as the former did his father ; nor could he have escap'd their barbarous cruelty , had he been within their reach . the extravagant proceedings at westminster against our late royal martyr , have neither been so much for the glory of our neighbours , nor for our own interest , as to tempt any among us to follow their black example , and act the second part of a tragedy , which nothing , in modern nor ancient history , can parallel ; and upon which it was hop'd posterity would have look'd back with horrour . but the members of the late mock-convention among us , have , to their eternal infamy , approv'd of what was done in the high court of justice , by their attempting to renew it : and when all true protestants and good subjects would be willing to buy off the guilt and ignominy of that atrocious crime at any rate , these men would help to transfer it upon us , or at least would have us engag'd in a villany of the same kind . our own history furnishes us already with too many instances of kings either assassinated , poison'd , or kill'd in open rebellion ; but never , till of late , were we known to put off all sense of modesty as well as duty , and , in contempt of divine and human laws , to trample upon the throne , arraign our soveraign before us as a criminal , and , by a sacrilegious usurpation of god's right , pass sentence of deposition upon him . what apprehensions must the moderate protestants abroad have of our zeal , when they hear of this dreadful sentence of deposition , and that of excommunication issu'd out by cargil , in the name of the true presbyterian kirk of scotland ? the former forbidding us to obey the king , and the latter to pray for him . with what amazement will it strike them , when they see the utmost extent of these sentences , which begin with the king , but bring in the best part of the kingdom , all officers of the crown , privy councellors , judges , magistrates , officers of the army , guards , and other souldiers , who are more immediately mark'd out for destruction , as being either persons in trust , or adherers to the government ? nor are the orthodox clergy , men everywhere sacred by their profession , to be here exempted ; with them they have begun , and shew'd in the person of our late most reverend metropolitan , what the rest may expect , if the malice of that party be once arm'd with power : so that before these sentences be executed according to their full extent , we are like to be in the lamentable condition of the egyptians , we shall not have an house without some one or other dead in it ; only in this we differ , the angel of the lord destroy'd their first-born , whereas we are design'd to destroy one another . it is really strange how men , that have thus shaken off all the ties of religion and nature , and own such bloody and desperate principles , are not sometimes afraid , lest our neighbours , when these things are published abroad , should take the alarm , and join with those in danger at home , to cut them off as avow'd enemies to their native prince , their country , and their friends , and consequently to all mankind : but as they appear yet to be only persons of mean quality , and not very numerous in respect of the rest of the kingdom , so the pitch of extravagance , which they are now arriv'd at , secures them in a great measure from vengeance , and makes them the objects of pity , as persons distemper'd with a violent phrenzy , and who , for the publick safety , are to be kept in chains , rather than destroy'd , and treated as brainsick persons , till they recover . and truly it may be worth our governours time to consider , whether any so proper method has been yet thought of for such , as to remove them from prisons to houses of correction ; not to do them the honour to bring them before judicatures to revile the higher powers , nor to pillories nor scaffolds , to confirm the rest of their party by their obstinate sufferings ; not to condemn them to dy as martyrs , but to continue under severe task-masters , till time , hard labour , and the seasonable discourses of discreet persons , appointed for this purpose , may , by god's blessing , prove the effectual means to cool their heats , remove their scruples , and restore them again to their right wits . finis . a vindication of the government in scotland during the reign of king charles ii against mis-representations made in several scandalous pamphlets to which is added the method of proceeding against criminals, as also some of the phanatical covenants, as they were printed and published by themselves in that reign / by sir george mackenzie ... mackenzie, george, sir, 1636-1691. 1691 approx. 141 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 34 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-08 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a50913 wing m213 estc r11146 13115516 ocm 13115516 97748 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a50913) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97748) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 427:3) a vindication of the government in scotland during the reign of king charles ii against mis-representations made in several scandalous pamphlets to which is added the method of proceeding against criminals, as also some of the phanatical covenants, as they were printed and published by themselves in that reign / by sir george mackenzie ... mackenzie, george, sir, 1636-1691. 66, [2] p. printed for j. hindmarsh ..., london : 1691. "licensed, sept. 19, 1691. rob. midgley"--p. [2] at end. advertisements: p. [1] at end. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. "the declaration and testimony of the true-presbyterian, anti-prelatick, and anti-erastian, persecuted-party in scotland" (p. 54-57) signed: al gibson and will. paterson. "a blasphemous and treasonable paper, emitted by the phanatical undersubscribers, on may 1, 1681": p. 57-66. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng covenanters -scotland. scotland -politics and government -1660-1688. 2004-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-06 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2004-06 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a vindication of the government in scotland . during the reign of king charles ii. against mis-representations made in several scandalous pamphlets . to which is added the method of proceeding against criminals , as also some of the phanatical covenants , as they were printed and published by themselves in that reign . by sir george mackenzie , late lord advocate , there . london , printed for i. hindmarsh at the golden ball in cornhill . 1691. a vindication of the government in scotland during the reign of king charles ii. against mis-representations made in several scandalous pamphlets . the design of this paper is neither to seduce others into faction , nor to make an apologie ; the one being too malicious , and the other too mean : but because many honest and sincere men have been abused by some late misinformations , whereby the charity and vnity of protestants amongst themselves are much weakened ; therefore this paper comes to set things in their true light , by a bare narrative , which will be sufficient to reclaim those who are abus'd , and to confute those malicious authors , who have endeavour'd to reproach a whole nation with villanies , of which none but these authors themselves could have been guilty . because the civil government in scotland was never bigot in that king's reign , therefore we shall not run back to consider episcopacy or presbyterie , otherways than as they may concern the civil government . neither should we run so far back as to the government of king charles i. were it not to prove , that these of the same persuasion , who now complain , were the first aggressors ; and consequently , what was done against them deserves rather the name of self-defence than persecution . for clearing this , it is necessary to represent , that in the year 1637 , we liv'd under the most pious and orthodox prince of the age , and yet a rebellion was form'd against him , as a papist , and a tyrant , by which all the fundamental laws were shaken , and all honest men ruin'd . neither needs there any other proof for this assertion , than the records of parliament , general assemblies , and iustice court. from the records and acts of parliament it is undeniable , that the power of nominating judges , counsellors , and all officers of state ; the power of levying war , and raising taxes , were usurp'd by the people ; covenants were entred into by a part of the subjects , and by them impos'd imperiously upon the rest ; leagues and covenants were entred into with england ; ambassadours were sent to foreign princes and states ; and even to france ( tho' little less terrible then , than now ) exclaiming against the injustice of the king , justifying their taking arms against him ▪ and therefore intreating the french aid and assistance : the king himself was inhumanely deliver'd up to his enemies , and thereafter the army that went in to defend his precious life , were declared rebels , all which was uncontravertedly inconsistent with the laws of the kingdom then standing . from the acts of the general assembly it is clear , that the assembly , 1639. refus'd to rise , when dissolv'd by the king's commissioner , and most of the following assemblies did both sit down and rise without his warrand . this assembly threw out the bishops , and abrogated episcopacy without authority of parliament , tho' the bishops were always the first of the three estates of parliament . a new oath was invented , called , the covenant , without the king's authority ; and all men women and children , that were above ten years of age , forc'd to take it ; and such as took it not , were excommunicated , upon which all their moveables or chattels were confiscated , and they themselves being declar'd disobedient to the laws , were forc'd to fly . the king 's negative voice was declared illegal , and the acts made for assisting him in the year forty eight , were declar'd void and null , by an unparallel'd invasion , the general assembly , ( imitating in this , as in many other things , the church of rome ) raised themselves above king and parliament . from the records of the iustice court we find that the estates made advocates or attorney generals by their own authority ; who prosecuted to death such as defended their own houses by vertue of express commissions from the king , and such as rose in arms for his defence , tho' they had both his commissions , and remissions , though the iudes that condemned them , sat by vertue of that very king's commission . they not only borrowed vast sums by meer force from private men , whom they never payed ▪ but also they were the first that brought in free and dry quarter , cess , excise , and all these publick burthens afterwards so much complain'd of ( when they were continued upon necessary exigencies , by lawful authority ) we having neither formerly known oaths , nor publick burthens under our gentle kings , against whom they so much exclaim'd as tyrants , because forsooth they kept them from being such : all these proceedings were not only condemn'd by the general opinion of both protestants and papists abroad , but stand yet condemned by express acts of parliament , and by many acts in the like cases in scotland , and england , and so nothing which can be alledged in justification of them , deserves or needs an answer . king charles the second being restored by almost the universal consent of all the people , the worst of whom grew weary of their villanies : the parliament of scotland being called , they enquired very seriously into the occasion of such disorders , and soon found that they were all to be charged upon the solemn league and covenant , and those who adhered thereto ; and therefore they endeavoured to perswade the presbyterians to disown the covenant , all favour being promised to them upon that condition : but finding that the presbyterians generally thought themselves bound to own the covenant , the parliament concluding that the same men , owning the same principles , would be ready upon occasion to act over again the same things , therefore they by vote ( which may be called unanimous , seeing only four or five dissented ) restored episcopacy , and that so much the rather , because that government had in no age nor place forced its way into the state by the sword , but had still been brought in by the uncontraverted magistrate , without ever thrusting it self in by violence , and yet the government did sustain episcopacy as a part of the state , but never as a hierarchy wholly independent from it , the presbyterian preachers had all along taught the people , that as their government was iure divino , so the people might thereby be obliged to defend them and it , under pain of eternal damnation , even ( when episcopacy was established by law ; ) and accordingly some of the people who retained that principle , frequented the conventicles at which these ministers preacht ; whereupon the state fearing that the old humour might ferment again into a rebellion , discharged under some small penalties any above five strangers to meet in a conventicle , leaving thereby at once the free exercise of their conscience in their families , and yet securing the state against such a total defection , as might involve us in a new civil-war , which without doubt was all the state design'd : but to elude these penalties for house-conventicles , some preachers ( amongst whom were some of those who had been formerly banished ) gathered the people together in the fields ; they bringing arms with them to secure their ministers , came at last to have such an opinion of their own strength , that they formed themselves into an army , and were defeated at pentland hills , novemb. anno 1666. yet within a short time of that , the state indulged them so far as to allow them their own ministers , settling them in churches , and allowing them the enjoyment of the benefices in many places . this did not satisfie these people , because the ministers so indulged acknowledged the king and council's authority ; and they , with some of their violent preachers railed as much against these indulged ministers , as against the bishops , and regular clergy , and call'd them council curates , and separated from them . the state considering that by the laws of all nations , rising in arms is to be accounted rebellion , and that a preacher's presence could legitimate the action no more than a priest could transubstantiate the elements ; they declared by several acts , field-meetings to be the rendevouzes of rebellion : notwithstanding all which , these dissenters proceeded , as from house to field-meetings , so from field-conventicles to publish proclamations , declaring that the covenant was the original contract betwixt god , the king , and the people ; and therefore king charles the second having broken it , forfaulted his crown , and being to be considered only as a private subject , and enemy to god , they had declared a just war against him , and that it was lawful to kill him , and all who served him , following as was pretended the noble examples of phineas and eliud ; and in consequence of this doctrin they murthered the arch-bishop of st. andrews , and several others ; to defend these murtherers an army was gathered by them , which was beat a bothuel-bridge , anno 1679. but yet the king to reclaim them , granted both an indemnity and indulgence ; notwithstanding of which , a new plot was entred into , and it was contrived in a meeting of the scots at london , that 20000 men should be raised in scotland , and that the garrisons of berwick , and carlile , and all the officers of state should be seized , which was likewise seconded by monmouth , and argyle's rebellion , anno 1685. whereupon the parliament finding that the preaching up of rebellion in private conventicles had occasion'd all this danger to king and people , and that nothing could be secure whilst every thing might be preacht , they enacted , that the ministers who preacht at conventicles should be capitally punished ; but by vertue of this act , no man was ever punished , much less executed . this being the true progress , and these the occasions of making those acts , it is admired why the government is taxed with so much cruelty , and the acts themselves reproached as diabolical : for first , these against house-conventicles are the same with the laws in england , and less severe than those made against dissenters in queen elizabeths time , or than those now standing against the calvinists in sweden , or those made , and now executed by the presbyterians and independents in new-england ; but much more gentle than those our presbyterians made when they govern'd . 2. whatever might be said against such acts in countries where dissenters never entred into a war , yet in this isle , where they upon the same principles overturned the government and laws , and were upon every occasion again attempting it , so small a caution cannot be accounted severe . 3. this caution was much more just in scotland , than even in england ; because the dissenters in scotland were more bigotted to the covenant , which is a constant fond for rebellion . 4. the posteriour acts made against field-conventicles , were the necessary product of new accessional degrees of rebellion ; and were not punishments design'd against opinions in religion , but meerly against treasonable combinations , which exceeded what was attempted in england , or elsewhere ; and the governours ( for the time ) can truly and boldly say , that no man in scotland ever suffer'd for his religion . but if any will pretend , that religion obliges him to rise in arms , or to murder , this principle ought neither to be sustain'd as a defence , nor the obviating of it to be made a crime ; and as the covenanters laughed at such a defence when propos'd for them , who assisted king charles i. meerly for conscience sake , so they cannot deny , but they zealously prest sir iohn dalrymple , then advocate , to hang mr. renwick a field-preacher , for field-preaching , where some of his hearers were arm'd , because he was like to divide their church , after they got an indulgence from king iames , against the accepting whereof , renwick and his party exclaim'd highly ; and that so much the more plausibly , for that many of them , who now accepted an indulgence from a king professedly popish , had rejected and preacht against those who accepted of one when offer'd by a king of the protestant profession . i must also ask them , if any should now rise in arms in defence of episcopacy , and alledge conscience for so doing , would they sustain that as a just defence ? 5. when ever any man offer'd to keep the church , former fines were generally remitted , if timeous application was made ; and more indulgencies and indemnities were granted by this king ▪ than by any that ever reign'd ; and generally no man was executed in his reign , who would say , god bless the king , or acknowledge his authority ; an unusual clemency , never shewn in any other nation , and such as was not practised by those , who now cry out against the severity of that government .. the reader will be astonished , when we inform him ; that the way of worship in our church , differed nothing from what the presbyterians themselves practised , ( except only , that we used the doxologie , the lord's prayer , and in baptism , the creed , all which they rejected . ) we had no ceremonies , surplice ▪ altars , cross in baptisms , nor the meanest of those things which would be allowed in england by the dissenters , in way of accommodation : that the most able and pious of their ministers , did hear the episcopal clergy preach , many of them communicated in the churches , and almost all the people communicated also ; so that it cannot be said that they were persecuted , and forced to joyn with an vnsound , much less heretical church , as the french protestants are . from all which , it follows clearly , that the complainers ▪ were the aggressors , that the government proceeded by slow steps , to punish even those who had forced it into a resentment , and that all pains were taken to reclaim rather than punish . any reasonable and unprejudiced man must allow , that the state had reason to be jealous that the same men who had invaded and overturned the government under king chales i. retaining still the same principles as sacred , and bursting forth into the same excesses under king charles ii. were still to be kept in awe , and within the barriers of law , and that by their own principle of salus populi , better some few of the society should perish than that the whole should go to ruin . vnitas , non unus , as was said by them in the e. straffords case ; and if two states of parliament without the king , were thought the best , and necessary judges , of what was salus populi in those days ; much more should it be acknowledged , that the king and three estates , in many subsequent parliaments , agreeing cordially together , should be acknowledged to be the true judges of what was salus populi in our government , especially when what they did was founded on a series of uncontraverted laws , and upon long and deplorable experience of the mischiefs occasion'd by that pary . whereas they who condemn our proceedings , must , and do acknowledge before they condemn us , that they consider themselves as a people coming into a country where there were no laws , and so might take any new laws they thought fit , for the present exigent : a liberty which we ( poor slaves ! ) durst never take , foolishly conceiving our selves over-ruled by our statute-books , ancient customs , and oaths , regulating our duty and conscience . for answering the objections which are made against the government , i shall class them into these general enormities with which the government is charged , and into the particular instances of its pretended cruelty . the first general objection is , that the severe laws made against conventicles were yet more severely put in execution by sir iames turner , and sir william ballantine , and others , which occasion'd the insurrection at pentland-hills , and it is alledged that these conventiclers came only to petition the council , not to overturn the government . to this it is answered , that all rising in arms upon any pretext whatsoever , is declared rebellion in this and all other nations ; and if any should rise now in arms because free-quarter is taken from them against law , they would find this government so to take it . nor can it be pretended that justice was denied to private petitioners ; but on the contrary , turner and ballantine were laid aside , which is all the state could do , it being impossible to answer for all the extravagancies of soldiers , even under the most just government . from this likewise it necessarily follows , that because this was no just war , therefore the learned and worthy sir iohn nisbet , then king's advocate , and the criminal iudges were unjustly reproached for refusing to allow the defence founded on giving quarter , that being only to be allowed in iusto bello : and it is to be remembred , that this defence was not allowed to the worthy president sir robert spotswood , son to the famous archbishop , in anno 1645 , tho' the war was just on the king's side , and he acted by vertue of a commission from that very king ▪ by whose authority the parliament that condemned him was called ; and it could not be proved by those that were taken at pentland-hills , that quarter was granted them ; whereas it was clearly proved , that the council in general had discharged granting of quarter upon the foresaid account . we pass under silence here , the dreadful slaughter of several hundreds killed after free quarter given , and surrendring of the castle of dunvileigh , ( which made lieutenant general leslie , who then commanded the army , threaten to lay down his commission , ) notwithstanding of a violent sermon made before him upon these words , 1 sam. chap. 15. v. 14. what meaneth then this bleating , &c. * as to the sending away people to the plantations , it is answered that none were sent away , but such as were taken at bothuel-bridge , or in argyle's rebellion ; and the turning capital punishment into exile , was an act of clemency ; not of cruelty . as to torture , it is allowed not only by the law of our nation , but of all nations except england , and founded on the foremention'd maxims , salus populi , &c. pereat unus , potius quam vnitas ; nor was it ever inflicted , but where the person tortured was evidently proved to be guilty of accession to the crime , and that he knew the accomplices ; it being still left in his power to secure himself against torture , by confessing who were his accomplices , or by clearing himself by his oath , that he did not know them , which oath was required to free , not to bind the deponent ; because his knowledge of the matter was first proved , and it was still previously declared by act of council , that nothing he was to depone should prejudge him ; and those who had been in that government were very sorry that when torture was declared a grievance in the last convention , matters of high importance relating to the government , were still excepted , which expos'd the subjects to as much danger as formerly . as to the imprisoning free leidges without giving any reason , and detaining them in prison for many years ; it is answered , that we have no act for habeas corpus in scotland , and so these things may be accounted severe , but not illegal ; and they were introduced in the late vnhappy presbyterian rebellion , where thousands were kept in prison a great many years , without any crime or hopes of releasment ; but the true reason of the frequent imprisonments , during k. charles the 2 d's government , should only be charged on those who were accessories to the plots and rebellions which occasion'd them ; and no men wish'd more than we did , to see those peaceable times which might allow an act of parliament for habeas corpus . another thing which occasioned these long imprisonments , was , that the persons imprisoned refus'd to acknowledge the king's authority , without which they could not have been set at liberty , when there was a clear probation against them . but can this be objected to vs , by those who have since imprison'd more in one year than we did in five ? as to the bringing in the highlanders on the western shires , and taking free quarter there ; it is answered , that many thousands had gather'd in field conventicles with arms for several years ; and when these conventicles which used to meet in several places , pleas'd to join in one , they could easily form an army . to prevent which , the council wrote a letter to these western-shires , entreating them to fall upon some course for security of the peace ; they returning for answer , that the peace could not be secured there without abrogating episcopacy . the king and council consider'd this as a sacrificing the laws to the humours and passions of private men , and such too , as they had reason to think , could no more be satisfied with that concession than their predecessours were , who proceeded to ruin king charles i. after he had parted with the order of episcopacy to please them ; and therefore the highlanders were sent in , to secure the peace ; and because mony could not be provided in haste , the council declar'd by their act , that those on whom they were quartered should be paid out of the first and readiest of the fines owing there , and the superplus should be paid by the king ; nor have those who were then in the government , clamour'd so much now for a years free quarter as these people did then for a fortnights , and even during that fortnight most men pay'd for their quarters ; nor was there any more surety sought , at least from masters and heretors , than the ordinary surety of law-borrows , by the very style whereof , any private man may force another by the law to secure him against all prejudices from his men , tennents and servants , and others of his command , out-hounding and ra●ihabition . and that the king had great reason to be jealous of their breaking the peace , appears fully from the reasons above represented , and when this surety was thereupon approv'd by parliament , by which it was enacted , that masters should be liable eithr to remove their tennents from their lands , or to present them to iustice : it prov'd a most advantageous remedy for settling the nation , to the great advantage both of master and servant ; this alternative securing the master from many hardships , and ingaging his servants to obey him , as he was obliged to obey the king ▪ and keep the peace . as to the cumulative iurisdiction so much complain'd of , because it gives the king a power to name sheriffs , and other inferiour iudges , who may have an equal share in the administration with those who had the sole heretable iurisdiction formerly , whereby it is pretended the property of the subjects was invaded . it is answered , that heretable iurisdictions are of themselves very little to be favour'd , because the heir must be a iudge both in matters of life and fortune , though he want probity or knowledge in the law , and the interested superiours or over-lords had thereby the unfortunate poor vassals absolutely at their devotion , and therefore by an old law in k. iames the 2 ds time , there was an act made , discharging all heretable iurisdictions without consent of parliament ; and sir iohn nisbet upon these and many other good reasons , advised , that all the other heretable iurisdiction ( because almost all granted since that time ) should be repealed ; and yet , though these heretable iudges refus'd to concur in putting the laws against field-conventicles , and armed insurrections in execution , or conniv'd at them , whereby they grew very formidable , the council unwilling to take away these iurisdictions totally , chose rather to name others to sit with those iudges , or to supply their absence if they refused to come ; but there-after s. g. m. succeeding as advocate , to prevent all debate , advis'd the bringing this point to the parliament , to the end , that that procedure of the king's council might be either vncontravertedly legal if acquiesc'd in , or let fall if refus'd ; and accordingly the parliament having pass'd it into an act ; it seems great malice and ignorance to call this illegal ; and it being founded upon such just and solid reasons , it seem'd as strange , why it should be thought severe , and never lawyer spoke against it except those who had heretable iurisdictions . it were unreasonable that the king should complain of what he consented to in parliament in favours of his subjects ; and so it must be likewise concluded unreasonable that the subject should complain of this point which they have granted to the king , especially seeing it is more in favours of the subjects than of him , it being a strong bulwark against great mens oppressing of their vassals and inferiours ; and therefore i cannot see why the inferior sort should be so dull or unreasonabe as to complain of it . but notwithstanding of this clamour , and abstracting even from this act , it is still maintain'd by the advocate , that all lawyers , and particularly our learned craig in his book de feudis , assert , that the superiour has still an accumulative iurisdiction with his vassal as to the point of iudging ; for tho' he delegate a jurisdiction for his conveniency , yet that is not exclusive , that being a quality which still adheres , as craig says ; † however sir george makenzee , advocate , advis'd to stop all clamours , that the heretable iudge might still have the casualties , so that his property could not be said to be invaded ; and lest this might be drawn to the session , as is ridiculously pretended , the act is only made relative to iurisdictions given by his majesty to his good subjects , which can in no sense fall under the cognizance of the session , i. e. the iudges . as to the act made in council , allowing souldiers to kill such as refused to own the king's authority ; it is answer'd , that there being many proclamations issued out , by the dissenters , declaring , that the king had forfaulted his right by breaking the covenant , and that therefore it was lawful to kill him , and those who serv'd him : many accordingly being kill'd , it was thought necessary by some ( upon the fresh news of murdering some of the king's horse-guard at swyn-abbey in their beds ) to terfy them out of this extravagancy , by allowing the soldiers to use them as in a war , in which , if any call , for whom are you ? and the others owning that they were for the enemy ; it is lawful then to kill : and thus they felt their folly , and the necessary effects of their principle ; and yet still it was ordered , that none should be kill'd except those who were found in arms , owning that principle of assassination , and refusing to clear themselves of their having been in accession to the declaring of war , which they had then begun ; nor were these kill'd but when their deliberate refusal could be proved by two witnesses . but that it may plainly appear , that no more was in all this intended by the governours , than to secure the publick peace , by terrifying those assassines who had so manifestly invaded it ; secret orders were given , that this should not last above a fortnight , and that none should be kill'd except those who were found in the publickly printed list of declar'd rebels , who may be kill'd by the laws of all nations ; and but very few , even of those rebels were kill'd , tho' this has been made the foundation of many dreadful lies . this mischief was intolerable in it self , and we desire to know how it could have been otherways remedied , for the law must find cures for all mischiefs , and these who occasion'd them , should of all others , be least allow'd to complain . after the terrour of that procedure had much cooled the zeal of assassination for a time , it took new fire , and several proclamations for disowning the king's authority , and murthering his servants were posted upon all church doors , and mercat-crosses , so that no man who served the king could know whether or not his murtherer was at his elbow , and they had reason to look upon every place as their scaffold : whereupon the advocate being desired to raise processes against some who owned those pernicious principles , he prevailed with the council to ask the opinion of all the iudges upon this quaery , viz. whether any of his majesties subjects being questioned by his majesties iudges or commissioners , if they own a late proclamation in so far as it does declare war against his sacred majesty , and asserts that it is lawful to kill all those who are employed by his majesty , refusing to answer upon oath , are thereby guilty of high treason , and are airt and part of the said treasonable declaration , salus populi requiring that every one should contribute what was in his power to the preservation of the society ; and as none of the kings servants without this could know if he was secure of his life , so it was very easie for the person accused to clear himself if he was innocent : they consider'd likewise that law in general , for the good of the people , did accommodate its self to what probation could be allowed , and therefore invented presumptive probation upon that account , whereof there are so many instances to be seen in all laws , that it were childish to insist on them , and no man has been so just as to produce one law or reason to convince us of the illegality of this opinion ; and there is an express act of parliament penned by the learned sir iohn nisbet , whereby for the same reason , such as are prosecuted for conventicles are obliged to swear whether they were innocent or guilty , which does run yet higher than this opinion . there is another opinion given by the judges much challenged , viz. that some having gone about amongst the people , demanding fifty pound sterling from each as a contribution for the earl of argyle then forfaulted , they from whom that mony had been asked , and conceal'd it , were found guilty of treason , because this was so far beyond private charity , that it would have amounted to a greater sum than any parliament had ever granted the king : and whereas the proposal of any assistance to a rebel is treasonable , the concealing of it by our law , and by the law of nations is undoubted treason . if the matter of fact in these answers had been represented to the late convention , it cannot in reason be thought they would have condemn'd them ; and if any man will compare these opinions of the judges , with that grievance pretended in the late convention , and that again with the act of parliament , they will find the matter of fact variously represented in all the three . we must likewise inform the world , that no man died upon either of these opinions ; and to cut off all debate , both these forenamed opinions of the judges are expresly ratified by parliament , and consequently are the sense of the nation . before we enter upon private processes , we must complain , that tho' k. ch. having by act of parliament , added five of the learnedst of all his iudges to his iustice general and iustice clark in place of two advocates , who were generally but young or mean , because they had only fifty pounds salary , and that seldom pay'd ; that yet every ignorant scribler should presume to reproach their sentences , and shou'd take upon them to judge the deepest controversies in point of law ; and should dogmatically-write of criminal sentences , tho' they never saw a criminal court , and be applauded in things which every servant about that court knew to be nonsence : particularly , ' as that the advocate , threatned iuries ; whereas all he did , was to protest for an assize of error , which the laws command , and which all advocates ever did , and to this day doe . again , it is as foolishly pretended ; that the advocate prosecuted men without order ; whereas indeed , he never prosecuted any , until he was commanded by the council , who are our grand iury upon oath , and all their orders are registrated ; the court likewise , was so very favourable to these criminals , that they did ordinarily name ( those of their own profession ) presbyterians to pass upon their jury , and sent ministers of their own perswasion , to reclaim them ; and these iurors and ministers , seldom fail'd to condemn them as much as the judges did . the capital sentences in that court , were founded generally upon actual rebellion ; and even as to those , there was not one of a thousand executed : nor in all argyle's rebellion , was any executed by their sentence , except one or two , who were pitched upon as examples to terrifie others . nor did there dye upon any publick account , twelve , in all that reign so exclaim'd against , as bloody ; and not one dyed for any principle in religion , unless it be thought a religious principle to dye for actual rebellion ; as to such , there needs no particular defence , the very light of nature , the common interest of societyes , and the laws of nations , declaring it a crime to justifie them . it is pretended , that tho' the crimes had been legally founded , yet the probation was suspect in those times , because the depositions of witnesses were previously taken , whereby witnesses being once ensnared , were forced to stand by their depositions . to which it is answered , that in all nations abroad , depositions are previously taken , as is uncontroverted by all their criminal writers , and this is very necessary for the good of the subjects , lest they should be prosecuted groundlesly , and this is as fit for the good of the king , or kingdom , lest such as are guilty of atrocious crimes against the whole society , should escape without being punished , because tryed when the formal and full probation is not ready ; yet to prevent all mistakes , the advocate interceeded that this trust of examining witnesses , should not be left to the king's advocate , as it ever formerly had been , but should be lodged in the judges , and that lest their depositions should be any tye upon them , the judges with consent of the advocate , ordered that the depositions should be torn before they deposed in iudgment , and they were allow'd either to correct or pass from their former depositions as they pleas'd ; and whereas formerly the king's advocate had the naming of the jury , it is now lodged by act of parliament in the judges . nor was there ever any witnesses suspected , except only in chesnock's case , wherein the depositions were true ; and albeit the witnesses afterwards asserted upon oath on their knees , that their first deposition was very true , and that they were only frighted and confounded in the second ; yet the council would not resume the process , and thereupon he was absolv'd : in the rest the probation was but too clear , for beside all the legal probation , most of those who died , owned and gloried in their crimes when they died , exhorting others to imitate them , in their disowning the king , and rebelling against him : and many of them exhorted the people , to kill all such as oppos'd their principles , assuring them , that to kill malignants was acceptable to god. strangers would likewise be pleas'd to be inform'd , that our law allows the party accused , a liberty to call in witnesses , who may depose upon oath for him against the king , which the law of england does not , and this kind of exculcapation was never allow'd till the reign of king charles ii. the first act which was the warrant thereof , having been made by sir iohn cunningham , and sir george mackenzie , when they were criminal iudges : and this was never refus'd to the persons accused , albeit they brought in frequently witnesses , who took very great latitudes , to save those of their own principles by swearing ; for instance , that tho' they saw a person very like the pannel or party accus'd , yet they could not depose it was he , because it might have been a vision , albeit at the same time , they had known him formerly very well , and that they talkt with him that time in arms , at the distance of ten or twelve paces , for half an hour together ; and at other times , they did positively refuse to depose that they saw him have a sword , tho' they owned that they saw the hilt and scabbard : notwithstanding of which , and many such ridiculous evasions , the party accus'd , was alwaies acquitted . to descend to particular processes : it is clamoured , that mitchill the famous assassine , was executed after he confessed the crime upon promise of life ; to which it is answered , that mitchill having upon the high-street of edinburgh , shot at the arch-bishop of st. andrews , with a design to murther him , he wounded the bishop of orkney with that shot , of which he never recovered , and being thereafter apprehended , confessed the crime , but continuing still to glory in it , and very famous witnesses having deposed , that mitchill was upon a new plot to kill the same arch-bishop ; mitchill was brought to a tryal , and his defences were , that the earl of rothes , to whom he confest it , had promised to secure his life , or that the privy council had afterwards promised the same ; for clearing whereof , the said earl , and all who were upon the committee , together with all such members of council as he desired to be cited , were fully examined , upon all his interrogatories : and the registers of council were produced , but not the least mark of a promise was made to appear by either , so that nothing remain'd , but that the lord high chancellour , and lords of the privy council ( as they alledged ) perjured themselves , and that the registers of council were vitiated ; and how it 's possible to imagine that all this villany was committed to take so inconsiderable a fellows life ; i leave the world to judge ? however , he also died glorying in his crimes , and recommending to others the sweetness of such assassinations . george lermonth is alledged to have been unjustly executed , because he was condemned for being present at a field-conventicle , with a rod only in his hand : whereas the truth is , that he was condemned for being art and part , that is to say , accessory to the death of a soldier , who was killed upon that place , and that he commanded those who killed him as an officer , of which a man may be guilty in law , without having a sword ; and therefore the iustices most legally repelled the defence founded on his not having a sword. hamilton of monkland was not found guilty because he went into the rebels to seek his son , as some falsly suggest : but because being there , he sollicited a committee of the rebels to make his servant an officer ; and accordingly he being made one , he came back within some few days , and stayed several months with monkland , a point of law so clear that his own advocates could make no reply to evade it . there were indeed two women executed , and but two in both these reigns , and they were punished for most hainous crimes which no sex should defend . their crimes were , that they had recepted and entertained , for many months together , the murtherers of the archbishop of st. andrews , who were likewise condemned traitors for having been openly in rebellion at bothwell-bridge , whereupon they having been prosecuted , declined the king's authority , as being an enemy to god , and the devil's vicegerent . and tho' a pardon was offered to them upon their repentance , they were so far from accepting it , that they own'd the crimes to be duties ; and our accusers should remember that these women were executed for higher crimes , than the following montross's camp , for which fourscore women and children were drowned , being all in one day thrown over the bridge at linlithgow by the covenanters , and six more at elgine by the same faction , all without sentence , or the least formality of law. baillie of iervisewood was executed for being accessory to , and concealing of a design of raising twenty thousand men , and siezing the garrisons of berwick and carlisle , and the officers of state. nor would the advocate raise an indictment until sir george lockhart , and one of the learnedst of the present judges ; did declare that the point of law and probation were both most clear , and thereupon concurred in the process ( concealing of treason is beyond all debate punishable as treason in our law ) and some of the witnesses were his own relations , who swore plainly and positively against him . the e. of argile's process deserves to be more largely clear'd ▪ and since this last parliament has rescinded it , we shall without any justification represent the matter of fact , which stands thus . the test being enacted to be a bulwark to the protestant religion , as upon the event it prov'd , the e. was not oblig'd , but would needs take it with this caution , i take it as far as it is consistent with it self , or with the protestant religion ; and i declare , that i mean not to bind up my self to wish or endeavour any alteration i think to the advantage of the church or state ; whereupon the council observing , that the test by one part of this his declaration appear'd ridiculous , and by the other it became ineffectual to all the intents and purposes for which it was design'd ; for so every man's opinion became the rule of his own loyalty , and no man thereby oblig'd to be further loyal than he himself might think convenient . they therefore interposed earnestly with the earl to pass from this his declaration , but he refusing to disown it in the least , and copies of it being industriously spread abroad , it was represented to him , that by acts of parliament , all such as put limitations upon their allegiance were guilty of treason , for beside , that men are not obliged to dispute the reasonableness of acts of parliament after they were once made ; it is apparent that this act was made upon most just and necessary motives , for the foundation of the rebellion in the last age , was , that by the covenant the subjects were not further obliged to own the king's interest , than in so far as it agreed with the word of god , and the laws of the land , of which every private breast made himself the iudge ; and if this be allow'd , no oath of allegiance can bind , and so all society must be dissolv'd . notwithstanding all which , the earl still persisting , and the duke then high-commissioner , being assured by one of the best lawyers in the nation , that the paper imported treason , ( tho' the advocate scrupled to prosecute him from a principle of personal kindness to the earl ) he was thereupon prosecuted , and found guilty after a full debate , wherein eight or nine of the best lawyers of the nation , by a positive command from the council , did assist the earl it is here also very observable , that no malice could be design'd against the earl ; because he was earnestly entreated to pass from the paper containing his declaration before the process should commence ; and after all , the captain of the castle was allow'd not to keep him strictly , and as it is undeniable , that the king allowed the earl's estate to his creditors , and that his children got a far larger share of it , than if he had dy'd in his bed ; so it can be prov'd it was fully resolv'd , that he should not die , nor did he die till he had invaded his native countrey by open war , whereby the parliament being convinc'd by this open act , that he had very clearly design'd by the former caution in his explicatory declaration of the test , to reserve to himself a power to rise in rebellion when he thought fit ; as was argued in the former process ; they therefore ratified the process of forfaulture ( nemine contradicente ) and added their authority to that of the iustice court , and because 't is wonder'd why he was not prosecuted upon this new rebellion ; it is answer'd , that by the laws of all nations , and by the laws especially of scotland and england , no man can be try'd for the very same crime for which he stands convicted , tho' he may for a crime which deserves a greater punishment , for the law has exhausted its revenge by the first sentence ; but yet where a new notorious aggravation superveens , which is so clear , that it can admit of no debate , nor needs no probation ; it were very unjust that the law should not here be put in execution , tho' the first sentence had been thought too severe to deserve it . we conclude then this process with this reflection , that a government can in no sense be call'd severe , where the person accus'd has liberty ( and is entreated ) to retract his crime , where his children and creditors get all his estate , and where he himself does not suffer , until he made it manifest by his invasion of his native countrey , that the design of his explaining the test in a paper under his hand , was to reserve to himself a power to rebell , and till he had aggravated highly his former guilt . but why do they reproach us with this one decision , who do yet sustain those abominable ones , that were executed without the least shadow of justice against the marquess of huntley and montrose , president spotswood , haddo , and seven hundred gentlemen more , who died by their justice court , when their covenant over-rul'd law and equity : and against four hundred and fifty gentlemen and commons who died by the justice-court of argyle , beside the many thousands who died in the civil war , ( of which they must be guilty , who raised it , and who never yet made the least profession of repentance for it . the parliament , 1685 , being inform'd of monmouth and argyle's invasion , and being convinc'd that argyle had reserv'd that power in his explicatory paper of the test , meerly that he might invade his countrey and its laws ; and reflecting on the treasonable principle of the covenant of defending the king , only in defence of religion , and the late limitations of owning no king , except he had taken their covenant ; they therefore ( not by a recognising act , but in the narrative only of the act relating to the excise ) offer'd their lives and fortunes , without reserve ; which clause was inserted by the parliament , not to introduce a blind slavery , as some maliciously pretend , but meerly to exclude these rebellious limitations of obedience invented by the covenanters , which were inconsistent with former standing laws , and by which the people had been highly debauch'd in the late civil war ; for in that very parliament they enlarged the peoples liberties , and ratified all laws in favours of the protestant religion ; and the very same persons in the next parliament refus'd to take away the penal statutes , whereas , if an absolute slavery had been design'd , all the former acts establishing our liberty and property , and all the concessions granted to us by our kings for securing our lives and fortunes , should have been expresly ▪ enumerated and abrogated ; and so the words in the narrative of that act could be no warrant for the proclamation , disabling the laws against toleration as some would have us believe : and they who now complain , were the only persons who then took the benefit of that stretch of the prerogative . we could wish that our accusers would be careful , that in being too rigid censurers of us , they do not expose all governments , and even the present to reproach ; for it would seem to some who are now by-standers , as they then were , that though they cry'd out against us for torturing , when it was warranted by our uncontroverted law ; yet the expediency of government , or some other reason makes them do it , after they had declar'd it a grievance , and had rail'd against it as inconsistent with all humanity . nor do i see that the reserving it only to king and parliament answers this objection ; for the parliament by their authority cannot make that fit , which is inconsistent with humane nature , or that convenient which was declar'd to be incapable to produce the true effect for which it was design'd : and the making torture then only a grievance , when inflicted without a cause ( as is pretended ) seems to satisfie as little , since every man can easily pretend that what he does is done upon just motives . the imprisoning many , and keeping them long , can hardly be objected to us , since the present government find themselves obliged to do both ; and the last parliament , in their great wisdom , thought it fit to reject a bill for habeas corpus , when it was press'd as suitable to one of the grievances : nor can we yet discover why the forfeitures of those should be rescinded by the current parliament , who were sentenc'd for having taken up arms at pentland-hills , and bothwell-bridge ; or those who were forfeited for the proclamations at sanquhar , and elsewhere , wherein king charles was declared to have lost his right to the crown , for having broke the covenant ( that tripartit and fundamental contract betwixt god , the king , and his people ) and wherein it is declared a duty to kill him , and all who serv'd him , and to throw off the race of the stewarts , as constant enemies to god : * as also how the forfeiture of the duke of monmouth , and all who adher'd to him , and that of the earl of argyle were repealed in cumulo ; for if it be lawful for subjects to rise in arms upon the single pretence of conscience , no king , nor no government can be secure : if a considerable part of the nation should now rise for liberty , property and episcopacy , upon the same pretext , would the parliament find this defence good ; some are also found who reproach the present government for suffering ministers to be thrown out by the rabble without any previous tryal or reparation afterwards , and many other things which afford but too great ground for satyr and complaint , if i were inclined to either . the necessity of state is that supereminent law to which upon occasion all particular acts must bow ; what else can be alledged to justifie the throwing out the first estate of parliament , the passing by the magistrates then in possession in making of their elections ; and allowing some who had been sentenced for treason to sit and vote in parliament , without ever examining the grounds upon which they had been condemned : these who think that the necessity of state can justifie such proceedings , ( which must be their only plea , ) ought to be very careful how they blame their predecessors for severities , which some mens ungovernable humours necessitated them to . we must also be allowed to admire how those who so eminently comply'd with the dispencing power in taking an indulgence from the papists , and who magnified king iames upon that account as the best of kings that ever reign'd , should so snarle at us , who in a parliament ( at which not one of them assisted ) refused to take away the penal laws made against popery , whilst many of us resign'd our places willingly in defence of those laws ? or how those who did sit in parliament and judicatures with us , consenting to and approving what was done in those reigns , should now countenance such reproaches against us ; it being most undeniable that there 's but very few who deserved any employment , or had any sence , who did not concur in most of those things for which we are now so severely censured , and there are very few of any note or consideration either in the last convention , or present parliament , who have not been accessory to many of the things now complain'd of . we do therefore in the last place recommend to all disinteressed men , to consider that the men of the greatest quality , learning , experience , parts , and estates being then in the government , and upon oath , it is to be presumed that love to the salvation of their souls , respect to their honour , and care of their families and posterity would have obliged them to shun and avoid all those severities with which they are now most unjustly charged , and in common charity to believe , that what was then done by those in power , was design'd only for the security of the protestant religion , against those factions and schisms , and to preserve the country from those civil wars and distractions which had destroyed both in the last age ; and threatned to do the like in this ; notwithstanding all the pains and care that was taken to reduce the authors of those mischiefs to live peaceably and quietly . we foreseeing very clearly , that one months civil war would occasion more ruine and destruction to the country , than possibly the severities of a whole reign could do . the only design of this paper being to defend our selves , without offending others , and rather to cement than widen differences , we wish that all sides may busie themselves so much in setling their native country , that they may forget injuries , which the most impartial cannot think so great in the reign of king ch. the second , as those that were committed by the complaining party in the reign of k. ch. the first , and we should be sorry they had been ballanced . but sure they will be most unpardonable , who begin again upon a new score ; for after that nothing can be expected , but that all parties will run in an endless circle of severities . which god of his infinite mercy avert . a true account of the forms us'd in pursuits of treason , according to the law of scotland : by which the justice of that nation may be known to mis-informed strangers . written anno 1690. it is much to be admired , that such as never read our law , revis'd our records , nor were ever employ'd as iudges or advocats in our criminal courts , should adventure to condemn the proceedings of those , who for many years have made that part of our law their constant study , who were upon oath , and knew that their posterity should be judged by their decisions . but to inform all men more particularly , and to set things in their true light ; i shall represent the legal way of procedure in cases of treason , which is the only crime to which this jealousie may reach ; and then prove that the king's advocat cannot prejudge the party accus'd in any step of the process . treason may be pursued either at the instance of a private informer , or at the instance of the king's advocat , who is ratione officii , calumniator publicus : if a private person inform , then his name must be exprest , to the end he , nor none of his relations may be us'd as witnesses , he must find surety that he shall prove , and that he shall insist , as being liable in * poenam talionis , if he fail in proving the crime . when the pursuit was to be carried on for the publick interest , the king's advocat examined the witnesses alone ; but sir george mackenzie thinking the advocat might have been jealous'd , as too interested , prevail'd to get this examination referr'd to the iudges , who in all nations enquire into the grounds whereupon pursuits are to be rais'd , and after the depositions were taken , and sign'd by the iudges and witnesses , the advocat presents them to the privy council ; and if , after reading them , and a full debate upon them ( many of the learned lawyers of the nation being privy counsellors ) it be found by vote of council , that there is sufficient ground from the evidence to raise process of treason , then there is an act of council drawn , ordering the king's advocat to insist ; but in this tryal , the advocat , tho a counsellor , never votes . the reason why this previous examination is allow'd , is to secure the subjects against their being rashly and unwarrantably pursued or prosecuted without sufficient grounds : but left a witness might have lookt upon himself as pre-engaged by this previous deposition ; therefore these first depositions were always torn , and the witnesses declared free from whatever they had formerly depos'd . to strengthen the security of the defendant or party accused , sir george mackenzie us'd to interpose with the officers of state , before the depositions were brought into the council , and to represent to them his own scruples : and if the officers of state continued still of opinion that a process was to be rais'd , or the party accused to be proceeded against , then he desired the ablest advocats of the nation to be called , before whom the depositions were read , and if they concurr'd with the officers of state in their iudgment of the matters being criminal , then these advocats were ordain'd also to concur with him in the pursuit . and many of the most learn'd and most popular advocats did concur with him in the most intricate cases ; as in argyle's , iervis wood's , &c. which is not to be imagin'd they would have done , had they thought their pleading in these cases any guilt or fault . tho by the laws of england and other nations , the defendant is allowed no advocats to plead for him in criminal cases , but especially not in treason , except where the iudges can see debateable points of law , yet lest the defendant may by ignorance or confusion omit to represent those matters of fact , from which new points of law may arise , therefore our law allows always advocats to the defendant , and forces any whom he does name to accept the employ . act 91. parl. ii. i. 6. tho by the laws of some nations no witnesses are allow'd to be produc'd for the defendant , but such as do appear voluntarily , yet when sir george mackenzie was a iudge in the criminal court , which answers to the king's-bench in england , he ordered for the good of the people the remedy of exculpation , whereby the defendant representing that he has some defences , a warrant is giv'n to force the witnesses whom he names to appear , under severe penalties ; and such time is granted to him and them , as may be sufficient for their appearance , and these witnesses when compearing are examined upon oath , and the iury is obliged to believe any two of them ( tho no witnesses are allowed to swear against the king in england ) this order was thereafter turn'd into an act of parliament . act 16.3 sess. parl. 2. ch. 2. article ii. and also to take off all possibility of packing iuries in edinburgh , where generally the juries are chosen , 't was ordered by the iudges , at sir george his earnest request , that the town of edinburgh should give up a list of all their housekeepers who were able to pass upon iuries , and that all these should be named per vices , according to the situation of the place where they liv'd . because the defendant did not know what witnesses were to be produced against him by the king's advocate , and so could not have witnesses ready to prove his objections against them , therefore sir george prevailed with the parliament that the king's advocate should be for ever after obliged to give with the indictment a list of what witnesses or members of inquest were to be used by them ; and an order is given for citing any witnesses the defendant pleases , with a competent time for bringing them . fifteen days being still the least time allowed by our law , for preparing the defendant in all such cases . when the day of tryal or appearance comes , the witnesses who were present at the giving the citation are obliged to depose upon oath , that they truly saw the citation given : thereafter the king's advocate produces his warrant : nor did ever sir george mackenzie prosecute any man until he was commanded by the council , and till he produced his warrant , ( as still appears from the records of the council and criminal court , to both which he solemnly appeals ; ) and then the indictment is read , after which the advocates for the defendant , dictate to the clerk his defences ; to which the king's advocate dictates his replies , the defendants advocates again their duplies , &c. and that to the end the iudges may the better consider what is said , and may stand in awe of posterity . after the debate is closed , the king's advocate and all others retire , and the iudges having read fully the debate , they argue the case amongst themselves , and thereupon they by their interlocutory sentence find such and such points to be relevant , that is to say , well founded in law , and they sign this interlocutory sentence or iudgment , which is imposed as a further tye upon the iudges , for the security of the people ; nor are witnesses allowed to be examined upon any thing , but what they have found thus to be legal . the advocates for the king and defendant being both called in before the court , the defendant hears the sentence read , and then the forty five iurors are called , and the defendant's objections against them are discussed ; and tho' of old the king's advocate had the naming of the iury , as being presumed disinteressed , yet sir george mackenzie prevailed to get an act of parliament , whereby the nomination of the iury was referred to the iudges , fifteen of these forty five only are admitted as a sufficient iury , and the defendant is allowed to challenge or reject , without giving any ground or reason for it , any thirty that he pleases of that number , and the fifteen who remain make up the jury , and are set by the judges . the iury being thus constituted , in the next place all the witnesses are called in before the court one by one , and not allowed to hear what one another say ; and after the objections against such witnesses are fully debated in writ and upon record , the witnesses are either admitted or rejected , as the judges find ground in law and equity : if admitted , the president of the court examines only upon what is found legal or relevant in the indictment . and in the next place he is examined upon any interrogatory that is moved either by the defendant , or any of the iury for him , and then the whole deposition is dictated by the president of the court , and is fully read in the hearing of the witness , and of the defendant and his advocats ; and if they desire any thing to be corrected , it is accordingly done , if the witness agree with them in the correction ; and in the last place , the deposition is signed by the president and the witness that gave it . all the depositions being thus taken , the advocats for the king , and defendant speak to the iury in a full harangue ; but because the publick interest was still to be preferr'd to private mens , therefore our law allowed the king's advocat to be the last speaker in all criminal cases , till sir george prevail'd with the parliament to give the last word to the defendant in all cases except that of treason , because ordinarily the greatest impression was supposed to be made by the last pleading . the debate and examinations thus ended , the iury are enclosed , and get in with them the whole debate , interlocutory sentence and depositions in writing , signed by the iudges , clerk , and witnesses . this instructs them fully how to proceed ; and after they have chosen a chancellour ( or foreman ) and a clerk , they read all the process , and debate fully upon it ; and to the end every iuror may stand in awe of posterity , it is marked by the clerk in the verdict , who absolved , and who condemned ; and as no witness can be examined but in presence of the party indicted , so if any man speak to any of the iury after they are enclosed , the defendant is for ever free. and tho of old the clerk of the court was used to be enclosed with the jury for their direction ; yet sir george mackenzie procured , that , because the clerk had some dependance upon the crown , he might be excluded from going in with them , and that they might chuse their own clerk ; which they use accordingly to do since that act. art. 8. of the foresaid act. 16. by this it appears , that no nation is more nice in securing the subject , or have ever shewed more judgment in processes or proceedings of treason , than scotland has . in the next place i must observe , that no nation has ever blamed a king's advocat for assisting in criminal processes , nor lies there any action or scandal against him any where on that account ; as can be proved from many hundreds of citations of the best laws and lawyers ; but he darkens his own cause , when just , who uses these to ignorant people ; and he lessens his own esteem , who thinks he needs them amongst men of better sense : the law trusts him entirely as a publick servant , who manages these pursuits by virtue of his office , and not by malice . the king's advocat must either have a negative over the king and all the iudicatories , by refusing to concur , by which he might make the justest pursuit useless ( for tho he should lay down his employment , yet it would give an ill impression even of the best cause ) or otherways he must be obliged to concur ; in which case he can do no prejudice , because iudges are presum'd to be learned , and the advocat is still to be consider'd as too interested , to have any dangerous influence : nor can he abuse the iury with any misrepresentation in point of law , for they are only allow'd by our law to consider what is meer matter of fact , and whether the precise point of law referr'd to them by the judges , be prov'd by these depositions of the witnesses which lye before the jury in writing . iudges may err in point of law , and juries in point of fact , but neither of these are entrusted to the advocate , so that poor people are abus'd extreamly when they are informed that the king's advocate occasioned any mans death . sir george might here likewise represent , that in the rebellion against k. ch. i. many noblemen and gentlemen were pursued for rising in arms by that same king's commission by whose authory their iudges did sit ; and yet none of the advocats of these times were ever quarrel'd with or mis-represented for debating even against their master's commission and remission , as will appear by the processes of haddo , president spotswood , marquess of huntley , montross , and hundreds of other gentlemen , but sir geo. needs justifie himself by no such precedents . in the third place , sir george mackenzie may unanswerably urge , that no man who endeavoured so to lessen the power of the king's advocats by acts of parliament and regulations , can be thought to have had any inclinations to stretch it ; as also he may value himself for refusing to accept the king's advocate 's place , till his predecessour resign'd it under his hand ; that he never informed against any man , nor suggested any pursuit ; that when a pursuit was motioned , he pleaded as much in private for the defendant , if the case was dubious , as any of his advocates did thereafter in the process ; nor did he ever shew any vehemence in the process , except when he was jealous'd of friendship to the defendant , or of love to popularity , because he had so pleaded in private : and no age did ever see so many thousands pardoned , nor so many indemnities granted , as was in his time , which as it must be principally ascribed to the extraordinary clemency of the kings he served , so it may be in some measure imputed to the natural byass which sir george had to the merciful hand . there is great reason to believe that poor people are only misled by mis-informations , since some in their pamphlets clamour against the advocate for threatning the iury with a process of errour , whereas all that he does is to protest for a process of errour , which is a duty imposed upon him by our law. they accuse him also for having occasioned great expences to the countrey , for keeping witnesses unexamined , whereas it appears fully from our statutes and practice that the examination of witnesses is no part of his duty , for the sollicitor presents them , and the iudges only can examine them . the bulk of all the processes raised in k. charles 2. and k. iames 7. reigns , were against such as rose in actual rebellion at pentland-hills , bothwell-bridge , and argyle 's invasion ; the first were pursued by sir iohn nisbet , one of the best lawyers and country-men that ever pleaded ; and sir george mackenzie did but copy his libels in pursuing men in the other two rebellions , these indictments were founded upon the laws of all nations , and particularly of scotland , declaring that subjects taking arms against the king and his authority were traytors . all the nobility and gentry , almost all who are in the present government rose against them with their swords in their hands , and so were more guilty ( if that must be called guilt ) than any judge ; these proceedings were justified by many parliaments , and all the iudicatures ; and england still continues to think that monmouth's invasion was a rebellion ; so that the succeeding king's advocates could not be blamed for pleading in defence of what others fought for , and judged . there were other two classes of men prosecuted in those times , the one was of the murderers of the arch-bishop of st. andrews , the other was of such as in publick rendezvous of rebellion , * as at sanqhuar , wherein they declared k. ch. 2. to have forfeited his right to the crown , because he had broken the covenant , which was the fundamental contract betwixt god , the king , and the people , and therefore they declared war against him , and that it was lawful to kill all who served him . now it is left to any indifferent reader to judge whether there needed any eloquence to prevail with iudges or iurors to condemn such rebels . but to shew the clemency of the government , strangers would be pleased to consider that tho' above 20000 had been guilty of publick rebellion , yet 200 died not by the criminal court , and above 150 of these might have saved their lives , by saying god bless the king ; not that the refusing to say this was made a crime ( as is villainously represented ) but that this easie defence was allowed under this g●ntle king , whose clemency we wish may be imitated by those who cry so much out against his cruelty ; and amongst the many thousands that rose with argyle , only two notorious rebels were pitched upon by the criminal court to die for the example and terrour of others . and i may safely say , that there died not six in all the the time that sir geo. was advocate , except for being in actual rebellion , and for being guilty of assassination clearly proved ; nor did the earl of argyle himself die till he had actually invaded his native country : nor george lermonth , till it was proved , that ( tho' he wanted arms ) yet he commanded those who were in arms to fall upon the king's souldiers , and so they were killed by his command . and what eloquence is requisite to perswade judges or juries to condemn in such crimes ? to the reader . when we inform strangers of the seditious principles of the scotch presbyterians , they are justly surprised that such villanies can be practised , where humanity and christianity are not openly and plainly renounced , and therefore some of their own authentick papers are here subjoined , which contain the natural consequences of their covenant and principles , by which we leave the world to iudge whether sir george mackenzie has not treated them with all modesty and tenderness , and whether any form of government can possibly subsist , where such wicked and pernicious fooleries are propagated . the solemn league and covenant . wee noblemen , barons , knights , gentlemen , citizens , burgesses , ministers of the gospel , and commons of all sorts in the kingdoms of scotland , england and ireland , by the providence of god living under one king , and being of one reformed religion , having before our eyes the glory of god , and the advancement of the kingdom of our lord and saviour iesus christ , the honour and happiness of the kings majesty and his posterity , and the true publick liberty , safety , and peace of the kingdoms , wherein every ones private condition is included ; and calling to mind the treacherous and bloody plots , conspiracies , attempts , and practices of the enemies of god , against the true religion , and professors thereof in all places , especially in these three kingdoms , ever since the reformation of religion , and how much their rage power and presumption are of late , and at this time increased and exercised ; whereof the deplorable estate of the church and kingdom of ireland , the distressed estate of the church and kingdom of england , and the dangerous estate of the church and kingdom of scotland are present and publick testimonies ; we have now at last ( after other means of supplication , remonstance , protestations and sufferings ) for the preservation of our selves and our religion from utter ruine and destruction , according to the commendable practice of these kingdoms in former times , and the example of god's people in other nations , after mature deliberation , resolved and determined to enter into a mutual and solemn league and covenant : wherein we all subscribe , and each one of us for himself , with our hands lifted up to the most high god , do swear : 1. that we shall sincerely , really , and constantly , through the grace of god , endeavour in our several places and callings , the preservation of the reformed-religion in the church of scotland , in doctrine , worship , discipline and government , against our common enemies ; the reformation of religion in the kingdoms of england and ireland , in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government , according to the word of god , and the example of the best reformed churches ; and shall endeavour to bring the churches of god in the three kingdoms to the nearest conjunction and vniformity in religion , confession of faith , form of church government , directory for worship and catechising ; that we and our posterity after us , may , as brethren , live in faith and love , and the lord may delight to dwell in the midst of us . 2. that we shall in like manner , without respect of persons , endeavour the extirpation of popery , prelacy ( that is , church government by archbishops , bishops , their chancellours and commissaries , deans , deans and chapters , arch-deacons , and all other ecclesiastical officers depending on that hierarchy ) superstition , heresie , schism , prophaneness , and whatsoever shall be found to be contrary to sound doctrine and the power of godliness ; lest we partake in other mens sins , and thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues ; and that the lord may be one , and his name one in the three kingdoms . 3. we shall with the same sincerity , reality , and constancy , in our several vocations , endeavour with our estates and lives mutually to preserve the rights and priviledges of the parliaments , and the liberties of the kingdoms ; and to preserve and defend the kings majesties person and authority , in the preservation and defence of the true religion , and liberties of the kingdoms ; that the world may bear witness with our consciences of our loyalty , and that we have no thoughts or intentions to diminish his majesties iust power and greatness . 4. we shall also with all faithfulness endeavour the discovery of all such as have been , or shall be incendiaries , malignants , or evil instruments , by hindering the reformation of religion , dividing the king from his people , or one of the kingdoms from another , or making any faction or parties amongst the people , contrary to this league and covenant , that they may be brought to publick tryal , and receive condign punishment , as the degree of their offences shall require or deserve , or the supream iudicatories of both kingdoms respectively , or others having power from them for that effect , shall judge convenient . 5. and whereas the happiness of a blessed peace between these kingdoms , denyed in former times to our progenitors , is by the good providence of god granted unto us , and hath been lately concluded , and setled by both parliaments , we shall each one of us , according to our place and interest , endeavour that they may remain conjoined in a firm peace and union to all posterity , and that iustice may be done upon the wilful opposers thereof , in manner expressed in the precedent article . 6. we shall also according to our places and callings in this common cause of religion , liberty , and peace of the kingdoms , assist and defend all those that enter into this league and covenant , in the maintaining and pursuing thereof ; and shall not suffer our selves directly or indirectly by whatsoever combination , perswasion , or terrour , to be divided and withdrawn from this blessed vnion and conjunction , whether to make defection to the contrary part , or to give our selves to a detestable indifferency , or neutrality in this cause , which so much concerneth the glory of god , the good of the kingdoms , and honour of the king ; but shall all the days of our lives zealously and constantly continue therein , against all opposition , and promote the same according to our power , against all lets and impediments whatsoever ; and what we are not able our selves to suppress or overcome , we shall reveal and make known , that it may be timely prevented or removed : all which we shall do as in the sight of god. and , because these kingdoms are guilty of many sins and provocations against god , and his son jesus christ , as is too manifest by our present distresses and dangers , the fruits thereof , we profess and declare before god and the world , our unfeigned desire to be humbled for our own sins , and for the sins of these kingdoms , especially that we have not , as we ought , valued the inestimable benefit of the gospel , that we have not laboured for the purity and power thereof , and that we have not endeavoured to receive christ in our hearts , nor to walk worthy of him in our lives , which are the causes of other sins and transgressions so much abounding amongst us , and our true and unfeigned purpose , desire , and endeavour for our selves and all others under our power and charge , both in publick and in private , in all duties we owe to god and man , to amend our lives , and each one to go before another in the example of a real reformation ; that the lord may turn away his wrath , and heavy indignation , and establish these churches and kingdoms in truth and peace . and this covenant we make in the presence of almighty god the searcher of all hearts , with a true intention to perform the same , as we shall answer at that great day when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed ; most humbly beseeching the lord to strengthen us by his holy spirit for this end , and to bless our desires , and proceedings with such success as may be deliverance and safety to his people , and encouragement to other christian churches groaning under , or in danger of the yoke of antichristian tyranny , to joyn in the same , or like association and covenant , to the glory of god , the enlargement of the kingdom of jesus christ , and the peace and tranquility of christian kingdoms , and common-wealths . west-kirk the 13. day of august , 1650. the commission of the general assembly , considering that there may be just ground of stumbling from the kings majesties refusing to subscribe and emit the declaration offered unto him by the committee of estates , and commissioners of the general assembly concerning his former carriage and resolutions for the future , in reference to the cause of god , and the enemies and friends thereof ; doth therefore declare that this kirk and kingdom do not own nor espouse any malignant party or quarrel or interest , but that they fight meerly upon their former grounds and principles , and in defence of the cause of god and of the kingdom , as they have done these twelve years past : and therefore as they do disclaim all the sin and guilt of the king and of his house , so they will not own him , nor his interest , otherwise than with a subordination to god , and so far as he owns and prosecutes the cause of god , and disclaimes his and his fathers opposition to the work of god , and to the covenant , and likewise all the enemies thereof ; and that they will with convenient speed take in consideration the papers lately sent unto them from oliver cromwel , and vindicate themselves from all the falsehoods contained therein , especially in those things , wherein the quarrel betwixt us and that party is mis-stated , as if we owned the late kings proceedings , and were resolved to prosecute , and maintain his present majesties interest , before and without acknowledgement of the sins of his house and former ways , and satisfaction to gods people in both kingdoms . a. ker. 13. of august , 1650. the committee of estates having seen and considered a declaration of the commission of the general assembly anent the stating of the quarrel whereon the army is to fight , do approve the same , and heartily concur therein . tho henderson . a true and exact copy of a treasonable and bloody paper , called , the fanaticks new covenant : which was taken from donald cargill at queens-ferry , iune 3. 1680. one of their field-preachers , a declared rebel and traitor . together with their execrable declaration published at the cross of sanquhair , upon the two and twentieth day of the said month of june ; after a solemn procession and singing of psalms , by cameron , the notorious ringleader of , and preacher at , their field-conventicles , accompanied with twenty of that wretched crew . we under-subscribers , for our selves , and all that join with us , and adhere to us , being put to it by god , our consciences , and men ; do bind our souls with a solemn and sacred bond , lest on the one hand we should be carried away with the stream of the apostacy and defection of the church in this time , and on the other hand , lest we should ( not being so engaged ) evanish in vanity , and be without a right rule in good designs : we have judged it our duty again to covenant with god , and one another , and to publish this declaration to the world of our purposes , that men may know our most inward thoughts , the rules that we walk by , and the outmost ends that we have before our eyes for this intent , that those who are lovers of god , zealous of his reigning in glory , and desirous of reformation , and the propagation of his kingdom , may have occasion no more to be jealous of our intentions , and others may have no ground to load us with odious and foul aspersions ; but , that all knowing the truth of us , if they shall strive against us , and truth with us , shall do it without excuse , and against conviction ; and that those who shall join with us , may do it upon solid and undoubted grounds , and both they and we may expect grace from him , faithfully to persevere , and happily to be successful in so good purposes . it is true , we are not ignorant of the great unmindfulness , failing , counteracting , and mocking that has been in our former vows and covenants with god , and of the great iudgments that hath , and are like to follow such impious and sinful dealing with god in such weighty matters , ( for which we both ought and desire to be humbled before him , ) which cannot but make us with great trembling of heart enter into new ones , knowing both our own weakness and readiness to relapse , and the great hazard and danger of such relapses ; yet , the desire of recovering and preserving a remnant , and the conviction of this , as the most convenient mean , the zeal to gods glory , and christs reigning , ( which is the highest and most acceptable duty man can perform to god , ) hoping for his mercies ( who is witness to the integrity of our hearts and rightness of our intentions ▪ ) that he will instruct , direct , accept , and prosper us , we go forward , declaring , that nothing else but what we here express is our design . i. we covenant and swear , that we take the only true and living god , father , son , and holy ghost , to be our god , and betakes our selves to the merits and righteousness of his son , as the alone righteousness that can justifie us before god ; and that we take his scriptures and word to be the object of our faith , and rule of our conversation in all things ; and that we shall give up our selves to him , to be renewed , instructed , and in all things ruled by his spirit , according to that word ; and shall earnestly endeavour by his grace , to render to him that love , worship , and obedience , that his word requires , and his goodness engages us to . ii. that we shall to the outmost of our power , advance the kingdom of christ established throughout the land , ( if at any time hereafter god shall give us this opportunity ) righteousness and the true reformed religion , in the truth of its doctrine , in the purity and power of its worship and ordinances , and its discipline and government , and free the church of god from the thraldom , tyranny , incroachment , and corruption of prelacy on the one hand , and erastianism on the other . and we shall to our power , relieve the church and subjects of this kingdom , ( we being called thereto , by his giving of us power , power being gods call to do good ) of that oppression that hath been exercised upon their consciences , civil rights and liberties , that men may serve him holily , without fear , and possess their civil rights in quietness , without disturbance . iii. that we shall endeavour to our outmost , the extirpation of the kingdom of darkness , and whatsoever is contrair to the kingdom of christ , and especially idolatry and popery in all the articles of it , as we are bound in our national covenant ; and superstition , will-worship , and prelacy , with its hierarchy , as we are bound in our solemn league and covenant ; and that we shall with the same sincerity , endeavour ( god giving us assistance ) the overthrow of that power that hath established that prelacy and erastianism over the church , and exercises such a lustful and arbitrary tyranny over the subjects , seeking again to introduce idolatry and superstition in these lands , contrair to our covenants : and in a word , that we shall endeavour the extirpation of all the works of darkness , and the relicts of idolatry and superstition , ( which are both much enlarged and revived in our times , ) and execute righteous iudgments impartially ( according to the word of god , and degree of wickedness ) upon the committers of these things , but especially blasphemy , idolatry , atheism , sorcery , perjury , uncleanness , prophanation of the lords day , oppression and malignancy , that being thus zealous for god , he may delight to dwell among us . iv. seriously considering , that the hand of our kings has been against the throne of the lord , and that now for a long time , the succession of our kings , and the most part of our rulers with him , hath been against the purity and power of religion and godliness , and freedom of the church of god , and hath degenerate from the vertue and good government of their predecessors , into tyranny , and hath of late so manifestly rejected god , his service and reformation , as a slavery , as they themselves call it in their publick papers , ( especially in these last letters to the king , and duke of lauderdale ) disclaiming their covenant with god , and blasphemously inacting it to be burnt by the hand of a hang-man , governed contrary to all right laws divine and humane , excercised such tyranny and arbitrary government , opprest men in their consciences and civil rights , used free subjects ( christian and reasonable men ) with less discretion and justice than their beasts ; and so not only frustrate the great end of government , ( which is , that men may live godly , holily and peaceably under them , and might be maintained in their rights and liberties form injury and wrong ) but hath also walked contrary to it , so that it can no more be called a government , but a lustful rage , excercised with as little right reason , and with more cruelty than in beasts , and they themselves can be no more called governours , but publick grassators , and publick iudgements , which all men ought as earnestly to labour to be free of , as of sword , famine , or pestilence raging amongst us ; and besides , hath stopped ( instead of punishing ) the course of law and iustice against idolaters , blasphemers , atheists , murderers , incestuous and adulterous , and other malefactors ; and instead of rewarding the good , hath made butcheries and murthers on the lord's people , sold them as slaves , imprisoned , for faulted , banished and fined them , upon no other account , but for maintaining the lords right to rule consciences , against the usurpations of men , for fulfilling their vows , and repelling unjust violence , which innocent nature allows to all ; of all which , and more particulars , we can give ( we speak as before god ) innumerable and sure instances : neither can it be thought that there is hope of their returning from these courses , having so often shewed their natures and enmities against god and all righteousness , and so often declared and renewed their purposes and promises of persevering in these courses . and , suppose they should dissemble a repentance of these evils , and profess to return to better courses , being put to straits , or for their own ends , ( for upon no other account can we reasonably expect it ; ) and though it might be thought , that there might be pardon for what is done , ( which we cannot yet see to be , without the violation of the law of god , and a great guiltiness on the land , from which guiltiness the land can never be free , but by executing of god's righteous iudgements upon them , for omitting of so greatly deserved , and so necessarily requisite a justice ; ) yet they cannot be believed , after they have violated all tyes that humane wisdom can devise to bind men ; and beside , there will be something of folly found , to think to bind a king that pretends to absoluteness : and our fathers , or rather our selves , at first judged it not warrantable to receive him , without consenting to , and swearing of the covenant : and if so , the renouncing and disclaming thereof , we ought at present to judge to be a just and reasonable ground of rejecting him upon these grounds , being assured of god's approbation , and mens , whose hearts are not utterly byassed , and their consciences altogether corrupted , and knowing assuredly , that the upholding of such , is to uphold men to bear down christ's kingdom , and to uphold satans , and the depriving of men of right government and good governours , to the ruining of religion , and undoing of humane society . we then seeing the innumerable sins and snares that are in giving obedience to their acts , on the other hand , seeing if we shall acknowledge their authority , and refuse obedience to their sinful commands , the endless miseries that will follow , and siding with god ( who we hope will accept and help us to a liberation from their tyranny ) against his stated and declared enemies ; do reject that king , and those associate with him , from being our rulers , because standing in the way of our right , free and peaceably serving of god , propagating his kingdom and reformation , and overthrowing satans kingdom , according to our covenant ; and declares them henceforth to be no lawful rulers , as they have declared us to be no lawful subjects , upon a ground far less warrantable , as men unbyassed may see ; and that after this , we neither owe , nor shall yield any willing obedience to them , but shall rather suffer the outmost of their cruelties and injustice , until god shall plead our cause , and that upon these accounts ; because they have altered and destroyed the lord's established religion , overturned the fundamental and establish'd laws of the kingdom ▪ taken altogether away christ's church and government , and changed the civil government of this land ( which was by king and free parliament ) into tyranny , where none are associate to be partakers of the government , but only those who will be found by justice to be guilty of criminals , and all others excluded , even those who by the laws of the land by birth had a right to , and a share in that government , and that only , because not of the same guiltiness and mischievous purposes with themselves : and also , all free elections of commissioners for parliaments , and officers for government , are made void by their making those the qualifications of admission to these places , which by the word of god , and the laws of this land , were the cause of their exclusion before , so that none can look upon us , or judge us bound in allegeance to them . unless they say also we are bound in allegeance to devils , they being his vicegerents , and not gods. v. we then being made free , by god and their own doings , he giving the law , and they giving the transgression of that law , which is the cause that we are loosed now from all obligations , both divine and civil to them , and knowing that no society of men that hath corruption in them , ( which always is ready to beget disorders and do injuries , unless restrained and punished by laws and government ) can be without laws and government , and withal desiring to be governed in the best way that is least lyable to inconveniencies and tyranny : we do declare , that we shall set up over our selves , and over all that god shall give us power , government , and governours , according to the word of god , and especially according to that word , exod. 18. v. 21. moreover , thou shalt provide out of all the people , able men , such as fear god , men of truth , hating covetousness ; and that we shall no more commit the government of our selves , and the making of laws for us , to any one single person , and lineal successor , we not being tied as the iews were by god , to one family , government not being an inheritance , but an office , which must be squared , not to the interest and lust of a man , but to the good of the commonwealth , and this kind of government by a single person , &c. being most liable to inconveniencies , ( as sad and long experience may now teach us , ) and aptest to degenenate into tyranny . moreover , we declare that these men whom we shall set over us , shall be ingaged to govern us principally by that civil or judicial law , given by god to his people of israel , especially in matters of life and death , and in all other things also , so far as they teach , excepting only that law , ( viz. anent slaves , ) which does not agree with that christian liberty established in all christendom , ( only violated by our tyrants , and some others of late , ) and that of divorces and poligamy ; the one being not a law , but a permission granted upon the account of the hardness of their hearts , the other being a sinful custom contrair to the first institution of marriage , crept in into the church : we know that men of malignant and perverse spirits , that has not a higher god than a wicked king , which suits only with their lustful licentiousness , and it may be others with them that seemed to be of better principles , will raise an ignorant clamour upon this , that it is a fifth-monarchy ; and we fifth-monarchy-men , and will labour to amuse the people with strange terms , and put odious names on good things to make them hateful , as their way is ; but if this be their fifth-monarchy , we both are , and ought to be such , and that according to his word . vi. it being the work of the ministers of the gospel , to preach , propagate , and defend the kingdom of god , and to preserve the doctrine , worship , discipline , government , liberties and priviledges of the same , from all corruptions and incroachments of rulers , and all others . and seeing ▪ that the ministers of the church of scotland , ( at least the greatest part of them before ) not only were defective in preaching and testifying against the acts of these rulers , for overthrowing religion and reformation , abjuring our covenant made with god , establishing a government in the church , which that king calls his own government , ( and so not god's , ) contrair to our covenant ; against inacting of that blasphemous ( so calvin calls that supremacy of henry the eighth , upon which this prerogative is founded , and from which it is derived , and is no less , if not more jnjurious to christ , and inslaving to his church , ) and sacrilegious prerogative given to a king over the church of god , and against the other acts and incroachments of his church , and hindred others also who were willing ▪ and would have testified against them , and censured some that did it , ( for which , together with the other causes in their trust and administration , we may say , god hath left them to do worse things ; ) but also hath voted in that meeting , ( which they are pleased to call an assembly of ministers , but how justly , let men judge , ) an acceptation of that liberty , founded upon , and given by vertue of that blasphemously arrogated and usurped power ; and hath appeared before their courts to accept of that liberty , and to be enacted and authorized there as ministers , and so hath willingly ( for this is an elicit act of the will , and not an act of force and constraint ) translated the power of sending out , ordering , censuring , ( for as they accept of their liberty ▪ from them , so they submit to their censures and restraints , at least all of them who were yet tried with it , and others of them appeared and acknowledged before their courts , that they would not have done these things that they were charged with , if they had thought it would have offended them , ) ministers departing from the court of christ , and subjection to the ministry , to the courts of men , and subjection to the magistrate , ( which had been impious and injurious to christ and his church , though they had been righteous and lawful rulers , ) and by their changing of courts ( according to common law ) hath changed their masters , and of the ministers of christ are become the ministers of men , and bound to answer to them as oft as they will ; and as by the acceptation of this liberty in such manner , they have translated the power , so they have given up and utterly quit the government , and a succession of a presbyterian ministry ; for as these were not granted them of their masters , so they exercise their ministry without them , and so by this , as the ecclesiastick-government is swallowed up in the civil , ( if the rest had followed them ) the ministry should have also been extinct with themselves , and the whole work of reformation had been buried in oblivion , not so much as the remembrance of it kept up : these , together with the other of their commissions in preaching , the lawfulness of paying that tribute declared to be imposed for the bearing down of the true worship of god , ( which they falsly termed seditious conventicles , ) and their advising these poor prisoners to subscribe the bond , and consequently could not but so advise all others , if put to it , ( for the hazard that men were in , will not make a real change of the morality of that action , ) and beside , the rest may be put to it upon the same hazard , and so if the one should advise , ( which consequently they must do , ) and the other should subscribe , this would altogether close that door which the lord hath made use of in all the churches of europe , for casting off the yoke of the whore , and restoring the truth and purity of religion and reformation , and freedom of the churches , and should have stopped all ingress for men , when once brought under tyranny , to recover their liberty again . these ministers then , not being followers of christ , who before pontius pilate , gave a good confession , which was , that he was a king ; and no king , if he have not power to order his house and subjects , and they not following him , nor his ministers , if not asserting and maintaining of this kingly power , against all incroachers and usurpers of it ; and besides , we being commanded , if any brother walk disorderly , from such to withdraw ; and although in the capacity we now are in , we neither have , nor assume to our selves authority to give our definite and authoritative sentences of deposition and suspension against these ministers ; yet we declare , which is proper for us to do , that we neither can , nor will bear preaching , nor receive sacraments from these ministers that hath accepted of , and voted for that liberty ; and declares all who have encouraged and strengthened their hands , by hearing and pleading for them , all those who have traffiqued for an union with them , without their renouncing and repenting of these things , all those that do not testifie faithfully against them , and after do not deport themselves suitably to their testimonies , and all who joyn not in publick with their brethren , who are testifying against them ; we declare , that we shall not hear them preach , nor receive sacraments from them , at least , till they stand in judgment before these ministers , and be judged by them who have followed the lord , and kept themselves free of these defections : and as our hearts hath cleaved to these ministers , while they were on the lord's side , and subjected our selves to them , so we shall still cleave to those that abide following him , and shall be subject to them in the lord. vii . then we do declare and acknowledge , that a gospel-ministry , is a standing ordinance of god , appointed by christ , to continue in the church , until the end of the world ; and that none of us shall take upon him the preaching of the word , or administring the sacraments , unless called , and ordained thereto , by the ministers of the gospel : and as we declare that we are for a standing gospel-ministry , rightly chosen , and rightly ordained , so we declare , that we shall go about this work in time to come , with more fasting and praying , and more careful inspection into the conversation and holiness of these men that shall be chosen and ordained , the want of which formerly , hath been a great sin , both in ministers and people , which hath not been the least cause of this defection . the declaration and testimony of the true-presbyterian , anti-prelatick , and anti-erastian , persecuted-party in scotland . it is not amongst the smallest of the lords mercies to this poor land , that there hath always been some who hath given a testimony of every course of defection which we were guilty of , which is a token for good , that he does not as yet intend to cast us off altogether , but that he will leave a remnant , in whom he will be glorious , if they ( through his grace ) keep themselves clean still , and walk in his way and method , as it hath been walked in , and owned by him in our predecessors ( of truly worthy memory ) their time , in their carrying on our noble work of reformation , in the several steps thereof , from popery and prelacy , and likewise from erastian-supremacy , so much usurped by him , who it is true ( so far as we know ) is descended from the race of our kings ; yet he hath so far deborded from what he ought to have been , by perjury and vsurpation in church matters , and tyranny in matters civil , as is known by the whole land , that we have just reason to believe , that one of the lords great controversies against us is , that we have not disowned him , and the men of his practices , whether inferiour magistrates , or any others , as enemies to our lord and his crown , and the true-protestant ▪ and presbyterian interest in their hands , our lords espoused bride and church . therefore , although we be for government and governours , such as the word of god , and our covenants allows , yet we for our selves , and all that will adhere to us , as the representatives of the true presbyterian church , and covenanted nation of scotland , considering the great hazard of lying under such a sin , do by these presents disown charles stuart , who hath been reigning , or rather ( we may say ) tyrannizing on the throne of scotland , or government thereof , ( for faulted several years since by his perjury and breach of covenant with god and his church , ) and usurpation of his crown and royal prerogatives therein , and many other breaches in matters ecclesiastick , and by his tyranny and breach of the very leges regnandi in matters civil ; for which reasons , we declare , that several years since he should have been denuded of being king , ruler , or magistrate , or having any power to act , or to be obeyed as such : as also , being under the standard of christ , captain of salvation , we declare war against such a tyrant and usurper , and all the men of his practices , as enemies to our lord jesus christ , his cause and covenants , and against all such as have strengthened him , sided with him , or any ways acknowledged him in his usurpation and tyranny , civil and ecclesiastick , yea , and against all such as shall strengthen , side with , or any ways acknowledge any other in the like usurpation and tyranny , far more against such as would betray or deliver up our free reformed mother church , into the bondage of antichrist , the pope of rome . by this we homologat the testimony given at rutherglen , the twenty ninth of may , 1679. and all the faithful testimonies of those that have gone before us , as of those also that have suffered of late ; and we do disclaim that declaration published at hamiltoun , iune 1679. chiefly , because it takes in the kings interest , which we are several years since loosed from , because of the foresaid reasons , and others , which may after this ( if the lord will ) be published . as also , we disown , and by this resents the reception of the duke of york , a profest papist , as repugnant to our principles and vows to the most high god , and as that which is the great ( though alace too just ) reproach of our church and nation : we also , by this , protest against his succeeding to the crown , and whatever hath been done , or any are essaying to do in this land ( given to the lord ) in prejudice to our work of reformation . and to conclude , we hope none will blame us for , or offend at , our rewarding those that are against us , as they have done to us , as the lord gives the opportunity . this is not to exclude any that hath declined , if they be willing to give satisfaction to the degree of their offence . given at sanqhuair , iune 22. 1680. these are the true and exact copies of the fanaticks new covenant and declaration ; collationed with the originals , which are kept amongst the records of his majesties privy-council ; and attested by al. gibson , cl. sti. concilii . and will. paterson , cl. sti. concilii . a blasphemous and treasonable paper , emitted by the phanatical undersubscribers , on may 1. 1681. according to the original lying in the hands of the clerks of his majesties most honourable privy council . we undersubscribers , now prisoners for the truth in the cannongate tolbuith , though most vile , yet it pleased the holy ghost to work on our spirits of a time past , in clearing causes of wrath , and shewing us duty from day to day , that now in some time past we are , and have been called mad men and devils , and now there is none in the kingdom , in prison , or out of prison that we can converse with as christians . and yesterday being the 26 day of the 5 th moneth , it seemed good to the holy ghost and to us , to take out of our bibles the psalms in meeter for several causes mentioned afterwards , for the book of the revelation says , if any man should add unto these things , god shall add unto him the plagues which are written in this book ; and we did burn them in our prison-house , and sweep away the ashes . likewise , in the holy scriptures , we renounce chapters and verses , and contents , because it is only done by humane wisdom , and the changing of the books after the holy ghost had placed them : we being pressed to this work by the holy ghost , do renounce the impression and translation of both the old and new testaments , and that for additions put unto them by men , and other causes ; as first , putting in horrid blasphemy , making a tyrant patron of the church , when the scriptures holds of none but of god , and needs no patronage from any king , prince , or rulers , and the writing of that blasphemous , sacrilegious , ( as some call it ) the epistle dedicatory , filled with such language , as dread sovereign highness , most high and mighty , most sacred majesty ; and likewise the horrid unparallell'd blasphemy , making a triangle with these hebrew letters in it thus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iehovah , representing the trinity ; and likewise putting in horrid pictures in several places of the holy scripture , and likewise drawing scores betwixt the books of the bible , and other superfluous traditions . likewise we renounce the catechisms larger and shorter , and confession of faith , against which we have many causes ; one cause is , in the 23 chap. for the scripture proofs that they cite , proves the contrary of that they write . we renounce the acts of the general assembly , and all the covenants , and acknowledging of sins and engagement to duties , and that which they call preaching books , and all their works , way , form , and manner of worship , doctrine , discipline , and government , and the studying on their books , the thing they call their preaching , for instead of going to god for his mind to the people , they go to their books , and so makes their books their god and their leader , and so all following that way , go to hell together : the cause of this is , we find none of their works but they are like themselves , carnal and corrupt , according to that scripture , hate the garment spotted with the flesh. we renounce the limiting of the lord's mind by glasses , and their ordination of men only learned , and their saying , that learning is the essential of a minister without grace . likewise , we renounce their manner of renewing covenants , pressing mens consciences to take a covenant , and by so doing has filled the kirk and state with tyrants and incarnate devils , as we find this day , they knew the men to have no marks of grace , but on the other hand , to be prophane , as them they call king and rulers , captains and comanders in state and armies , and all kirk officers whom we call tyrants and iudas's , for by so doing they have corrupted both kirk and state , as this day kirk men and states men , whom we call iudas's and tyrants , are studying in opposition to holiness and the work of reformation , who entred in by these same covenants , are now pursuing our lives for a christian walk . and likewise , we renounce the covenant taken at queensferry , commonly called cargil's covenant , and likewise hamiltown declaration , yea , and sanquhare declaration , because they may and has owned these , and are owning these , who are enemies to holiness , and were enemies to us , as some of them said , we should suffer kirk censure for giving over the old apostat ministers to the devil , and some of them counted us their enemies for the truths sake , and sent us word they would protest against us , and so we justifie our lord in breaking them at airds moss , we justifie the lord likewise , in taking away that they call field-preachings , or mockings , because they were nothing but rebellion against the high lord , as we find now when our lord is come to the cross , there is neither minister nor people to bide by him , of the many thousands has flocked to the thing they call preachings or mockings , and therefore now all are found void of saving grace , and so we see that word is accomplished , strait and narrow is the way that leadeth unto life , and few there be that find it : and that other word , many shall strive and shall not be able . we finding all former actions to be such as devils has and can creep in at ( as declarations and covenants ) and get the name of saints : therefore , this day it seemed good to the holy ghost and to us , to renounce and burn the former covenants and declarations , because they are not strait enough according to scripture , and all their works such like , and therefore we will own none of their works , till it please the lord to give us teaching from himself . by this all may know and understand , we overturn , and formally burns all the former works of the clergy of scotland , and throughout all the whole world , that are in opposition to holiness , dated the 6 th day of the week , being the 27. of the 5 th month , 1681. about mid-day . we renounce and decline all authority throughout the world , and all that are in authority , and all their acts and edicts , from the tyrant charles stuart , to the lowest tyrant , and burns them the same day , being the 6 th day of the week , the 27 day of the 5 th month , 1681. at cannongate tolbuith iron-house . we renounce the names of months , as ianuary , february , march , april , may , iune , iuly , august , september , october , november , december . sunday , monday , tuesday , wednesday , thursday , friday , saturday . martimas , holydays , for there is none holy but the sabbath day . lambmas day , whitsunday ▪ candlemas , beltan , cross stones , and images , fairs named by saints , and all the remnants of popery , tool or christmas , old wives fables and by-words , as palmsunday , carlinesunday , the 29 th of may , being dedicat by this generation to prophanity , peacesunday , halloweven , hogmynae night , valentins even ; no marrying in the month they call may , the innumerable relicts of popery , atheism and sorcery , and new years day , and hansell-monday , dredgies and likewakes , valenteins fair , chappels and chaplains : likewise sabbath days feastings , blythmeats , banquetings , revelling , pipings , sportings , dancings , laughings , singing prophane and lustful songs and ballads , table-lawings , monk-lands , frier-lands , blackfrier-lands , kirks and kirkyards , and mencat crosses , fount-stones , images , registers of lands and houses , register bonds , discharges , and all their law-works , inhibitions , hornings , letters of adjudications , ships-passes , prophanity and all unchast thoughts , words and actions , formality and indifferency , story-books and ballads , romances and pamphlets , comedy-books , cards and dice , and all such like , we disown all of them , and burns them the 6 th day of the week being the 27 th day of the 5 th month , 1681 , at the cannongate , tolbuith iron-house . we renounce all the customs and fashions of this generation , their way and custom of eating and drinking , sleeping and wearing , and all our own former ways , as well religious as moral , in so far as they have been squared and casten in this generations mould , and all our iniquious courses , lightness and unconcernedness with the glory of god , the only end wherefore we were sent into the world the 7 th day of the week , being the 27 th of the 5 th month. we renounce all that are now in prison-houses or correction-houses , men and women ; for none of them are with us in this work , and when we sent them a copy of this our renounciation , they called us devils . the copy of this we burnt instead of the books and works of this apostate generation , and buried the ashes in our and covered it with dust . notwithstanding of our burning covenants and declarations , and renouncing of them and their works ; be it known to all , that we do neither vindicate the cursed murderers of their bloodshed on fields , and scaffolds , and seas , and other horrid cruelties , such as torturings , imprisonments , pillagings , banishments , scourgings , stigmatizings , &c. nor condemn we the worthy martyrs , and the sufferings of others , only we give the lord justice , and vindicats his tarrying , for now the furnace has brought forth a more pure cause which we term , holiness to be built upon the word of god. that all may know and see our innocency , and know our end is and was the glory of god in all we did , though we came far short ; and in the months past we could get none to shew us kindness for meat or lodging , though we could pay for it our selves : that word in malachy , ye are cursed with a curse , for ye have robbed me , even the whole nation . and likewise in deut. we seeing the land all thus cursed , and all justifying themselves in that iniquity , were afraid to eat , or drink , or sleep under a roof with them : though there were many that would have shelter'd us , yet we could not eat , drink , converse , or pray with them , lest we had come under the curse , so many times our beds has been in the open fields , and we have come to houses and they would not sell us meal to make potage of , and we have found meal and water a rare dish , because the curse was off it , and it was blessed to us , according to that scripture , the blessing of the lord maketh rich. we are not murmuring in this , but when the weather has been worst , winds and rain , cold frost and snow , and when we had fasted most , we were best satisfied , according to that scripture , all shall work together for their good , that truly seek the lord ; when we had outward straits , then we had most inward peace , we had joy in the holy ghost , so the things the world calls the worst of our life , as reproaches , imprisonments , nakedness , hunger , and cold , &c. we had rather be suffering for our lords sake , than be kings of the whole earth , for our joy no man can take from us , and our prison is so pleasant through our lord , that we care for no company , for we know no company but all are cursed , and we know not what it is to be weary , but according to that scripture , eat and drink my beloved , yea eat and drink abundantly , we are rather in paradise . these things were cleared to us when fasting and praying , and we were pressed to do this by the holy ghost , we had many fasts about this thing , and this week we took some milk and bread in the third day of the week in the morning being the 24 after the 5 th month 1681. and tasted neither meat nor drink , nor any other kind of living , till the 6 th day of the week at 4 ▪ day of noon ( and then we took a little milk and bread ) for to find out the causes of his wrath we have wandred , mourned , wept , many a night and day in houses and fields , for we have and has had no other end but his glory , that the elect such as should be saved might be brought in , and it is only conscience that keeps us from giving men reverence in word and behaviour , though some call us dumb devils , and unlearned bruits , and one of us when coming before them they call rulers , was called a block-head , notwithstanding of all that came on us , we know and are taught by the holy scriptures , to give honour unto whom honour is due , and to salute one another , but it has been our work of a time to renounce the filthy vile imbracings , salutations , and complements of this generation , which they call court-breeding , our carriage , professing to follow the lord jesus , should be steed and circumspect according to that scripture , let us walk circumspectly , not as fools , but as wise men , as it is written in matthew , let your light so shine before men , that they may see your good works , and glorifie your father which is in heaven . cursed are they that says peace to a land , who are in the place of watchmen , when the lord says no peace , which practice , we silly unlearned creatures renounce , for we bless him he has keeped us from resting till the ark rest , and as for these they call watchmen , that cries peace or keep silence , we shall refer them to the prophet ezekiel , which ye may read at leisure , which we think shall be scotland . doom , for we have heard tell of few of them they call ministers , but they have all said peace , when brought before the enemies to witness their practice , being most unconscionable on hill sides , and moor sides , before several thousands , they called them tyrants , and intollerable oppressors , and their government tyranny and oppression , and that the crown of supremacy that charles stuart had usurped over the kirk , would weigh him down from the throne , and all that race with him , and when they are brought before them , and into prisons , nothing but in with the other supplication , to the honourable lords of his majesties secret council , beck and beinge , and please your lordships grace , &c. and now they are all at peace with his enemies , save one whom we disown , and so or long the enemies shall curse them , when the lord awakens their consciences , ( though we confess we have had some special witnesses of ministers ) and we think or long , the malignants shall pursue these ministers to death for unfaithfulness , for the vilest creatures in the land high and low , rich and poor , noble and ignoble , must give account for works done in the flesh ; then the dogs , sorcerers , whoremongers , and murderers , and idolaters , false-swearers , cursers , sabbath-breakers , idle loose livers , and all that are unchast in thoughts , words , and behaviour , and all that makes no conscience of their way , and whosoever loveth and maketh a lye , shall tremble that day when they shall enter into eternity ; when it shall be said as it was to dives , thou in thy lifetime hadst thy good things , and lazarus his bad things : for except a man be born again , he can in no wise enter into the kingdom of heaven . we take up the book of the holy scripture at the lords command , and for a testimony of our dissatisfaction , at the abounding corruptions , both of translators and the press , and likewise for a testimony of our desires and intentions for a new translation and impression , free of the foresaid and other abuses , we to our power reform our own books , and sayes , that the word of god needs no humane art ; we hold that the word of god is laid the foundation of this new building , and shortly it shall become the head corner stone of the building , over both kirk and stater kirk-men , and states-men ; so that scripture towards the end of the rev. of iohn shall be fulfilled ; and i saw heaven opened , and behold a white horse , and he that sat upon him was called faithful and true , and in righteousness he doth iudge and make war , his eyes were as a flame of fire , and on his head were many crowns , and he had a new name written that no man knew , but he himself , and he was cloathed with a vesture dipt in blood , and his name is called the word of god. and first , to shew that we take the word of god in every point to be our rule , the sum and end of our so much reproached and mocked at exercise ( fasting and prayer ) will be found in the book of psalms ; be thou exalted , o god , above the heavens ; and let thy glory be above all the earth . it is written in the acts of the apostles , it seemed good to the holy ghost and to us : but they usurping supremacy , says , by the authority of the general assembly allows these psalms to be sung in congregations , &c. which we renounce : and more , we think the psalm book in meeter , and no other thing ought to be within the broads of the bible , but the simple scriptures of truth ; the psalms may be had in a book by themselves . we are so reproached and calumniate , that we are forced to make our defence , and shew that we have mourned , fasted , and prayed many a day , and many a night this last winter , many times in the open fields , in frost and snow , while our cloaths were frozen upon us , and our feet frozen in our shooes , as the town of cursed borronstonness can witness , and all this to find out the causes of our lords tarrying , when those who are now calling us devils , were turning themselves upon their ivory beds , like a door upon the hinges , eating the fat and drinking the sweet at their own ease : and when we were driven thence by persecution , we took our selves to the fields , holding still by our duty , where many women did offer themselves to the work , with whom our spirits was many a time burdened , whom we could not put away ( as our blessed lord dealt with iudas whom he knew would betray him ) without manifest causes : we stayed not with them but on solemn days , such as sabbaths , and appointed times for publick meeting , but when they took their rest betwixt hands , we continnued still in fields , nights and days , fasting and praying for two or three days together several times , and it was always their fear we should propose some question to try them for separation , and that night before we was taken , we warned them that the soldiers would come , and told them to use their freedom : we saw them also a mile off , an hour before they came , and none of them would go away ; and after we were brought in hither , after some several days fasting and prayer , we being warned by the holy ghost , followed esther's advice , and continued from eight a clock of the morning the 24 day of the 5 month , till the 27 at four afternoon , fasting and praying ; we sent them word likewise to fast and pray , and when we sent them the answer of our prayers in the writ , they called us devils : thence we fasted till the 28 day at night , and thence till the 30 at night , waiting still to see if they would recover , but they waxed still worse , and we were forced to write this to vindicate our carriage towards them . walter ker. iohn gibb . david iamison . iohn young. this is exactly compared and collationed with the principal copy , by me wil. paterson , cl. sti. concilii . finis . a catalogue of some books printed for io. hindmarsh at the golden-ball over against the royal-exchange in cornhill . the antiquity of the royal line of scotland farther cleared and defended , against the exceptions lately offer'd by dr. stillingfleet , in his vindication of the bishop of st. asaph . by sir george mackenzie , his majesty's advocate for the kingdom of scotland . the moral history of frugality with its opposite vices , covetousness , niggardliness , prodigality , and luxury . written by the honourable sir george mackenzie , late lord advocate of scotland . a memorial for his highness the prince of orange , in relation to the affairs of scotland : together with the address of the presbyterian-party in that kingdom to his highness ; and some observations on that address . by two persons of quality . an account of the present persecution of the church in scotland , in several letters . the case of the present afflicted clergy in scotland truly represented . to which is added for probation , the attestation of many unexceptionable witnesses to every particular ; and all the publick acts and proclamations of the convention and parliament relating to the clergy . by a lover of the church and his country . an historical relation of the late presbyterian general assembly , held at edinburgh , from october 16. to november 13. in the year 1690. in a letter from a person in edinburgh to his friend in london . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a50913-e110 vid. cargil and sanchars covenant at the end . * that is , this noise of prisoners yet preserved alive . so the preacher applied his doctrin . the truly learned advocate for the king. † illud tamen generaliter observandum , quod iurisdictio nunquam privative sed cumulative delega●i potest , non est quasi transitio juris de un● persona in aliam sed tantum mandata , jurisdictio quod non obstante delegatione adhuc remanet in delegante . considering the violent and cruel temper of their enemies . * compare this with the sanchar declaration , and cargil's covenant at the end of this paper . notes for div a50913-e7240 * that is , the same punishment which the law provides against such a criminal . art. eod . ii. art. 3. ejusdem . art. 10. act 92. ses. ii. iac. 6. * vid. cargils covenant and sanchar . declaration . certain disquisitions and considerations representing to the conscience the unlawfulnesse of the oath, entituled, a solemn league and covenant for reformation &c. as also the insufficiency of the arguments used in the exhortation for taking the said covenant. published by command. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31491 of text r1967 in the english short title catalog (wing c1700a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 135 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31491 wing c1700a estc r1967 99860718 99860718 112843 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31491) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 112843) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 8:e43[5]) certain disquisitions and considerations representing to the conscience the unlawfulnesse of the oath, entituled, a solemn league and covenant for reformation &c. as also the insufficiency of the arguments used in the exhortation for taking the said covenant. published by command. barwick, john, 1612-1664. [2], 49, [1] p. printed by leonard lichfield printer to the university, oxford [i.e. london] : 1644. by john barwick, with the assistance of william lacey, isaac barrow, seth ward, edmund balders, william quarles, and peter gunning. the imprint is false; printed in london (madan). annotation on thomason copy: "said to be written by the universitie of cambridge"; "aprill 17th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng solemn league and covenant (1643). -early works to 1800. covenanters -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a31491 r1967 (wing c1700a). civilwar no certain disquisitions and considerations representing to the conscience the unlawfulnesse of the oath, entituled, a solemn league and covena lacey, william 1644 24704 19 135 0 0 0 0 62 d the rate of 62 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-08 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-09 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion certain disquisitions and considerations representing to the conscience the unlawfulnesse of the oath , entituled , a solemn league and covenant for reformation &c. as also the insufficiency of the arguments used in the exhortation for taking the said covenant . published by command . oxford , printed by leonard lichfield printer to the university . 1644. certain disquisitions and considerations representing to the conscience the unlawfulnesse of the oath , entituled , a solemn league and covenant for reformation , &c. we noblemen , barons , knights , gentlemen , citizens , burgesses , ministers of the gospell , and commons of all sorts in the kingdoms of england , scotland , and ireland , by the providence of god living under one king , and being of one reformed religion , having before our eyes the glory of god , and the advancement of the kingdom of our lord and saviour iesus christ , the honour and happinesse of the kings majesty , and his posterity , and the true publique liberty , safety and peace of the kingdoms , wherein every ones private condition is included , and calling to mind the treacherous and bloody plots , conspiracies , attempts , and practices of the enemies of god against the true religion , and professours thereof in all places , especially in these three kingdomes ever since the reformation of religion , and how much their rage , power , and presumption are of late , and at this time increased and exercised ; whereof the deplorable estate of the church and kingdome of ireland , the distressed estate of the church and kingdome of england , and the dangerous estate of the church and kingdome of scotland , are present and publique testimonies ; we have now at last , ( after other meanes of supplication , remonstrance , protestations , and sufferings ) for the preservation of our selves and our religion from utter ruine and destruction , according to the commendable practice of these kingdomes in former times , and the example of gods people in other nations , after mature deliberation , resolved and determined to enter into a mutuall and solemn league and covenant , wherein we all subscribe , and each one of us for himself , with our hands lifted up to the most high god , doe swear : seeing it hath pleased the composers of this covenant to set it forth with an introduction , which containes that which ( it seems ) prevailed with them , and they expect should work upon the three kingdomes to take the following covenant ; it will be behoofefull in the first place to reduce the conscience to a cleare and strict examination upon the contents of this introduction ; and then if it shall find that all things therein be true , and withall sufficient to that end for which they were premised , ( viz. to inferre a necessity of swearing to all things contained in the following articles ) the conscience will be directed to follow that dictate : but if it fail in either of those , we must betake our selves to other considerations to be guided by . we will therefore sincerely propound the contents of the preface , as neer as may be according to its method , joyning together matters of the same kind : and then we shall find the discourse of the preface to be resolved into these principles . 1. the glory of god , the advancement of the kingdome of iesus christ , the honour and happinesse of the king &c. are to be aimed at and endeavoured . 2. especially when they are endangered . 3. the meanes therefore necessary towards those ends are to be used , which are either supplication , remonstrance &c. or making warre . 4. the former are first to be used , but if they faile , then the latter . these are the universall maximes , whereon ( by application to the present condition ) the taking of the covenant is enforced : the three first then being granted , they subsume , that having used the former , and failing of successe , we are all necessitated to use the latter , viz. to swear to joyn with the scots in armes , which is the generall , and to those particulars after mentioned in the articles . that such joyning in armes is the generall end of the covenant , will appeare by comparing the sixt article of the covenant for mutuall assistance and defence of one another , with the 14 article of the instructions , wherein the imposers of this oath appoint to be read ( publiquely at the time when the covenant is read ) the declaration of the kingdomes of england and scotland joyned in armes for the vindication , &c. in which declaration , the taking this covenant is made one of the grounds both of their confidence ( as they say ) that this warre wherein they are so deeply engaged is of god , and of their resolution ( which they professe ) with courage and constancy unto the end to doe their part . whosoever therefore is not perswaded in his conscience , either that all these meanes mentioned , and all other such like have been used , and have been rejected ; or upon supposition that they had , yet doubts of the consequence ( viz. that such an army may be leavied , and such a warre managed ) cannot without deadly sinne ( though disengaged from oaths for any of the following particulars ) upon the former principles take this covenant . but not to insist hereon , we will briefly run over the severall places of the preface , and consider the naturall intimations from them ; onely supposing for example , the end of this covenant to be the assistance , or at least , consent in this present joyning in armes , applying it to men of the church of england . i , a. b. living under the king . ] this cannot reasonably be a motive to warre , but obedience to him ; nor a motive to enter into a publique league , oath and covenant not prescribed by law , without him , much lesse against his expresse proclamation ; forasmuch as an oath for confirmation ( either assertory or promissory ) is to men for an end of all strife : and a publique oath propounded to a nation or nations , is for the ending of publique strife and divisions : and of any publique strife of a nation or nations , under one king ( properly so called ) the king is the supreame iudge in all causes , as well ecclesiasticall as civill ( as is evident by the law of god , 1 pet. 2. and to us moreover by the law of the land , 24 h. 8. c. 12. by the doctrine of the church of england art. 37. the book of homilies , and establish●d oaths of allegiance and supremacy . ) and therefore such an oath and covenant may not be entered into without and against the allowance of the king , who is the supream judge even in the supream judicatory it selfe . being of the reformed religion ] established in the church of england , the very marke and character of which , as differenced from popery and other sects , hath been chiefly , that it hath alwaies maintained , that it is not lawfull in any case ( not in the danger of their religion ) for subjects to take up armes against their lawfull soveraign . having before my eyes the glory of god , and the advancement of the kingdome of iesus christ . ] here the consideration of the mind requisite towards the judgement of conscience will be this ; whether by this warre , considered with its circumstances , the glory of god , &c. is more apt to be advanced then by peace : wherein , although reason might easily conclude , yet it will be much more certainly guided , if we shal examine those precepts which christ and his apostles have laid down , towards the accomplishment of those ends here proposed , and try whether they doe suggest or intimate any thing towards such a warre ; if they doe not ( or if the contrary ) the conscience having before its eyes the glory of god , &c. will not be induced to take this course for the advancement of it . for the rectification of conscience in this case , it will be requisite to consider this warre to which we are enjoyned to contribute , by whom and against whom it is undertaken : where , if the conscience finde it to be unlawfull in the undertaking , it cannot lawfully consent or assist , viz. if it be no waies lawfull for such as we are moved to joyne with , to take up armes against such as we should be sworne to oppose ; if it might possibly be lawfull in the first undertaking , it could no otherwise be but as it should be a necessary meanes to procure a just peace ; and the determination of conscience in this case will depend upon the consideration of the conjunctures of things at the undertaking , and all the time of the continuance of this warre : and if peace with truth might have been , or may be established without it , ( much more if this means shall be found opposite ) the conscience cannot without sin assent to this warre : here the mind is to examine the severall propositions , motions , overtures , &c. which have been and are made by both parties , and according to them to judge . the happinesse and honour of the king and his posterity . ] here we are to consider , whether , or what this action of ours will contribute towards the honour and happinesse of the king and his posterity . and because it is not easie to discover any foundation of such honour and happinesse &c. besides , that the managers of this party with whom they would have us to joyne , have never particularly declared the way how these ends shall be or are advanced by their warre ( although it is one of their most common expressions : ) the safest way ( at least the most naturall ) for the conscience is to raise a judgement of what is likely to ensue upon what hath preceded ( since these undertakings ) upon the same principles : where it is to consider , whether his honour or contumely have beene increased by and since these warres . and so for the happinesse of himselfe and his posterity , consider whether if these men be upon the same designe with those who gave him battell at edge-hill , newbery &c. what those designes made towards the happinesse of him , and his posterity . the true publike liberty , safety , and peace of the kingdome ] if the scots ( to whose assistance especially we are to be sworn ) should not hereby be able to conquer and prevail , what will our taking of the covenant advance the publike liberty and peace of the kingdom , according to the conceit of the enjoyners of the covenant ? if they should , consider how that can conduce to our liberty , unlesse thereby be meant freedom from our ancient laws , and from the setled happy government of church and state , whilst we may fear to be put under uncertain new ones ? secondly , safety , whether the danger of ruine doe not outweigh or equalize the hopes of safety . thirdly , peace , whether this be the onely , the likeliest , or indeed any probable meanes of procuring peace ? seeing there are but two wayes obvious by which this course should procure it , viz. victory , or reducing the king to yeeld to their desires . here the judgement of conscience will be grounded upon this , whether the king be no way but by force inclinable to a just peace ? wherein every ones private , &c. ] this is subordinate to the former immediately preceding . calling to minde the practices of the enemies of god against the true religion , &c. ] here we are to consider and reckon up , who and of what sorts are the enemies of the church of england , of which we are , and which is established by law , to which we have subscribed , and what party in this quarrell is openly professed for it , hath equally declared against all sorts of its enemies , and which is not ; and accordingly , &c. whereof the deploreable estate of ireland , &c. ] consider whether the true cause of this is to be referred ( both in the rise and progresse of it ) to the king , or the malice of the papists stirred up by those who ( they say ) had declared an intention of their utter extirpation ? and secondly , where afterward the impediment of succour to those of our religion lay ? the distressed estate of england ] whether that profession which is established by law , be distressed by the king or by sectaries ? the dangerous estate of scotland ] wherein was their danger after all things were setled with them and who brought them into that danger ? that party which we should swear against , or themselves ? after other meanes of supplication , remonstrance , protestation , and suffering ] this which is here di●joyned from the rest of the motives , and cast into a parenthesis , is indeed made the onely foundation of this way of proceeding , and puts the onely case wherein such a way of covenanting , &c. can be imagined to be lawfull : so that if these meanes have not beene both before , and ever since the undertaking of this designe sincerely and effectually endeavoured ( by the intimation of this introduction it selfe ) this course is not warrantable ; and there are other principles of scripture and our religion which are to be examined if they have beene used such as inferre , that it is not lawfull in any case whatsoever to resist with arms the lawfull power by god set over us . now whether these means have been and are to used , it will best appear by considering who hath sent the messages for treaty towards peace , what hath been declared by both parties of certainty , and particularly touching religion , law , and proviso's for tender consciences ; and comparing together the severall remonstrances , protestations , and sufferings . though all hitherto had beene used and rejected , consider if the overture now lately made by the kings party , might not ( by the mercy of god ) be a meanes to produce peace &c. if the businesse be managed as it ought . and according to the results of these the conscience must conclude . for the preservation of our selves and our religion ] the religion wherein we are grounded and to which the clergy hath subscribed , in the religion of the church of england comprised in the liturgy , articles , book of ordination , and homilies of our church , confirmed by our 35. article : consider whether the covenant be a meanes ordered in reason to preserve these from ruine . according to the commondable practice , &c. ] if this kingdome have done so , that cannot resolve the conscience : but consider whether ever in the like case the like warre was commenced ; if any one had been propounded , the conscience would the more easily have determined ; but seeing there hath not , it must run over the chronicles . in the meane time in such cases as are found , it may anticipate instances to the contrary ( as in queen maries dayes and those of henry the 8. when there was more just reason in respect of religion , if there might be any , then now is alleaged ) and other arguments , such as the doctrine of the church of england ever since the reformation , and the like , to equipoize this which is asserted gratis ; and if after disquisition this be not found true , the conclusion of the conscience will be according to those premisses . according to the example of gods people , &c. ] this is of the same nature with the former warrant , and therefore the conscience upon this may proceed as upon that , seeing they have not set downe which of gods people in any age or place , upon the like causes have taken the like course ; till this be represented to the conscience , the safest way will be to examine what our saviour himself , and the apostles , and primitive christians ( who were assuredly gods people ) did hold and practice for doctrine and example in the like ( if there have ever been ) or a worse case them is proved or pretended . and if they have not resisted ( or held it lawfull ) their princes in the greatest persecutions and utmost danger of religion , and all that could be dear unto them , it may raise a conclusion , ( till some stronger reasons can be presented , or the errour of these be cleared and taken off ) what is to be done when we are required to assist a warlike entrance of subjects ( with all the other circumstances which attend this action of the scots ) made onely upon a beleeved charity of helping their neighbours . the summe of all is , that if all and every of the materials of this preface ( in as much as concernes the premisses ) were true , our consciences cannot assent to the consequence , that it is lawfull for us as subjects of the church england ( though we had not sworn or subscribed to some particulars , against which some of the articles are contrived ) to assist the scots , or consent to them in this warre , which assistance is the generall end of this covenant . secondly , there is not any one member which doth conclude any thing to our consciences to move us to take it , neither in the complication doe they conclude . thirdly , there is not any particular member of it which doth not either directly , or by considerations naturally suggested by them and altogether unforced , prevaile with us to the contrary . so that till every one of these obstacles and scruples be taken off , we cannot without violence to our consciences take this oath : that we shall sincerely , really , and constantly , through the grace of god , endeavour in our severall places and callings , the preservation of the reformed religion in the church of scotland , in doctrine , worship , discipline and government , against our common enemies ; the reformation of religion in the kingdoms of england and ireland , in doctrine , worship , discipline and government ; according to the word of god , and the example of the best reformed churches : and shall endeavour to bring the churches of god in the three kingdoms , to the neerest conjunction and uniformity in religion , confession of faith , form of church government , directory for worship and catechizing ; that we and our posterity after us may as brethren live in faith and love , and the lord may delight to dwell in the midst of us . in the first article are we to be sworne to endeavour the preservation of the doctrine , worship , and discipline of the church of scotland absolutely , or with this added as a restriction , against our common enemies ? by whom doe we not rightly conceive to be meant the common enemies to the churches of england , scotland , and ireland ? that those words , [ against our common enemies ] are to be taken restrictively it may be thought , because they otherwise should have been vainly added ; and that by common enemies those are meant , the necessity of the grammaticall sense implies ; there having preceded no other division , to which this community can referre , besides that of england , scotland and ireland , in the preface . so that the word our must referre to we in the beginning of the preface , whose onely distribution which can referre to common here , is that of the kingdoms of england , scotland and ireland . is not therefore the true sense of this part of the article this , viz. i will sincerely , really , constantly , through the grace of god , in my calling against those who are enemies ( for example ) both to the articles of the church of england , and those of scotland , both to our liturgy and their directory for worship , both to our church-government and to presbyteriall government , endeavour to preserve their articles , manner of worship and presbytery ? if thus it be , these things are to be considered ; if the imposers of this oath are assured in their conscience , that the doctrine , worship &c. of the church of scotland , can infallibly be proved out of the word of god , why would they have us sweare to endeavour ( in our calling of the ministery ) to preserve it with a restriction against some men onely , and not absolutely and indefinitely ? whether is this so free from the scandall of respect of persons , as an oath for the impartiall defence of truth doth require ? if they doubt it cannot be infallibly proved , how can our brethren of scotland , without spirituall tyranny , desire an oath to be imposed upon us ministers of the gospell of another church , to endeavour sincerely , really &c. in our calling ( viz. by preaching , disputing , or otherwise ) the preservation of it thus far ? secondly , how can we take an oath to endeavour the preservation of that doctrine which we neither know what it is ( as it now stands ) nor are told in any declaration or exhortation to us ? nor were bound to know or search ( no opportunity offering it self ? ) how then can this oath be by us taken in judgement ? or since we doubt thus , though in generall , how can it ( not being of faith ) be other then sinne ? whether are we not , if any thing shall be by us hereafter found in the doctrine of scotland contrary to sound doctrine , bound to endeavour by the second article to extirpate it , and by the first to preserve it ? as for their discipline and government , so much as we understand of it ( though otherwise we never interposed , yet being now called to give our consent to it , or reason to the contrary ) we professe it to be such as that we dare not binde our selves by oath to endeavour its preservation constantly and indefinitely , for all time to come , till it be evidenced unto us that it hath been in any time before untill this our last age . if it shall here be replyed , that we are required to endeavour the preservation of their doctrine , worship , discipline and government , onely against our common enemies , that is , of us of the churches of england , scotland , and ireland , and so the preservation of it onely so farre as we all agree ; this we cannot conceive to be the adequate sense of those words , especially according to the intention of the imposers . for it is clear ( as we have already touched ) that our common enemies are not onely they who are adversaries to us in that wherein we all three doe agree , but those also who in such things wherein we differ amongst our selves , are yet by opposing themselves to us all , our common enemies ; against whom therefore by this oath we should be bound to preserve to each that also wherein we differ amongst our selves . moreover , that that sense is neither the onely , nor the chief sense intended by the imposers , we have cause to think : because if so restrained , our brethren of scotland ( in favour of whom we conceive this part of the article to have been proposed ) would be no whit secured against the fears of innovations from england , if we were onely sworn to preserve unto them those things wherein we all agree at the entring this present league and covenant . thirdly , we desire to know why our brethren of scotland should desire it to be imposed upon us by oath to maintain the articles of their religion , so far forth as hath been said , since our mother the church of england never yet hath imposed upon us by oath to preserve her own known articles , but hath testified her moderation to all , in that she hath required subscription onely of all men which were admitted into holy orders , or ecclesiasticall benefice , or to degrees in the university ? and yet this was lately judged , since the sitting of this parliament , to be too harsh an imposition upon younger students at their admission to degrees , and the urging of it suspended . and we know not whether ever it was in use before this age , even in any not corrupted church , to command men to swear the maintaining the articles of their religion , much lesse their discipline and church government . as to the second thing in this first article to which we are to swear , how can any who are perswaded that there is nothing in the doctrine of the church of england , which is not consonant to the word of god , without vanity swear to endeavour the reformation of it according to the vvord of god ? especially since we have lately protested to defend that doctrine of the church of england ? and how can any who reverently beleeve this church to be in respect of her doctrine , worship , discipline , and government established by law , no lesse perfect then any of the reformed churches , swear to endeavour its reformation in all those , according to the example of the best reformed churches ? and here by the way we cannot but take notice that this part of the article is so framed , as if there were nothing in the doctrine &c. of the churches of england and ireland to be preserved , and nothing in theirs of scotland to be reformed . moreover , the best direction for conscience in examining what is here meant by reformation , will be to consider those instances wherein in the following articles is declared the reformation , and then if perswaded that there is any thing there exprest ( as instances of reformation ) which is not according to ( much more if against ) the word of god , how can we take this part of the oath , at least in the sense of the imposers ? as touching the third thing , an endeavour of uniformity &c. the considerations for direction of conscience will be the same with the second : for we are required to swear to endeavour an uniformity , and that in the reformation before mentioned , and after that reformation ; so that in whatsoever sense or kind the reformation by them mentioned , and after described , is not to be undertaken , in the same our endeavour for uniformity is not lawfull . lastly , in the taking of this first article , we should ( as we conceive ) make our selves guilty either of rash swearing , or of perjury ; and that from the necessary consequence of the complication of these two clauses , wherein first we should swear to preserve the reformed religion in the church of scotland , in doctrine , worship , discipline , and government against our common enemies . and secondly , to bring the churches of the three kingdoms , to the neerest conjunction and uniformity in those particulars among ourselves : if we endeavour in our callings ( but by prayer ) to alter any thing in the church of scotland , wherein our enemies are theirs also ( though therein we differ amongst our selves ) we commit perjury , because we swear to preserve it . to effect therefore the neerest uniformity in those particulars in the three kingdoms , we are sworn to endeavour to bring the other two kingdoms to the neerest conformity to the church of scotland . now how can we swear to regulate by a rule , and to reform by a form , which we fully know not , ( and much lesse know to be a fit rule or form ) without rash swearing ? sure we are , we cannot swear it in judgement , and for ought we know , not in righteousnesse . that we shall in like manner , without respect of persons , endeavour the extirpation of popery , prelacy , ( that is , church-government by archbishops , bishops , their chancellours and commissaries , deans , deans and chapters , arch-deacons , and all other ecclesiasticall officers depending on that hierarchy ) superstition , heresie , schisme , prophanenesse , and whatsoever shall be found to be contrary to sound doctrine , and the power of godlinesse ; lest we partake in other men sins , and thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues , and that the lord may be one , and his name one in the three kingdoms . how can we swear to this part of the covenant , who doe believe that to endeavour the extirpation of church-government by bishops is an act utterly unlawfull for all severall places and callings ( and especially ours ) by the law of god and this land , and to swear it much more sinfull . and are we not here bidden to covenant and swear to endeavour the extirpation of church-government by bishops ? to us either the words are ambiguous , ( and to ambiguities we may not swear ) or rather ( for we are loath to charge the words with ambiguitie ) the grammatical sense ( according to which the oath is to be taken ) speaks so : for as to what we hear by some said , that onely our church-government in aggregato , by all those governours together in a collective sense taken formally , is to be endeavoured to be extirpated , and not each there mentioned : first , such interpretation given out is private onely , and not by the authority of the imposers ; and secondly , those words [ and all other , &c. ] do manifest that all the formerly mentioned particulars ( in the parenthesis ) are to be construed distributively , so farre forth as to the extirpation of them . to omit that the word prelacy there interpreted more properly agreeth to arch-bishops and bishops , then to the rest there mentioned , and a prelacy they would be without them , because preferred before presbyters : and if it no more were meant to ejure bishops then presbyters or deacons , since as well presbyters and deacons make up part of our church-government , as it now stands in aggregate , whether might this oath be taken , had they also been included ? lastly , is not their practise for whose satisfaction this covenant should be taken a ( added to the common sense of mankind in the like manner of speaking or understanding such speeches ) evidence enough to us that we cannot take this oath and covenant , unlesse we will swear to endeavour the extirpation of church-government by bishops . if this be so , we desire to know , first , whether it be lawfull for subjects to swear such a covenant as directly contradicts the oath of their soveraigne at his coronation , as this second branch of the covenant doth , binding us to endeavour the extirpation of the government of our church by bishops ? for that our soveraign hath taken as contradictory oath is evidently manifest by the last clause of the oath which the kings of england take at their coronation : when after many other gracious promises wch the king makes to his people , one of the bishops reading to the king before the people concerning the canonicall priviledges of the church , and beseeching him that he would be the protectour and defender of the bishops & the churches under their government , the king answereth in these words [ with a willing and devout heart i promise and grant my pardon , and that i will preserve and maintain to you and the churches committed to your charge , all canonicall priviledges , and due law and iustice , and that i will be your pretectour and defender , to my power , by the assistance of god , as every good king in his kingdom in right ought to protect and defend the bishops , and churches under their government . ] then the king ariseth , and at the communion table makes a solemn oath in the presence of the people , to observe the premisses , and laying his hand upon the book saith [ the things which i have before promised , i shall perform and keep , so help me god , and the contents of this book . ] how can this oath then for the extirpation of church-government by bishops be consistent with the oath or honour of our soveraign , which we have so solemnly protested to defend in the late protestation ? how can we with a solemn oath enter into such a covenant to which we may neither swear without our soveraigns consent , nor yet can lawfully desire nor have his consent ? how sad were our condition , were the king willing of himselfe to violate this oath ? but what should we have to answer , should we by taking such a covenant , this way necessitate ( so far as in us lies ) his sacred majesty to violate his oath so solemnly sworn at his inauguration ? secondly , that to endeavour the extirpation of church-government by bishops , is a sin against divine law , all those arguments and authorities convince , which prove that bishops are of apostolicall institution , and unalterable , and consequently divine ; which we shall unfold in these propositions : first , that their institution stands grounded upon our saviours own action and institution of the apostles . secondly , that christ and his holy spirit , by his apostles appointed bishops . thirdly , that christ the sonne of god , and the holy ghost afterward confirmed and approved bishops , and their commission and power which the apostles had appointed . for the first , we say their institution is grounded upon our lords own instituting and ordaining twelve apostles , above seventy disciples ; who saith to these his apostles , as my father hath sent me , even so send i you . a st. joh. 20. 21. as in other ends of his mission so how not in this , which we know they did according to his pattern ? as he was sent by his father therefore to ordain one order of teachers of the gospell superiour to another , ( which we know , because he did so ordain . ) so also sent he his apostles to ordain ( which accordingly they did , and whatsoever they did by christs example therein , they did by his commission here given ) in an imparity , bishops succeeding the apostles above presbyters subordinate , as the seventy a . that bishops succeeded the apostles in the ordinary part of their function , as it is the judgement of the most ancient godly fathers , b that bishops , we say as contradistinct to presbyters were the successours of the apostles ; so is it manifest from scripture , since power episcopall , ( as it is now taken in this dispute ) which we shall prove to have been given by the apostles to bishops , and to them onely after the apostles , was undeniably in the apostles , and for a while held in their own hands without communicating it to others . that the bishops were afterwards instituted by the apostles themselves , which so many ancient authous have averred . c and namely by the apostolicall authority of st. paul , and their institution , part of holy scripture is made good , in that the power and office of a bishop ( as the word is now taken in the ecclesiasticall notion ) is prescribed in the three epistles of st. paul , to those two famous church-governours timothy and titus , particularly the office and power of a bishop ( as it is now taken contradistinctly to the office of a presbyter ) in these texts , 1 tim. 1. 3. 1 tim. 5. 19 , 20 , 21 , 22. 2. tim. 1. 6. tit. 1. 5 , 11. tit. 3. 9. 10 : ( and some others ) and these texts thus interpreted by antiquity d . and as the office prescribed there is episcopall , so these two appointed to this prescribed office of a bishop by st. paul himselfe , 1 tim. 1. 3. 2 tim. 1. 6. tit. 1. 5. yea by the holy ghost , say chrysost. theophyl , oecumenius : by divine revelation saith theodoret of timothy . and that these two were bishops according to the ecclesiasticall notion of the word now used , ancient fathers plentifully witnesse . b moreover this superiority to office episcopall to have been fixed and continued to the day of death is evident , as from church-history , so also from 1 tim. 6. 14. where {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} is the same with {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} in the beginning of the epistle 1 tim. 1. 18. and includes in it the whole charge given by st. paul to timothy in this epistle . c from which text also it is manifested , that his office prescribed was not personall onely , but to descend by succession unto the comming of christ d thirdly , this office and power episcopall , that it was afterward approved and confirmed by the sonne of god himselfe immediately , and by the holy ghost , will be proved from revel. c. 1. & . 2. & 3. where by the seven stars , the angels of the seven churches , according to all reason , from the text it selfe , and by the testimony of antiquity e are seven bishops of those seven churches understood ( which ecclesiasticall story mentions to have been in the church long before this time ) as so many angels and apostles f of the churches ; such as was polycarp , the angell , the bishop of the church of smyrna , made bishop of that place by the apostles themselves thirteen yeers before this book of the revelation of st. john was written : and onesimus probably the then bishop , the angell of the church of ephesus . their office , power , and commission are there intimated to have been episcopall , and charged upon them by christ , in that five of the angels are charged as blameable , and accomptable for the faults of both presbyters and people ; and therefore surely were trusted with authority over presbyters and people , to have corrected and censured them . particularly , episcopall power is intimated there , chap. 2. of the revel. vers. 20. and that power of excommunication is sufficiently grounded on the 14 verse , mr. perkins in locum , affirmeth . their mission to that office also , as it is there confirmed by the sonne of god , and by the holy spirit : so also , to have been at first from god is in their title implied : for angels sent forth for the churches sake are never said in holy scripture to be any's messengers but gods ; and if his messengers or angels , then sent by him . that their superiority was fixed , not weekly , or annuall , is clear , as from the ecclesiasticall history of polycarp , and onesimus , so also from the text it self , c. 2. 10. where the angell of the church of smyrna , as angell of the church , is bidden to be faithfull ( in his office surely ) untill death b . nor was it personall onely but describing the office of the angell of any church ( in like laudable or blame-worthy state ) unto the comming of christ ( as it is implied v. 24. & 25. of the second chapter . ) for what is said to them , so long as there is any that hath an eare to hear , he must hear , c. 2. v. 3. nor did the personall blameworthy carriage of the angell of the church of sardis , c. 3. v. 1 , &c. or of the angell of the church of the laodiceans , v. 14. 16. hinder christs approbation of their office , who are in regard of their office ( not of their personall excellency ) stiled the angels of the seven churches , and the stars in the right hand of the son of man : both which stiles that they are there singularly appropriated to these successours of the apostles , ought not to seem strange , since the twelve apostles are confessedly meant by the crown of twelve stars , apoc. 12. 1. and st paul the apostle of us gentiles , speaks of himself received as an angell of god , galat. 4. 14. summarily therefore out of holy scriptures thus we reason , many presbyters and preachers in one church , and one chief , having eminency and power over all presbyters and people therein , proveth the office of a bishop ; but so holy scripture witnesseth were in ephesus , many presbyters , act. 20. 17. ( or if they were bishops in the sense now disputed , some of them at least , as irenaeus thought , l. 3. c. 14. we need go no further in the argument ) and more afterwards surely , and yet one chiefe pastor or bishop over all , such as was timothy in his time , and the angel of that church ( whosoever he was ) mentioned rev. 2. 1. so also in the church of pergamus , there were divers teachers , true and false , c. 2. v. 13 , 15. one angel governour in chief , v. 1. for be it that all the presbyters of each of the churches might well have been called angels c , yet that one among them ( in each church ) in such a compatible community of name is so called by way of eminency , proves an eminency in the one so called : which must either be of personall excellency above all the rest ( and this who can shew us in the angel of the church of sardis , laodicea , or thyatira ? ) or else ( and rather ) of office and power , so as iohn baptist was called an angel , malac : 3. who was more then a prophet ; and st. paul received as an angell , gal. 4. 14. who was more then a minister , and our saviour christ is called michael , apoc. 12. 7. with his angels fighting under him . one objection more we shall take notice of , viz. the pretended necessity of understanding by each of the angels there a collective body , from c. 2. v. 10. & 24. but this is manifestly clear to be no necessity at all from the like manner of speaking of the holy ghost 2 chron. 28. 1. & to the 5. compare and judge . and therefore it is not lawfull without any necessary reason , to depart from the literall and determinate individuation of one chief spirituall church-governour , in each of the seven churches : for otherwise , as tertullian speaks lib. de carne christi , cap. 13. omnia periclitabuntur alitèr accipi quàm sunt , & amittere quod sunt , dum alitèr accipiuntur . yea there is not onely no necessity , but much in the text which doth resist such an interpretation of a collective body : for it should be either an angel put for the whole particular church ; and this cannot be , seeing the angels and the churches are accurately distinguished c. 1. v. 20. or an angel put for the whole collection of the presbyters ; but neither may this be admitted , inasmuch as in the same 20 verse the angels are called {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} seven , no more ; and {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} not {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} stars , not constellations , as suidas distinguisheth the words . you have our reasons from these scriptures , why to us it seems that to swear to endeavour the extirpation of church-government by bishops is to swear to endeavour the extirpation of that whose root is in holy scripture ; and to swear to endeavour ( which we tremble to think of ) to wrest these stars out of the right hand of the sonne of man , who is also the son of god . for in his right hand are they held , the angels of the churches , revel. 1. 16 , 20. as church-government by bishops hath been evidenced by holy scripture , so was it also the judgement of the ancient godly fathers , that it was an institution apostolicall and divine ; {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} saith theodoret , l. 4. c. 18. by st. cyprian , ep. 55. the power of episcopacy is exegetically called , ecclesiae gubernande sublimis & divina potestas : & epist. 27. dominus noster episcopi honorem disponens in evangelic . and anon after , ut omnis actus ecclesiae per episcopos gubernetur : cum hoc itaque divina lege fundatum sit , miror quosdam audaci temeritate &c. & epist. 65. episcopos & praepositos dominus elegit : and anon after , deus episcopos facit . athanasius epist. ad dracontium saith , that he who contemns the function of a bishop , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} and that the office is of those things {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} : ignat. epist. ad magnes . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} idem ignat , epist , ad ephes. oecumen. c. 9. in tim. 4. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} theophylact. and oecumenius found bishops upon ephes. 4.11 . and on hebr. 13.17 . oecumenius and nazianzen in apologet . in 1 pet. 5. vide hegesippum apud euseb. lib. 4. cap. 22. and chrysostom . in tit. 1. hom. 2. saint ambrose de dignitate sacerdot . c. 2. & 6. isidor . pelusiot . lib. 2. ep. 125. further , out of the holy scripture we might alledge according to saint hieroms interpretation , that this distinction between the bishops and his presbyters was signified in moses and the 70. so hierom in tit. 1. the distinction of presbyters and deacons , to be that which was under the law of the high priest , priests and levites . so s. hieron. ep. 2. ad nepotianum & ep. ad evagrium ; and before him ignat. ad philadelph . clement . ep. ad . corinth . chrysost. hom. 20. ad pop. antioch . and after leo ep. 66 isidor . hisp. de officiis , eccles. l. 2. c. 5. & 7. that the eminent dignity and office of bishops was prophecied of , psal. 45. 16. where bishops are meant , say s. august . in loc. comment. called s. hieroms in locum . s. cyril . of alex. in loc. theodoret in locum . ruffinus in locum : as the other of presbyters and deacons were prophecied of , isaiah 66. 21. and further , for imparity of teachers in the new testament , that answerably to prophets in the old , and sons of the prophets , among some that served in the gospell , some were as fathers , others serving with them as sont . so also that we read of builders and master-builders in gods building , 1 cor. 3. and we read also among those builders of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. 1 cor. 12. 28. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} hebr. 13. 17. and under them {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} luc. 22. 27. but for the confirmation by scripture of the office of a bishop , we adhere especially to the epistles to timothy and titus , and those seven epistles , apoc. 1 , 2 , and 3. and if it be acknowledged of institution apostolicall , and approved by god but temporary onely , the contrary will be made manifest , as from the proper light of the texts alledged , and from the forecited text , 1 tim. 6. 14. so also from this proposition which we avow : no constitution apostolicall received by the universall church perpetually in all ages , unto this age of this controversie , can without scandall and dangerous consequence be called temporary ; the universall practice of the church practising continually and perpetually an apostolicall institution , being a most sure commentary that it was no temporary institution . forasmuch as we are taught by the holy ghost in divine scripture , that contention in what the law of god is pretended not to be expresse , may be warrantably taken off by the custome of the churches of god , 1 cor. 11. 16. see theophylact. in locum . custom , i doe not say any , but of the churches of god , i.e. primitive , also universall , perpetuall , interpreting the controverted law of god , whether naturall , as vers. 14. or positive , by no lesse reason . whereunto agreeth well the rule of s. augustine , contra crescon. lib. 1. c. 32. & contra donat. l. 4. c. 24. quod universa tenet ecclesia &c. & ep . 86. ad casul . & epist. ad januarium 118. si quidtota hodie &c. & vincent lyrin . adversus haereses , c. 2. &c. 3. quod ubique , quod semper , quod ab omnibus &c. and if not by such traditive interpretation from the custom of the churches of god , according to the apostles rule , how shall we convince contentious gainsayers , that the sense of those texts , goe and teach all nations , baptizing them &c. matth. 28. and those other of baptizing the houshold of stephanus , and of the keeper of the prison , 1 cor. 1. acts 16. or any other scriptures , to be a divine warrant ( as they are ) for baptisme of infants ? or the sense of hoc facite &c. luk. 22. to imply a divine right of presbyters onely to consecrate the elements of the blessed sacrament ? or the sense of those texts , iohn 20. 1 , 19 , 26. acts 20. 7. 1. cor. 16. 2. revel. 1. 10. or psalm 118. 24. or of any other scriptures to be a divine warrant for the translation of our one day in seven from the seventh day of the week to the first ? or on the other side , how shall we convince those of the church of rome , that that apostolicall divine precept , iames 5.14 . as to the anointing the sick with oil was a temporary precept onely , but negatively from the interpretation of the custom of the churches of god ? since miraculous gifts were also conferred by the laying on of hands , which yet was not temporary , heb. 6 2. now that this apostolicall institution hath been universally practised , and perpetually in the custom of the churches of god of all times and places ( excepting onely some narrow place and time of this age of this controversie ) and that in churches founded by different planters , by all the severall apostles and others sent by them , as well those churches which have in severall ages rejected the antichristian monarchy of the bishop of rome over all the church , as others ; and that order preserved by god from extirpation , thorow all the ten persecutions , and descending in each church or city by particular continued succession : as for example , 27 bishops from s. timothy to the time of the chalcedon councell , as was declared there , act . 11. that in all times , primitive and following , bishops have been chief in ecclesiasticall government , in councels , in martyrdom , in piety , in learning , in the conversion of nations , in the mighty confounding of heresies and heretiques ; we beleeve we are able ( if any deny ) to make good . and first here for the primitive churches , we alledge all the forecited testmonies of antiquity , proving bishop to have been instituted by the apostles themselves , vide supra . yea and early , within the apostles times there having been not onely three bishops of rome successively , linus , cletus , and clemens : and within saint johns time of life , four bishops of alexandria successively , saint mark , anianus , abilius , and cerdo ; three bishops of antioch , saint peter , evodius , and ignatius ; two of jerusalem , saint iames and simeon ; all while saint john the apostle yet lived , euseb , hist eccles. lib. 3. cap. 12. but also saint iames made bishop of ierusalem soon after the passion of our lord , saith saint hierom. de script . eccles. after the ascension of our saviour , saith euseb. lib. 2. cap. 1. before saint stevens martyrdom , for saint steven was deacon to iames bishop of ierusalem , saith ignatius epist. ad trall . and the ancient author of the epist. ad heronem under his name ; and that james himself was martyred after he had governed the church of ierusalem 30. yeers , saith saint hierom. de script . eccles. and as saint hierom affirmeth , iames the apostle to have been the first bishop of ierusalem , in gal. 1. so also peter to have been the first bishop of antioch , in gal. 2. and mark the first bishop of alexandria , in prooem. in matth. who died six yeers before saint peter or s. paul ( saith saint hierom. though therein he dissent from irenaeus lib. 3. ) 35. yeeres before saint iames the apostle ; besides therefore nine recorded as bishops in holy scripture , timothy and titus bishops of ephesus and crete , and the seven of the seven churches in asia ; besides two apostles bishops , viz. iames of ierusalem , and a peter of antioch , b and one evangelist , mark of alexandria c : there are also nine other ( in all 21. ) recorded in holy scripture ( all which , except two of the seven angels , are there registred for saints ) who ( if we will beleeve as credible records of christians as any other humane records whatsoever ) were bishops before they died , viz. clemens d and e linus made bishops of rome successively by peter and paul . evodius f bishop of antioch by peter and paul . dionysius the areopagite bishop of athens g : archippus h bishop of the colossians : epaphroditus i bishop of the philippians : epaphras k bishop of the colossians : gaius l also bishop of the thessalonians : trophimus m bishop of arles : to which you may adde ( the two and twentieth ) antipas bishop of pergamus , if we will beleeve paraeus in apoc. 2. proving it out of arethas caesariensis , in apoc. 1. and onesimus bishop of ephesus , n if he were not the forementioned angel of the church of ephesus , when saint iohn wrote his revelation . to omit to speak here of other bishops , who were schollars and auditors of the apostles , ignatius of saint iohn o made bishop of antioch by saint peter ; papias p saint iohns schollar , bishop of hierapolis ; publius and q●adratus q bishops of athens , disciples of the apostles ; simeon the son of cleoph●● r bishop of ierusalem ( after iames ) and the kinsman of our lord . this order of bishops which began ( though the first we read of in scripture be timothy and titus ) in saint iames of ierusalem , or saint mark of alexandria , continued thorowout all the following ages of the churches of god , in which bishops have been the most reverend martyrs , such as ignatius , polycarp . irenaeus bishop of lions , cyprian of carthage , and more then 30. of the first bishops of rome successively both in episcopacy and martyrdom . of bishops also especially did consist the first four generall councels , received by all the reformed churches , the confounders of the maine heresies touching the second and third persons in the blessed trinity ; and by an act of parliament , 1. eliz. cap. 10. next to the canonicall scriptures , made the rule of judging heresies : who also in councell gave judgement for the inviolable practice of the church in this order : the generall councell of nice providing , ne in unâ civitate duo sint episcopi , cant. 8. the generall councell of constantinople adjudging to bishops the power of ordination , can. 2. and can. 4. in the case of maximus . the generall councell of ephesus distinguishing betwixt the bishop and the rest of the clergy . can. 7. and confirming the bishops jurisdiction , can. 5. the generall councell of chalcedon determining , can. 29. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} for as much then , as in the first article we are required to swear to endeavour the reformation of religion according to the word of god , and the examples of the best reformed churches , surely we may not in the second article swear to endeavour the extirpation of church-government by bishops , and so to forsake the government grounded on the word of god , and to forsake the example of all the ages of the primitive churches , then which we conceive no late reformed church will pretend to be more pure , and to whose examples they do or ought to endeavour to reform themselves . but after all this , it will be said , that this government by bishops is ejured onely , as it interprets prelacy , which word if it have been translated regimen tyranicum , the translation as farre exceeds the truth of grammar , as the prelates are accused to have exceeded their lawfull power ; forasmuch as prelacy in its originall , and acception of ancient authors ( praelati we say , not elati ) imports but lawfull preeminence and power . so is timothy called by gregory de cura pastor : p. 2. c. 11. praelatus gregi ; and the word prelate is often honourably mentioned in our lawes , 9 ed. 2. & 24 hen. 8. and is no more then the title praepositi mentioned also with honour by st. cyprian epist. 10. & 55. & 65. augustin . de civitate dei , l. 20. c. 9. or antistites , s. cypr. ep. 69. & sancti antistites , s. august . ep. 162. and divers words in scripture used , signifying equivalently such preeminence , but let it not be told indeed in other churches , that any other is here abjured then regimen tyrannicum . but are we warranted by the following stile of hierarchy ? doth that word import originally and anciently any other then a sacred government ? was it not accepted and approved in it selfe by mr. calvin . lib. de necessitate eccl. reformandae , talem si nobis hierarchiam exhibeant in quâ sic emineant episcopi , ut christo subesse non recusent , &c. ut ab illo tanquam uno capite pendeant , & ad ipsum referantur , &c. tum verò nullo non anathemate dignos fateor , qui non eam reverentèr summâque obedientiâ observent . moreover , how can we in the same article abjure church-government by bishops , with heresie , schisme , and prophanenesse , ( as there it follows ) yea prelacy even before schisme and heresie , &c. when as bishops have been in all ages the chief confounders of heresie and heretickes , such was athanasius bishop of alexandria of the heresie of arrius . cyril of alexandria of the nestorian heresie . caelestine bishop of rome , augustine bishop of hippo , prosper bishop of rhegium , fulgentius bishop of ruspi , of the palagian heresie : and many more in all ages of the church before and since . nor was there found any one christian , thorowout all the primitive and purest times of the church , for above five hundred yeers after christ , who thought it fit to abolish church government by bishops ( much lesse to ej●re it ) save onely one heretick , aerius , so censured by epiphanius , haeres . 75. and by saint augustine , haeres . 53. whose speech savoured of madnesse , saith epiphanius ; for he had said , what is a bishop differing from a presbyter ? a and the occasion of it saint augustine lets us know , lib. de haeres . c. in aerium ; aerius being a presbyter , is said to have been vexed , because he could not get to be ordained a bishop , and thence arose his envy : epiphanius witnesseth as much , haeres . 75. secondly , as to schism , saint hierom the one and onely father alledged , as denying the divine institution of bishops , yet held them necessary to represse schism , and then surely most necessary , when schism doth , as in these our dayes , most abound : for avoiding of schism , saint hierom witnesseth , episcopacy was thought necessary long within the apostles times , even as early as it was said by some , i am of paul , i am of apollo &c. and therefore saith in his dialogue , adversus luciferian . ecclesiae salus in summi sacerdotis dignitate pendet , cui si non exors quaedam , & ab omnibus eminens detur potestas , tot in ecclesiis efficientur schismata , quot sacerdotes . s. cyprian also epist. 55. non aliunde haereses obortae sunt , aut nata sunt schismata , quam &c. and so also lib. 4. epist. 9. unde enim schismata & haereses obortae sunt & oriuntur , nisi dum episcopus qui unus est praesumptione contemnitur ? &c. master calvin also himself upon philipp . 1. 1. fateor quidem ut sunt hominum ingenia & mores , non posse ordinem stare inter verbi ministros , quin reliquis praesit unus . so that we cannot apprehend the abjuration of episcopacy to be a meane to that unity in this article mentioned , that the lord may be one , and his name one amongst us , but rather the continuation thereof , according to the counsell of the holy martyr s. cyprian , unus deus , unus dominus , unus episcopus ; and that of ignatius ad magnes . b subjecti estote episcope & vobis mutuè , ut christus patri , ut inter vos divina quaedam sit unio . next , prophanenesse is here also to be cast out with episcopacy ; yet who may not fear gods judgements , if he deny the detestable growth of prophanenesse since the contempt of that apostolicall institution of episcopacy ? so that this article as to bishops extirpation we must refuse , upon that close upon which others take it , lest , as it is said , we should partake in others sin , and consequently in their plagues . thirdly , because neither can we swear to endeavour the extirpation of that part of this church-government by archbishops , an ecclesiasticall constitution , so confessedly ancient ; nor that part of this church-government by deanes and chapters , that is , a society of grave divines , of presbyters joyned to the bishop in his see of residence , as assistants in councell and government : as james bishop of ierusalem had his resident presbyters , acts 21. 18. and consulted with them , vers. 20. according also to the ancient generall and continued custom of the church of god ever since the first christian emperours time ; and moreover endowed with means given to them by the last wils and testaments of many ( which it is not lawfull for us to endeavour to annull , hebr. 9. 17. ) and by the gifts of many other donors , who had true propriety in their goods , and might and did transfer the undoubted property to those to be enjoyed by the right and liberty of the subject ; especially such endowments having been consecrated and devoted unto god for pious uses , and which may not therefore by us ( as we conceive ) be endeavoured to be alienated , prov. 20. 25. numb. 16. 38. and as to the exercises of piety , so also to the encouragement of the most excellent part of learning , the study of divinity and of holy scripture . we shall with the same sincerity , reality and constancy , in our severall vocations , endeavour with our estates and lives , mutually to preserve the rights and priviledges of the parliaments , and the liberties of the kingdoms , and to preserve and defend the kings majesties person and authority , in the preservation and defence of the true religion , and liberties of the kingdoms , that the world may beare witnesse with our consciences of our loyalty , and that we have no thoughts or intentions to diminish his majesties just power and greatnesse . because in the third article , whereas we are required , and that in the first place to binde our selves absolutely without limitation expressed , to preserve the rights and priviledges of parliaments , and the liberties of the kingdoms ; and were likewise tied simply and indefinitely to defend the kings person , state , and honour , by the oath of allegiance and the late protestation ; here when we are bidden to swear to defend his majesties person and authority , it is added [ in the preservation and defence of the true religion , and liberties of the kingdoms ] therefore this manner of swearing we dare not admit , till it be publikely declared by the imposers , that the meaning of those words is not ( as to some it may sound ) that i binde my selfe to preserve and defend his majesties person and authority so farre forth as he shall preserve and defend true religion and the liberties of the kingdoms : since by the holy scriptures of the old and new testament , by the law of nature and nations , by the oath of god , and by true religion , we are bound to endeavour the preservation and defence of his person and authority , though he were a persecutor of the true religion , and an abridger of our liberties , such as were saul and nero in their times . and surely a larger declaration of our endeavours simply to defend his person , is at this time necessary , when through the divisions of the kingdom his sacred majestie is so endangered ; and that his majesty hath often complained of affronts offered to his person ; and hath complained also , that some have endeavoured to kill his person in two set battails ; and that there is nothing more frequent in the minds and mouths of some shimei's , then that the king is popishly affected . a papist in his heart ; and therefore some furious zelot may not onely upon these surmises conclude himselfe exempted ( in case ) from the duty of preservation and defence of his royall person , but also mistake it as a debt to this covenant , even to offer violence to his sacred majestie . may not therefore some such fuller declaration and explication of our duty ( when we will by oath professe it ) seem necessary to the end here proposed , that the world may bear witnesse with our consciences of our loyalty ? we shall also with all faithfulnesse endeavour the discovery of all such as have been , or shall be incendiaries , malignants , or evill instruments , by hindring the reformation of religion , dividing the king from his people , or one of the kingdoms from another , or making any faction or parties amongst the people , contrary to this league and covenant , that they may be brought to publike triall , and receive condign punishment , as the degree of their offences shall require or deserve , or the supream indicatories of both kingdoms respectively , or others having power from them for that effect , shall judge convenient . whether are not all those to be accounted to us as malignants , &c. by hindring reformation of religion ( and consequently to be discovered that they may receive condign punishment ) whom we know to endeavour in their places and callings , the continuation of church-government by bishops , and the preservation of the whole frame of government ( as it now stands by the known laws of this kingdom established ) administred according to the right intent of those laws against all alteration , till it be by act of parliament ( enacted by his majesties personall consent , and both houses ) altered and changed ? secondly , we demand how far forth we are here to be sworn to endeavour the discovery of all that have been or shall be malignants &c. is the son hereby ingaged to betray his father , the wife her husband , the servant his master ? and to accuse them as malignants and evill instruments by hindring the reformation ? if so ; hath the law of god , of nature , or of the land ever commanded it ; except in the case of high treason ? where god enjoyned to the jews the discovery of those who should entice them to serve other gods ( a sin surely as detestable and hainous , as to be such as here are to be accounted malignants &c. by hindring the reformation of religion ) thus we read , deut. 13. 6. if thy brother the son of thy mother , or thy son , or thy daughter , or the wife of thy bosom , or thy friend which is as thine own soul , entice thee , &c. thou shalt not conceal him , but thy hand shall be first upon him to put him to death : where it may be observed , that all the persons there by god so particularly recounted in the text , not to be concealed , they are onely such as are in a collaterall equall degree , as the brother not to conceal his brother , the friend his friend ; or of some inferiority , as the husband his wife , the father his son : but there is expressed no such injunction , that the son was to reveal his father , or the wife her husband : so tender was the god of nature of the respects due to those by whom he hath bestowed upon us our being , life , and livelihood , or whom he hath made a head to others ; that he did not command inferiours should give in an accusation against such their superiours , even in crimes which the law judged should be punished with death . thirdly , whereas we have in the late protestation vowed to maintain the liberty of the subject , and also are required to bind our selves in this covenant to preserve the same ( if the liberties of the kingdoms include the liberty of the subject . ) yet contrary hereunto ( as we conceive ) we should bind our selves to endeavour that our fellow-subjects may be brought to punishment , either such as their offence shall deserve , or such as not onely the supream indicatories of both kingdoms , but any other also having power from them for that effect , shall judge convenient ; by which we should endeavour to put power ( arbitrary surely , since it is not restrained according to the lawes of our land ) in some other then the supream judicatory , viz. some deputed from them , who may judge it covenient ( if what they shall judge convenient may be their rule ) as well sometimes to exceed the letter of the law , made by the supream judicatory , as otherwhile to mitigate it : yea who may proceed against such malignants where the laws are wholy silent , and neither have given name to their fault , nor prescribed any punishment ? and whereas the happinesse of a blessed peace between these kingdoms , denied in former times to our progenitors , is by the good providence of god granted unto us , and hath been lately concluded , and setled by both parliaments , we shall each one of us , according to our place and interest endeavour that they may remain conjoyned in a firm peace and union to all posterity ; and that justice may be done upon the wilfull opposers thereof , in manner expressed in the precedent articles . concerning the happy peace between these kingdoms lately concluded , we earnestly prayed and desired that it might have been continued , and pray that it may be renewed ; and are sorry heartily , that contrary to the pacification made by his majesty and both parliaments , and contrary to the solemn faith given , there is at this time a miserable war begun again between an army of that kingdom entring ours , ( without and against his majesties consent and declaration ) and the forces raised by his majesty , who ( we have heard ) hath much deprecated their entring in , alledging vehemently that their late solemn faith and pacification : so that shall it not be in us also protestatis contraria facto , to bind our selves in this article ( as willingly we would ) to endeavour the continuance of a firm peace and union , and in the next to assist and defend those who declare , that in pursuit of this covenant they now enter into this kingdom with an army ? which if we look to the late act of pacification , and may for our selves judge and discern what it is , since we are required to swear thereto , appears in its self an action as contrary thereto as war to peace . so that this covenant would bindus to endeavour that which it makes us to abjure . we shall also according to our places and callings in this common cause of religion , liberty , and peace of the kingdoms , assist and defend all those that enter into this league and covenant , in the maintaining and pursuing thereof , and shall not suffer our selves directly or indirectly by whatsoever combination , perswasion , or terrour to be divided and withdrawn from this blessed union and conjunction , whether to make defection to the contrary part , or to give our selves to a detestable indifferency or neutrality in this cause , which so much concerneth the glory of god , the good of the kingdoms , and the honour of the king ; but shall all the daies of our lives zealously and constantly continue therein , against all opposition , and promote the same according to our power , against all lets and impediments whatsoever ; and what we are not able our selves to suppresse or overcome , we shall reveal and make known , that it may be timely prevented or removed ; all which we shall do as in the sight of god . whereas we are in the sixt article required to covenant in this common cause of religion ( which is described in the first article , a reformation of religion in england and ireland ) that we wil assist and defend all those that enter into this league and covenant against all opposition , and that in the close it is implied , that we should endeavour to do what we are able to suppresse and overcome whatsoever opposition ; we conceive it to be against the whole current of the gospell of christ , the practise and doctrine of all primitive christians , whom the world hath ever esteemed for blessed saints and martyrs , and lastly repugnant to the doctrine of the best reformed churches , ( to which we here should swear to conform our selves ) to endeavour a reformation of religion by force of arms against the supream magistrat's consent . secondly , may we swear never to suffer our selves to be withdrawn by whatsoever perswasion from this league and covenant , since the reasons perswading us to it are in no wise demonstrative ? what if hereafter we shall see better reasons , and stronger motives to forsake it , then we have now to take it , or shall have then to keep it ? will not then our consciences better informed force us to break our oath ( an argument that we sinn'd in taking it ) or our oath bind us contrary to our consciences so informed , ( which is impossible ? ) what if ( as now the king , so ) future parliaments disallow this covenant , and oppose it , shall we then be obliged to continue therein , and to assist and defend all those that so continue against all opposition , though it shall be contradicted by the same authority by which it is now imposed upon us ? thirdly , where we are required to bind our selves never to make defection to the contrary part ; whether by the contrary part is not to be understood all that are against this covenant ? if so , will not these words following , [ against all opposition , against all lets and impediments whatsoever ] include his majesties opposition ? and then , as we have said , we are in the close impliedly supposed , that we will endeavour to do what we are able to suppresse and overcome any part whatsoever of the contrary part opposing it self ; which since it seems not to except his sacred majesty , how will this be consistent with the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , and the laws of the land , 5 h. 4. 25 edw. 3 ? secondly , how with the word of god , when we are taught by st. paul , rom. 13. that whosoever shall resist the higher powers , shall receive to himself damnation ? and in case of contrary conflicts of these higher powers among themselves , from the reason included in the object , the damnation will be ( without repentance ) to those that resist the highest : and among the higher powers , ( if st. peter may interpret st. paul ) the king is supream , and all other governours are sent by him , 1 pet. 2. 14. a for our selves therefore , if his majesty should use the sword committed to him unjustly , we must take up st. ambrose's words , conc. 1. contra auxentium , dolere potero , flere potero , potero gemere , adversus arma , milites , gothos quoque lachrymae miae arma sunt , talia sunt munimenta sacerdotis , aliter nec deb●o , nec possumresistere . fourthly , were there nothing in the law of god , or of this land forbidding us of the kingdom of england to enter a covenant of mutuall assistance and defence , without and against the allowance of the king , yet it would be unlawfull for us to joyn in this covenant , since we are required here not onely to joyn with one another , but with the scots also in a covenant of mutuall assistance and defence ; to whom , if by a law of their land all such covenants and leagues be forbidden as seditious , we , if we knowingly covenant to assist and defend them in such a league , contract to our selves the guilt of sedition . now to the scots ( in the second part of that act of parliament holden at linlithgow anno 1585. ) are forbidden all leagues or bonds of mutuall defence which are made without the privity and consent of the king , under the pain to be holden and execute as movers of sedition and unquietnesse . this we read objected by the divines of aberdeen , but could never yet see any satisfying answer made thereunto . fiftly , whether will not men think themselves bound by this part of the covenant , all the daies of their lives to continue so farre zealously united against the contrary part , as to reject all overtures of accomodation , and reconciliation ; till they be suppressed or overcome , and so our wounds become incurcable ? sixtly , this covenant ( as we conceive , under correction ) cannot be wisely taken by any man affected to this cause ; for should they not here swear never to yeeld themselves , though debelled , and unable to withstand the common enemy , viz. the forces raised by the king ? nor ever to lay down arms , or cease active resistance ? but if it should please god to give the foresaid contrary part power of conquest , and consequently ius victorie , should they not bind themselves by this covenant never to submit themselves to gods will and judgement against them ? and so exclude all christian patience and suffering in afflictions , and tie themselves ( though unable ) actively to resist , plot , disturb and overthrow all such who shall so have power over them hereafter , all such governours and governments , which it may please god ( as they must confesse for a punishment of their sins at least ) to place over them , which thing we conceive to be against the law of god , reason and nations . and because these kingdoms are guilty of many sins , &c. ] what the conclusion suggests we have also considered , and professe our selves ready to joyn with our brethren in the necessary humbling of our selves under the mighty hand of god , and in the confession of our sins , ( though in a publique set form & prescribed , such as we conceive this former part of the conclusion to be ) our purpose also , desire & endeavour , through the grace of god , to amend our lives ; and touching those words here mentioned [ in all duties we owe to god and man ] we professe and declare , that did we believe in our consciences , the above-written articles of the covenant not to be repugnant to our duties which we owe to god and man , ( in the particulars specified relating to his majesty and to the bishops of our churches , by god set over us , and otherwise ) we should gladly have gone along with our brethren therein . secondly , since this oath expresly professeth , what also all lawfull promisory oaths must include , that it is to be made in the presence of almighty god , the searcher of all hearts , with a true intention to perform the same , as we shall answer at the great day ; we trust our just refusall will , or ought to be better interpreted , even by the imposers themselves , then those mens detestable hypocrisie , who enter this league , and make this oath , with mentall reservation ; others as far as lawfully they may , and saving all former oaths ; yet others , as far as it is agreeable to gods word , or in their own sense , or according to the sense of the preacher , scandalizing thus our christian and reformed religion , with jesuiticall mentall reservations , reserving in their minds a sense contrary to their words ( which are instituted to signifie our minds ) and contrary to the mind of the imposers , ( even in the judgement of their own minds ) sufficiently signified in the words of the covenant : and indeed , mentem injuratam gerunt ; reserving this popery in thus swearing , while they swear to extirpate popery . we professe to know no other legitimate sensing of our oaths , but mens deferentis , a ( and that declared before the taking of the oath , not in a post-declaration ) and the grammaticall common sense of the words without limitation other then what is expressed ; according to the rule of st. augustin . juramentum debet esse pressum , & expressum : by thy words thou shalt be justified , and by thy words thou shalt be condemned . how also can any lawfully take an oath , the matter whereof he judgeth to be unlawfull , so far as lawfally he may ? be we not deceived , god is not mocked ; may we swear to lie , steal , or commit adultery so far as lawfully we may ? is it more sinfull to go about to do it , so far as lawfully we may , then so to swear it ? he that so swears , swears with judgement against his judgement , and to unrighteousnesse without truth , and condemneth himself in that which he alloweth . thirdly , to swear , saving all former oaths , to what we judge to be opposite to our former lawfull oaths , is to delude both our former and present oath ; to warrant , that we may without scandall abjure ( in words , not in heart ) what we have sworn before to keep , because we have sworn before to keep and never to abjure it ; to make vain ( as far as in us lies ) the great and dreadfull name of god , the wholsome end and use of oaths , and particularly to destroy the end of this present covenant , if the takers intend not what the oath intend● ; and may also hereafter ( saving this present oath ) swear to the contrary . for the present be it considered , that whereas this oath is a league for unity ; if each may take it in their own sense , its end will be none ; and we as far from joynt union of assistance as before . for , swearing to assist all who enter into this league , if we think our selves bound to assist o●ely the takers in our own sense , then we may happily be tied to assist none hereby , for perhaps our own sense is peculiar and different from all others , and probably from most , for most take it in the common sense of the words . lastly , if one end of this covenant be , that ( if it succeed ) it may be encouragement to other christian churches ( in like case ) to joyn in the same or like association and covenant ; we judge it necessary to admonish our selves and others , that if in this we offend , we also lay a stumbling-block of offence before the faces of so many christian churches now and hereafter , who are here invited to follow our example . should we not therefore sadly consider , whose example in this action we follow , before we give and invite others to follow our example ? ought we not wisely to fear , lest by this we expose our brethren of the reformed churches beyond the seas , to the jealousie of their severall princes under whom they live , and become guilty of the provocation of all those evils , wherewith princes in prevention of what is here suggested to their subjects ( if not declared against by them ) may aggrieve our brethren of the reformed religion ? and also , have we not cause to question with our selves , how the example of entring a covenant mutually to assist and defend one another , when there is declared a joyning in armes , without and against the consent of the supream magistrate , how this example ( we say ) will make , as is here said , to the peace and tranquillity of christian kingdoms and common-wealths ? now the lord of peace himself give unto us , and to all the churches of god , peace alwaies , by all means . amen . an exhortation to the taking of the solemn league and covenant , &c. if the power of religion , or solid reason , if loyalty to the king , &c. if it had not been intimated that the authors of this exhortation were the assembly of divines , ( as they are stiled in the 14 article of the instructions ) and expressed , that the end of it was the satisfying of such scruples as may arise ( and that by the same authority by which the covenant it selfe is to be imposed ) it could not have given the conscience of any man either so much licence to examine the discourse with strictnesse and severity , or so much satisfaction ( one way or other ) in the examination ; seeing there is scarce any other end of writing which necessarily obliges to a discovery of all the consequences and the principles of a discourse , and there is no such outward encouragement to the conscience towards satisfaction , as when it shall consider that it is examining an exhortation and a defence , the authors of which have been chosen , the worke appointed , and after the performance twice publiquely read , and considered , and lastly ordered to be published by them who are the managers of the cause for which this exhortation and defence is made . but this being the declared end , and those the authors , it will not stand with the opinion of the faithfulnesse of those men towards the cause it self , to imagine that they reserve to themselves clearer and firmer principles , upon which they are able to enforce the taking of the covenant , then those they have here expressed : and consequently , if upon just examination it shall appear , that all the truth that is by them laid down is not sufficient to infer their conclusion , they may be more tender of those who are of different perswasion from themselves , though they shall ( notwithstanding their endeavours ) persist in their opinion , nay though they should hereby gain a degree of adhesion to it . the conclusion which they would infer is the taking of the covenant , and the generall end of that , as expressed in the covenant it selfe and in all the declarations which concern the same , is ( in our calling ) the assistance of those of the kingdoms of england and scotland joyned in arms , &c. against the popish , prelaticall , and malignant party : in a word , to assist , or comply with those english and scottish forces , against the forces raised by the kings personall command . this being the case wherein the scruples ( by them spoken of ) are supposed to be removed , that their arguments to that end might be effectuall , it was necessary to their end , that the present case should have been clearly and particularly laid down , considering that the discovery of strong and not doubting presumption and supposall of that part which is defended , though it might produce a degree of confirmation in those who are ( though not so strongly ) of the same opinion , yet can it not in reason be reputed a means to take off scruple from a rationall adversary . this being necessary in it self for a true and thorough resolution of conscience in the case , it cannot be denied but their discourse is imperfect in it selfe , and consequently they may as well have erred in assuming to themselves all that is holy and perfect , and esteeming of the adverse party as of people bewitched and besotted , hoodwink't and blinded , &c. nay , as the dregs and scum of the people , and in affirming the name and countenance of his sacred majesty to be captivated , and prostituted to serve all the lusts of such men ; and in setting in opposition the king and those that be faithfull in the land . but seeing that it is possible that a case may be so clear and plain to all men , that it may without any great damage be omitted in a discourse made for the resolution of the conscience ; it will concern the conscience however impartially to set before its eyes the present question , and then to examine the discourse of this exhortation , upon which the determination of conscience will naturally follow . to propound the state of the question impartially ( though not according to the utmost truth of the case ) it will be enough , if it be made up of truths confessed and undeniable . 1. scots and english are subjects to the king . 2. of the same protestant religion , the professors whereof do not differ in fundamentals . 3. their joyning in arms , ( as is alledged ) is for the vindication and defence of their religi●n , liberties , and laws . 4. against the popish prelaticall , and malignant party . 5. by these are meant the souldiers raised by the king . on the other side : 1. the king is our lawfull soveraign , 2. of the same protestant religion . 3. he hath protested and engaged himself with all solemnity ( as at the receiving of the holy eucharist , &c. ) to preserve and maintain the protestant religion , the laws and liberties of the kingdoms and parliaments . 4. that he hath sent many messages for treaties toward peace , both before and during the time of these wars , and expressed a desire of making the people witnesses of the equity of his proceedings . 5. he hath declared his will against both the scots and english , who take up arms in this cause . out of these principles ( whereas many more might be added in behalf of his majestie ) let the question be , whether it may be lawfull and necessary for subjects to covenant together , without and against the expresse will of their lawfull soveraign , to joyn in arms against the forces raised by his command , and that for the vindication and defence of that which he hath by all possible obligations engaged himself to maintain and defend , and for security of his people hath desired that differences might be composed by treaty , and that the world might judge of his proceedings in it . if this be a true state of the question ( at least so far as is here expressed ) the next labour for our consciences will be to examine whether any argument in this exhortation ( upon supposition that they all were truths in themselves ) doe infer a lawfulnesse and necessity to covenant in our case , all things considered ; and if it be evident that they are not sufficient , it may be a motive to abate the confidence of the composers of it ( whosoever they were in particular ) and to procure an examination of their own principles and actions , wherein they may possibly see that they have not either in their own actions , or in their judgement of others , proceeded so exactly according to the law of conscience and the word of god . now , although we are confident that there is not in this exhortation any one argument which the assembly it self will undertake so to contrive , as that it shall conclude for a necessity or a lawfulnesse of taking such a covenant in such a case ( all things considered ) and consequently the whole businesse , which was of necessity for vindication of our selves from sottishnesse &c. is already done ; yet that it may without any danger of prejudice or errour appear , that we are not guilty of such a presumption as we have excepted against in them , we will , as briefly as may be , examine their whole discourse , and evidently ( unlesse indeed we be bewitched to think so ) discover what is untrue or uncertain ( if any thing of those kinds shall occur ) and what is insufficient in their exhortation , after we have by way of apology premised , that we will not all answer them in the manner of the delivery of the reasons . we have ( as we hope ) prevailed against those affections which might have arisen upon those expressions which concern our selves , and ( though with far greater difficulty ) against that indignation which followed upon the apprehension of those ( not so very reverent ) expressions and reflections upon his sacred majestie , so far as not to suffer our judgements or consciences to be withdrawn from a just and meer examination of the truth : having seen in them , that zeal and confidence ( however they are excellent affections in those who are sufficiently grounded in an unfallible truth , yet they ) do in no measure help toward a discovery of truth or a removall of scruples in a case of conscience . the whole discourse was intended by the authors of it , to consist of perswasions , and resolutions of scruples , and is immediately resolved into an introduction and the body of the discourse . as for the introduction , it contains a collection of many places , from whence the composers thereof presume that the necessity of taking this league might be enforced . but seeing it carries not clearly in it self any discovery of the consequences , it could not in reason be premised to any other discourse , then such as in the processe should clear that which was there presumed ; and seeing the following discourse is no way ordered to a clearing of those inferences , so that the design of him who made the introduction is no further prosecuted , we may here indeed observe an instance of the variance which is said to be in the assembly , but are no wayes helped in that which was the fundamentall intention of the whole ( the resolution of our scruples ) which by the serious consideration of those things here reckoned up , we professe to have been exceedingly strengthened upon us ; and that by such inference as may be gathered , if not cleerly seen , by this ensuing parallel . if the power of religion , described and practised by our saviour christ and his apostles , and expressed in the most heroicall actions of the primitive christians ; or if solid reason informed by the doctrine of the church of england , and assisted by the light of the examples of holy saints and martyrs , and by a perfect information of the beginnings and proceedings of our present miseries , and of the standing known laws of the land ; if loyalty to the king , and piety to their native couatry , or love to themselves , and naturall affection to their posterity ; if the example of men touched with a deep sense of all these , such as have been the most eminent among the clergy for piety and learning , the instruments ( as it is confessed ) used by almighty god for the preservation of our religion against all its enemies , who , with many others , the most worthy of the laity , have cheerfully and constantly been spoiled of their goods , and suffered a long and tedious imprisonment , and are and have been ready to suffer death it selfe in the present cause of his sacred majestie ; or if extraordinary successe from god thereupon , such as was necessary to raise his majesty from a state of despised weaknesse to a power able to resist , and probably able to debell all the forces which his enemies of three kingdoms can procure . if any or all of these can awaken a nation hitherto stupified and blinded , and thereupon imbroiled in the miseries which have attended upon this war , to see and imbrace the soveraign and onely means of their recovery ; there can be no doubt or fear , that they will enter into a league with those who have lifted up ( under what pretence soever ) their hands against his sacred majestie , but they will rather repent them of their former disobedience , endeavouring to reduce their brethren to a labour for reconciliation and pardon from his majestie , at least to an acceptation of those proffers for treaty towards accommodation , which he so often makes ; and in case they shall be by any pertinaciously refused , joyn themselves with his sacred majesty in his just defence . having thus done with the introduction , it follows that we examine the discourse it self , which proceeds in this method : first , to propound the motives to perswade men to take the covenant . secondly , to answer the objections or scruples which might hinder , &c. here , before we begin to examine the strength of the motives themselves , we observe the different apprehensions of the framers of it ; for , whereas he who framed the introduction did , it seems , imagine that the taking of the covenant might be enforced from the positive law of god , and the law of nature ; the other , who was to lay down the motives , was so farre from that , as to esteem it necessary towards the same end , in the first place to insinuate the example of themselves of the assembly , and others who had already taken it . the strength of their perswasive arguments is this : first , this covenant is already taken by the two houses of parliament , by the assembly of divines , the city of london , and the kingdom of scotland . secondly , it hath been already seconded from heaven by blasting the counsels , &c. thirdly , it carries in it self such a convincing evidence of equity , truth , and righteousnesse , as may raise in all enflamed affections to take it ; which is proved , because there is [ almost ] nothing in this covenant which was not for substance either expressed , or manifestly included in the protestation of may 5. 1641. ergo , whosoever are not wilfully ignorant , or miserably seduced , must infallibly take this covenant . for the first of these arguments : first , in generall , we do not see how the example of either party can reasonably be alledged to direct the conscience in any controversie . secondly , we have reason to believe that farre the greater number , both in the city of london , and the kingdom of scotland , could not take this oath in judgement , as being not able to discern of the righteousnesse or iniquity of some of the articles , especially that which concerns episcopacy , so that a chief strength of this argument from example , consists in the example of themselves who are of the assembly , and made this exhortation . and then we conceive , they cannot justly accuse us either of immodesty or presumption , if we shall openly professe that they have not in this first essay of theirs ( at least which we know to have been published ) given evidences of so great judgement , learning , or integrity , as may warrant or encourage us in matters of religion and cases of conscience , to subscribe to the authority of their example . to the second argument , which is , that it hath been seconded from heaven , &c. it cannot conclude to the conscience , till it be sufficiently proved ; neither can that be without a revelation of the counsels of god , which if the composer of this part hath obtained , it was requisite to the end propounded that he should have made it appear ; till when it may be beleeved , that those instances where the signature of gods judgements may the most plainly have been discovered , have fallen upon those who have had the greatest share in the raising and managing of those arms , for the maintaining of which this covenant is ordained . so then the whole force of their perswasion will depend upon the third argument , and the proof of it , which ( to avoid any errour in examining ) shall be again propounded : there is ( almost ) nothing in this covenant , which was not for substance either expressed , or manifestly included in the protestation , may 5. 1641. therefore this covenant goeth forth in its own strength , with such convincing evidence of equity , truth , and righteousnesse , as may raise in all not wilfully ignorant or miserably seduced , inflamed affections to joyn in the covenant . resp. 1. we are not able by all those wayes of reasoning , to which we have hitherto been used , to discover the inference which is here made . if by the strength of their solid reason it may possibly be made to appear , yet we are confident the dependence is so deep and secret , that it ought not ( to the end for which this discourse is declared to be intended ) have been left unrevealed . 2. whereas the argument of the evident equity , truth and righteousnesse of this is taken from the agreement of it with that protestation , we will assume the matter of that protestation to have been ( in the judgement of this assembly ) equall , true , and righteous ; from whence it will follow , that if this should , according to their principles , either immediately or by necessary consequence contradict that protestation , therein they must confesse it to be unequall , false , or unrighteous ; and wherein soever it doth positively dissent from it , there the truth , equity , and righteousnesse of it must be confessed to be here no way proved ; this being premised , let us compare together this covenant and that protestation . there we protested that we would with our lives , &c. defend the doctrine of the church of england [ indefinitely ] which is undoubtedly contained in the 39. articles , which ( in the further articles of impeachment , jan. 17. 1643. by the commons assembled in parliament against the archbishop of canterbury ) are stiled , the 39. articles of the church england established by act of parliament ; and in the six and thirtieth of those articles it is avouched that the book of consecration of archbishops and bishops , and ordering of priests and deacons , confirmed by authority of parliament , doth contain all things necessary to such consecration and ordering , and hath nothing in it ungodly . this book asserteth , that it is evident to all men , diligently reading holy scripture and ancient authors , that from the apostles times there have been these orders of ministers in the church , bishops , priests , and ` deacons , which officers were evermore bad in reverent estimation . wherefore we there protested with our lives , &c. to defend that it is not ungodly ( therefore not false doctrine ) to say , that diligent reading of the holy scriptures will help to make it evident , that from the apostles times there have been bishops , which could not be , unlesse the scriptures did testifie , that in the apostles times they were . one of the prayers also ( & lex orandi lex docendi ) thus begins ; almighty god , giver of all good things , which by thy holy spirit hast appointed divers orders of ministers in thy church , mercifully behold this thy servant now called to the work and ministery of a bishop ; and the elected bishop is afterward required to professe , that he is perswaded that he is truly called to this ministration according to the will of our lord iesus christ . and by consequence we there did protest to defend that also ; and consequently ( upon their own principles ) it is unequall and unrighteous to swear to the extirpation of them . again , in that protestation there was nothing concerning the endeavouring the preservation of the doctrine , discipline , and worship of the church of scotland , the reformation of the doctrine of the church of england . moreover , in that we protested absolutely the defence of the kings person , according to our allegiance , which here we do not absolutely swear to , to maintain the laws of the land , the liberty of the subject , and onely to defend one another so far as lawfully we may , which here are omitted . many other differences may be observed . if yet they shall say , that there is nothing ( almost ) in this which is not in that , or nothing of moment ( which must be the meaning , if their argument be of any force at all ) it may not be thought unreasonable , if we desire ( with leave from his majestie ) to renew that protestation , that we may be thereby excused from this league and covenant . after the proposall of their perswasive arguments , they proceed to the taking away of scruples , not all , or most of such as might arise to the contrary ( as appears by that which we have humbly represented against the covenant it self ) therefore such as they have chosen out ( probably ) because they conceived themselves best able for their answer . the scruples which they suppose , are such as concern either the king or the bishops . they begin with the extirpation of bishops , where first they design to prove , that they may , and ought to be extirpated ; and after they addresse themselves to answer one speciall objection . we will therefore in order propound and examine the weight and truth which is in their arguments . the first is but an intimation , some say this government was never formally established by the laws of this land at all . if this were true , which some say , the argument were not of so great force toward the taking away of this government , as it would be of power to confirm us in the belief we have of the venerable institution of this government , when we shall consider that our predecessors , who have been the authors of our laws , had such an esteem of the government by bishops , that they thought it altogether needlesse formally to establish it by law . now that this ( if any positive ) consideration might be a ground of that which is here intimated ( if true ) appears , in that if it were true that it were not formally established , yet is it so interwoven with many of our laws , that they and it must stand or fall together . so that here again we may desire of them to be tender of us , who have protested solemnly with our lives to defend the laws of the land . 2. the life and soul of it is already taken away by an act , &c. so as nothing of jurisdiction remains , but what is precarious in them , and voluntary in those who submit unto them . 1. we cannot acknowledge that any essentiall part of episcopacy ( such as that which is the life and soul of it must be ) is , or can be taken away from our bishops , whether it be of order or jurisdiction ; however the outward coercive power communicated to it by the secular arm , hath been in the times of the famous persecutions , and may be again divided from it . 2. for the act of this present parliament here mentioned , we do believe that there was more taken away in it , then was intended by the major part of both houses at the passing of it : this we gather out of those words of his majestie in his declaration , aug. 12. and whether that act was penned with that warinesse and animadversion , that there was not more determined by it , then the major part of both houses intended at the passing of it , let themselves judge . 3. however that were , we cannot conceive it reasonable , that their temporall lurisdiction should be taken away ( as was suggested ) that they might the better intend their spirituall , and then an argument made to take away the spirituall part of their government also , because the former is already parted from them . thirdly , that their whole government is ( at best ) but a humane constitution . ] if there be no fallacy in these words , it is necessary that whole be taken materially , as it includes each severall part , and not formally onely ; and then we answer , that the government so far as to the superiority of bishops above presbyters is ( at least ) of apostolicall constitution , as is proved in our reasons against the second article : and consequently ( as to that which is here spoken of ) it is not lawfull to be taken away . fourthly , it is such as is found and adjudged by both houses of parliament , not onely very prejudiciall to the civill state , but a great hindrance also to a perfect reformation ; yea , who knoweth not ? &c. we know the danger ( and if indeed we did not ) yet the honour and respect we bear to the very name of parliaments would not suffer us to question the judgement of the two houses ; onely in this case which so neerly concerns the church of god , we crave leave to represent , that we doe not apprehend how that should be in it self prejudiciall to the civill state , together with which the state both anciently and of late , we conceive , hath flourished , and enjoyed a politicall happinesse beyond most of the nations of the earth . neither how that should be opposite to a perfect reformation , which in our consciences we are perswaded ( and we think may as clearly be proved as most matters in divinity ) was instituted by the apostles and constantly obtained in the purest times of the primitive church , to which we conceive a reformation ought to be squared : and indeed the chiefest instruments and defendants of that reformation which we ( by the mercy of god ) enjoy , having been bishops , some of which were martyrs , as bishop cranmer , ridley , hooper , latimer , ferrers , jewell , bilson , &c. we cannot see to what reformation episcopacy can be a hindrance , unlesse to such a form as supposes that episcopacy must be extirpated . which moved the well-affected thorowout this kingdom , long since to petition this parliament ( as hath been desired before in the days of queen elizabeth and king james ) for a totall abolition of the same . in this which is intended for a proof the fourth argument , seeing it is presumed that those who have petitioned for the abolition of episcopacy , are and have beene well affected ; for a judgement of that we doe onely represent , that the same in the dayes of those renowned princes , by those famous parliaments held in their times were rejected as ignorant and seditious . and whereas it is said , the well affected throughout the kingdom , &c. it doth , and may appear , that since the sitting of this present parliament ( and that after discountenance given to that party ) more then four and fourty thousand men of quality have petitioned for the continuance of our present church-government : besides the city of london , the counties of dorcet , kent , surrey , westmorland , cumberland , southampton , lancaster , cornwall , oxfordshire , berkeshire , wiltshire , the six shires of north-wales , and besides the two universities : all the which have petitioned for the same . the restriction ( or what else ) is here laid down that we are not by this covenant bound to offer violence to their persons , we pray may be observed by those who have taken this covenant , or shall hereafter enter into it ; for us who are so perswaded as we have expressed , it would have been a greater satisfaction , if we should have been to swear to bring the persons of any who have offended to a just and legal triall , so that their office might have been continued , then to extirpate the office , with an intimation only that we are not necessitated to offer violence to their persons . that which follows , is to take off the onely scruple which they would suppose to remain , the oath of canonicall obedience , wherein clergy-men have sworn to obey the bishops , in licitis & honestis ; we will propound their arguments . 1. they which have sworn obedience to the laws of the land , may yet endeavour their abolition in a lawfull way . therefore they which have sworn to obey the bishops may endeavour the abolition of bishops . we do not see this consequence from the law to the law-giver , or the authority it self from whence the law is derived . it follows upon this hypothesis that they who have sworn to obey the injunctions of bishops , may endeavour in a lawfull way the alteration or abolition of those injunctions ; but to infer their conclusion , the hypothosis must have been , that notwithstanding our oath made to obey the laws made by the king and the two houses of parliament , we may endeavour to abolish the king and both houses of parliament . their second argument is this : 2. if ministers or others have entred into any oath not warranted by gods word and the laws of the land , such oaths call for repentance , not pertinacy in them . ergo , notwithstanding the oath of canoxicall obedience , ministers may endeavour the extirpation of bishops . we believe , that to have cleared this consequence , they ought to have proved that the oath of canonicall obedience is not warranted by the word of god , or the laws of the land , which seeing they have not done , the scruple , notwithstanding this argument , will still remain . having thus done with episcopacy , they proceed to such scruples of conscience as they suppose may arise from that which concerns his majesty ; and there the design is to prove , that this covenant may be taken , notwithstanding the oaths of supremacy and allegiance already taken , and notwithstanding the want of his majesties consent . 1. this oath binds all , and more strongly engageth them to preserve and defend the kings majesties person and authority in the preservation and defence of the true religion and liberties of the kingdoms ; therefore , it doth not crosse the oaths of supremacy and allegiance . we answer , 1. the oaths of supremacy and allegiance were ordained against those , who would not have denied to swear in these very words , to preserve and defend his majesties person and authority in the preservation and defence of the true religion and liberties of the kingdoms ; therefore notwithstanding this argument , this covenant may crosse the oaths of supremacy and allegiance . 2. that this oath may be taken without his majesties consent , they would prove by examples , either modern , or out of scripture , as 1. the protestation may 5. was taken without his majesties consent . we did not think we took it without his majesties consent , and one reason we will expresse in their words of the same paragraph , because his majesty did not except against it , or give any stop to the taking of it , albeit he was then resident in person at whitehall . 2. ezra and nehemiah , ezra 10. nehem. 9. neh. 1. being vassals , and one of them meniall servant to artaxerxes , drew all the people into a covenant , without the speciall commission of the persian monarchs . the covenant into which ezra drew the people is expressed ezra 10. 3. to have been to put away all the strange wives , and such as were born of them , according to the counsell of the lord , and of those that tremble at the commandement of god , and that according to the law . and that of nehemiah , ( nehem. 9. & 10. 29. ) is expressed to have been a curse and an oath to walk in gods law , which was given by moses the servant of god ; and to observe and do all the commandements of the lord , and his iudgements and his statutes . the commission of nehemiah , ( besides what is mentioned nehemiah 2. ) cannot be denied to be the same which ezra had obtained , which is expressed ezra the 7. in the 7 of ezra , v. 26. we find this as a part of his commission : whosoever will not do the law of thy god , and the law of the king , let judgement be executed speedily upon him , whether it be unto death , or banishment , or to confiscation of goods , or to imprisonment . wherefore we cannot but extreamly wonder that these covenants here mentioned , should be said to have been entered into without the consent of the persian monarchs ; an assertion to us so exceedingly inconsiderate , that our apprehension of the failings in it cannot in a few words be expressed . as for that of hezekiah , which follows at some distance , we might answer , that it is not , nor can it be proved out of the scripture , that the keeping of the passover was not consented to by hoshea king of irael . however , if the revolt of the ten tribes were indeed a rebellion , as it is believed by many of the most famous divines a , then why might not hezekiah justly send proclamations to them , to joyn with him in a covenant , although the king of israel should positively have dissented ? but not to insist upon negative answers , or any thing which may be controverted , we answer : 1. that act of hezekiah , was a bare invitation . 2. that to which he invited them was not a league or covenant , but ( that which the law of god enjoyned ) the observation of the passover : which was some yeeres after the covenant mentioned . 2 chro. 29. 3 that it was at that time when israel had not the face of a kingdom , their king being in captivity under the king of assyria . which two latter answers are joyntly proved by this following discourse . the covenant was made in 1mo hezekiae , 2 chron. 29. the passover was not celebrated till after the captivity , 2 chron. 30. 6. there was no captivity mentioned till after this first yeer of hezekiah . therefore the covenant and passover were not kept in the same yeer ; and therefore also hoshea was in captivity , before this invitation of hezekiah . the last of the premisses ( which onely can be doubted ) is thus proved , because the first time expressed ( which we read in scripture ) of salmanasers comming up against israel is the fourth yeer of king hezekiah , 2 king. 18. 9. it no wise followeth therefore from this act of hezekiah and the men of israel , that it is lawfull to impose , or enter a covenant , without the consent of the king . now , after these instances of scripture , they betake themselves to modern examples , from whence they would infer more then a bare lawfulnes to enter a covenant without the kings consent , viz. an allowance of subjects joyning in arms against their soveraign , which they would warrant from the actions of q elizabeth , k. james , and our gracious soveraign . here we must indeed ingenuously professe , that we have not been sufficiently exercised in passages of state , to give a full satisfaction in all these particulars ; wherefore we shall not of our selves interpose at all , onely briefly speak to their instances . 1. as concerning the assistance of , and the confederacy with the united provinces , we shall transcribe for satisfaction , a part of a declaration of q. elizabeth , who first entered upon their assistance ; the declaration is entituled , a declaration of the causes moving the q. of england to give ayd to the defence of the people afflicted and oppressed in the low countries . this declaration was put sorth , 1585. and in the 8 , & 9. pages it hath these words . and furthermore , as a good loving sister to him , and a naturall good neighbour to his low countries and people , we have often , and often again , most friendly warned him , that if he did not otherwise by his wisdom and princely clemency restrain the tyranny of his governours , and cruelty of his men of war , we feared that the people of his countrys should be forced for safety of their lives , and for continuance of their native countrey in their former state of their liberties , to seek the protection of some other forraign lord , or rather to yield themselves wholy to the soveraignty of some mighty prince , as by the ancient laws of their countreys ' , and by speciall priviledges granted by some of the lords and dukes of the countries to the people , they do pretend and affirm , that in cases of such generall injustice , and upon such violent breaking of their priviledges , they are free from their former homages , and at liberty to make choice of any other prince , to be their prince and head . the proof whereof by examples past is to be seen and read in the ancient histories of divers alterations of the lords and ladies of the countries of brabant , flanders , holland and zealand , and other countries to them united , by the states and people of the countries . and that by some such alterations , as the stories do testifie , the duke of burgundy came to his title , from which the king of spains interest is derived . upon these principles it it evident that then the queen and kings of england in joyning to the assistance of or confederacy with the low countries , have not joyned with subjects in arms either against or without the consent of their true undoubted monarch . 2. as touching the assistance of the french protestants of rochell by our gracious soveraign that now is , we shall onely reply ( not insisting upon the charter of rochell granted to them by lewis the 11. ) that we are fully satisfied , that no argument can be drawn from thence , except by those who would raise a dispute of his majesties title and interest in the kingdom of france . 3. as for the scots , we expected that all further mention of their former actions should have been prevented by the act of oblivion . yet seeing these men have undertaken to make an advantage against his sacred majesty , even out of his acts and expressions of grace and clemency : we answer , that forms of pacification and reconciliation , are not to be interpreted any further then to the reputation of the party to whom the reconciliation is made ( you have not done so , or so , i.e. you shall be to me as if you had not ) so as out of his majesties expressions in the late pacification with the scots , to conclude his approbation of the course then taken by them , or to take a warrant for their present undertaking , seems to be alike , as if they should conclude that it was lawfull for other churches to use st. paul as the galathians had done , by accounting him their enemy , because ( by his own confession ) they had done him no injury , and should gather that out of his act of pacification with them , gal. 4. 12. brethren , i beseech you be as i am , i am as ye are , ye have not injured me at all . the sum of all is this : the assembly of divines in their exhortation , have neither concluded any thing positive for a lawfulnesse , or necessity of taking this covenant , nor taken away any of those scruples which they propounded to themselves ; they have neither proved that bishops must or may be extirpated , nor taken off the scruple from the oath of canonicall obedience : they have neither cleared the objection from the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , nor proved by any example recorded in scripture , or by any undoubted warrantable practise , that it is lawfull in any case whatsoever , without the kings consent , to enter into any whatsoever league and covenant : so far have they been from proving that it is necessary or lawfull to enter into this league , the state of the question being such , as we in the beginning have evinced it to be . so that should we enter into this covenant , it would be impossible to conclude our innocency therein from the innocency of mordecai and the lewes here mentioned out of esther 9. their innocency was clear indeed , ( but how would ours be so ? ) in that they resisted not the higher power , or the arms commanded by him otherwise then by fasting and prayer , untill the king granted them leave to gather themselves together , and to stand for their lives , which before they did not assume , for no want of sufficient strength to have defended themselves , ( as is usually in the like cases objected ) which is evident from their after sufficient strength by themselves to defend themselves , cap. 9. thus having examined the strength of their reasons and allegations , we think it still true ( not onely pretended , as the exhortation hath it ) that clergy men ( above all others ) may not covenant to extirpate church government by bishops , both because of their oath ( as hath been proved ) and simply considering the nature of the thing , in respect of the reasons already by us alledged ; and because presbyters , if here they erre , they erre most dangerously and arrogantly , swearing ( in effect ) to endeavour to extirpate all order of spirituall church governours above themselves , to endure none such ( if they can help it ) superiour to themselves . the danger we had rather such should hear from st. cyprian , epist. 10. quod enim non periculum metuere debemus , de offensa domini , quando aliqui de presbyteris , nec evangelii , nec loci sui memores , sed neque futurum domini iudicium , neque nunc sibi praepositum episcopum cogitantes , quod nunquam omnino sub antecessoribus factum est , cum contumelia & contemptu praepositi totum sibi vendicent ? what also will they think of that ancient and reverend canon ( the 35. among those 50. commonly called the canons of the apostles ) {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} if any one ordained bishop be not received , not through his own will , but through the wickednesse of the people , let him remain a bishop , but let the clergy of that city be bar'd communion , because they have not been better instructors of so inobedient a people . by which also it appeareth , that those lay men deceive themselves , who think that the clergy onely need scruple at this oath , at least in the second article thereof ; we must tell them of ignatius his rule , epist ad magnes . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} nothing ought to be done without the bishop , by presbyter , deacon , or lay-man . if therefore ( according to the preface of this covenant ) we set the glory of god before our eyes , the same ignatius gives us this other excellent monition , epist. ad trallian . a it becommeth each of you , and especially the presbyters , to cherish the bishop , to the honour of god the father , and our lord iesus christ . the printers postscript to the reader . gentle reader , a copy of the foregoing disquisitions accidentally comming to the hands of some , at whose command i am , was thought fit to be published , though without the knowledge and approbation of the authors . the fitnesse of the subject , the worth of the work , and a peculiar relation to the authors ( if i mistake them not ) may be a sufficient motive both for their command and my undertaking . consider it seriously , and if thou art not yet ingaged in the covenant , this will confirm thee in thy resolution against it ; if thou art , this by the assistance of gods grace may bring thee to a timely repentance . i cannot but admonish thee this one thing , viz. that i have gone exactly according to the copy , even in those phrases which resemble the genius of the place where it was composed , more then where it is published ; onely the faults which have escaped , i desire may be imputed to me and those many transcribers , through whose hands it passed before it could come to mine . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a31491e-100 article 1. article 2. a intelligentia verborum ex causis est assumenda dicendi , h●●ar . l. 4. de tr●● . a eandem illis imponit personam , ac idem juris assignat . calvinus in locum . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} chrysostomus in locum . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} ammonius in locum . a theodoret. in luc. 10. b viz. irenaeus ib. 3. c. 3 tertul. de praescrip. . c 36 cyprian ●p 42 , & 61 , & 69 concil. carthag anno 258 sub cypriano . theodoret . l. 4. c. 18. ambros. de dignsacer . c. 2. augustin . in ps. 44. & epist. 42. & de verbis domini serm. 24. hieron. ep. ad marcel . advers. montanum , & epist. ad evagr. greg. mag. hom. 26. in evang. theophylactus in matth. 16. pacianus ep. 2. ad sympro●ian . and all those which aver the apostles to have been bishops , ( though more also ) vid. cyprian . ep 65 , & ep 68. epipha . contra haeres . l. 1 haeres . 27. ambros. in ephes. 4. & serm. 50. the supposed ambrose in 1 cor. 12 , 28. and so much some of them thought proved from acts 1. 20. c viz. iren. l. 3. c. 3. & l. 4. 63. & l. 5. c. 20. ignat. ep. ad antioch . tertul. adversus marcion . l. 4. c. 5. & de praescr . c. 32 , & 36. clemens alexan. l. de divit . salvand . apud euseb. l. 2. c. 17. euseb. lib. eccl. hist. 5. c. 6. & l. 3. c. 11 , &c. 23. irenaeus apud euseb. l. 4. c. 10. s. hieron. de script . eccl. chrysost. hom. de ignat. tom . 5. concil. constant. 5. act . 2. d 1 tim. 1. 3. theophyl. & oecumen. in locum , 1 tim. 5. 19. epiphanius haeres . 75. n. 15 , & theop. in locum , v. 20 , 21. idem in locum , & hemmin . in locum , v. 22. the supposed ambrose in locum , a tim. 1. 6. hieron. oecumen. bucer . in locum tit. 1. 5. oecumen. in locum , v. 11. chrysostomus in tit. 1. hieronimus in tit. 3. 9. 10. ambros. lib. 5. de fid. s. trinit. bucer . calvin . in locum . b for timithy epib . haeres . 75. eusebius lib. 3● . c. 4. hieronimus de script . eccl. chrysost. hom. 2 ad epist. pilip . & in praefat. in 1 tim. the supposed ambrose in praefat. in 1 tim. polycrates apud phot. biblioth. leont in concil. calce. . prim. in praefat. in 1 tim. & in 1 tim. c. 4. adde sedul . in 1 tim. 1. 2. for titus , see euseb. l. 3. c. 4. hieronimus de script . eccl. dictus ambr. in praefat. ad ep : tit. theodoret apud oecumen. in praefat. ad ep. tit. theodoret apud oecumen. in praefat. ad tit. theophyl. in praefat. ad tit. oecumen. in tit. 1. adde sedul , prolog. in epist. ad tit. c vid. theodor . in 1 tim. 6. 14 {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} nempe ea quae scribo . d {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} oecumen. in 1 tim. c. 5. see also ambrose in 1 tim. 6. e saint augustine ep. 162. and in the comment on the revelations under his name , hom. 2. the supposed ambrose in 1 cor. 11. 16. & in apoc. oecum : in apoc : 2. arethas in apoc. 1. and among the moderns , marlorat in apoc. 2. 1. bullinger concil. 9. in apoc. paraeus in apoc. 1. 20. dr reynolds conference with hart. c. 8. divis . 3. pet. molinaeus in his marginall notes . f theodoret in 1 tim. 3 , 1. pacianus epist. 2 : ad sympronian : b {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} 1b : v : 26 : c iob 33. 23. & malach. 2. 7. a james bishop of jerusalem ● , concil. gen. constantinop . can. 32. clemens apud euseb. l. 2. c. 1. euseb. l. 4. c. 21. & l. 2. c. 22. & l. 7. c. 14 , 15 , 19. aug. l. 2. contra lit. petil. c. 57. contra crescon. l. 2. c. 37. epiphanius contra ma●ich , sect. 66. & haeres . 78. chrysost. in 1 cor. cap. 15. hom. 38. & hom. 33. in act. 15. 23. & hom. 46. in act. hieron. in gal. 1. & epist. ad evagr. & de script . eccles. theophylact. & oecum . in gal. 2. b origen . hom. 6. in luc. euseb. l. 3. c. 22 , 35 , 36. & in chronico . in a. d. 38. s. hieron. in gal. 2. & l. de eccles. script . chrysost. hom. de trans . ignat. theodor . dialog . 1. greg. l. 6. ep. 37. c euseb. l. 2. 15. 24. hier. prooem in mat. & de scr . eccles. & ep. ad evag. greg. l. 6. ep 371 , d irenaeus l. 3. c. 3. optat l. 2. cont. parmen. tertul. de praesadversus haeret , s. aug. ep. 165. e irenaeus l. 3. c. 3. optat. l. 2. cont. parmen. aug. ep. 165. f euseb. l. 3. c. 22. and the author of the epist. ad antioch . under ignatius his name . g euseb. l. 4. c. 22. & l. 3. c. 4. h amb in col. 4. calvin instit. l. 4. c. 3. sect. 7. i theod. in 1 tim. 3. & in phil. 2. primasius in phil. 2. pacianus ep. 2. ad sympronian . k ambros. col. 4. l origen l. 10. in ep. ad rom. c. 16. m epist. comprovin . ad leon . n ignat. ep. ad ephes. euseb. lib. 3. c. 35. o eus. l. 3. 35. s. hieron. de . script . eccles. theod. dial . 1. felix 3. epist. ad zenonem . p hieron , de script . eccles. & euseb. l. 3. cap. 35. 39. q hieron. ibid. euseb. l. 4. c. 23. r hegesippus apud euseb. l. 4. c. 22. & euseb. l. 3. c. 11. a et infra {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} b {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} article 3. article 4. article 5. article 6. a vid. angl. confes. art . 37 : & scotican . confess art . 24. ideo confitemur & profitemur , quod qui supremae autoritati resistunt , usurpantes quod ad illius munus pertinet , illi dei ordinationi resistunt , ideoque coram illo innocentes esse non possunt . concl. a quâcunque arte verborum quis juret , deus tamen qui conscientiae testis est , ita hoc accipit , sicut ille cui juratur intelligit ●sidorus . perjuri sunt , qui servatis verbis expectationem eorum quibus juratum●● , ●ecepe●u●●t , augustin . ep. 224 ad alipium . notes for div a31491e-7050 a cyril . alexand calvin . in hosea 8. 4. vide also the fuller answer to dr. ferne . a {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} &c. a short memorial of the sufferings and grievances past and present of the presbyterians in scotland particularly of them called by nick-name cameronians. shields, alexander, 1660?-1700. 1690 approx. 161 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a59965 wing s3434 estc r25753 09102270 ocm 09102270 42451 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59965) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 42451) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1295:3) a short memorial of the sufferings and grievances past and present of the presbyterians in scotland particularly of them called by nick-name cameronians. shields, alexander, 1660?-1700. [4], 56 p. s.n.], [edinburgh? : 1690. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of scotland -history. covenanters. scotland -history -1660-1688. 2003-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-10 rina kor sampled and proofread 2003-10 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a short memorial of the sufferings and grievances , past and present of the presbyterians in scotland : particularly of those of them called by nick-name cameronians . printed in the year , 1690. to the reader . it is not needful in the entry to give a deduction , either of the excellent establishments of religion and civil liberties , and provisions made for security of both , that our fathers obtained and enjoyed , by the mercy of god , under the patrociny of righteous rulers ; or of the deplorable demolishments of these invaluable intersts , since the unhappy re-introduction of prelacy and tyranny , which brought poperie to the very birth in this land , had it not pleased the most high god , by the interposition of the present king , as an instrument , to make it abortive . but it is very useful and pleasant , to remember that the reformation of the church of scotland , was sometimes as far celebrated among all the churches , as now it is depreciated incontempt and obscurity : among other peculiar eminencies of it above many other churches , she had this very early for the subject of her gloriation , through grace ; that at once and from the beginning , both , doctrine , worship , discipline and government were reformed , according to the pattern of the institutions of christ , to that degree of purity , that our very first reformers could assert , to the praise of grace , that no corruption was left in this church , that ever flowed from the man of sin. which , through the blessing of god upon the faithful and earnest labours and wrestling of his servants in the ministry , made such progress in a short time ; that not only the doctrine was perfectly purged of the leaven of popery , arminianisme , socinianisme &c. and all other heresies ; the worship , of all idolatry and superstition : but the discipline was impartially exercised , and the government reformed from diocesan prelacy , sectarian confusions , and erastian supremacy of the civil powers , and framed in the nearest conformity to the primitive apostolick pattern , according to the word of god , and example of the best reformed churches , in the presbyterial order , of congregational , classical , synodical , and national assemblies . in the preservation and observation of which beautiful order , making our church beautiful as tirzah , comely as jerufalem , terrible as an army with banners . this was also her priviledge and praise , which is the fruit of this government wheresoever it hath place , that she was once and for a long time , as much admired for union , as of late for divisions since these corruptions made a breach upon vs : her name was once called philadelphia among all the reformed churches ; and t was long since attested at that unhappy convention at perth , which attempted the introduction of some popish novations , in the year 1618. that from that backward , to the year 1558. there had been neither schisme nor heresie in this church ; as also from thence forward , the same might have been said , excepting the contentions which the prelates and malignants occasioned , until the fatal catastrophe . no church on earth had more purity , order , or vnity , and was freer of corruption , defection and division , that this church . this our renowned reformation in doctrine , worship , discipline and government , as it was founded on the law and the testimony of the god of heaven ; so it was confirmed by all the sanctions , ratifications and securities , that any right can be capable of among men : not only by many laws , penal , and statutory , established as bulworks , for preserving and defending it against all the forementioned adversaries ; by many constitutions and acts of general assemblies , ratified by parliaments : but by many , again and again renewed national and solemn covenants , sworn to the most high god by all ranks , from the king to the beggar , in all capacities and conditions . this testimony , for this covenanted reformation , so confirmed and established ; as it hath been transmitted to vs , through a long continued tract of many wrestling and sufferings , from our worthy ancestors , and sealed by much precious blood and the bonds and bondage of many faithful martyrs and confessors of christ , adhering to the same in our day ; so , as it was then and now stated and sealed , hath been and is thought by all the asserters of our reformation , to have such a near and clear connexion with the great concern of the crown-prerogatives , and imperial dignities of the prince of the kings of the earth , as head of his visible kingdom , whose incommunicable glory it is , without competitoor co-partner , either coordinate or subordinate , to institute his own government , prescribe his own laws , appoint his own ordinances ( which he will have observed without addition , dimunition or alteration , until his second coming ) and to constitute his own officers , cloathed only with his authority , and to be regulated only by his instructions in their ministerial function without any dependence on , subordination to , or indulgence from any man or angel , in the exercise thereof , under their master christ alone ; to whom it belongs as properly to rule the church his own free kingdom , according to the good pleasure of his own will , as it belongs to him to save his church by the merit of his own sufferings ; that our famous fathers , and such of their children as have been faithful in following their footsteps , have judged it a testimony worthy to sacrifice all their interests upon , in opposing and contending against all the invasions and vsurpations made upon these prerogatives of christ , and priviledges of his church , by poperie prelacy , and erastian supremacy , all condemned in the law of god , diseharged by the laws of the land , and abjured in our covenants national and solemn league ; as being highly derogatorie to the glory of christ , contradictory to his revealed will , offensive to his people , obstructive to the power , and destructive to the peace , purity and liberty of his precious gospel . now for adbering to this complex testimony , what have been the sufferings and grievances of presbyterians in general , and ours in particular since anno 1660 : from the popish ; prelatical and malignant party , is more fully demonstrated , ( with the principles and testimonie contended for by us , vindicated ) in naphtali , jus populi , the hind let loose , our informatory vindication , & the testimony against the toleration , given in by that faithful & zealous minister of christ , mr. james renwick ; and here summarly remonstrated . we had once a resolution , at the first appearance of the prince of orange ; who , under god , was the honoured instrument of our begun enlargement from them , to have addressed his highness with this same memorial : but that failing , after this long suspence in expectation of some redress of grievances , whereof we and many others have been in a great measure disappointed ; we have been induced to publish it in this iuncture , with an appendix of our present complaints of somethings that we understand to be wrong in the church , state , army and country , at the time of the writing thereof ; which was in the time , and upon occasion of the many adjournments of parliament : wherein perhaps something will occur , which may seem obliquely to reflect upon the government , when we complain of the ill administrations of many malignants in power : but as they are sad truths which cannot be denyed , and tho we may be charged with imprudence in speaking so freely what many thousands , and those of the surest friends the government hath , do think : so , however we be neither politicians nor flatterers , we think conscience and loyalty both , doth oblige us to speak what concerns the king and country both to hear . we do not blame the king for delaying the satisfaction that his people have long waited for , further than for permitting some into trust , who have abused him with misinformations of what they waited for , and with counsels to delay their satisfaction . nor are we jealous of his majesties sincere intentions to perform what he hath promised , and the estates demanded , as necessary for settling the church , securing laws , restoring liberties , and redressing grievances ; albeit many here complained of , have laboured to suggest grounds of such iealousie . we have got already so much advantage by the success of his heroick expedition ; and so many repeated assurances of his royal resolutions to fulfill his declaration and promises to our satisfaction ; none of which we can charge him with the breach of tho many of them are not yet accomplished ; that we should be very unworthy to iealouse his integrity . we consider his majestie , stated in very difficult and dangerous circumstances , since he interposed himself in our gap , between an angry god and a sinful provocking people ; wherein he hath to do with a potent enemy without , and many undermyning enemies about his hand , seeking to ensnare him in sin and expose him to ruine ; and hath in his two kingdoms of britain people of different interests and inclination , whom to govern will require great deliberation , and consequently occasion delayes : but we lay the blame where it should lye , on the malignants at court , council and parliament , who are seeking to betray him and us both . if some of these be exposed , and their old pranks discovered , and the grievous effects of their being so much in power hinted at ; we hope the candid reader will think it no ill service either to king or country . errata reader before thou peruse these sheets be pleased to help these escapes of the press ( omitting these of less note ) page 15. line 34. read encouraged . p. 17. 19. r. superadded by l. 25. r. equaling p. 34. col. 1. 9. r. 21 men and 5 women . p. 35 col. 2. l. 11. for douglas r. dundass . p. 36. col. 1. l 5 for mouat r. mewae . col. 2. l. 20 r. dundass , and l. 26. r. dundass . p. 39. l. 36. for orders r. order p. 48. l. 18. r. flowing . a short memorial of the grievances and sufferings of the presbyterians in scotland , since the year 1660. particularly of those of them called cameronians . after king charles returned from his exile , the first device , which the malignants then advanced to the highest places of trust fell upon , for overturning our religion , laws , and liberties , was to prevent and obstruct all access either to justice or mercy for such as they had a mind to destroy , and preclude all applications for a redress of grievances . hence , when some faithful ministers were drawing up a monitory supplication to the king , congratulating his return , and minding him of his covenant engagements and promises to promote and preserve the work of reformation ; the committee of states then siting , caused apprehend , and without hearing incarcerate them , for no other cause but that supplication : against which at that time there was no law ; and which all law and reason of the world will justifie , as the most innocent expedient of getting their just complaints heard and redressed , and the common priviledge of all men , which slavery it self cannot take away . yet as all men , and they themselves , could not but , see this a manifest subverting of the subjects liberty : so , in procureing a law to approve it afterwards , they made it worse and more illegal , in declaring petitions to be unlawful and seditious , carol. 2. parl. 2. sess. 2. act 2. hence no petition or remostrance of publick grievances , oppressing , and enslaving church or nation , either durst be offered , or could find access or acceptance , being interdicted and also punished very severely ; as in the instance of the grievances given in against lauderdale . nor durst prisoners tender the most innocent supplication , even for release or a more easie confinement , in any terms that seemed either to reflect on their severity , or represent the illegality of their prosecutions , or in the least to vindicate the cause they were suffering for ; which caused many afterwards to decline all petitioning , and choose rather to ly under the most unsupportable bondage , for fear of having it made more miserable . the next succeeding devices , to undermine and overturn our religion and liberty , were the mischiefs framed into law by the first session of the first parl : charles 2. held by the earl of middletoun 1661. wherein by the very first act thereof , all the members were involved in a conscience ensnaring and enslaving oath of absolute and implieite allegiance and supremacy , ( without the former usual limitations then standing unrepealed ) not only wronging parliaments in their priviledges , and the church in her liberties , but the lord jesus christ in his prerogative of supremacy , and headship over the church ; making the king a pope , and not only a church member ( as a magistrate ) or church officer , but the supreme architectonick head of the church . for refusing this afterwards , many ministers and others were banished ; several of them made to subscribe a bond to remove out of all his majesties dominions within a moneth , not to return under the pain of death ; and many kept in prison by the arbittary power of the council , beside the tenor and extent of their own wicked act thereupon . in the following acts of that same session of parliament , they advanced the kings prerogative to the highest pitch of absoluteness : and the acknowledgement of this vast and unlimited prerogative , in all particulars , was formed and imposed , charl : 2 : parl : 1. sess. 1. act 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 11. this was the foundation of all the succeeding tyranny , and source of the nations slavery ; and in it self a head of sufferings to several gentlemen and others , who could not in conscience subscribe or make that acknowledgement of such a prerogative ; which would manifestly have imported an approving of the first audacious and presumptuous effect and attempt of its power , exerted in rescinding and annulling at one blow all the righteous and legal establishments of the covenanted reformation , and all the acts made in favours thereof in all the parliaments and conventions of estates from the year 1640. to 1650. even those that the then king charles 1. approved , owned , and called . they rested not here , in a general or gradual unhinging of legal constitutions , made for security of our religion and liberty ; but then took advantage of the universal silent submission of the nation , to break down at once the carved work of the whole fabrick of the reformation as with axes and hammers , in that insolent effrontry and indignity against heaven , in making void the national and solemn league and covenants : which the church and state both in their representatives and members , did most solemnly swear and subscrive , for themselves and posterity : which , for the matter of them perpetually obliging , for the manner so religiously engaged into , and for their ends so glorious , no power on earth can dispense with , disannull , or disable : which not only the lord from heaven did ratify , by the conversion of many thousands , and vouchsafing his presence gracious in ordinances and propitious in providences at the subscriving of them ; but in this land , at the inauguration of the king charles 2. ( being the condition upon which he was admitted to the government ) the latter of these covenants was ratified and established , as the great fundamental law of the kingdom , whereon all the rights and priviledges either of king or people are principally bottomed and secured , and as the very magna charta of our reformation . yet this not only they did break in heaven-daring boldness ; but to flatter the king in making way for prelacy , tyranny , and popery , and to indulge the licentiousness of some debauched nobles , who could not endure the yoke of christs government according to his institutions there covenanted to be preserved ; they enacted and declared , it should have no obligation or binding force any farther ; and that none should henceforth require the renewing of it carol. 2. parl. 1. sess. 1. act. 7. and afterwards , that the national covenant and solemn league and covenant were in themselves unlawful oaths : and therefore annulled all acts and constitutions ecclesiastical or civil approving them , parl. 1. sess. 2. act. 2. and not only so but in contempt of heaven , they caused burn them by the hand of the hangman . for adhering unto these sacred , inviolable , and indispensible engagements , the sufferings of presbyterians have in a great measure been stated since that time . the next wicked project was , to remove out of the way all who were eminent instruments , in promoting that work of reformation now about to be razed , and whom they feared would obstruct their antichristian and tyrannical designs , both in the state and in the church . accordingly the noble marquess of argyle was beheaded for no other alledged cause but for his complyance with the english , when they had made a conquest of our land , wherein also the judges that condemned him were socii criminis . and afterwards , the lord wariston upon the same pretence : and for the same pretended cause , many other gentlemen , above 800 were arbitrarly and exorbitantly fined ; some under divers stiles twice over . such of the ministry also as had been most faithful & servent for the interests of their master and of his church were cruelly and most illegally removed ; some by death , as famous mr. guthrie , for asserting the kingly prerogative of christ in opposition to the erastian supremacy encroaching thereupon ; others by banishment , for giving faithful warning , and protesting against the defection of that time , thereby only contraveening a wicked proclamation discharging them to speak against the proceedings of the state ; others indicta causa , without access to give in their defences , or to get so much as an extract of their sentence . after they had thus prepared their way , by the very first act of the second sess of the first parl. anno 1662. they reestablished and redintegrated their dagon of episcopal prelacy , with all its inseparably concomitant retinue of pride , perjury , simony , sacriledge , and intollerable usurpations and corruptions ; and wreathed again about our neck that yoke which neither our fathers , who wrestled much against it , nor we were nor ever shall be able to bear : which as it is insupportable to , and hated of all the godly ( and desirable to none , but dissolute & debauched persons , who cannot endure christs discipline impartially exercised , and do find incouragement under the wings of prelacy ) being in its original both the mother and daughter , root and off-spring , cause and effect of popery ; a device which advanced the man of sin to his hight in the world , and the only remaining support of his hopes of recovering these kingdoms , by christs conquest rescued from his tyranny ; in its nature , evidently eversive of the very nature of gospel church government ; in its ends only adapted to bring the church into a slavish dependence on & subordination to an usurped supremacy of the magistrate , which is a change only of the pope not of the popedom ; and in its effects , alwayes found to be most deplorably destructive to the purity and power of religion , and peace of its sincere profession , and that which hath introduced and encouraged impiety , error , schism , and persecution in these lands : so by all the sober and judicious that have known the case of this church and kingdom it hath been acknowledged to be the source and spring of all our sorrows and grievances , under which we have groaned these 28 years . this abjured prelacy , as it was introduced by manifest perjury and persidy , so it was at first erected and hitherto advanced and supported on such a foundation , as might bear out and justify the contrivers and promoters of it , as well in all attemprs to set up popery it self : the act establishing it declaring , the disposal of the government of the church doth properly belong to his majesty as an inherent right of the crown , by vertue of his royal prerogative and supremacy in causes ecclesiastick ; an usurpation upon the kingdom of christ equivalent to any that ever the papacy it self durst aspire unto over the government of the church . the first effect whereof was by another act 1 sess. 2 parl. carol. 2. the restoring the old exploded bondage of parronages ; another old relict of popish slavery , depriving the church of the freedom of calling and choosing their own pastors : and dispossessing all the ministers , who entered since the year 1640. of their churches and benefices , possessed without the presentations of patrons after which , by the instigation of the prelates , the council passed an act october 1662 , whereby above 300 ministers were violently put out of their charges , and their congregations laid desolate , without all legal procedure , without either accusation or citation , conviction or sentence , or a hearing allowed to them . and therefore for simple nonconformity , and refusing subjection to and taking collations from the prelates , the rest of the ministers , in great numbers , were , with cruelty more beseeming turks , thrust from their labours and banished , with a nice and strange confinement ; 20. miles from their own parish church , six miles from a cathedral , and three miles from a burgh . in whose room succeded , a swarm of ignorant and scandalous apostates , the prelates and their mercenary substitutes the curats : against whom such charges might alwayes have been adduced , and to this day such accusations are in readiness to be produced , to any competent ludicatories , that shall be called to cognosce upon them , of the pernicious errors of popery , socinianisme , and arminianisme maintained by many of them , abominable adulteries committed by others of them , the profanity , sensuality , and debauchery , oppression and persecution of godliness and good men chargeable on the generallity of them , and perjury in breach of covenant , and schismatical intrusion without consent of the church owned of all of them , and ungodliness by them transfused over all the land ; as could not but make them detested of all , as the greatest stain to be suffered in a reformed church . upon the back of this , by the instigation of the prelates , who scorned to be and one , no not by iulian the apostate , in surpressing religion , they proceeded to poyson all the seminaries of learning : ordaining , in act. 9. sess. 2. parl. 1. carol. 2. that none be masters in any university , except they both take the oath of supremacy , and submit to and own prelacy ; or be so much as a pedagogue to children , without the prelates licence . by which course honest and learned men were brought to considerable straits and sufferings ; and ungodly and unsound masters had access and encouragement , to corrupt the youth with perverse and malignant principles , to the great and observable detriment and decrement of religion , learning , sobriety , and morality in the nation . the next contrivance was , to corrupt all the fountains of judicature . and for this end it was enacted , act 5. sess. 2. parl. 1. carol. 2. that all persons , in any publick trust or office whatsoever , should subscribe the declaration , renouncing and abjuring the covenants ; and that not only under the certified penalty of forefaulting the priviledges of magistrates ; but also of all the priviledges of merchandizing , trading , and others , belonging to a burgess , act 3. sess. 3. parl 1. carol. 2. whereby perjury was made the chief and indispensable qualification , and conditio sine qua non of all that were capable of exercising any power in church or state ; contrate to known laws yet unrepealed , which make them that are guilty of perjury , incapable of being intrusted with any publick administration in the kingdom . the parliaments thus corrupted , and instigated by the bishops and curates , establish wicked laws pressing conformity . and in the very first of them , made such a streach , beyond all bounds of charity , justice , reason , or humanity , that they made all addresses to god or man , remonstrating such grievances and reflecting on such proceedings to be criminal ; declaring petitions to be seditious , and discharging all writing , printing , remonstrating , praying , or preaching , shewing any dislike of the kings absolute prerogative and supremacy in causes ecclesiastick , or of the government of the church by bishops , act 2. sess. 2. par. 1. carol. 2. and act 4 ibid. they not only prohibited any to preach in publick , or so much as in families without the prelates licences but discharged all private meetings in houses for religious exercise , of such as could not in conscience give their countenance to the curats service in churches . then in the 3 sess. act. 2. they declare , that all non conformed ministers , that shall presume to exercise their ministry , shall be punished as seditious persons : and require of all , in acknowledgement of and complyance with his majesties government ecclesiastical , that they give their concurrence and countenance to the curates , and attend their meetings for worship : ordaining , that whosoever shall withdraw , shall incur , each nobleman , gentleman , or heretor , the loss of a fourth part of their years rent , every yeoman the loss of a fourth or under of his moveables , each burgess the loss of his burge-ship , with the fourth of his moveables , with a reference to the council , for farther punishment , and more effectual execution : which the council very vigorously prosecuted , in emitting most rigorous proclamations after that : some requiring all to keep their parioch churches under the pain of 20. shil . toties quoties ; some discharging all preaching , praying , or hearing in families , where three or some more then the domesticks were found , as unlawful conventicles ; others certifying , that all such meetings , not authorised , shall be punished by pecunial and corporal pains , at the arbittement of the council ; other commanding all masters of families , heretors , landlords , and magistrates of burghs , ro cause their servants , dependents , tennents , taxmen , cottars , and all under their charge , to submit and conform to the curates their ministry . for putting these laws in execution , the king erected a high commission court ; consisting of some prelates , noblemen , magistrates of burghs , and some souldiers , impowered , by vertue of his prerogative royal and supremacy , to suspend , deprive , and excommunicat , as also to punish by fining , confining , and incarcerating , all keepers of conventicles , and all non conformists : a hotch-potch mongrel monster of a judicatory , authorized by the prerogative against the laws of god and man , meddling with causes and censures ecclesiastick and civil , most illegal and arbitrary , both for its constitution and procedure : whereby persons brought before them were made to answer super inquirendis , contrare to express standing law ioc. 6. parl. 10. act. 13. anno. 1585. without either libel or accuser , or admitting legal defences except they take the oaths ; and sentenced with stigmatizing , scourging , banishment , deportation and slaverie to barbados , &c. by orders from this court , especially from the prelates , whose country sides were in a great measure depopulate for non-conformity , by souldiers ; sometimes besetting the churches , where honest ministers were not yet ejected , and forcing all within to pay fines ; sometimes going to the curates churches , and amerciating all the absents in such fines as they pleased ; sometimes by force driving all to church , beating , wounding , and binding the reousants ; sometimes exacting exorbitant fines by plunder , to the harassing and making havock of whole country sides ; sparing sometimes complyers no more then recusants ; and punishing husbands for their wives , parents for their children ; yea doubling and tripling the same exactions after payment ; yet compelling them sometimes , to subscribe an acknowledgement that the captain had used them civilly and discreetly ; then after all , apprehending , imprisoning , scourging some , stigmatizing others , and sending them to forreign parts , that would not for all this conform . hereupon , being outwearied with intollerable oppressions , a small party of dissenters were partly compelled , and party by a surprise of providence engaged , to run together for their own defence , at pentland anno 1666. where , after the defeat , the prisoners that were taken upon quarter and solemn parol to have their life spared , were treacherously given up to be condemned , the very manner of their execution being first determined and described before arraigment , and cruelly hanged ; their heads being set up at edinburgh , glasgow , air , dumsreis , and at hamiltoun ; turks would have blushed to have seen the like . among the rest one eminent minister , mr. hugh mckail , for having but a sword tho not present at the fight , was first cruelly tortured with the iron boots , and afterwards execute to the death . at their executions drums were beat that they might not be heard ; a barbarity never known in scotland before ; and rarely heard of except in the duke d' alvas murdering the protestants in the netherlands ; but frequently used almost at all the executions since of our martyred brethren in this land. immediatly hereafter souldiers were sent out on free quarter , to examine men by tortures , threatning to kill or rost alive all that would not delate all they knew accessary to that rising : who accordingly , by fire matches and other tortures , forced women to discover their husbands and other relations , although they knew not it they were there ; stripped them who reset the fugitives , and thrusted them in crouds to prisons in cold and nakedness ; and some they murdered without process , that would not , because they could not , discover those persecuted people ; yea and drove away the goods of the country , without respect to guilt or innocency . in the mean time , such as were in armes , and some that were not , were intercommuned , and interdicted of all reset , harbour , hiding , corresponding , or comfort , under pain of rebellion and of being counted guilty of the same crimes , wherewith the intercommuned were charged . and many gentlemen , ministers , and others , were forfeited of their whole estates very illegally : yea some that were not present at that appearance in armes , nor legally convict , nor cited to answer according to law , were yet forfaulted before the act of parl. 2. act 11. carol. 2. contrate to express standing statutes . and further all dissenters , and such as did not joyn in suppressing that expedition , were by order from the council robbed of their armes and horses fit for service ; their guilty consciences puting them in fears , and dictating their desert of greater opposition . after all these cruelties , murdering the persons and oppressing the estates of poor dissenters ; what they could not do by law , nor force , nor futy , they contrived to effectuate by craft , under the notion of clemency ; but such a clemency , as was a greater cruelty then any former persecution . the poor people that had nothing left them but a good conscience , must have that robbed from them likewise : therefore these wicked councellers and prelates , still stirred up by the curates , having none or a seared conscience of their own , contrived to take away from people all remainders of conscience , or to make them pliable to comply with every corruption they should introduce , by imposing conscience-debauching and ensnaring oaths and bands most deceitfully and ambiguously framed , most illegally imposed , and insolently pressed ▪ and more numerous since that time than ever was heard of in any nation in one age : there being scarce one year since that time , wherein several of these oaths and bonds have not been vented and imposed , contradictory to one another , contrary to our sworn covenants and work of reformation , impossible to keep , and unlawful to take . yet finding they could not yet suppress the persecuted meetings for gospel ordinances , but that the more violence was used the greater and more frequent they grew ; they fell upon a more crafty device , to divide and destroy the remnant , to overturn what remained of the churches priviledges undestroyed , and to settle ministers and people into a silent and stupid submission to all the kings usurpations upon the same , by giving an indulgence , anno 1669. to some outed ministers , with restrictions and instructions , clearly homologatory of the supremacy whence it flowed , establishing the height of erastianism , prejudicial to the freedom of the ministry , injurious to the priviledges of the church , contrary to presbyterian principles , and contradictory to the covenants : the grant and acceptance whereof hath been the bane of the church of scotland , and a bone of contention rending and ruining the remnant of ministers and people unite before . the end of it was to advance the supremacy ; as upon this occasion they enlarged and explained it : and because it was against law , therefore , that the kings letter might be made the supreme law afterwards , at least law enough for the council to proceed , enact , and execute what the king pleased in matters ecclesiastick , the parl. 2. act 1. carol. 2. held by lauderdale , asserts and declares , that , by vertue of the supremacy , the ordering of the government of the church doth properly belong to his majesty and successors , as an inherent right to the crown ; and that he may enact and emitt such constitutions , acts , and orders , concerning church administrations , persons , meetings , matters , as he in his royal wisdom shall think fit , which acts , orders , &c. are to be observed and obeyed by all subjects , any law , act or custom , to the contrary notwithstanding . but now as before , faithful ministers that were not thus indulged , sensible of the indispensable necessity of preaching the gospel , and of the peoples great necessity calling them to it from several quarters , after they had undergone and endured many hazards and hardships of villany and violence , imprisonment and banishment , for meeting in the houses , where they were easily intraped , interrupted , and insulted over , were forced to go to the fields , and preach in places most convenient , secret and safe ; whither the people , being tyred of their cold and dead curates , and wanting long the ministry of their old pastors , resorted in great numbers , on the greatest of hazards : the council then , at the instigation of the bishops and curates , raised troops of horse and dragoons to pursue them as traitors and rebells , for their following that necessary and signally blessed duty ; impowred and encouraged to apprehend , and bring dead or alive , some ministers , with prices put upon their heads , and to incarcerate all they could find , either at the meetings , or suspected to be coming to or from them . hence prisons were filled ; some were sent to the bass ; some banished ; and many hundreds driven from their dwellings , outlawed , and intercommuned . for legalizing such mischiess , the second sess. of the second parliament , anno 1670. held by lauderdale , made many wicked laws , causes of many grievances following . as act 2. ordaining all of every quality or sex , called to depone upon oath their knowledge of such meetings and persons therein , to declare the same in all particulars interrogate , under the pains of fining , imprisonment , or banishment , and deportaion to the indies , as the council shall think fit : oblidging people thereby to betray their own neighbours . act 5. declaring all outed ministers , found preaching or praying , in any house except in and to their own family , shall be imprisoned , till they find caution under the pain of 5000 marks , not to do the like again ; and every hearer shall be toties quoties fined , each tennant in 25 pounds scots , each cottar in 12 pounds , &c. and that all that preach in the fields , or in any house where any of the people are without doors , shall be punished with death ; and any that shall seise and secure any of them , dead or alive , shall have 500 marks reward . act 6. imposing most i yrannically exorbitant and grievous . fines , upon any that shall offer their children to be baptized by any but curats and indulged ministers ; which were afterwards , by act 11. sess. 3. parl. 2. laid upon all who shall keep their children unbaptized , for thirty dayes together . act 9. imposing intolerable fines on all that shall three sabbath dayes together withdraw themselves from their own paroch churches . act 9. sess ▪ 3. declaring all ordinations of ministers , since the year 1661. which have not been by bishops , to be null and invalid ; and that they are no ministers that are otherwise ordained : encroaching hereby on the most intrinsick and formally ecclesiastick powers of the officers of christs kingdom . these wicked acts were followed with cruel executions , whereby many were made to endure such havock , as harder could not be found in the reign of caligula or nero , both in their own houses , in prisons , and at sea in deportations . hereafter , thinking the ordinary forces not cruel enough in executing these enacted mischiefs , they brought from the wild highlands a host of 10 or 11000 barbarous savages , and poured them in upon the westeren shires ( all peaceable at the time , none so much as moving a finger against them ) on design , as would seem , utterly to lay them desolate : with orders to press a bond of conformity , wherein every subscriber was bound , for himself and all under him , to frequent the paroch church , and never go to house or field meetings , nor reset any that went to them , but to informe against , pursue , and deliver up all outed preachers to judgement . many houses and families were then left desolate . the inhabitants being made to flee in the winter season : many left their cattel , and in seeking to recover them lost their lives . yet the innocent country was made to pay for all this service , and hire them to do more , by paying the imposed cess , enacted and exacted professedly , by the act of the convention of estates holden by lauderdale , anno 1678. to raise and maintain more forces , and to maintain the supremacy as now asserted and established , and to suppress field meetings called rendezvouses of rebelion and , for the same causes , and to suppress the propagation of the principles then suffered for , continued by act 3. parl. 3. held by the duke of york commissioner . and by act 12. parl. 1. iac. 7. holden by queensberry , continued and prorogued , during all the terms of his lifetime : which , because of the illegality of its imposition , the nature of its exaction , being an obedience to a wicked law , a help to the ungodly to make havock of the church , a hire to the souldiers to destroy what remained of religion and liberty , and because of its ends so expresly declared in the narratives of the acts , to suppress the persecuted gospel and destroy its followers , many presbyterians durst not justify by obedience , in paying the required moyetie ; but chose rather to suffer joyfully the spoyling of their goods , and all the force and fury they could exert against them . whereby many tho' poor yet honest and honestly provided families , were laid waste , and exposed to the miseries of uncertain wanderings . at length , upon occasion of graham of claverhouse , his assaulting a meeting near loudoun-hill , carrying about with him a minister and several countrey men bound as beasts , and getting a repulse in the rancounter with the meeting ; another insurrection , for our lives , liberties , and religion , was undertaken , and discomfited at bothwel-bridge , anno 1679 : and at the defeat several hundreds were killed on the field , and 10. or 1100. were taken prisoners , stript , and carried to edinburgh , where , after two of our ministers were martyred for that appearance , mr. iohn king and mr. iohn kid : and after the rest of the prisoners were kept several weeks in a church yard without a covert either from cold or heat in the open air ; a bond was tendered , seeming to offer life and liberty , on terms that clearly condemned the cause , never to rise in arms against the king , on any pretence whatsoever , &c. which many took , and the rest of us that refused , and even many that did take it , were sent away in a ship bound for america , between 2 and 300 in all : who were all murdered in the ship , being shut up under the hatches , when it split upon a rock in the north of scotland , excepting 50 : some of which are yet alive to give this account . after this , the grand design of subverting and utter everting our reformation , tho' from the beginning of this fatal catastrophe projected , and by all the forementioned methods prosecuted hitherto , was more and more discovered , and beyond all denial demonstrated , that nothing less was intended then the gradual introduction of popery and slavery , and that by all the ordinat iesuitical rules , observed in the seduction of churches into the roman tyrannie : the chiefest of which have alwayes been to foment all quarrels among protestants , and to strengthen the party readiest to comply , to make and execme rigorous laws against the most tenacious , and to load the protestant opinions that are more obnoxious with all odious constructions . accordingly in the first place , to propagate defection and promote division , a proclamation was emitted anno 1679 inveighing against and resolutely interdicting all field-meetings ; and granting liberty to preach in houses upon terms of a cautionary bond , binding and oblieging the people for their ministers living peaceably , and in order thereto to present him before his majesties privy council , when they should be called so to do ; and in caise of falizie in not presenting him , to be lyable to the sum of 6000 merks . yet excluding all these ministers , who were suspect to have been at that insurrection of bothwel ; and all those who should afterwards be admitted by non conformed ministers : whereby those that durst not comply were exceedingly divided , and more easily destroyed . for their courts of cruel inquisition went by circuit through the country , pressing the bond of peace , denying the principle and renouncing the priviledge of defensive arms ; and taking up portuous rolls of all that were suspect to have been at bothwel insurrection ; whereof they reputed all to be convict , who being summoned did not appear , or were delated by oath super inquirendis to have been seen or heard to be in armes , or did not go to the kings camp , about that time . whereby , not only upon the account of that appearance were many executed to the death , by packing bloody juries and assises , as might conduce and be for their murdering ends , besides more than can be reckoned that were kept to perish in prisons , or deportations to banishment ; but many gentlemen and others were indyted , imprisoned , and some condemned to death , others forefaulted or fyned above the value of their estates , for having seen or spoken with some of those called rebels ; or because they did not discover or apprehend them , even when they did not and could not know whether they were called or counted rebels or not . and some poor people , when they could not be reached any way for this insurrection at bothwell , nor any other overt act or transgression against even their wicked laws , were condemned for their simple declared opinion of it : which the council , and court of justiciarie , particularly sir george mackenzie advocate , did extort from them by terrible menacings of death and torture . for , being interrogate , whether the rysing at bothwel-bridge was rebellion , and a sin against god : many , for saying it was not , yea , for not saying it was , and waving the question , as reckoning themselves not oblieged to answer , were cruelly condemned and executed , tho they declared and were known to be as free as the child unborn of these actions they were examined upon . in fine , after our patience had been long outwearied with insupportable slavery , and under such intollerable oppressions in our consciences , persons and estates ; so universaly extended , that in the present circumstances we had more reason to hope , that past miseries , present pressures , and future dangers of greater encroachments , then foreseen by all men that did not willingly shut their eyes , should have incited and invited all , that had any regard to the great interests of religion and liberty , to concur in an essay to emancipate themselves and posterity from that yoke of grassant & growing tyrannie , than to fear the condemnation of any under these oppressions , or the clamour and out cry of those that were at ease against the informality , illegalily , unseasonableness , or unfealableness of such revolt : we were enduced and enforced at length , when we could do no more to preserve what remained of these interests , or save our consciences innocent from all participation of the sin of the destroyer of them ; to declare for our parts a revolt from , and disown alleagiance to king charles the second , as being no longer to be accounted our supreme magistrate , but ipso jure devested of that office and trust , reposed and devolved on him by express compact and covenant : when he broke all these conditions , whereupon his authority and our alleagiance were founded ; in his utter violating and making void the covenant and coronation oath , whereby our subjection to him , limited to those provisions , was explicitely disingaged and remitted ; when he did unhinge and insringe all the legal establishments of our religion ; and subverted all our religious liberties , by usurping a blasphemous sacrilegious supremacy over ecclesiastical ordinances instituted by christ ; and when now he had overturned all fundamental constitutions of the state as well as the church , subverting the peoples rights , liberties , laws , and all securities of our life and enjoyments whatsoever , by claiming and taking an absolute tyrannical civil prerogative , paramount to all law , inconsistent either with the freedom or safety of the people : whereby no shadow of government was left , but arbitrary absoluteness , making the kings letter the supreme law of scotland ; while innocent and honest people for conscience were grievously oppressed , and perjuries , adulteries , idolatries , and all impieries , were not only indemnified and past without punishment , but encouraged as badges of loyalty . for which causes , we openly proclaimed our revolt from the government as it was then administrate . and in the same declaration , we reckoned our selves oblieged to protest against the reception of the duke of york in scotland ; and against his succeeding to the crown , who was then declared incapable of succession of the government , by a vote of the two honourable houses of the parliament of england . for for owning , and not daring to disown , which revolt , it is impossible to enumerate our kinds and degrees of sufferings : for this we had our ministers and brethren murdered , both in the fields , and scaffolds , and prisons , and seas ; besides those that were slain at airds-moss , where bruce of earleshall attacked us , and slew mr. richard cameron a faithful and zealous minister with many of our brethren . after this it was generally imposed on prisoners , even such as could not be charged with any accession to the forementioned declaration , to give an account of their thoughts and consciences about the lawfulness of the kings authority : which if they could not own , or declined to declare their thoughts , as judging it the common interest of mankind to plead for the freedom of thoughts from all humane jurisdiction , or if any answered with such innocent qualifications , as that they owned all lawful authority in the lord , or , according to the word of god ; then they were punished as traitors , executed to the death , and some at their first apprehending tormented with fire-matches , then laid in irons , afterwards tortured with the boots or thumbkins , and after all executed in a most barbarous manner without suffering them to speak their dying words for beating of drums . thus a great number of innocent people have been destroyed , without respect to age or sexe ; some meer boyes have been for this hanged ; some stouping for age ; some women also hanged , and some drowned , because they could not satisfy the council , justitiary court , and the souldiers , with their thoughts about the goverment . in the year 1681. the duke of york , as commissioner from his brother , held a parliament , ( auspicated with the blood of mr. donald cargil a godly and faithful minister , which was shed at the cross of edinburgh , the day before the sitting down of the parliament ) wherein he not only presided against all our righteous laws , that make a papist incapable of such a trust , and against their own laws , without taking the oaths of administration , but procured an act to be made recognizing his succession to the crown notwithstanding all standing unrepealed laws against papists : wherein also many acts were contrived that have been great causes of the desolation and depopulation of the country that ensued : as act 4. dowbling the fines imposed by former laws for fieid conventicles ; and ordering heretors and masters to put away their tennants , cottars , or servants , at any time of the year without any warning or process of removing , notwithstanding of any tacks or terms to run ; and to retain their goods , &c. act 18. declaring , that all jurisdiction doth so reside in his majestie , that his majesty may , by himself or any commissionated by him , take cognizance and decision of any cases or causes he pleases . hereby a foundation was laid for overturning all civil and criminal justice , and for erecting the tyranny of the popish inquisition , whensoever matters were ripe for it , and for commissionating souldiers to take away the lives of innocents , without all process of law , as was frequently exemplified afterward and act 6. and 25. framing and imposing on all in trust a detestable and self contradictory test , which turned out of all places of trust any that retained any measure of common honesty . for explaining which , the late earl of argyle was arfaigned and condemned ; and escaping prison , forced to flee to forraign lands : as many others , both gentlemen and commons were constrained to leave the land ; where for multiplied , illegal , and ensnaring impositions , they could neither live like men nor like christians , but as asses couching under all burdens . these and the like acts , with many others arbitrarly superadded proclamations ( which have been multiplied every year beyond all reckoning , and stretching the designs of the court beyond all measures , no only of legality , but of humanity , expecting at the next parliament to have them either justified or indemnified and pardoned ) were with tyrannous rigor executed by circuit courts of inquisition ( some way equally if not exceeding the spanish , for illegality and inhumanity ) pressing conformity , submission to prelacy , impossing , enslaving and ensnaring oaths and bonds , contradictory to reason , and contrary to religion ; and oppressing of all ranks , qualities , and vocations , with such arbitrary acts of intercommunings , finings , and other intollerable impossitions , that they seemed to drive at no less than the overturning what remained undestroyed of religion , liberty , law ; or conscience in the nation . for not only the poorer sort were many wayes oppressed , plundered , pillaged , impoverished , and destroyed ; but gentlemen also were extremely vexed , for alledged converse with intercommuned sufferers , being fore faulted , fined , and incarcerate , till they should pay summs , which neither they were obliged nor able to pay . and not only were the formerly persecuted ministers , lurking in the land , forced to leave it ; or cited and compeared at their courts were imprisoned : but even the indulged ministers , who by the kings supremacy were authorized to preach in churches alloted to them , were as arbitrarly discharged , summoned to their circuits , and imprisoned . especially we , who durst not comply in less or more with any of their impositions , nor own their usurpations and tyranny , whom therefore they represented in all their edicts , as enemies to all government and humane society , were exposed to , and made to endure the utmost of their rage . our families were harassed , pillaged and laid waste , our persons were intercommuned , driven out of our own and all other habitarions into the wilderness , being interdicted of all harbour , supply , comfort or converse , by barbarous edicts ; and incestantly pursued by numerous forces , horse , foot , and dragons powered into all parts of the country , impowered and commissioned to plunder and pillage all houses where they heard we were seen ; and not only to search , hunt , & chase us through all towns , villages , cottages , woods , moors , mosses , and mountains , forcing us us to flee to the remotest recesses in the wildest deserts ; but to shoot , hang , drown , murder , and make havock of us , where ever they could apprehend us , without tryal or sentence . proclamations one after another were emitted , commanding all to raise the hue and cry after us , and not only to advertise the souldiers , but to concur with them in pursuing us , and to seek us out of all our dens and caves in the most retired places of the mountains , which we digged under ground , when we could not find a hiding place above the face of the earth : whence we were redacted to many incredible hardships and hazards , being exposed to the cold blasts of winter , and the pinching straits of hunger , when we could neither have sustenance with us , nor durst we go abroad to seek it but in the peril of our lives , and being forced to hide from country people as well as souldiers : whence many of us could not escape falling into their bloody hands , who , in obedience to their murdering mandates killed many instantly in the fields ; and such as obtained the favour of being spared for execution upon scaffolds , tho without any colourable shadow of a formal procedure , or were imprisoned , tortured , or banished to be slaves , were thought to have been very mercifully dealt with . whereupon , being driven to such a paraxisme of danger and despair , that neither , were we able to endure the extremities of inexpressible miseries then lying and growing upon us , nor had hope to escape in humane probability the utter destruction intended , enacted , declared , and indefatigably pursued against us by our enemies , the popish , prelatieal and malignant faction ; when so many of us were daily taken and murdered , and the rest of us could neither escape by flight out of the land , ( orders being given to stop all passages by sea and land , and catch us wheresoever we could be deprehended making any such essay ) nor by lurking and hiding in the land , through the vigilance and diligence of intelligencers , who were suborned and encouraged to use all endeavours to intrap and inform of us , wheresoever we could be heard of ; no other expedient was left under our deliberation to try for preventing our utter extermination , than to publish , by affixing on the church-doors in the night season , an apologetick declaration , avowing our adherence to former principles and testimonies , and warning our enemies to surcease from their wickedness and severity against us , under certifications that it should be revenged : designing hereby mainly to restrain and deter these insolent intelligencers . hereupon followed a most violent proclamation , ordaining all that owned or refused to disown the declaration , and the principles therein specified , should be execute to the death ; commanding all the subjects to concur in the pursute of us ; and for their encouragement , offering 500 merks for each of us ; requiring also , that none presume to offer to travel in the country without testificates of their loyalty , by taking the oath of abjuration , otherwise they should be holden as concurrers with us , and therefore that none shall be lodged without these certificates . hence the trade and commerce of the countrey was much interrupted and prejudged , by prohibiting all to travel without a pass in time of peace . and to the reproach of all order and government : hostlers and common inn-keepers were made judges impowered to impose oaths upon all passengers & travellers , that their passes were not forged and seigned . this oath of abjuration was pressed universally , on pain of death , ( in some places from house to house ) upon men and women , young and old ; who were pressed upon the penalty of death , without time to advise upon it , to give their judgement of the said declaration , and of the kings authority ; which contributed very much to make it more and more questioned by many , and rediculous to all . hence many of us that stood out and aloof from this complyance , were shot in the fields ; some brought in prisoners , sentenced , and executed all in one day ; and some early in the morning , that people might not be affected with the pitiful sight of such bloody severities ; yea , sometimes the spectators were commanded by captain graham in edinburgh , to give their judgement , and declare their opinion , whether they were justly put to death or not . in process of time , the late king dying , and the duke of york ascending the throne ; it would have been thought , that such revolutions then occurring would have required and produced some cessation , relaxation , or relentment of our persecution : being in our selves , and in our persecutors esteem , persons of so mean a figure in the world , scarce worthy to be the object of the indignation of a new installed prince ; and his late proclamations would make the world believe , that the beginning of his government had put an end to all these troubles upon the account of conscience . but on the contrare , the acts and executions against us in a manner did then but begin to be cruel ; and all the power of the forces was imployed to destroy us , so much already destroyed . for then , more cruelly than ever , not only the standing forces , but another host of savage highlanders , inured to rapine and murder , brought from the north , were ordered and impowered to act against us the greatest barbarities , in butchering and slaughtering us in the fields where ever we could be found , without all colour of justice , only for not satisfying them in their impertinent as well as wicked impositions on the conscience , or form of law , even the worst of their own laws . accordingly some of us at labour , same traveling in the road , were cut off without pity ; some surprised in caves , and murdered there ; without time given to pray to god for mercy ; some were taken first to prison , then surprised with execution , without a triall or definite sentence , not knowing when or if at all they should be execute ; some had their ears cutt , & then sentenced to be transported to iamaica , and yet some of these were kept , and again sentenced with death , and executed : others were sent to an old ruinous castle denotter , and kept in vaults , in such crouds and numbers , that they had no room either to sit or lie , and so cruelly treated , as would make savages blush to hear of it , and then banished to america , and in the voyage about 60 died . but as those cruelties were monstrnous for illegality and inhumanity ; so the ensuing laws made in the first parliament , iames 7th . 1685. held by queensberry commissioner , approving and ratifying the same , do far exceed all former for unparalelled attrociousness : as act 3. allowing pannals already in prison , and indicted for treason , to be cited on 24 houres . act 4. statuting , that such as being cited to be witnesses as in cases of treason , field or house conventicles , do refuse to depone , they shall be lyable to be punished as guilty of these crimes respectively , in which they refuse to be witnesses . act 5. declaring , that the giving or taking the national covenant or the solemn league and covenant , or writing in defence thereof , or owning of them as lawful , or obligatory on themselves or others , shall infer the crime and pains of treason . act 6. declaring the usual procedure of fyning husbands for their wives withdrawing from the church , to have been legal . act 7. statuting , that the concealing and not revealing of any supply given to such , as are forefaulted for treason ( to wit , the most innocent contending for the covenants and work of reformation , against popery , prelacy , or tyranny , and tho the supply should be given to their nearest relations so foresaulted ) is treason , and to be judged accordingly . act 8 statuting , that all that shall hereafter preach at house or field conventicles , and all hearers also at field conventicles shall be punished by death and confiscation . act 13. reinjoyning , and further extending the imposition of the self-contradictory test. act 17. ratifying , confirming , and approving what hath been done by the privy council , justiciary , or those commissionated by them , in banishing , imprisoning , and fyning such as refused to take the oath of allegiance , ( which includes the blasphemous supremacy ) with asserting the prerogatives ; and under the same pains , ordaining all subjects so to take the said oath when required . act 23. ratifying and approving the opinion of the lords of council and session , adjudging it treason to refuse the oath of abjuration , confirming all the illegality of procedure thereupon . act 24. statuting , that all masters , heretors , liferenters , &c. shall insert in all tacks to be set by them to their tennants , in burgh or landwart , an express clause , oblieging the tennant for his wife and family to conformity , under exorbitant penalties . act 25. ratifying a proclamation against us , as bearing the effect of an act of parliament ; requiring all the subjects , upon knowledge or information of any one or two or moe of us in any place , to give information thereof to the chancellour , and to the nearest commanders of the forces , within the space of an hour at most for every three miles distance , and all sheriffs , &c. to call the subjects to search and apprehend us ; and on our flight , to acquaint the magistrates of the next shire , and so from shire of shire , till we be apprehended , or expelled from the realm ; with certification , that whosoever fails in pursuing us whether magistrats or subjects , or in not giving timeous information within the space forsaid , shall be held as art and part , and undergo the same punishment with us . in which act and proclamation , we are called only 80 runnagats , traitors and fugitives , tho` in pursuance of this cruel edict , they have multiplied that number many times over and over , in imprisoning , banishing , and butchering our dear brethren ; and yet all the prisons they could fill , and shipt they could fraught with us , and gibbets they could hang us on , could never either exhaust or lesson our number : for the more we were afflicted the more we grew ; and the design to destroy us , by the mercy of our god counteracting it , proved alwayes a burdensome stone to the destroyers , and an help to the destroyed . yet tho they pretended to have us expelled out of the realm , they shut up all possible access to attempting to depart out of it : for , as forces were lying on each side the borders to catch us if we should escape by land , so they prevented all probability of going by sea , by act 27. of this same parliament , forbidding and prohibiting all masters of ships to export any passenger till he be brought before the next magistrates : which none of us durst venture upon for fear of our lives . this was an unhappy specimen of the kings commenced government , and a very unprecedented policy of his counselors , to reconcile male contented subjects to a loving and consienciously loyal subjection to him , being in effect the same with the advice of the young men to rehoboam , and productive of the same effect with that : when practically in their acts and actings it was declared to us , that whereas the former king had made our yoke heavy ; this would add thereto : the former had chastised us with whips , but he would chastise us with scorpions : whereof having felt the smart so sharply , we could not be easily induced to a kindly acknowledgment of allegiance out of conscience unto him , who came not in as a father to rule us , but as a lyon to devour us . wherefore , tho much pressed by all the tyrannical force , that could be exercised to enslave us under that yoke , or destroy us for refusing , we could not in conscience own or acknowledge his lawful authority . and in pressing it they gained little , after all the blood they shed on scaffolds and fields upon this account , but to ridicule the government , and make it more contemptible , when they required every poor lad & lass in the country to give their opinion of the government , a question very unusual to be proposed to private subjects . men really invested with authority do think , their laws and power to execute them on offenders may well enough secure the peoples subjection , and will disdain such a suspicion of the questionablenss of their authority , as to make it a question to the subjects : the more it was made a question to us , the more it became questioned and suspected : and the more we were made to enquire into it , the further we were from deprehending or recognoscing in him either the characters or constitution of a magistrate to be owned . we considered the many righteous laws , established by our worthy ancestors , for the preservation of the true religion and liberties of the kingdom , insert in the national covenant ( which every soul in the kingdom under the bond of that covenant , is bound , to maintain according to their capacities ; ) as act 8 parl. 1. king ia : 6 : repeated and ratified in many acts afterwards , expresly providing and ordaining , that all kings and princes , at their coronation and reception of their princely authority , shall make their faithful promise by oath , and that they shall profess and maintain the protestant religion , and shall abolish and gainstand all false religion contrary the same , and shall rule according to law , &c. which oath of coronation he did not take , would not take , could not take , while a papist ; and therefore we could not look on him as our king by law. we considered likewise , that in our covenants the allegiance that we must own to the king is expresly limited and qualified thus , in the preservation and defence of the true rellgion , liberties , and laws of the kingdom : of which qualification , allegiance to him , a destroyer of religion and liberty , is nor capable . we remembred the principles and sentiments of our fathers upon the admission of king charles 2. to the exercise of his royal power , declared in their seasonable and necessary warning , gen : assem . iuly 27 : sess : 27 : 1649. wherein they tell us , that a boundless and illimited power is to be acknowledged in no king nor magistrate ; that there is a mutual stipulation and obligation between the king and the people , as both of them are tyed to god , so each of them are tyed to one another : accordingly kings are to take the oath of coronation , to abolish popery and maintain the protestant religion : as long therefore as the king refuses to engage and obliege himself for security of religion , and safety ; of his people it is consonant to scripture and reason and laws of the kingdom , that he should be refused : and that in the covenant , the duty of owning the king is subordinate to the duty of preserving religion and liberty . and therefore , without security of these , it were a manifest breach of govenant , and a preferring the kings interest to the interest of christ , to bring him to the exercise of his power . and consequently , for us to give such a consent to it , as such an owning of him as required would amount to . accordingly also the commission of the general assembly in their act of the west-kirk , declared , they would not own the king nor his interest , otherwise than with a subordination to god , and so far as he should own and prosecute the cause of god , and disclaim his and his fathers opposition to the work of god and the covenant . we called to mind likewise , what our renowned reformers gave out , as the case of their revolt from the government of mary qu : dowager , anno 1559. her persecuting the professors of the true religion , and oppressing the liberties of the true lieges , her intruding of magistrates against all order of election , her adultering and subverting the old laws of the realm , &c. which all men know were as applicable to king iames 7th : as to her : and therefore we had their reason to obliege us , and their example to encourage us to say with them ; we own and promise to our lawful soveraign all due obedience , provided we may have our religion and liberty secured , without which we firmely purpose never to be subject to mortal man. for which and many other reasons , we reckoned our selves under obligations to decline the imposed owning of his authority ; and took the opportunity in the time of the expedition of the earl of argyle against him , to publish in a declaration our reasons why we could not acknowledge it . in the mean time , the late earl of argyle , with some other noblemen and gentlemen , associating with the duke of munmouth , to essay some diversion and opposition to the kings designs , of advancing and establing tyrannie and popery : all the forces , militia troups and companies , and the whole army of heretors were powred in upon those places of the kingdom , where most of us were sojourning . who , besides all the blood shed upon the account of that expedition , the blood of the earle himself , and others of both nations engaged with him , and many of his wassalls in the highlands cruely put to death by the marq. of athol , had in commission , and put in execution the bloodiest orders we think readily men could ever receive or obey . the greatest employment , that that great army had in hand and in heart , was to wreck and exert all their fury and force upon the poor mountain-men as they called us : which they did by ranging and spreading themselves many miles in breadth , every one within sight of another , and searching for us through all the rocks , woods , mountains , and mosses of the country , where we were hiding , with such vigore , violence , and dilligence , as if they had been hunting for hares or foxes . and the greatest ambition and emulation of their leaders and champions , graham of claver-house , & liev. gen. douglas brother to the duke of queensberry , col. buchan , with others of their inferiour officers , maj. balfour , liev. creightoun , and liev. livingstoun , &c. was , who should be most skilful and succesfull in destroying us . and all this , for no other cause , then because we could not answer to their satisfaction the questions they proposed , without any warrant of law , and against the common interest of mankind , which frees all men from being obliged to discover their secret thoughts ; namely because we could not obtain of our consciences to declare that we would own and acknowledge that authority which enacted , and by which they acted , all these mischiefs . yet , to the commendation of gods clemency , and condemnation of mens cruelty , we may say , when they had shot all their bolts , after they had hanged , shot , tortured , or banished for slaves , all they could catch of us , they were further from their purpose than when they began ; our numbers and mettings for gospel ordinances , administrated in purity and power , encreased more and more . but at length , tho' our persecution continued , the king was pleased to change his methods with other dissenters . he multiplied many favours to such of them as he called moderate : and , by these means intending to advance the mysterie of iniquity , by stoping the mouths , and binding up the hands of all from whom he might expect control or contradiction , and laying them by from all open opposition to the introduction of poperie and advancement of slaverie , he purposed and proposed the repealing of the penal statutes against papists , at the parliament held by the earl of murray : against which , when afterwards some of the common sort of people , and of the souldiers , spoke some what freely , and for shewing their dislike of setting up the idolatrous mass , and for speaking against poperie , and the designs of the king , they were put to death in a most despotical and arbitrary manner . the persecution the mean while still continuing against us , and growing more dangerous , and worse to bear that we had all the brunt of it to sustain ; while the forces had few other to persecute but us : which they did in great fury , murdering in fields and scaffolds , such as they could catch of us . at length , what could not be obtained by law , at the formentioned parliament for taking off the penal statutes , was effectuate by prerogative , in a proclamation , feb : 12 : 1687. granting , by the kings soveraign authority , prerogative royal , and absolute power , which subjects are to obey without reserve ; a toleration , under certain conditions , restrictions , and limitations , to all sorts of perswasions , excepting us who are left to the full vigor and utmost rigor of the laws made against us : suspending , stoping and disabling all laws , or acts of parliament , customs or constitutions against any roman catholick subjects ; giving them freedom in all respects , as much as any prtoestant subjects , whatsoever , not only to exercise their religion , but to enjoy all offices , benefices , &c. which he shall think fit to bestow upon them in all time coming . hence papists were put into places of highest trust , both civil and military : and popish magistrates without any election established in burghs , &c. contrare to the known laws of the kingdom , admitting none to be magistrates , or so much as a procutator , notar , or member of court , who professes not the protestant religion , act 9. parl : 1. iames 6. declaring all papists infamous , and unable to sit or stand in judgment , pursue , bear office , or to be admitted as proves , witness , or assisors against protestants . act 45 : parl : 3 : iames 6 : which is extended to all and whatsomever office , without any exception or restriction in all time coming . act 5 : parl : 20 : iames 6 : hence also the idolatrous mass was set up in the most publick places of the kingdom ; and popish seminary priests suffered and encouraged to preach , and set up schools , to seduce the people , especially the youth : contrate to many express standing laws , act 3 : parl : 1 : iames 6 : and act 5 : ibid : ordaining all layers or hearers of mass to be punished , with imprisonment for the first fault , banishment for the second , and justifying to the death for the third fault . act 122 : iarl : 12 : k : iames 6 : decerning , that , in all time coming , the saying of mass , resetting of jesuites , seminary priests , traffiquing papists , shall be just cause to infer the pain and crime of treason . act 196 : parl : 14 : iames 6 : ordaining in all time coming , all wilfull hearers of mass , and concealers of the same , be execute to the death : ratified in the 1 act. parl. 19. iac. 6. and in 5. act. parl : 20 : iac : 6. hence papists have erected schools , and made , sold , and dispersed their heretical books , tending to seduce the people from the true religion : contrary to express laws , act. 106. parl : 7 : iac : 6 : act 24 , and 25 : parl : 11 : i : 6. this popish toleration , was neither extended to us ; all the three proclamations thereof expresly providing , that field conventicles , & all preachers and hearers thereat , be prosecuted according to the utmost severity and rigor of the lawes made against them , left in their full force and vigor , with a command to all judges , magistrates and officers of ●orces , to pursue us with all violence ; nor could we in conscience and duty , directly or indirectly , suffer our selves to be involved , by any participation therewith or acceptance thereof , in the sin of it against the laws of god and man : since it appeared evidently to flow from a blasphemous fountain of absolute power ; through a treasonable channel of stoping , suspending , and disabling the penal statutes made against the enemies of god , and of the kingdom ; and to be designed for the wicked ends of subverting the protestant religion , and the peaceable introduction of popish idolatrie and heresie ; and to offer , not the establishment of our religion , but the tolerating of it , under the scandalous notion of a thing to be suffered for a while ; and with such shameful securities , as robbed the church of all her legal charters of laws and covenants establishing her reformation , leaving her nothing in lieu thereof but a blind precarious promise of one , whose principles oblieged him to keen no faith with those to whom he promised it . but against all these indignities done to christ , and injuries to the church , intended and effected by this toleration , our ministers thought themselves oblieged to bear witness and testimony : and with respect both to necessity and duty , to continue to keep their meetings in the open fields , whether the tyranny of the times had driven them : since they durst neither seem to homologate the toleration , by coming under the sconce of such a protection ; nor durst they give such advantage to such as were insatiably thirsting after their blood , and were impowered to shed it , as they were seeking and would have found , if they had shut up themselves within houses , that could neither hold their friends , nor be hid from their enemies . this we looked upon as a testimony , for the interest of the protestant religion , for our covenanted reformation , for the laws & liberties of our country , all undermined and sought to be subverted by that toleration . in the prosecution of this device , when others were killed with popish kindnesses , we were left to feell the sweet effects of popish crueltie . some of our bretheren were murdered in fields and scaffolds , since that pretended toleration ; many both men and women have been banished and sold for slaves in barbados : other severe proclamations were issued against our ministers , intercommuning , & seting a pryce upon their heads , to encourage all to apprehend them dead or alive : one of them , mr. iames renwick a painful minister being feb. 1688. was executed to the death in edinburgh , the drums beating all the time of his praying and speaking upon the scaffold . and after this , not only was the country oppressed with souldiers , free quarterings , and frighted with their searches , and insolences in their ryding up and down the country , challenging peaceable travellers upon the road , about their opinions of the kings authority , and if this and that was rebellion ; and threatning present death to such as did not satisfie them : but the city of edinburgh vexed with universal searches , and the impositions of these impertinences , whereby many were taken and examined by claver-house , who required them to renounce the covenant , imprisoned the recusants ; whereby the prisons were crouded : and yet , notwithstanding of an indemnity , october 2 : 1688 alledged as ample as absolute power could make it , tho not expresly excluded , they were detained prisoners until the report of his highness the prince of orange , now king of brittain his prevailing , and fear of his victorious arms did move them not to keep any longer any that might be evidences and witnesses of their arbitrary cruelty . as the same reason also it seems did constrain them , to take down and bury the heads of those they murdered , for fear lest these monuments of their cruelty standing , might occasion the question to be moved , by whom and for what they were set up ? than which nothing shall be more confounding to them , when inquisition shall be made for blood . thus these enemies of the country , the encroaching privy council , and the prelates in special , now universally contemned since the toleration , were going on in their designs to enslave the nation , and to prevent and suppress all essayes to retrive or revive any hopes of recovering any liberty ; multiplying their searches , not only for us , but for any that were suspected to favour their present majesties cause , and undertaking , so soon as it began to be surmised here ; and laying up in irons and closs prison some gentlemen , upon suspicion of their being privy to it . and , as soon as they had certain intelligence of king william his great and generous resolutions , in order to the restauration and preservation of religion , laws , and liberties , in these three kingdoms , they made such vigorous preparations for opposition , and issued out such virulent proclamations inveighing against his highness , under such severities of certifications , requiring all from 60 : to 16 : to concur under their displayed banner for arbitrary government , as if they had feared an invasion from turks or tartars . yet in the mean time , tho there were suspicions then , and discoveries since , of an intended popish massacre , they disarmed the western shires , and sent orders to the officers of forces , especially imploying such as were professedly popish , to go through the country , and take all their armes , leaving them nothing to defend themselves withal , and causing the people to swear that they had no other armes than such as they got . and in their march , meeting with some of our number , they threatned to shoot them presently if they would not own king iames , pray for him , and for confusion to all his enemies : which they refusing at first were appointed to be shot , and had their faces covered with napkins , and with great difficulty escaped by complying . by the former summary and abridged abstract and compendious deduction of our many and manifold grievances ( the truth whereof can be evidenced by many demonstrative evidences ) it may appear what have been our sufferiugs since that fatal revolution , anno 1660 : from the popish , prelatical , and malignant party ; and what have been their attempts , machins , and methods to overturn our religion , laws , and liberties , and subject us to meer arbitrary and absolute tyrannie ; at least what have been their capital devices , whereby they have ruined and sought to raze us ; and what have been the principal causes and kinds of our sufferings , in their prosecuting the same : the particular relation of which , so far as can be collected , is intended ( god willing ) afterwards in due season to be published . only here it may not be inconvenient to subjoyn , by way of specimen , a short recapitulation in bulk of some instances of our several kinds of sufferings , with a touch at some of the most principal instruments thereof in the five western shires first , for fines , and other exorbitant and illegal exactions of money , the particular summs cannot be here enumerated ; but their vastness , when together calculate , may be easily collected by the scraps already gathered , of some poor families of farmers , cottars , servants , &c. and many of these omitted , or not known , which would very considerably augment the summ ) in some few shires ; viz. clidsdale , renfrew , air , galloway , nithsdale , and annandale , only for but a few years , to wit , since bothwel bridge insurrection , amounting to above 288000. pounds scots money . besides the many honest families , which have been casten out of their houses , harassed and spoiled of their all : some of their houses being thrown down , some burnt , some shut up , their goods and moveables seized upon , their crop and cattel also disposed of , at the will of their persecuters , in the forementioned shires amounting to above 200 : of all which we have a particular account in readiness to instruct . the immediate authors , actors , and instruments of these oppressions , were principally the curates instigating the privy council , which impowered the forces , and noblemen and gentlemen of the country , to prey upon the poor people . all cannot be here expressed , but some of the most noted in the western shires shall be named , who were the greatest persecuters and oppressors by finings and other exactions . of officers of the forces . col. dowglas , now liev : gen. dowglas , brother to the duke of queensberry , exacted above 2000 pounds scots money , in galloway , nithsdale , shire of aire , and other places . liev. gen. drumond , besides the forefaultries of gentlemen , did also exact moneys of the poor in the shire of air. the earl of lithgow , and his souldiers , spoiled much in galloway . the earl of airly , and his troup , in the same shire the lord balearras , a great oppressor in galloway , besides all the robberies he committed in fife . — graham of claverhouse , afterwards viscount of dundee , with his brother , and subaltern officers in galloway , nithsdale , and anandale , exacted by fines and otherwise , above 13500 : pounds scots money . col : buchan , a most violent persecuter , in galloway and shire of air , by robberies took from the people upwards of 4000 : pounds scots . major cockburn , a great oppressor in galloway . major white , in clidsdale and shire of air , exacted by fines and otherwise , above 2500. p : scots . major balfour , now called liev : col ; balfour , a great persecuter and oppressor in clidsdale . captain strauchan , with his troup , oppressed and spoiled much in galloway , & other places . captain inglis with his troup , did dispossess many families , and got much spoil in galloway , shire of air , and clidsdale . captain dowglas , in galloway , committed much outrage and spoil . captain dalzel , harassed much in anandale . captain bruce in nithsdale . — meldrum in clidsdale , in several inroads uplifted from poor families upwards of 2300 pounds ; besides the vast summes he exacted in mers and tiviotdale ; with the earle of hume , ker of gradown , laird of hayning , and blindlee ; and in tweddale , with the laird of possa , all great persecuters . liv. winram , in galloway , a very vigilant persecuter and spoyler . liev. barns also , in the same shire took much spoyl . liev. iohn living stoun , a most violent persecuter and exacter . liev. lauder , in the shire of air , a most outragious persecuter and oppressor . — bonshaw , a borderer , a high-way man , afterwards an officer of dragoons , robbed much from the poor people in clidsdale . duncan grant , a creple with a tree leg , a very outragious persecuter , exacted in clidsdale from poor people , above 1500 pounds . of noblemen , gentlemen , and others , in the above-mentioned shires , the greatest oppressors and persecuters of the people , were ; in clidsdale . — sommervail , of spittel sheriff de . pute . who , besides his other wayes of persecution wherein he was most active , drew from the poorest people above 1200 pounds . the laird of halyards , who uplifted more then 8500 pounds . the laird of lachop , a great persecuter and oppressor . the laird of bonnytown , and laird symme , both violent persecuters and exactors . in the city of glasgow , provest iohnston , prov. barns , bail. iohn anderson , bail : yuil , bail. graham , william sterling baron baylif , great persecuters , exacted above 20000 pounds . in renfrew . the earl of glencairn , by fines and dispossessing of families , exacted , partly there , and partly in clidsdale and nidsdale , above 2400 pounds . lord semple a papist , a persecuter . alexander hume in eglshome , a most violent and vigilant persecuter and exactor , with many others . mr. ezechiel montgomery a great fine-monger . in the shire of air the earle of drumfries , exacted above 1000 : pounds . the lord craigy , a great persecuter and oppressor . william creighton sheriff depute very violent and active . crawford of ardmillan , a wicked persecuter and spoiler . mr. william crawford , montgomery of bozland , laird of broyche , clark ogilbie , all great persecuters , who sought to make themselves up with the spoils of the poor people . in galloway . the laird of lag grierson , a most wicked persecuter there , and in nithisdale , exacted above 1200 : pounds . the laird of elie , lidderdale , and canon of merdrogat , all diligent persecuters and intelligencers , together with the then collectors . in nithsdale . the duke of queensberry and his sons oppressed much . iohn alison chamberlain to the duke of queensberry , who when dying , said , he had damned his soul for the duke his master . and george charters , another of the dukes factors , who vaunted , he had made 26 : journeys in one year in pursuite of the whiggs . iohn dowglas of sten-house , a papist , exacted above 5000 : p : the laird of closburn , above 700 : pounds . sir robert dalzel , upward of 400 : p : of a few poor families . sir robert lawrie of maxweltoun , an oppressor and persecuter . in anandale . the lord anandale , dispossessed and harassed many families , and persecuted much in galloway . the laird of westerhall , a great per : exacted upwards of 1000 : p : sir patrick maxwel of sprinkell a very active and violent persecuter and oppressor . the lairds of powdeen , castlemilk , robert caruthers of ramaskells , thomas kennedy of heybeiths , most violent persecuters of poor people . the summes here charged upon these gentlemen , are collected from the minutes the writer had by him , which he is certain are computed within the extent of the several summes . the rest here named did also extort considerable summes , to their own gain and the poor peoples loss ; but because the forsaid minuts do not give a particular account of the quotas therefore they are not supplied . next for the forefaulted gentlemen and heretors , we shall not meddle with them : hoping they shall give a good account of themselves . and as for the number of such as have been forced to a voluntary exile to forreign countries , we think it impossible to come to any reckoning of them : nor of these that have been imprisoned these 30. years for nonconformity , of whom it cannot be told how many have died in prison , or contracted their death in prison , which spedily did follow upon their liberation . nor of the many extorted vast sums , and robberies of prisoners by iaylors . of the banished , deported into other countries , for the cause of adhering to the covenant and work of reformation , it may suffice to give this account besides the 6. or 7. ministers that were banished , and went to holland : and 7. or 8. country people to france ; several others to barbados , before pentland . since the year 1678. there have been banished and sent away slaves , of men and women , for the same cause , 700. viz. anno . 1678. to virginia , 60. whereof 3. or 4. were ministers , who were all by the mercy of god delivered at london . anno. 1679. of the prisoners taken at bothwel , were banished to america , 250 : who were taken away by paterson merchant in leith , that transacted for them with provost milns , laird of barntown ; the man that first did burn the covenant ; whereof 200 : were drowned by shipwrack , being shut up within the hatches , 50 escaped . afterwards were banished to flanders , 7. men . thereafter were taken away in banishment , by one robert maloch , 14. men . then by walter gibson , late provest in glasgow , to corolina 30. anno. 1685. in the time of queensberries parliament of men and women were sent to iamaica 200. that same year , of the prisoners in dinotter with others were taken away by pitlochie , to newgersie 100. whereof 24. were women . that same year , 13. more were sent to barbados . anno. 1687. after the toleration 21. men and women were sent to barbados . as for the number of the slain at the several skirmages at pentland bothuel , airdsmoss , &c. they amount too about 400. and some odds . the number of such as have been executed to death on scaffolds , under collour of law , from mr. iames gutherie the first , to mr. iames renwick , is about 140 , whereof some were women . the list of those that were killed in cold blood , without tryal , conviction , or any colour of law , by the persons under written , followeth . omitting the account of finlay , murdered by general dalzels orders at air , because he could not discover who was at the appearance at pentland , in the year 1666 ; and of iames davie in bathgate paroch , and several others , at several times , in several places , whose blood was mingled with their sacrifice at sermons in the fields , before bothwel-bridge ; and of thomas ker of heyhope , brother to the laird of cherrie trees , who was forced to flee for shelter into the english borders , and there killed by col : struthers , anno 1678 ; and of henry hall of haughead , apprehended at queensferrie by midletoun governour of blackness , and after several wounds , at length knocked on the head by tho : george waiter at queensferrie . a short hint of those that have been murdered since the year 1682. may suffce . iohn graham of claver house , viscount of dundee , in the year 1682. with a party of his troup , pursued william graham in the parish of in galloway , making his escape from his mothers house , and overtaking him , instantly shot him dead . item , the said claver house , together with the earl of dumbarton , and liev : gen : dowglas , caused peter gillis , iohn bryce , thomas young , ( who was taken by the laird of lee , ) william fiddison , and iohn buiening , to be put to death upon a gibbet , without legal tryal or sentence , suffering them neither to have a bible , nor to pray before they died , at mauchlin , anno 1685. item , the said claverhouse coming to galloway , in answer to the viscount of kenmures letter , with a small party surprised robert stuart , iohn grier , robert ferguson , and another , and instantly shot them dead , at the water of dee , in gallaway , december 1684. their corps being buried , were at his command raised again . item , the said claverhouse in may , 1685 : apprehended iohn broun in priest-hill , in the parish of moorkirk , in the shire of air , being at his work , about his own house , and shot him dead before his own door , in presence of his wife . item . the said claverhouse authorised his troop to kill matthew mckel wrath , without any examination , in the paroch of camonel in carrick , anno 1685. col. iames douglass , now liev. general , brother to the duke of queensberry , together with liev : iohn livingston , and a party with them , surprised 5 : men in a cave at inglestoun , in the parish of glencarn , being betrayed by andrew watson now prisoner in drumfreis ; their names were iohn gibson , robert grierson , robert mitchel , iames bennoch , and iohn edgar , all which were at the command of the said col : dowglas brought forth & immediately shot dead , without giving them so much time as to recommend their souls unto god. one iohn ferguson , sometimes a profest friend , thrust one of them through ; supposing he was not dead : this was done in the year , 1685. item , the said col : iames douglas and his party , shot to death iohn hunter for no alledged cause , but running out from the house at corchead , the same year , 1685. item , the said col : or liev : gen : iames dowglas , with liev : livingston , and coronet iames dowglas , surprised six men at prayer at the calduns , in the parish of minigaf ; viz : iames dun , robert dun , andrew mickale , thomas stevenson , iohn macklude and iohn stevenson , in ianuary 1685. item , the said col : or liev : gen : iames dowglas caused take adam macquhan out of his bed , sick of a fever , and carry him to newtoun of galloway , and the next day shot him dead , the foresaid year , 1685. item , the said col : or liev : gen : dowglas commanded thomas richard , an old man of 70 : years , to be shot in the time of prayer ; ( he was betrayed and taken by peter ingles ) anno 1685. at cumnock in kyle . item , the said col : or liev : gen : iames dowglas , together with the laird of lag , and capt : winram , most illegally condemned , and most inhumanely drowned at stakes within the sea-mark , two women at wigtoun ; viz : margaret lauchlan , upward of 60 : years and margaret wilson , about 20 : years of age , the foresaid fatal year , 1685. captain dowglas finding one mowat , a taylor , meerly because he had some pieces of lead belonging to his trade , took him , and without any further trial shot him dead , between fleet and dee in galloway . item , the said captain dowglas and his men finding one auchenleck , a deaf man , for not making answer , through defect of his hearing , instantly shot him dead off horseback , near carlinwark , anno 1685. sir robert dalzel and liev : stratoun , having apprehended daniel mackmichel , and detained him 24 hours prisoner , took him out and shot him at dalveen , in the parish of durisdeer in nithsdale , ian : 1685 : item , the said captain dalzel , and liev : stratoun , with their men , found william adam hiding in a bush , and instantly killed him , at the walwood in kyle , feb : 1685. captain bruce , capt : of dragoons apprehended iames kirko , at the intelligence of one iames wright , carried him to drumfreis , detained him prisoner one night , next day brought him forth to the watersands , and without any process , shot him dead . the dying man desired a little time to make his peace with god ; the captain answered , oftner than once or twice , devil a peace ye get more made up . some gentlewomen coming to beg his life , were hindred by one iohn craik of stewartoun ; the foresaid dalzells 2d . son was one of them that shot him , tho without command , iune 1685. item , the said captain bruce surprised in the fields , and instantly shot three men in the parish of kirk-patrick in galloway , viz. iohn wallace , edgar , and another , feb. 1685. item . the said captain bruce and his men , took out of his bed thomas mckhaffie , sick of a feaver and shot him instantly , in the paroch of strat●un in carrick , ian. 1686. iames dowglass coronet of dragoons , commanded to shot iohn semple , eslaying to escape out of his window , in the paroch of dellie , anno 1685. kilkerron shot him . item . the said coronet douglass apprehended edward mckcen , and by search finding a flint stone upon him , presently shot him , without any further tryal , feb : 1685. liev. gen. drummond commanded without any process or tryal iohn murchie , and daniel mckilwrick , to be immediatly shot , after they were taken , in the paroch of camonel in carrick , anno , 1685. at the same time , his souldiers did shoot dead alex. lin. captain inglis , and his dragoons pursued and killed iames smith , at the burn of ann in kyle , 1684. peter inglis his son , killed one iohn smith in cunningham , 1685. item . the said peter or patrick inglis killed one iames white , struck off his head with an ax , brought it to newmills , and plaid at the foot ball with it , he killed him at little-black wood , the foresaid year , 1685. item . the said peter inglis shot iohn barrie , with his pass in his hand , in evandale , april , 1685. major balfour , together with captain maitland and their party , apprehended at their work , robert tam , iohn vrie , and tho : cook , and instantly shot them . at pomadee , near glasgow , may , 1685. col. buchan , with the laird of lee , and their men shot iohn smith , in the paroch of lesmahago , feb : 1685. liev : lauder shot to death william shillilaw , at the wood head in the water of air , anno , 1685. liev : nisbet and his party shot to death iohn ferguson , george whiteburn , and patrick gemmil in the parish of finnick , in the said year , 1685. liev. murray , now prisoner in edin . with his party , shot one iohn broun , after quarters given at blackwood in clidsdale , mar. 1685 , liev. crichton , now prisoner in edinburgh , did most barbarously after quarters , shoot david steel , in the parish of lesmahego , decem : 1686. the laird of stenhouse , sir kobert laurie of maxueltoun and iohn craik of stewartoun , did instigate and urge coronet bailie his party of dragoons to shot william smith in hill , after he had been prisoner one night ( it was the day of maxueltouns daughters marriage , ) who also refused to let him be buried in the church-yeard . sir iames iohnstoun of westerhall , caused apprehend andrew hislop in the parish of hutton in anandale delivered him up to claverhouse , and never rested untill he got him shot by claverhouse his troupers ; claverhouse would have delayed it , but westerhall was so urgent , that claverhouse was heard say , this mans blood shall be upon westerhall , may 1685. sir robert grierson of lag , having the command of a part of claverhouses troop & strauchans dragoons , surprised io. bell of whiteside , david haliday portioner of mayfield , andrew macrabeit , iames clement , and robert lennox of irlintoun , and barbarously killed them after quarters , without time allowed to pray ; when iohn bell of whiteside begged a little time to pray , lag answered , what devil have you been doing ? have you not prayed enough these many years in the hills ? and so shot him presently in the parish of tongland in galloway , febr. 1685. item , the said laird of lag having alexander mellubie and iohn gordon prisoners , at the miltoun of orr , without any assiise or tryal , caused them to be hanged on a tree at the kirk of irongray , and there left them hanging . item the said laird of lagg , with the earle of anandale , having command of some troups of heretors , pursued another david halyday and george short , and apprehended and shot them , under the cloud of night , in the paroch of wynhame in galloway , anno , 1685. the laird of culyean , for that time captain of a troup of militiae and heretors , killed william mckergur at blairquhan milne , anno , 1685. item the laird of culyean , with the laird of ballochmilne , shott gilbert mcadam , in the paroch of kirkmichel , iuly , 1685. a party of highlanders killed ioseph wilson , david dun , simeon paterson , and other two , near the water of kill , in a moss in kile , anno 1685. the laird of ironkeple commanding a party of highlandmen , killed robert lochart and gabriel thomson , about that time also . likewise , william paterson was shot ot strevin , uncertain by whom , 1685. also iohn mclorgan was killed at drummellians house in the night time not known by whom . iohn reid belonging sometimes to craigies troup , who was this last summer in rebellion in the highlands , did under cloud of night , kill by a shot , one george wood , about 16 years old , without asking one question at him , at tinkhorn hill in kyle , iune 1688. in summ their number amounts to 78. the chief contrivers and authors of all these slaughters and mischiefs were , they that enacted and subscribed the edicts for them in council , principally the e. of perth chancellour . duke of queensberry , marq. of athol , and particularly the viscount of tarbat , who invented this murdering device , wherein yet he carried so cunningly , that he procured the dispatch of the act to the king , with such suddenness , that he found a way to shift his own subscribing of it . having thus , in a compendious and cursory glance , given this short memorial of our grievances and sufferings under the former governments , with a particular specimen of some instances , discovering some , and but a few of the actors and instruments of these evils ; whom we have specially mentioned , selected out of the copious store of many others of that character that might be specified , not out of a principle of revenge , or humor of reproach , but from a principle of zeal for justice , the honour of the king , and happiness of the kingdom ; we desire ( in the sense of the necessity , and in the hope that the king and parliament will see the expediency of removing the former tools of tyranny from power and trust under this government , and from a capacity of driving their old trade ) that among others a remark may be put upon the abovementioned persons . we shall in the next place condesend upon some of our present grievances , which , instead of the redress of the former , we are of new made to groan under ; whereby our expectation have been in a great measure disappointed , and the comforts of our present quiet and reviving in our bondage ( which yet we desire to be thankful to god for , and to the king as his honoured instrument ) are much imbittered . we are but a poor people , and therefore our grievances are the less regarded : nor were they indeed to be so much respected , if they were peculiar to us , but being of common extent , and grievous to the greatest body of the nation ( tho' a great part are so accustomed , issachar-like to couch under all burdens , in silent and stupid submission , that their grievances are heavier than their groaning ; and others through frequent disappointments are become so heartless in their hopes of redress , that they have given over complaining , except in their private murmurings , or secret mournings before the lord of heaven and earth ) we have the more confidence to speak out what others think , and choose rather ( if it shall come to that ) to suffer once for speaking than to continue languishing under growing grievances for not speaking . for our former grievances we do not plead merit to obtain a redress : yet we take the confidence to say , that as our former sufferings , under the former governments , should have conciliated compassion ; so what we have endeavoured to do in evidencing our zeal for this ; might have had some consideration . we are represented by the viperous curates , and other malignants , who alwayes sought our ruine , as antipods to all mankind , enemies to government , and incapable of orders : but as their order and cause is toto diametro opposite unto the institutions and cause of christ , and it were the interest of all in this hemisphere to have such a generation of viperous reproachers ; and their lying lybells banished to the antipods ; so they must have little witt , and less honesty , who will entertain their reproaches , who are as great rebells to this government , as we avowed our selves to be to the former . our sufferings for declining the yoke of malignant tyranny and popish usurpation are before hinted and generally known ; and all that will be pleased to know , and consider our carriage since the king did first appear in his heroick undertaking , to redeem these nations from , popery add slavery , will be forced to acknowledge we have given as good evidence of our being willing to be subjects to king william , as we gave proof before of our being unwilling to be slaves to king iames. for upon the first report of the prince of orange's expedition we owned his h. quarrel , when as the prelatick faction were in armes to oppose his coming to help us. we prayed openly for the success of his armes , when in all the churches the prayers were for his ruine . we associated our selves to contribute what we could to the promoting of his interest ; and were with the first that declared a desire to engage for him , and under him at our renewing the covenants , when they were associating with and for his enemies . accordingly for that effect , after we had gone to armes , upon the noise of kircudbrights burning , we modelled our selves in companies ; whereby we were in readiness to offer , and had the honour to be admitted to guard and defend the honourable meeting of estates , against all attempts of the d. of gordoun , vicount of dundee , or other enemies . and thereafter understanding the government required the raising of forces , for the defence thereof against the intestine insurrections , and forreign invasions of the late king iames , his complices within or without the land : upon the first occasion , we were the first that offered to furnish a regiment for his majesties service , and accordingly made up the e. of angus's regiment , all in one day , without beat of drum , or expence of levy money ; having first concerted with the liev : colonel clevland such conditions and provisions , as we thought necessary for securing and clearing our conscience , liberty and safety ; that all the officers of the regiment should be such , as in conscience and prudence , might with cordial confidence be submitted unto & followed ; such as had not served the enemy in destroying , nor engaged by oaths and tests , to destroy the cause , now to be sought for and defended ; but that they should be well affected , of approven fidelity , and of a sober conversation . having also declared , that the cause they were called to appear for , was the service of the kings majesty , in the defence of the nation , recoverie and preservation of the protestant religion , and in particular , the work of reformation in scotland , in opposition to popery , prelacy and arbitrary power , in all its branches and steps , until the government of church and state , be brought to their lustre and integrity established in the best and purest times . upon these terms , we offered to compleat two or three more regiments , if it had been accepted . but , before we offered to be souldiers , we had first made an offer to be subjects ; and because we did not look upon our selves as subjects to the late king , who treated us as enemies , we made therefore a voluntary tender of our subjection , in a peculiar petition by our selves ▪ which we purposed to have given in to the meeting of estates at their first sitting down . we shewed it to several honourable members , but by their advice it was delayed , until the meeting prevented the purpose of it , by proclaiming the king and queen . the tenor whereof here follows . to the meeting of estates of the kingdom of scotland . the noblemen , barons and bvrgesses , lawfully called and chosen , now assembled at edinburgh , for establishing the government , restoring and securing the true religion , laws and liberties of the said kingdom . the humble petition of the poor people who have suffered grievous persecution , for their revolt from , and disowning the authority of james the vii , pleading for the devolving the government upon the prince of orange , now king of england . sheweth , that the sad effects of the late arbitrary and tyrannical course of government , which these nations , and we in a special manner have been groaning under these years past ; from which to relieve them , the most serene and illustrious prince of orange was induced by the propitious conduct of a very glorious providence , to undertake this noble and heroick enterprise , and for redressing which , this honourable convention is called and conveened : together with the revived hopes , since his highness auspicious arrival , that all honnest men have begun to conceive and entertain , of getting their grievances freely represented and redressed ; the denyal whereof , these several years , hath been to us , and many others , a grievance very grievous : have necessitate , incited , invited and encouraged us among others ( tho of the meanest figure , and lowest interest in this great affair ; yet , as persons pressed to declare , and oppressed for declaring their consciences , sentiments and resentments of the late abused government ) to take the boldness , now to open our hearts to this great and honourable meeting ; and with all humility , as becomes , to represent to your honours , that , as we conceive , we wanted not right and reason upon consciencious grounds , to decline the illegally extorted , and arbitrarly imposed acknowledgement of our allegiance unto iames the vii . whose authority we could never own , because of his illegal investiture , without taking , or being in capacity to take the oath of coronation ( while addicted to poperie ) contrare to the laws of god and man , because of his advancing the prerogative , unto an illimited and most despotical absolutness , which all were required to obey without reserve ; and because of his arbitrary abusing it , to the undermining and overturning our religion , laws and liberties , and intended introduction of poperie and slaverie , at the opened gap of the prelatical hierarchy , erastian supremacy , and the late vastly extended toleration . and because we could not own it , our sufferings have been very great , known to this and other nations , and we are confident will not now be condemned by any that have espoused the cause , and have been honoured to concur in the enterprise of rescuing these nations from the unsupportable yoke of the late popish domination , upon the same , or equivalent grounds on which we durst not own it : so we prostrate ourselves , yet sorrowing under the smart of our still bleeding wounds , at your honours feet , who have a call , a capacity , and we hope a good mind to cure them ; and offer this our petition , enforced by all the formerly felt , presently seen , and for the future feared effects and efforts of this throne of iniquity , and the mischief thereby framed into law , and practised or projected against all law , by the cry of the blood of our murdered brethren , by the slavery of the banished free born subjects of this realm , by all the miseries that many forefeited , disinhereted , harassed and wasted honest families have been redacted to ( their estates and lives being at the mercy of incensed souldiers ) for adhering unto the ancient covenanted establishments of religion and liberty ; and by all the arguments of justice , necessity and mercy , that ever could conciliate commiseration among men of wisdom , piety and vertue ; humbly beseeching , requesting and craving of your h : now when god hath given you this opportunity to act for his glory , the good of the church and nation , your own honour , and the happiness of posterity , now when this kingdom , the neighbouring , and all other nations of europe , have their eyes upon you , expecting you will acquit your selves like the representatives of a free nation , in redeeming it from slaverie , otherwise ineluctable , following the noble footsteps of your renowned ancestors , and the present precedent and pattern of this honourable convention and parliament now sitting in england ; that you will proceed , without any farther procrastinations ( alwayes , especially now dangerous , when papists , and other malignant enemies are openly attempting to raise a rebellion against the state ) to declare the late iniquous government dissolved , the crown vacant , and iames vii , whom we never have , and resolve with many thousands , never again to owne , to have really forfeited , and rightly to be deprived of all right and title , he could ever pretend thereunto : and to provide , that it may never be in the power of any succeeding governour , for the time to come , to aspire unto or arrive at such a capacity of tyrannizing . moreover since anarchy and tyranny are equally to be detested , and the nation cannot subsist without a righteous governour , and none can have a nearer right , nor fitter qualifications , than his illustrious highness , whom the most high hath signally owned and honoured to be our deliveror from popery end slavery ; we cry and crave that king william , now of england , may be chosen and proclaimed king of scotland , and that the regal authority be devolved upon him , with such necessary provisions , limitations and conditions of compact ; as may give iust and legal securities of the peace and purity of our religion , stability of our laws , priviledges of parliaments , and subjects liberties civil and ecclesiastick , and make our subjection both a clear duty , and a comfortable happiness . and because kings are but men mortal , mutable , and fallible ; particularly , we crave , that he be bound in his royal oath ; not only to govern according to the will and command of god , and ancient , laudible and righteous laws , in the ministration of justice , punishment of iniquities , redressing of just grievances , and preservation of true liberties : but above all , that he and his sucessors , profess persevere in , protect and maintain the true protestant religion , abolish poperie and all false religion , heresie ; idolatrie and superstition , revive the penal lawes against the same , re-establish and redintegrate the ancient covenanted work of reformation of this church , in doctrine , worship , discipline and government , according to the word of god , confession of faith ; covenants national and solemn league ; upon its old foundations , as established from the year 1638. and downward to 1650 ; and that he restore and confirme , by his princely sanction , the due priviledges of the church , granted to her by ▪ jesus christ , her only head and supreme , and never assume to himself an erastian supremacy over the church in causes ecclessiastick , or unbounded prerogative , in civils , above law ; but , as the keeper of both tables of the law of god , in a way competent to civil authority , interpose his power , for the ejecting out of the church , the prelats , the main instruments of the church and nations miseries . and from all administration of the power and trust in the state , such malignant enemies as have promoted the ruine thereof : upon these or the like termes , we tender our allegiance to king william , and hope to give more pregnant proof of our loyalty to his majesty , in adverse , as well as prosperous providences , than they have done or can do , who profess implicite subjection to absolute authority , so long only as providence preserves its grandure . may it therefore please your hon. to take the premises into your serious consideration , and put a favourable construction on this our humble and earnest request , which sense of duty , in desire to exoner our conseiences , and in complyance with , and at the solicitation of the cries of many thousands in the nation , moved and craved , we take the confidence to present to your hon. in the hope , that zeal for god and his church , regard to iustice and mercy , care of your own , as well as the countries interest , dutiful love , loyalty and gratitude to king william , and even pity to us , will prevail with your wisdom to grant in with all convenient expedition . and your supplicants shall ever pray &c. from what is above hinted , it may appear , that we are not enemies to government ; but , that as we have had occasion , we have given more evidences of true loyalty , than any of our traducers , and of true zeal to have this government fixed , on such a foundation , as may make it secure and stable , and subjection thereunto to be not only a duty , but a comfort . and with the same inviolable zeal , affection and fidelity , since others will not , we cannot forbear to remonstrare those grievances , that are as well hateful to god , and hurtful to the government , as grievous to us. first , as to the church , tho' all honest subjects have been impatiently expecting the settlement thereof , from the kings declaration , his promises at the acceptance of the crown , and his instructions to d. hamiltoun ; yet , to this day , it is neither settled , nor purged , nor planted , but kept in uncertain suspense what to fear , or what to hope . popery indeed is much suppressed , in a way , wherein much of god , and little of man is to be acknowledged and admired ; yet the ancient laudable laws against papists , seminary priests , sayers and hearers of mass are not revived , reinforced , nor put in execution , while many of these idolaters , and intycers to idolatry , are connived at , past without punishment , and favourably intreated , when some of us have apprehend them , and delivered them into custody . whence they are much encouraged where they cohabite in great numbers ; especially in the sea coast of galloway , where they may open a door and free ingress to the irish , whenever they have a mind to invade ; whereby the country about , is contiunally tormented with fears of their massacres and murdering attempts . we can never be freed from the hazard of the return of popery , so long as papists are so much tolerated , and are bragging of their hopes of getting a toleraration established , suspending and dispensing with the penal statutes against them ; which will defile the land with idolatry , and expose us to the judgement of god. we desire also to be thankful , that poperies eldest daughter , the episcopal hierarehy , or prelacy , hath got such a knock on the head , that it is abolished by law , & its return so far legally precluded , that the removal thereof , being one of the stipulations & artieles of compact with his majesty , at the disposal and acceptance of the crown , it cannot be restored without asignal violation of the regal covenant ; the native consequences whereof , may beforeseen to be so dangerous , that we hope , the kings wisdom and justice , will be proof , against all the insinuations and perswasions of the church of england , to hazard it ; yet it is a very burdensome grievance , that the settlement of the church government , is so long suspended , and the nation kept in suspense , not knowing what shall be settled in stead of prelacy abolished ; whereby the land is left to settle in nothing , but to rest and rott in old crying sins , and new provocations are daylie multiplied without control ; scandals and disorders , to the dishonour of god , reproach of religion , stumbling the weak , hardening the perverse , and offending all are not restrained , but much encouraged , and different factions much fomented ; while church government and discipline ( the only preservative and restaurative medicine for such distempers ) is neither established , nor any rule determined , by which it shall be established , except the inclinations of the people ; which are in themselves very variable , and must be ruled by , and not a rule unto the institutions of iesvs christ : and as they are variable , so they are as various and diverse , as there are numbers of persons or parties , that prefer their own humours and interests to the supreme law , the revealed will of christ : some are for erastianisme ; some for a constant moderatorship ; some for a superintendency ; some perhaps for independency ; some for a toleration of all ; some are for a continuance of the curates ; either without any accommodation with them , and secluding them from a share of the government , but suffering them still to exercise their ministry ; or by an accommodation and coalition with them in the government also ; some again are for the continuance of patronages , how ever it be . we and many thousands are against all these things , as being contrary to the word of god , abjured frequently in our covenants national and solemn leagve ; condemned in the confession of this , and all other best reformed churches ; and in the doleful experience of former times , known to be inlets to many wicked inventions , innovations and corruptions in the church ; and in process of time productive of prelacy again : which , in the lords strength , we , and many thousands , do intend never to submit to , tho for our recusancy , we should suffer the greatest persecution from men. we are for the restauration and re-establishment of this churches ancient covenanted reformation , in its doctrine , worship , discipline and government ( according to the word of god , confession of faith , catechisms larger and shorter , national and solemn covenants and acts of general assemblies ) in all its legall immunities , securities and sanctions , as before the year 1650. these different inclinations , cannot be a rule of government and order , but of ataxie and confusion ; nor can they be determined by a lesbian rule , unconstant and uncertain ; but somewhat , to which all must vail and and submit , and which must claim the last appeal . tho we might , with as great confidence as others , venture the success of our plea for presbyterie , upon the decision of a poll and plurality of votes , providing ( which could not be denied ) none be admitted to vote , but such as are well affected to the government of king william and queen marry . yet we cannot subject the determination of that plea , to any other rule , than he institution of christ ; considering , that either the lord iesvs , who is anointed only king and head of his church , and is faithful in all his house , must not have appointed any government or order thereof at all ( which would exceedingly reflect upon his wisdom and faithfullness and the perfection of his law ) or this government which he hath appointed , must not be arbitrary and ambulatory , indifferently determinable ▪ by the will and inclinations of men , no more than others of his institutions can be . we plead for no government , and for nothing in this of presbyterie , but what we have the lawes of christ in his word , the ancient lawes of the nation , the constitutions of the church , never yet repealed , by any subsequent authority ecclesiastick , and the covenant eengagements of all ranks in the land , of indespensible obligation , for : nor do we plead for any exercise , or extent of this order , further then is necessary for the purging of the church , of every antichristian , or erastian corruption and invention , defection or schism , error or scandal in officers or members impartially ; and for the planting of the church with godly , able and faithful ministers , for the instruction , conviction conversion , edification and consolation of the members thereof . but now , not only is this government not established , but even that of prelacy is not effectually , nor can be abolished , while the many iniquous laws against presbytery , and pressing submission to prelacy are not rescinded ; and while our national and solemn league cevenants for preserving and promoting reformation , are so far forgotten and trampled upon , that the acts antiquating and discharging them to be owned , are not only not abrogated , but so far yet observed , that it is hardly allowed they should be publickly mentioned : while also , the ecclesiastical supremacy , a feather likewise of antichrists wing , and a blasphemous and sacrilegious encroachment upon christs prerogatives , and his kingdoms priviledges , is not revocked , nor declared void , whereby it stands declared by wicked laws , to be the inherent right of the magistrate , to order , dispose , alter or innovate the external government of the church , and to plant , or transplant ministers , and give them instructions , to regulate them in the exercise of their function ; which , if not abolished , will not only optn a door to the introdnction of prelacy or popery again : but if the protestant religion be never so well established , this will in process of time , unhinge all possible settlements thereof . there is nothing more the interest of the church , than to seek that this mountain in the way of its reformation , be removed ; and all acts confirming the same repealed ; and indulgences following therefrom , be declared to be usurpations . another pillar of prelacy , the constant support of it , and stop to reformation , does yet continue , while the burdensome bondage of patronages is not removed ; whereby the church is robbed of the liberty of choosing her own guides intrusted with her greatest concerns , & the great-men have open access implicity to impose , and prey upon , and pester the church with corrupt teachers : but if all these things were rectified , it is impossible the church can ever be settled , or purged , or planted , as long as the episcopal curats , intruded by the prelats collation and patrons presentation , contrare to the institutions of christ , and the constitutions of this reformed church , without the call , and contrare to the inclinations of the people in many places , but every where the bane of the nation , the scandal of the church and the cause of all our confusions , are continued in the churches . how can the church be settled , when those that unsettled it continue in the same capacity to oppose all righteous settlements of reformation ? how can the church be purged , when the greatest corrupters , and the most corrupted members , remain in power ? either they must be looked upon , and subject themselves as members of the presbyterian church , and then discipline cannot but strike against them , in such a measure of severity , as may be some way proportioned to the greatness of their scandal , their obstinacy , impenitency , and continuance in it as long as they could , and the hazard of their leavening the whole lump ; or they must be looked upon as pure and perfect schismaticks , seting up a distinct church , and seperate communion , within a well constitute national church , and as such they ought to be censured and restrained . how can the church be planted , when those plants that the lord never planted , fill so much of his vineyard , and continue in so many paroches , either to sterve them with the hungry husks of ethick homilies and harangues of moral vertues , instead of gospel holiness ( not knowing to preach the mystery of the covenant of grace , or declare the counsel of god , to the conversion of sinners unto christ or so poyson them with points of popery , arminianisme , socinianisme : yet many of them do yet peaceably possess the places they were intruded into ; and others dispossessed , are reponed by force , contrare to the inclinations of the paroch , and notwithstanding their opposition in some places , as for instance in colintown and in peebles , where great insolences were committed , affronting the magistrates , and disturbing the presbyterian meeting , which have been overlooked ; but the least accession to any opposition that was made , hath been severely punished , one francis beatie upon this account being for these many weeks kept in prison , and his petitions for liberty ejected . this hath discouraged many , and opened their mouths to reflect ; that tho this government be as much admited for acts of mercy to rebells , as the former was for cruelty , yet wherever any presbyterian can be apprehended in any fault , he must expect the rigour of severity . we do not justifie illegal tumults , nor do we approve that people should transgress their line and station in endeavours of reformation , when there is a magistrate to be applied unto : but as magistrates ought to interpose their power for extruding , and easing the people of intruders ; so when they abuse it , to the re inforcing of these intrusions , honnest and zealous people can as hardly be restrained from resisting such invasions and impositions against the laws of god and man , as they can be kept from withstanding a violent invader of their property , or intruder on their heritage . for our part , as we thought it a seasonable duty , to take the opportunity of the interregnum , before the settlement of a government that we could subject our selves to , for cleansing the western shiers of these creatures ( which was done with all the discretion that the confusions of that time , and the feared shortness of that opportunity could admitt . and whatever clamour they make of their persecutions , in their late printed account and information to the church of england , stuft with lies , we defy them to give an instance of any hurt done by us to any of their persons or families , or to charge us with one six-pence worth of their goods : if any have , let it be proven and punished ) which , if others in other places had imitated , in that season , with the like discretion , the nation might have been much eased , and the government prevented of a great deal of trouble : so , tho we are not for persecuting them who were our greatest persecuters , nor rendering them any evil for their evil , farther than to restrain them from coming back again to persecute us , and from intruding , where they have no right ; yet we are resolved , through gods assistance , to endeavour by all approven means , to hold them out now when they are out ; and sooner to die , and venture the loss of all things temporal , than to suffer any of them to repossess themselves of the churches , whence they are thrown out ; or any other within our reach , untill after sufficient evidences of their remorse they shall come in at the door of christs appointment . if in this we offend the malignants in the parliament or council , we cannot help it , it is not the first time , nor perhaps the last : but for the noble & honoured patriots among them , who are well affected to the cause of reformation the nations good , and his majesties honour and happiness , we are confident they will construct of our ingenuity in good part ; as flowing from conscience and candor . and we are hopeful his majestie will compassionat us in this matter ; and consider the case , that it is more for his honour and interest ; to have respect to the consciences of so many people , than to the humor and haughtiness of a few debauched lords and gentlemen , who delight in these vexations , and who by custom , as it were , have it for their element to impose upon poor peoples consciences . and we hope his majesty will think upon the redressing of this grievance , of the continuance of these episcopal curates , who took notice of this , as one of the grievances , in his declaration , that he came to relieve the nation from . in the netxt place , as to the state , tho we desire to be more abstract from these administrations that are above our reach ; yet it is obvious and grievous to all that desire the establishment thereof in righteousness and peace , that the settlement of church and state both is retarded and obstructed , by the frequent adjournments of parliaments , in so critical a season when the government is not well settled , the enemies thereof are prevailing , the friends thereof are sore discouraged and devided , and the forces have no maintenance . if ever there 〈◊〉 of parliaments , now it must be when the greatest interests , 〈◊〉 king and people , are in so eminent hazard : and yet it is more grievous , that when they conveen , and have opportunity to act for the good of the nation , the settlement of the church government , and the redress of grievances , the disputes of divided factions , about things of lesser moment , do hinder their establishing of those things , that all agree are absolutely necessary . time might be afterwards spared for many of these debates , with which the present precious opportunity is wasted , and they might with more advantage and facility be adjusted and composed afterwards , if once the establishment of the church , and the security of the nation were provided for , and these things , for which they have his majesties instructions , were settled and enacted : but we fear these differences are much fomented by self-seeking malignant incendiaries , who love to fish in troubled waters , and to pursue their selfish and sinistrous ends of undermining the church , supplanting the king's interest , and betraying the countries liberties , from whom these disorders and grievances have proceeded , which are now desired to be rectified and redressed , and from whose influence all these retardments and disapointments do flow , which the nation so much complains of . for as the open and avowed enemies of the king and country , owning the late king iames his interest ( all consisting either of the popish or prelatical and malignant faction , not so much as one presbyterian being among them ) are very many , insolent and prevalent ; not only in the highlands , but in all the hires of the kingdom ; and no doubt have their active agents , correspondents and abetters in the parliament , council and all the supreme judicatories of the kingdom ; so there are far moe secret undermining enemies , who for the time are not appearing in opposition to the government , that are as great enemies to the king and country , and all righteous interests , as any that do most appear , who are now desiring places , and ingyring themselves into publick trust , not to serve king william , whose advancement to the throne they opposed , with all the power and policy they had ; nor simply to satisfy their insatiable ambition , but to put themselves in better capacity to serve king iames , in retarding all righteous establishments , rending the parliaments , and ruining us all : yea , however some may account it policy , it is not only a grievance , but a sin dishonouring god , and destructive to the nation , and a dangerous politick , threatning hazard to religion and liberty and the government , that many wicked malignants , enemies to reformation , are admitted & imployed in the publick administrations , as officers of state , members of council & parliament , and other judicatories and places of trust ; who not only were our cruel persecuters , and murderers of our bretheren , whose blood cries for vengence against them ; but were the professed and sworn tools of the late tyranny , and instruments of the nations slavery , ministring to king iames , and cooperating with him in all his encroachments upon our religion , laws and liberties , as absolute vassals of his despotical will , under oaths and pensionary obligations to obey without reserve , and to this day , are either evil counsellours to perswade the king to some degrees of arbitrariness , or very disaffected to the government , counsellers to , encouragers of , or connivers at rebellion against it . it had been worthy service to the nation , to have at first exposed these men in their own colours , and represented the danger of trusting them , to the king ; who being much a stranger to men , at his first coming over , might be easily deceived in the choose of such as were to be imployed ; and then it had been easier to keep out , then now to put out of places : but it is never too late to seek to be rid of these that were , and are like to be instruments of our ruine ; whose exclusion from trust and power to play their old tricks , is necessary for the king's interest as well as the kingdoms , which are inseperable . and since the king declared against these evil counsellours ; and on their crimes and mal-administrations , founded the righteousness and necessity of his expedition , neither king nor parliament can justly offend at ; or refuse the nations demands , to be eased of them , nor find it convenient , that the betrayers of our laws , and robbers of our priviledges under the last government , be excluded from all share of administration in this . we have experience of their conduct and administration already , wherein we found nothing but tyranny , rapine and violence , and such justice and law as is discovered above ; and therefore can never beleive while only interest hath made them change their way , that ever they shall administer righteous judgement . and whatever confidence others may have , we cannot be without fears , while we are under the power of our old persecuters . but above all ; it is most offensive to god and all good men , that murderers of innocent people , without and against all law , particularly several of these above named , should not only be connived at , and past without punishment , but encouraged and intertained in favour and trust ; some of them discovered and apprehended as traitors to the present government , are notwithstanding over looked and suffered to escape justice , and liberate upon bale , as major or lieu. col. balfour , and lieu. nisbet ; others of them are members of parliament , as the commissioners for the shire of nithsdale and stewartry of anandale , sir ia. iohnstoun of westerhal , and iohnstoun of corehead , who is notourly known to have of late several times in caballs with iacobines drunk the late king's health . blood is a crying sin , defiling the land , which cannot be cleansed but by the blood of them that shed it . we thirst for the blood of none , nor crave the sheding of any , but of these who are so guilty of blood , that they are condemned to the punishment of murderers , by the law of god and all nations , having shed the blood of war in peace , without all shaddow of law. but as for those that murdered our bretheren , without all process , accusation , trial , conviction , assise or sentence , as is observed in his majesties declaration for scotland , we should not be free of the guilt of their impunity , if we did not seek justice against them . yet we wonder the less at this , that such criminalls as were authorized under the former government , by arbitrary orders , tho without law , to perpetrate their crimes , are not punished , when open avowed traitors , speakers of treason , and rebells against the present government , taken in ovett acts of lese-majestie , discovered in plots and projects , and apprehended in armes against his majestie , are indemnified , connived at , let out of prisons and tolerated , and thereby encouraged and tempted to go on in their conspiracies , and return to the same crimes , when ever they find opportunity ; for they will not ascribe this to his majesties clemency , but to the weakness of the government , that dare not draw its sword of justice . in the former government , there was nothing but severity against those that in the least discented from it : in this there is nothing but mercy to rebels ; both these are extremes . in the third place we cannot but have sad reflections upon the bad success of the war : which we think is not so much to be imputed to the bad conduct of those to whom it is intrusted , as to the wickedness and malignancy of the army , laying them and the land open to the danger of the wrath of god ; while the abominations of swearing , cursing , profaning the sabbath , whoredom , drunkenness , and all debaucheries ( which are severely interdicted by military lawes , if they were put in execution ) and are so abounding among officers and souldiers , that the honest hearted among them , whom only conscience did prompt to engage in the service , are exceedingly discouraged , & all the fearers of god affrighted , to whom the abounding of , and continuance in these sins is a greater terror , than all the numbers of enemies . this is the more to be adverted , that all that acknowledge god , are astonished with his signall and stupendous stroks , so observably wasting many thousands of the english army in ireland , within these few moneths past for these same abominations . but not only are our armies filled with the profane end profligate skum of mankind ; but to the great reproach of the cause , wherein religion is so nearly concerned , to the dishonour of god and offence of all the godly , many malignant enemies to reformation , avowed adversaries and persecuters of truth and godliness , are encouraged , imployed and intrusted for the defence of the interest , which , within this short time , they professedly opposed , and by many dreadful oaths were engaged to suppress . for the old dragoons , the late kings lieveguard and others , after by executing their old masters cruell and arbitrary orders , they had enriched themselves with the spoylls of the oppressed country , and imbrewed their hands in the blood of innocent and righteous people , when they saw the prince of orange like to prevail , forsook their king and crouded into his highness armies : not for love to his cause , which with the greatest keenness they contended against , as long as they could ; but to prevent the just vengance of his victorious armes , then threatened . hence they are yet intertained among the forces , and there tho they have not occasion to exert their fury , as formerly ; yet they cease not to express their malice against us , in boasting that they hope yet to persecute us as much as ever ; and bragging they are , and shall be for prelacy as long as they live , not fearing to impugn the act of parliament against it . it is certainly a land-sin to be witnessed against , as well as a grievance , that such enemies of truth and godliness , should be admitted unto , or continued in power and trust in the army , or imployed and intertained therein . it is dangerous that the royal standart should be a sanctuary to them , whom divine justice will pursue ; and absurd , that the army should be polluted , and in danger to be infected with the contagion of such an unhappy conjunction and unholy association . it were more profitable and promising like , that the tears and cries of the many widows and orphans , whom their bloody sword have beraved of their husbands and parents , might prevail with the justice of the government , to find them out and give them their reward . it were no loss , but a great advantage to the king and countrey both , that the army were throughly purged of those who betray the interest in stead of serving it , and whose carriage declares they are in the interest of the enemy , and were filled up with such as have another principle prompting them to serve , than the prospect of pay , which will make them venture their dearest blood in the cause , with resolution and confidence , when those that are pursued with a guilty conscience are afraid to look death and hell in the face . hereby , as his majesty would be far from all fears of the like treasons and treacheries , in some discovered already ; so all honest men having no other interest or end , but the glory of god , the peace and prosperity of their country , and the honour and happiness of the king , would be exceedingly encouraged and engaged to be zealous and resolute in the service , when they should know they have none to associate with , but such as are of aproven fidelity and good affection to the cause . it is yet the more grievous , that not only so many wicked and treacherous men are intertained in the army ; but men of principle and conscience , who are willing and zealous to serve in the warrs with the utmost fidelity , can find little encouragement ; and some are put out of trust and employment in the army , who had given good proof of their zeal , fidelity and courage , by the malignants procurement , to the end they might be rid of the fears and iealousies they had of their opposing their sinistrous designs : some there are we acknowledge in several regiments and troups , that are men of principle , conscience , courage and honour ; but these labour under very many discouragements , being very much maligned by the rest . particularly , we cannot but complain of the treatment of the e. of angues's regiment , which was sent to dunkeld ( as would seem ) on design by some to be betrayed and destroyed ; for , being there posted alone in the mouth of the highlands , the whole body of canons army marched towards them , the very day they came thither , and within three days gave them a general assault : where that regiment was left in the chock , denuded of the success that my lord cardross brought them , who were recalled ; and denyed the assistance they sought from col. ramsey lying at perth ▪ after which , getting the honor of that victory , by the goodness of god , they were more then ever envyed , by the remaining malice of their old enemies ; who , when they durst do no more to destroy them openly ; & their arts failed them to get them destroyed by the common enemy , sought by all means to break them , or to blast their reputation . finally , the country is much languishing in their jealousies , thinking their sufferings cannot be over , as long as not only the instruments , of their oppression , their persecuters are in so much power : but the laws and acts of parliament , &c. impowering them , & condemning the grounds of former sufferings , are yet standing unrepealed . yea , they complain their sufferings still continue , while forefaultries & fines are not redressed ; while many are impoverished by loss of law suits , and decreets past against them , through their non-appearance in their own defence , in times of hazard ▪ to their persons ; while many widows and orphans of those that lost their lives in fields and scaffolds , and of those that died in banishments , are in great distress , having none to provide for them ; and while many are yet in servitude in forraign plantations , whither they were banished & sold as slaves , who are not yet partakers of this reviving , we have got in our bondage . moreover , as the unrestrained debaucherie and dissoluteness of country people is very grievous , occasioned by the want of church government and discipline ; so the insolence of many gentlemen , professedly jacobins , owning the authority of k ▪ james , drinking his health , and forcing others to it where they are numerous , impugning the present authority , and openly speaking treason , is an intollerable affront to the government : for the honour of which , zeal for our god , loyalty to the king , and love to our country ; observing the deficiency of others that could do it better , we could not forbear to suggest these complaints ; in the hope that such as are not sensible of them , may open their eyes and see their distempers and dangers ; and those that are sensible of them , may be moved to represent them to those that are in authority , to redress and remove them . but whether men will hear , or not hear ; we are confident there is a god that ruleth in jacob , to the ends of the earth , who will hear the cry of the humble , in his own time . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a59965-e1000 grievance 1. grievance 2. grievance 3. grievance 4. grievance 5. grievance 6. grievance 7. grievance 8. grievance 9. grieance 10. grievance 11. grievance 12. grievance 13. grievance 14. grievance 15. grievance 16. grievance 17. grievance 18. grievance 19. grievance 20. grievance 21. grievance 22. grievance 22. grievance 23. grievance 24. grievance . 25. grievance 26. grievance 27. grievance 28. grievance 29. grievance 30. grievance 31. grievance 32. grievance 33. mock poem, or, whiggs supplication whiggs supplication colvil, samuel. 1681 approx. 178 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 95 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34034 wing c5426 estc r12941 12538728 ocm 12538728 62918 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34034) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62918) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 660:11) mock poem, or, whiggs supplication whiggs supplication colvil, samuel. 2 pts. ([16], 102, [2]; 69 p.) [s.n.], london : 1681. first edition. part 2 has special t.p. and separate pagination. an imitation of butler's hudibras, treating of the insurrection of the covenanters in scotland during the reign of charles ii. published later under titles: whiggs supplication, and the scotch hudibras. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng butler, samuel, 1612-1680. -hudibras. covenanters -poetry. 2005-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion mock poem . or , whiggs supplication . part i. london , printed in the year , 1681. the author's apology to the reader . christian reader , verses are like ladies faces , good or bad , as they are fancied ( saith don quixot ) and mock poems , which bite not , are like eggs eaten without salt ( saith another of the same metal ) that is , whose tongue was a great deal wiser then his head. in those following lines i am more tart to none then to my self : and therefore i may be excused if i tell in rhime how some used me in prose ; i speak truth which is expedient to be known , and therefore no lawyer will aver i transgress the law. with all the world beside , i am like a blind man , dealing blows , not knowing whom i hit ; if any shall challenge me that i touch them , i will answer , that i knew not so much before they informed me , as answered that famous satyrist to a noble roman , who expostulated with him for smiting him in a poem . i am many wayes wronged : and first , by transcribers , who stealing copies of my lines , have transmitted them every where , like pictures on the wrong side of arras hangings , spoiled with thrumbs and threeds , or like faces disfigured by the pox , great or small , as ye please : or like sermons repeated by children and serving lasses in a presbyterian family-exercise , or like-one of bishop andrews sermons re-preached the other day by an expectant , in his episcopal trial for the ministery . i am , secondly , wronged by false copies , and that by men either malicious to bring me to trouble , or ignorant , not apprehending my scope , who in stead of mending my lines , have marred then all . and who striving to pull me out of the mire , hath thrown me into the well , not to wash me , but to drown me : or into the fire , not to dry me , but to burn me . thirdly , i am most of all prejudged by the late dutch war , which occasioned the bringing in of such superfluity of brandie , which entering the brain of some of the worshippers of bacchus , hath there hatched glosses of my lines , like that of orleance , destroying the text. those brandy-interpreters may be compared to children espying shapes and figures in the fire ; or to those who are giddie with drink , imagining apparitions in the clouds ; or to old wives commenting on merlins or rymers prophesies ; or to bad divine expounding the revelation , who obtrud groundless fancies upon the ignorant multitude , for evangelical truths . if those gentlemen hit my meaning , any censure is too little for me ; if not , no punishment is too great for them : and that for two reasons . first , because they apply passages of my lines to men of honour , of whom ( god is my witness ) i did not dream . secondly , because they make the world believe i am biting those whose wounds i am licking , given by the biting of other dogs . these things considered , it is easie to answer all which is objected against me . and first , some of the society of gotham colledge had an intention to burn my lines , because i bring in whiggs speaking too boldly in the supplication , and else where . but i answer , if those gentlemen speak as they think , i commend their zeal , but not their wisdome ; and who ever shall take the pains to burn them for witches , will lose both coals and labour . i demand of them , if one should pen a play of the powder-plot , and bring in the conspirators , exhorting each other to blow up the parliament-house , who will tax the author of treason ? or who will tax the psalmist of athiesm , for averring , the fool hath said in his heart , there is not a god ? all not meer ignorants know it is permitted to poets , good or bad , to personate a discourse , that is , to bring in rebels speaking treason , and athiests blasphemy ; and why may not i , a poetaster , or poets ape , bring in fools speaking foolishly , and wise men wisely , and yet be neither a wise man nor a fool my self ? and if i be neither , i must either be a mix'd man , or else nothing . and in effect some call me a mix'd man , others nothing : but since those who call me nothing are highly offended at me , they mus● of necessity confess they are offended at nothing : i am more charitable to them , i think they are something . what sort of thing it is , all the world knoweth , what ever it be it is worse then nothing . they object , sccondly , that without authority i have imposed a grievous taxation upon the liedges , in exacting five dollors for every copy , which may be called treason . but i answer , since i charge them not with horning to make payment , the worst they can call it is but begging , which it is not , but a nameless contract , do ut des . and at first i did not dream of taking money for those lines , until some known bitter enemies to the presbyterians enforced each of them five dollors on me for a copy : they told me , i might as well take money for rhime , as ministers and lawyers for prose , and physicians for nothing , and worse then nothing ; some pleading , preaching , and curing ( it is true ) deserves money a great deal better then my lines : but it is as true , that some of all three deserves it worse ; if my lines do no good , they do no hurt to the souls , bodies , or estates of any . secondly , i demand money of no man , yea , i refuse it when it is offered , not in jest , until they make it appear they offer it in earnest , which they do many wayes ; some throw money on the ground , some on the table ; some tell they 'l have none of my lines , except i take their money ; some say i undervalue them , when i refuse their money ; some say , they are abler to give me money , then i am to want it ; some bid devil break their neck if i take not their money : some bid god damn them if i take not their money : yea , i can instruct , that a sea-captain offered to strike off my head with a shable , if i resus'd his money : but the more moderat put money unaworse in the pocket of my coat , which many think i keep unbuttoned of purpose . mistake me not , reader , i am not instructing how money should be offered , but how it should not be offered , lest i take it . thirdly , that i am not avaricious , appears by my vowing to take no money from ministers and ladies , but they say i take gold. but i answer , they cluded my vow by equivocation , putting gold unaworse in the neck of my doublet , and then run away , and i following to restore it , stumbled . they instance i stumbled of purpose that i might not reach them : but they are still mistaken , for a lady having used me so , i followed her to her chamber , and when i endeavoured to return her gold to her pocket , her maid ( mistaking my meaning ) thinking perhaps i was searching for the wrong pocket , tax'd me of incivility ; so i was necessitate either to keep her gold , or else be thought uncivil to a lady : let any indifferent man judge which was the least of the two evils . however , reader , tempt me not with gold , except thou be in earnest . it dazeleth the eyes of the wise , and therefore no marvel it blind those of a fool . the third objection against me is , that some affirm i am a bad poet. but i answer , that nothing can more offend a poet and a fidler , then telling them they want skill : if in effect they be unskilful , as i am ; and therefore no marvel if i reply in a fury that it is most true that i am a bad poet , and yet they are notorious liars in avering it , because they do so out of malice , not knowing whether they speak true or false . all the world knoweth they never made a greater progress in poesie then the making of an aie-house roundelay , and that a bad one . it were base in me to upbraid them with want of skill in their own professions , in which they brag they have such insight ; as to one of them , a physician , that he took the piss of a ston'd-horse for that of a woman with child : to another , a mineralist , who laid a wager of ten dollors , a piece of brimstone was a piece of silver ; to a third , a palmester , to whom , when a boy in girles apparel was brought in to him to have his hand viewed , superciliously pronounced , the girle would have three husbands , bring forth nine children , and die of the tenth . it were most base in me to tell them they are fit for nothing , except some will take them on to be tasters of drink : neither are they fit for that but in the morning , for in the afternoon many times they are in the category of plants that is without sense and reason , having the use of no soul but the vegitative . i could instance other things of that nature , but i forbear , lest the persons be discovered . secondly , to be a bad poet may well be a shame , it is no sin ; neither is it a shame for me in this first essay , withal my intention is to make men laugh , and not to vex them : but bad lines many times causeth more mirth then good ones . where one laughs at the poems of virgil , homer , ariosto , du bartas , &c. twenty will laugh at those of john cockburn , or mr. zacharie boyd . what hypocondriaque would not presently be cured at the reading of those lines . there was a man called job dwelt in the land of uz , he had a good gift of the gob , the same case happen us . or of those , absolom hang'd on a tree , crying gods mercie : then joab came in , angry was he , and put a spear in his arsie . or of those of john cockburn . samuel was sent to france , to learn to sing and dance , and play upon a fiddle : now hee 's a man of great esteem , his mother got him in a dream , at culross on a girdle . for my part , if i were a great man , i would sooner give gold for such lines , then copper for all the heroick oracles , of seneca's tragedies . if any have more to object , let them impart it to me : and if i cannot excuse my self in reason , i am willing to satisfie the law , i think it very strange that some grave and reverend men , should so wrongtheir conscience to traduce me , since without hurting their conscience they may speak so much evil of me and not lie , as i may likewise do of them . in the end i give the argument of a second part , which will prove as harmless as a whitred without teeth , except some shall be pleased to call ears horns . one word more , reader , and i shall trouble thee no further ; when thou hast perused my lines , and found them a cheat , it cannot but vex thee that thou hast bestowed thy money to no purpose . but i intreat thee to consider that the only remedy is to conceal the cheat , by commending still my lines to others , that thou may laugh when they shall be cheated as well as they self : in doing of which thou shall be a more christian liar then those who undervalue my lines , albeit they understand them no more then they do the prophet ezechiel , as appears by their commentaries on that propher , ready for the press , if they were once dead . farewel . s ▪ c. mock poem , or , whiggs supplication . part i. argument . aster invocking of the muse , as many learned poets use : next is describ'd the time of year when whiggs in armour did appear , the good-man's person , and his weed , his armour , lady , squire , and steed , dog , and pigeon , and his mind all allegories , where ye find clothed with many a sensless word , mysterious things , not with a turd : as said one in a reverend coat , or else he understood them not . as lately , when he scripture-vext , he forc'd was to say off his text : and then ye have a supplication greatly misconstrued of the nation . at first they dispute how to mend it ; and then advise by whom to send it : where knight and squire each other thump , as did de ruyter and van trump . who ever thou art , muse , who dost make by force of brandy , ale , and sack , some who both words and matter want , admired of the ignorant : in whom sagacious noses snuff ; nought worth but plagiary stuff , by which they purchase praise and money , when bees have toil'd , drons eat the honey . inspire me with poetick surie , that i may likewise favour currie : vvith all men to augment my pack , by making lines not worth a plack : some of eight syllabs , some of ten , some borrowed from other men : as cleveland , don , or tass divine , some ill translated from marine ; some oedipus cannot not unridle , some sounding like a blind mans fiddle , observing neither tune nor time , some nonsense to make up the rime . though i speak true , or false , no matter , if i traduce , some others flatter , so sundry men were us'd of late , as they were on or off the state. grant that i may curb all backbiters , of surplice , high-sleev'd gowns , and miters , and church-governing paradoxes , of calvins followers , and knoxes . in mystick allegorick tone , scarce understood by any one . grant me to scold , revile and prat , shame fall me , if my self knows what : when rhime bursts out from breast inrag'd , like turds from puddings overcharg'd ; some galling , other some to laughter , moving like parrat when it 's taught her . hoping my prayer thou wilt hear , o muse ! have at the time of year ; when whiggs from lurking-holes did sally , and in the open fields did rally . it was about the time when oysters abound so with venereous moystures , that they are used even and morn by those that do their neighbour horn ; which doth their prices so inhance at englands court , and that of france , that oyster-wives have money ready to make their daughter somtime lady : as doth appear by one of late whose son-in-law bore sway in state. when snow makes dikes and mountains white , when folks by physick seldom shite , except there be some pocky reason ; when mutton weareth out of season , in stead of which , at every meal , when men eat rosted hens and veal . and those at forth eat garvie fishes , then fittest to be serv'd in dishes ; which to the pallat pleasing proves , like adriatique gulph anchoves . when that the blak bird hoarsly whistles , when trouts and abercorn mussles are stark nought ; when that the swallow lyes sleeping in her own tallow , within some sub-terranean hole ; when under the antarctique pole there is no night , under out other , a man cannot discern his brother , it is so dark ; when summers heats scroatcheth the magellanique straits , and burneth up the corn and hay about the caput bonae spei : if that be tedious to remember , it was in januar , or december , when i did see the out-law whiggs ly scattered up and down the riggs : some had hoggers , some straw boots , some uncovered legs and coots : some had halbards , some had durks , some had crooked swords like turks : some had stings , some had flails knit with eel and oxen tails : some had spears , some had pikes , some had spades which delved dikes : some had guns with rousty ratches , some had fiery peats for mitches . some had bows , but wanted arrows , some had pistols without marrows ; some had the coulter of a plough : some syths had , men and horse to hough : and some with a lochaber ax , resolv'd to give dalzell his paiks . some had cross-bows , some were slingers , some had only knives and whingers . but most of all , believe who lists , had nought to fight with , but their fists : they had no collours to display , they wanted order and array : their officers and motion-teachers were very few , beside their preachers . without horse . or artilzery-pieces , they thought to imitate the swises ; when from navar they sallied out . tremovile and brave trivulce to rout . for martial musick , every day they used oft to sing and pray ; which hearts them more when danger comes , then others trumpets and their drums . with such provision as they had , they were so stout , or else so mad , as to petition once again , and if the issue proved vain , they were resolv'd with one accord to fight the battles of the lord. upon their head march'd the good-man , like scanderbeg , or tamerlane . dame nature straind her outmost care , to mould him for a man of war : a terrible and a dreadfull foe , as doth appear from top to toe . the shape and fashion of his head , was like a con , or pyramid : or for to speak in terms more groff , was just like suggar loaf : or like the head of rob the cripple , or like the spear of magdalen steeple : or like the bottom of a tap , or like a furr'd muscovia cap. they who the south-east countries haunts , affirm such heads have turkish saints : which as some learned writers notes , are here with us call'd idiots . because long hair the wit dot dull , nought was between heaven and his skull : his ears was long , and stood upright , which did so well become the knight : that at some distance he seem'd horn'd , his one eye was with pearl adorn'd ; his other eye lookt so a-squint , that it was hard to ward his dint : from thence down to his mouth arose a mountain rather then a nose ; upon which savage beasts did feed , as worms , and selkhorns , which with speed would eat it up , but he begins in time to pick them out with pins . his lips were thick , his mouth was wide , his teeth each other did bestride : his tongue was big , though well he meant , he was not very eloquent . his beard was long , and red , and thin , making a ball-green on his chin : as trees do sometime in a wood , where horse and oxen gather food : his arms were stiff like barrow-trams , his hands were hued like reisted hams : at finger-ends he never fails to have the king of babel's nails , which sooner then a knife , by half , will cut the throat of sheep or calf . when he , not loving to be idle , turns cook to any peny-bridle . they scrape up works about his leagure , a great deal stronger , and far bigger then those made by don pedro saa , when spinola besiedg'd breda . he had a lump upon his back , which some took for a pedlers pack : but other some did it suppose . a bagg which kept his meal for brose . but neither conjecture was good , it was a lump of flesh and blood. his womb stood out an cln before , as far behiud his bumm , and more : when overcharg'd , it made a sound , which did like earthquake shake the ground . with which , as sentrie , when he sleeps , his cloaths from mice and rats he keeps ; which to his pockets swarm like bees , finding the smell of bread and cheese , which several times the fainting knight doth take for cordials in the night . but when the beasts do hear the thunder , they 'r so amaz'd with fear and wonder , that to the gate go mice and rats , as fast , as if pursu'd by cats . was never man in those dominions . about whose legs were more opinions . first , there are many who avow . they are like an inverted v. and other some do stiffly jangle , that they and thighs make a quadrangle . some think , that thighs joyning , they gape , in circular , or oval shape : and other some are , who avouch then semi-circles in a touch . and other some , there are who tells , they 'r semi-circles paralels . but those who on them better looked , say one was straight , the other crooked : not as in touching they did make , that famous angle of contact . which euclids demonstration shows , if in their juncture ye put straws . the truth is , they in every thing , resemble do a bow and string ; the one straight to the other bending , is like a chord an arch subtending : in which schem , if ye draw some lines , ye may have secants , tangents , sines , which ale-pot measuring much enables , by help of logarithmique tables ; which questions soonest do decide , for by substraction they divide , and multiplieth by addition , as now doth popish superstition , which multiplieth every day , having some added to its way . their entry to that church is fine , they re-baptize them all with wine , which their apostles think far better to wash away mens sins , then water . now all 's describ'd to feet and toes , which i could not see for his shooes : some say , his toes , who saw his feet , resembled an alphabet , greek , syriack , or arabick , or breviations stenographick ; which they do counterfeit like apes , with great variety of shapes . you may believe it as your creed : such was his armour and his weed ; he wore a pair of pullion breeches , a yellow doublet with blew steeches , a long black cassock over his ars , as he had been the fool of mars : he had on each leg a gramash , a top of lint for his panash , which bravely flourish'd in his crest , a folded cloak for back and breast . a glove of plate , which once was worn by black dowglas at bannockburn . for head-piece , a cowl lin'd with iron , which did his temples so inviron , that it would cost a world of pains for any to beat out his brains . a blunderbush hang'd at his back , of terrible report and crack ; as have a lower tire of guns , shot from a ship of many tuns . a horse he never doth bestride , without a pistol at each side : and without other two before , one at either sadle tore . but now when he hath much ado , he hath one in each pocket too . a sword which woundeth deep and wide , a target of a seven-fold hide : a very strange enchanted lance , whose touch makes men from sadle dance as sometimes of old did another , belonging to angeliques brother , and after to the english duke , as mentions ariosto's book . and thus with more arms he doth ride , then other twenty had beside . whether he gain the day , or tine , he never misseth to kill nine : as doth appear to all who reckons , justly the number of his weapons . among ten thousand , all alone , with every weapon he kills one . some say , he used to take lives with whingers , and kilmarnock knives : but he thinks that belongs to boutchers , and others , like damaeta's coutchers . for when with any he doth swagger , he seldome useth knife , or dagger : except they come in wrestling terms , permitted by the law of arms. the laws of knighthood he doth keep , not killing men like calves or sheep . i ask'd at several who he was , some said he was sir hudibras , deceived by his boulky paunch : some said don quixot de la maunch , which was more like then was the other , in many things he was his brother . first , in his head were many fancies , bred by the reading of romances . he thought before the day of doom the covenanters would burn rome , and trample down the man of sin , he thought the work he would begin , and to the glory of his nation , accomplish all the revelation . prat what they please in popish schools , hammond and grotius were but fools , who say , it is fulfil'd already , must think they prayed to our lady . they aim'd at reconciliation , between the pope and every nation . all other things they could pack up , if ye take not from them the cup : and they had reason , for in truth , some think they had a burning drouth . next , like don quixot , some suppose , he had a lady del to bose , who never budged from his side , upon a pair of sodds astride : by whose sole industry and care , he manag'd all the holy war. we read in greatest warriours lives , they oft were ruled by their wives , the worlds conquerour , alexander , obey'd a lady his commander , and anthony that drunkard keen was rul'd by his lascivious queen . king arthur for his vvifes sake , winkt at lance lot du lake , though to his opprobry and scorn , he cherisht one himself to horn . they say , that now are many others who in that case are arthurs brothers . so the imperious roxalan , made the great turk john thomsons man. another warriour , all his life was also ruled by his wife : albeit before their death arose some strife between them for her pose . thirdly , like quixot , he a squire , had zancho call'd to whet his ire , when in a fury he did wrestle with giant , or inchanted castle . or like don quixot with wind-mills , or with dalzel at pentland-hills . or when , like perseus , he was ready to fight a monster for a lady : being victorious in the strife , he still refus'd the nymph to wife ; and that with such a modest grace as fames knight did the heir of thrace : to which squire , the bounteous knight promised either man , or wight , gernsey , or jersey , or some isle , with a lord governours style . when he should beat his foes asunder , and bring the whore of babel under . lastly , on quixot's rozinant he rode , who took the covenant . as many think , none of the nation could make him take the declaration . some endeavour'd to have the horse proclaimed rebel from the cross , which though they did with open throats , the horse eats still his hay and oats : not dreaming that in any thing he country did offend , or king. the wisest lawyers of the nation , advis'd him to make appellation ; because it was against all reason to condemn a beast for treason ; which reason , at a tippling can , had sav'd his master the good-man : if after his rebellious journey , he had met with a king's atturney , vvho could by law and reason show , he greater beast was of the two . or with another , who for riches stood for incestuous vvhoors and vvitches or any other , whom ye list so they did well anoint his fist . beside his horse , he had a dog , so us'd to traverse hill and bog , that he became of scent so cliver , as to miss neither hare nor pliver . he turns himself in horse or hog , as monseur did agrippa's dog ; to find by his sagacious nose , the counterploting of his foes . he treads the back-scent , brings a glove , and carries letters to his love : he is a fierce dog , yet most civil , kills fish , whose livers frights the devil . he barks at anabaptist , quaker , papist , and declaration-taker : but he will gently fawn , and stand to lick a covenanters hand . beside his dog , he hath a pigeon , most do not know of what religion : she was the same , as many fear , which once eat pease in mahomets ear ; vvhich , when she did , the carl did boast , that he spoke with the holy ghost . his epilepsie for to recover , if once imploy'd , she doth not hover ; but will make the whole worlds tour , and come again within an hour : sometimes she his orders carries to the azores , and canaries : as quarter-mistriss , to ordain , in which the first meridian should lodged be , for calculation of longitudes in navigation . sometimes he sends her in embassage out through the north-east indian passag● to tell the great tartarian cham , a piece of a west-phabia hamm is better meat , when hunger nips , then collops off live-horses hips : that we who here drink sack and brandy , well tempered with suggar-candy , a great deal better then he fares , who drinks horse blood , or milk of mares sometime to peru , and to chilly she goes , to tell our prophet lilly forefeeth neither good nor evil , abandon'd by his arctique devil ; whom the late great frost did compell to run and warm himself in hell. that she might bring from thence a spirit of greater foresight , and of merit , for to assist the great diviner the better for to win his dinner . sometime to turk she goes , and sophy , to tell their water and their cophy , and their severe slighting of wine , makes them so with the collick pine ; which torment is with them so rife , it cost mahomet the great his life ; for when the collick he did take , and did refuse a cup of sack , he worried on a windy bubble , and fred the world of meikle trouble . if they'i drink wine , they need not fear their prophet , for his thousand year are now expired , all in vain they expect his return again . thus of his person , armour , vveed , his lady , squire , and of his steed , dog , and pigeon ; for his mind , he leaves all mortals far behind . all things created he doth know , in heav'n above , and earth below : he solves the questions every one that sheba's queen ask'd solomon : or any other knotty doubt , that can occur the world throughout . neither doth he prat and bable , like pliny painting out a fable . at first , he makes a clear narration , and then backs all by demonstration . he knows whether the great megall doth drink out of his fathers skull , or if he make a chamber-pot of that of king of calcecut . if it be prov'd by any man that he is come of tamerlan ; or if he keep tobacco cut in tortois shell , or coco nut. if the balm and franckincense-keepers , by ratling , drive away the vipers , vvhich with such ardor haunts those trees , as with us garden-flowres do bees : or if they do those serpents choak , as easterlings their bees do smoak : vvhich made two great wits , as men think , spend too much paper , pen , and ink. if ichneumon and crocodile do fight in niger , as in nile ; or if we ought to believe them , vvho say , melchisedec was not sem ; vvhich raised once a fisty strife between a preacher and his vvife . if any man yet ever born did see phenix or unicorn ? if there be a philosopher stone ? if men who have no leg but one , vvith broad soles , which by toures . defends their heads from sun and showres ? if the emperor prester john be the off-spring of solomon ? if those who lately conquer'd china , be the brothers-sons of dina ? who to those north-east parts were turned , when assur's king samaria burned . if romes founders wolfs did suck ? if job in edom was a duke ? if captain hynd was a good fellow ? if wallace beard was black or yellow ? which raised once a great discord between a western laird and lord. if rosted eggs be best , or sodden ? if james the fourth was kill'd at floden ? which made two school-men borrow swords , that they might fight after big words . if sword , or surfeit moe men kill ? who had the better at edge-hill ? which made two ladies other jeer , a round-head and a cavaleer : both harped so on the seen ruffle , that it turn'd to a scratch-eye scuffle : at last both conclude to agree , both of them vowing secresie . where meets the brethren of cross rosie ? what sums the spaniard in potosie gains yearly by their silver-mines : since thirty eight who wins or tines . he knows the price of jewels and rings , and hidden causes of sundry things . as of the compass variation , of nile and nigers inundation . vvhy ireland wanteth toad and snake , vvhy some men white , and some moors black . vvhy regulus eye makes men leave breath . vvhy spiders bite , them dance to death vvhy men tarantula do not fear , but at some seasons of the year . vvhy devils musick do not please : vvhat sort of thing is ambergrease , if iron magnes , or it iron attract ? if sea or land inviron that frozen great magnetick rock , under the pole , where what a clock there cannot be made any trial , the one year 's half , by phaebus dial ? by the seas motion he doth find a north-east passage to the inde : another he finds by the north-vvest , vvhere davies freezed to his rest : vvhen icy mountains did occurr , and stopt his course to mar del zurr : but he hath found a brave device , that he may free those seas from ice ; he empties all the vvater , syne he fills the place with brandy-wine , vvhich hardly will congeal with frost , if vvhales turn drunk , and fishing lost ; yet lose we not by that device , for vvhale oyl we get indian spice . all other ways are but a cheat , to fetch some money from the state. it 's wonder they have sharkt so much . both from the english and the dutch. he prov'd , on perill of his soul , presbyterian-rule by paul. he thought , none but a foolish man made antichrist the son of dan. he thought by the apostles meaning , voice negative , and sole ordaining , vvas the very mystery of antichrist's iniquity , vvhich near his own time did begin to usher in the man of sin. he thought , if bishops had not been , a pope of rome had ne're been seen . but now he thinketh church government a thing of small , or no concernment : as ready as any ever born for bishops , if he had not sworn . if dutch and english truth report , he knows about th' amboyna fort , if those two indian ships were sunk , and burnt by dutch , when they were drunk . vvho first began the vvar in guinie , vvhere holms and ruyter play'd at pinie . if groundless jealousies and fears yoaks dutch and english by the cars : or if it be the indian trade tha doth produce effects so sad . he 'l tell in indian pedlers faces , vve dearly buy their cloves and maces . the vvar draws blood and money forth ; more then the indian trade is worth . he thinks the vvar formented be by romish craft and policie , vvhich rents the dutch and us asunder , to bring reform'd religion under . vvhen both are broken , and brought low , like pitchers by a mutual blow ; then they 'l force up the pope again , and make both serve the king of spain : vvho in the jesuits fantasie the worlds temporal lord will be ; and meagre those who countermine them . the pope and he will rule between them : the world in two monarchies , he with his sword , he with his keyes . if dutch and english popish were , they would be popish every where : so conclave fathers do conclude , but such conceits do oft delude . he finds by perfect demonstrations the roots of all compos'd aequations . he finds new ways to poyson cats , of mudd he serpents makes , and rats . he finds the longitude of places , makes bag-pipes with concording bases . he finds two means proportionals , vvhich great wits sometime inthrals . in virtuosies conventicles , excentricks , orbs , and epycicles he finds to be fantastick fictions , forg'd , to palliat contradictions ; vvherewith the late star-gazers notions have involv'd the planets motions . to determine he dare venture , the sun to be the vvorld's center , to hold the candle in the middle infix'd , while to pythagora's fiddle still firmament , with twinkling eyes , the earth and planets dancing sees . he squares , circles , doubles , cubes , makes most admirable tubes ; if he at dover through them glance , he sees what hours it is in france ; as he hath prov'd by frequent trial , on steeple , clock , and sunny dial : he reads with them another while letters , distant twenty mile ; dutch , or scots , i know not whether , the one is as like as the other . if he once level at the moon , either at midnight , or at noon , he discovers rivers , hills , steeples , castles , and wind-mills , villages , and fenced towns , with foussies , bulwarks , and great guns , cavaleers on horse-back prancing . maids about a may-pole dancing , men in taverns wine carousing , beggers by the hie-way lowsing , sojors forging ale-house brawlings , to be let go without their lawings , sturrs in streets by grooms and pages , mountebanks playing on stages . wild boars strouting out their bristles , black birds striving who best whistles , throats of larks trumpeting day , falcons beating down their prey , hare and deer crossing bogs , followed at the heels by dogs , asses braying , lyons roaring , owles screiching , eagles soaring , foxes roused from their den , monkeys imitating men . gardens planting , houses bigging , states and princes fleets out-rigging ; antick fashions of apparels , states and princes pitching quarrels : wars , rebels , horse races proclaim'd at several mercat-places . capers bringing in their prizes , commons cursing new excizes . young vvives old husbands horning , judges drunk every morning ; augmenting law-suits , and divisions , by spanish and by french decisions ; courtiers their aims mising , chaiplains vvidow — ladys kissing ; men to sell their lands itching , to pay th'expences of their kitching . frequent changes , states invading , pulpits forcing , and perswading ; great jarrs for cloves and maces , for bishops , lordships and their graces : lords in stews , missing purses , vvhile pages make their ladys nurses : preachers contradicting fast this year , what they preach'd the last ; making in their conscience room for a change the year to come ; some seeking bishopricks in vain , vvishing presbytry again ; lawyers counsels at such rates , that they cost men their whole estates : vvhat money men puts in their hands . to get half back , they give their lands : physicians cheating young and old , making both buy death with gold : not vers'd in aesculapius wayes , indicative and critick dayes they make too late , or else too soon , not knowing the motion of the moon : factions in families and towns , ground manur'd by countrey clowns , in meadows , corns , grapes , apples , outbraving lombardie and naples ; priests diseased of the riples , hirpling through the streets like criples , physicians spoiled with the pox , hiding their noses with their cloaks , courtiers covering cankered faisters with curled periwiggs and plaisters , with wax noses , golden lips , with paisboard mending legs and hips , using all the art they can , that they may seem a pretty man , and free of blemish , like a priest with urim thummim on his breast : ladies speaking ranting words , attir'd like men with vests and swords , with periwiggs and long locks , some tax'd for dancing in their smocks : making frivolous excuses , men pretending to the muses ; some selling drink , some selling draff , some buffons turn'd , to make men laugh ; some publicans , some busie medlers , some turn'd horse-coopers , some pedlers ; some challenged for dreadful things , as stealing silver spoons , and rings ; having us'd many wiles before , that they might put them to the door . sundry philosophick asses by dictating , teaching classes , not taking an account again , making boys spend their time in vain . some dissipating little muggs containing universal druggs ; physicians crying out amain , where they cure one , they poyson ten . some getting oyster-boats to dreg , some making satyrs for to beg , being reduced to those wants , by several avaricious saints , who proved on them drinking , whooring . by slandring , forging , and perjuring ; at last , for all their fair pretention ; their quarrel prov'd to be a pention , vvhich having got , then for refuge , they bribe , or cheat a silly judge , by purloyning , and forbearing , to stop the cause from further hearing . there was no remedy for the evil ; all went head-long to the devil : that fathers saying is most true , penitent clerks are very few : ere any shame shall them betide , they 'l one sin with another hide . his tube in higher planets heaven , discovers many moe then seven . jove hath his gaurd , with thunder thumps , to beat down covenants and rumps : and saturu hath his pages too , vvhen he meets jove , there is adoo . it s good to some , and bad to other , it s never good to all together : for some go up , and some go down , some gets , and some will lose a crown . they say , such things will now appear in less then three and thirty year . great change of government will be , as all affirm beyond the sea : but all their practises , and wiles at this bout , will not reach our iles. all is confined to the main , and then it will about again . vve need not break our hearts for sorrow , vvhat 's ours to day , is theirs to morrow . he sees mars sending grooms in ire to set the vvorld below on fire ; raising such fury in mens breasts , that generals are made of priests , vvhich them becomes , as all avow , as well as sadle doth a sow . he sees those grooms , who sun attends , blowing on their burnt finger-ends : among whom mercury doth stand , serving the sun with capp in hand . he hath no dwelling of his own , but is domestick of the sun. phebus and he hath great compassion on arts now wearing out of fashion : yet some will flourish , they foresaw romances , and the cannon law. he sees , with venus pages are , who pimps were to the god of war : when jealous vulcan , sick of love , would needs himself a cuckold prove , like several great ones here below , though some conceal what they do know . his tube once levelled at the sky , sundry , yet hid lights doth espy ; some lesser ones , and some more gross , between the boars and southern cross ; some on pegasus his hoove , and some upon his masters love , and some upon her mothers chair , and some on berenices hair ; and some upon the serpents sting , aod some upon the eagles vving ; and some upon the rams horn , some on the beard of capricorn , and some he sees upon the bull , and some upon orion's skull , and some on nessus mortal foe , and some on cancer's meikle toe : some on the sails of argo ship , and some on antinous hip ; and some he sees upon the twins , and some upon the fishes fins ; and some he sees on libra's scale , and some upon the dragon's tail ; vvhich little bear and pole entangles , and some he sees on the triangles : some on the harp , some on the swan , some on the crown , some on the cran , some on the vvhale , some on the trout , and some upon the great dogs snout ; and some upon the virgins knees , on crinita , between her thighs , which makes her blush , and turn her look north-east , upon boote's dock : which the base clown regardeth not , but spurns her backward with his foot , and almost lames her on the knee , which barbarous incivilitie is evident to any man , by the glob of vatican . and finally , that tract of light which we see in a frosty night , and caused philosophick jarrs , he finds to be the light of stars ; which just so shining , he doth mark , as haddocks heads do in the dark . solve several questions he can , scarce solvable by any man : if number of stars be odd or even : what 's beyond the outmost heaven . if substance of the heav'ns be mix'd , if stars do move , in orbs infix'd : or , if they move , as others clatter , as fowl in air , or fish in water . since jewish sabbath is begun , and ends with setting of the sun. how that sabbath observ'd can be beyond the sixty eight degree of latitude : since antipods in sun shining , have such odds . how both sabbaths observation jumps with the sabbath of creation : the one and other question sorely puzzled solomon , in that great dispute , that between was him and that arabian queen ; or aethiopian , as some other , who make her prester johu's mother . against the late star-gazers schism , and argolus paralogism ; he finds comets are plac'd no where but in some region of the air. he finds with admirable speed their paralaxis by a threed : he finds their eyes perceive not well , or else dioptriques make them reel , and that their brain 's not worth a turd , who calls them via lactea's curd ; the same he thinks of many others , who say , they are new stars half brothers : of which last , if he espy one , he bids let gods secrets alone . he finds both comets and eclipses , but petty fortune-telling gipsies : the like uncertainty he sees in change of excentricities . but he foresees with prophets unction the effects of a great conjunction ; before the age begin again , spain shal have france , or france have spain the monarchy shall spread no further , if dutch and english hold together . and though they do great tribulation , follows a gothish inundation , spreading from pomer into scluse , in defence of the flower de luce : their mutiny for want of pay proves to the french a dismal day . then english shall say , god be thanked , the french are like fleas in a blanket , they soon skip out , as they did in , their conquest ends ere it begin . they marr all by unstable carriage , as in their old italian voyage ; when quite forsaken of their helps , they first brought shankers ov'r the alps. he doth foresee another wonder , nations in place , and hearts asunder , shall straitly he conjoyn'd in one , against the whore of babylon . and though those nations be but poor , rich kings who fornicat the whoor , shall melt before them , as the snow , when rain and south-wind makes a thaw . what men they are , he will not clatter , lest some think he intends to slatter . then all shall be serene and clear , and saints shall reign a thousand year , if not , let it not be forgotten , to hang him when he 's dead and rotten . all doubt much of the jews conversion the manner of the worlds eversion . if fire shall burn the heav'ns to embers , if separat souls their friends remembers : if those new reasons do make good the circulation of the blood : if webbs of cloth be made of stones , if pox can be chas'd from the bones ; if minerals nourish as grain , if ratts once dead can live again : and of such like resurrections , if by attractions , and ejections , men may lend , or borrow blood ; if universal druggs be good ; if satyr-makers ever thrive , if any thing which they contrive ; if there be such of any nation . vvho are not driven to desperation , giving to all , who them defends , still sorest on the finger-ends . though never wiser-man was born , he knows not how to dine the morn : no more then he sees when shall come the moment of the day of doom . the vvhiggs him circled in a ring . and he stood like a nine-pin king ; after a pause and a cough , and sundry clawings of his hough : upon his tiptocs he arose , and with his fingers wip'd his nose , and cleans'd his fingers on his breeches , delivering those following speeches . hear , o ye remnant of isra'l , who have not bow'd your knees to baal , for which ye undergo the cross ; ye gold refined from the dross ; ye winnow'd corn purg'd from the chaff , ye sp'rit of malt drawn from the draff ; who to the good cause are no shame , ye covenanters , cruds and cream ; ere one a pater noster utter , some will turn cheese , and others butter , and each will feed his hungry brother , if we shall chance to eat each other . ye who still pray for these who wrong you , god grant there be no rogues among you , as arch as any of the nation : i have caus'd pen a supplication , which must be sent unto the king , from whom some must an answer bring : i 'le read it out , that ye may mend it , and then advise by whom to send it . then answered the whole croud , bidding him read it out aloud . seeking his lunets forth , he farted , at which , they who stood nearest started ; those further off took such alarms , some cry'd to legs , some cry'd to arms : what was the matter , none could think , till all of them did smell the stink . then having hush'd their shouts and hollows , he did begin to read as follows . the supplication . sir , though there be but few among us , who bids at every word god damn us ; though we come not to martial closes , half gelded , and without our noses : as not accustom'd to those tricks , which hurts mens noses , and their pricks : although we do not rant and swagger , nor drink in taverns till we stagger , and then engage in drunken quarrels , vvhere wit goes out by tooming barrels ; where some throw stoops , and others glasses , some struggle with the serving lasses ; some throw a chandler , some a can , some strive to cuckold the good-man . some mean their elbow , some their head , some cry , alace , their shoulder-blade ; and some with spilled drink are dreeping , and some sit on a privy sleeping : some do not know at whom they 'r striking , and some are busie pockets picking : some have their hair with fingers freezed , and some cry out , they 'r circumcised . some have their faces and their throples all scratched with tobacco stoples : some coals with naked swords are hewing , and some ly in a corner spewing ; and other some get bloudy fingers , by grasping naked knives and vvhingers , vvhen they the fray intend to redd , vvhen it were better they were a-bed : and some cry , ye disturb the laird , and some cry , fy bring baily baird , a man who is obliged much unto the war against the dutch. at that they call the wench to reckon , she comes and counts up three for one , but gains not much , though she so trick it , beside her loss of burges ticket : they tell her , they will money borrow , and come and pay their shot to morrow : their officers , the other day , had dyc'd , & drunk , and whoor'd their pay . sir , though we do not play such pranks , for which we give unto god thanks ; yet we your loyal subjects are , to serve you both in peace and war , with our fortunes , and our lives ; but if our conscience , and our wives by any man be medled with , we 'l both defend with all our pith . sir , our conscience to compel , is to force our souls to hell. if we do good , and think it evil , in that we more obey the devil , then doing ill , which we think good , if holy writ be understood . sir , we have been sore oppressed , our wives and serving lasses sessed , either to give beyond their reach , or else hear some hirelings preach : who preach nought else , but rail and rant against the holy covenant : and yet it s known , that the nation did take it , at their instigation ; for which , of late , they were so hearty , when it was the prevailing party , that they urg'd state , as they were wood , to take some's means , and others blood : and others they compel'd to flee , and hide themselves beyond the sea : and that , sir , for no other reason , but ante-covenanting treason . but now , sir , when the guise doth turn , they preach nothing , but hang , and burn , and harry all those of the nation , who do refuse the declaration : perswading us with tales and fictions to take oaths which are contradictions ; having , for love of vvorldly pelf first taken contrair oaths themself . at the first , sir , god be thanked , vve sold covering , sheet , and blanket , and gowns , and plaids , and petticoats , meal and pease , barley and oats , butter and cheese , and vvool fleeces , for groats and fourty peny pieces ; capons and hens , and geese and piggs , oxen and horse which till'd our riggs ; and which our very hearts pierces , mastor zachary boyd's verses , dickson's sermons , guthrie's libels , bessie of lanerk , and our bibles , and learn'd religion by tradition , vvhich smells of popish superstition : to pay our fines we were so willing , which was for each fault twenty shilling : though we alledg'd for our defence , it was too much by eighteen pence . at last , we had no more to give , neither knew we how to live ; they felled all our hens and cocks , and rooted out our kail stocks , and cast them ov'r the dikes away , and bid us , jeering , fast and pray . being incensed with such harms , vve were necessitate to arms ; and through the countrey we did come , vve had far better stay'd at home . vve did nothing but hunt the glaiks , for after we had got our paiks , they took us every one as prizes , and condemn'd us in assizes , to be hang'd up every where , and fix'd our heads up here and there . once dreadful heads , sir , all did doubt them , they had so meikle wit about them . and we , who scapt those grievous crosses , did hide our selves in bogs and mosses : where we fed on sodden leather , mingled with crops of heather ; which , our hunger to asswage , vve thought most savoury pottage ; for drink , it was no small matter , if we got clear , not muddy water ; in which , we heartily do wish there be none who desire to fish ; that by the devils instigation , brings on us all this tribulation . when in that case we could not stand , we sally , sir , with sword in hand ; let men cry , rebels , till they grow hoarse , vve're subjects nev'r a white the worse . though we prefer you not to god , vvho do so , sir , their faith will nod . if government take changing tours , they will renounce both you , and yours ; as doth appear by some of late , when that usurper rul'd the state : they strove , sir , to be sent apace to abjure you in the worlds face . though some , sir , of our duniwessles stood out , like eglingtoun and cassils , and others , striving to sit still , vvere forc'd to go against their will : yet other some , as all men knows , vvho should be sent , were near to blows ; that is , at very boystrous words , putting their hands upon their swords , to make men think that they were stout , vvhen it was known the world throughout , to fight your foes , when they were sent , they alwayes took the bog a-sclent , and running from the fight by stealth , vvould then sit down and drink your health : and since they could not think , like asses , to beat your foes by drinking glasses ; it 's evident , sir , as we think , they drank your health for love of drink . yet many , sir , were disappointed , who so forsook the lords anointed ; they were not all alike regarded , some well , and some were ill rewarded : they who play'd best with both the hands inrich'd were by their neighbours lands some from their creditors got refuges some were made clerks , and others judges : some swearing their stocks were spent , strove to get down their anualrent : detaining , sir , by that extortion , the fatherless and widows portion , which usuring fathers lent to lairds , who play'd it all at dice and cards : which forc'd some lasses to miscarriage , because they could not get a marriage . but among those of stricter life , the truth-tell-colour grew so rife , that it marr'd all the charms and graces of those who could not paint their faces . but other some got mocks and scorns , by giving to their land-lords horns , and spewing claret , mull'd with eggs , between the lord protectors leggs , when they did endeavour to pray before him , on a fasting-day . some whally's bible did begarie , by letting flee at it canarie , taking it up , where it lay next , that they might read on it the text ; when cromwel preach'd with great applause the revelation of his cause : and some of them empawn'd their cloaks , and other some brought home the pox : giving foul linnings all the wite , some turn'd your friends for meer despight ; vowing you never to withstand again , without something in hand . and some turn'd ordinance-forsakers , others for grief of heart turn'd quakers : some in their conscience took remorse , crying , i 'm damn'd , till they grew hoarse , and made the standers by admira to see them take the fits of spira . to bring those troubled souls to peace , some reads alvarez helps to grace ; some sanctuary of a troubled soul , some cited passages of paul : explaining well what he did say ; some reads on mr. andrew gray : some told the danger of back-sliding , some the good of faith abiding ; some reads the cases of richard binning , some fergusson reads of kilwinning : and some them pressed very sore to hear a little of doctor more : but others cry'd , away , and tush vvith vipers in a balmy bush ? vvith blind pilots , guiding ferries , vvith toads lurking in straw-berries . his doctrine of justification drives all the court to desperation . few there are saved , as we guess , by their inherent righteousness . he hath some good among great evils , he tells of bastard getting devils of their bodies , or vohicles , their herauldry and conventicles . it 's sport to see his fancy wander in their male , and female gender . he doth so punctually tell the whole oeconomy of hell , that some affirm he is puck hary , some , he hath walked with the fairy . though intellectuals be neat , though he mean well , and is no cheat , his case is desperat and sad , for too much learning makes him mad . vve 'll read on the true converts mark , or we will read on bessie clark , or else on bakers heavenly beam , or on the lady culross dream ; which sundry drunken asses flout , not seeing the jewel within the clout . like combs of cocks , who takes no heed when they gower , or chaucer read . when they had said , and read their fill , it did not cure the patients ill : they still cry on , and howl , and mourn , their counsels would not serve the turn . no comfort at all find they can , until a grave and reverend man advise them to resist temptation , with spainish wine , and fornication . those rebels also to obey , those hirelings ceas ▪ d for you to pray ; because their stipends , and their living were at the foresaid rebels giving . they thought a man a venial sinner who left sworn duty for his dinner : yea , some of them were of opinion , they might pray for that devils minion . they would not stick for love of pelf , to pray , sir , for the devil himself : but we , in the usurpers faces , remembred you in prayers and graces ; and if we had had guns and swords , our actions would have back'd our words . our fault , sir , was , for which we moan , we thought to do it all alone . since it was only want of wit , since it was a distraction-fit , we pray you , sir , be no despiser of us , whom god hath made no wiser . royal sir , to those our times apply'd may be a poets rhimes , who coursly singeth , that a wight obeying king , in wrong or right ; if that the king to wrack shall go , vvill in like manner turn his foe : but who obey no sinful thing , do still prove constant to their king. the rhime is barbarous and rude , but , sir , the saying's rich and good ; in print yet forth it hath not crept , vve have it in a manuscript : the good-man keeps it , as we think , behind a dish , upon the bink : and yet it 's thought by many a man most worthy of the vatican . it 's worthy , sir , of your saint james that stands upon the river thames . ye'll not find saying such another , put all their guilded books together : tho with these two ye joyn in one the bibliotheck of prester john. cause pages cry it still before ye , as philip did memento mori . since then we arm for conscience sake , may 't it please you , sir , some pity take , and not by bishops instigation inforce on us the declaration , nor make us give , beyond our reach , to keep 's from hearing hirelings preach ; who last year preached oaths to take , and this year preacheth them to break : when they have forced men to take them , then first of all , themselves they break them . except god , sir , their manners mend , they 'l oath it to the worlds end . men either must foreswear themself as oft as they turn coats for pelf , or else their conscience is so scurvie , they will turn all things topsie turvie . and we will give what we can reach to keep 's from hearing those men preach , as achisons , balbies and placks , which is enough , sir , for our packs . likewise , in any other thing vve will obey you , as our king , if ye require it at our hands , vve 'll quite to you both lives and lands . nothing to fight can us compell , except to keep our souls from hell ; vvhat ever mischief us befall , or else the devil take us all . ye need not , sir , distrust , or fear , vvhen out-law-vvhiggs do ban , or swear ; it doth unto the vvorld appear , keeping our oaths hath cost us dear . vve pray god , that your majesty , and then your royal progeny , may peace and truth with us defend , as kings , unto the worlds end . vve with all duty and respect your gracious answer do expect . a debate between the knight and squire ; about the mending of the petition , and who should carry it to the king. and thus the supplication ended , the squire cry'd out ; it should be mended : being desir'd to tell the cause , first with all ten his arse he claws , and then his elbow , and his head , vvinking a while , as he were dead ; and clapping both hands on his snout , at last his reason tumbled out ; to wit , it did not move to grant renewing of the covenant . knight . at which the knight gave such a groan , as would have rent a heart of stone : and casting both his eyes to heaven , he said , not though the earle of levin were on our heads , we durst not do it , it 's base to put the king so to it : it is a most presumptuous thing , to cross the conscience of a king. some honest men did never take it ; some honest also were who broke it ; but he who breaks't against his light , let it be wrong , let it be right , by prophets and apostles leave we dar aver his a knave . on singulars we will not harp , for the apply will be to sharp . we put down bishops , to our cost , yet two or three still rul'd the rost ; some of which play'd such pranks at home , as never pope presum'd at rome . it is the simplest of all tricks to suffer fools have choping sticks . a sword put in a wood mans hand , bredd meikle trouble to the land. squire . the squire reply'd , they 'r scarce of news , who tells , their mother haunted stews . who on his brother rubs disgrace , he spits upon his mothers face . each covenanter is our brother , the covenant , of all is mother . their wit is dull , and very gross , who think where gold is , therc's no dross : where there is corn , there may be chaff , where there is malt , there may be draff : thistles with corn grow on the riggs , and rogues may lurk among the whiggs . and friars in lent may be flesh-eaters , and covenanters may be cheaters , and weeds grow up with fairest flowres , and sighing sisters may be whoors . as fruit on trees grow , so grow leaves , it s certain bishops may be knaves ; it s known to all , the devil may dwell in some of fourteen , as of twell . to blame a cause for persons vices , is one of satans main devices , by which he very oft doth make vvell-meaning men the truth forsake . but let us first the question state , before we enter in debate , vvhich of the two should bear the sway , the miters , or the elders lay. knight . the knight did pause a pretty while , then answered with a scornful smile , i tell thee , fool , i think government of church , a thing of small concernment : the truth it 's uery hard to find , it puzzleth the learnedst mind . some do the presbytry conceive new forg'd by clavin at geneve ; some say , he puts to execution paul the apostles institution , which suffered exile and ejection , the time of pauls foretold defection . some say , since bishops did appear , it s more then fifteen hundred year ; some say , that then they did begin the pope of rome to usher in : that pauls iniquities , mystery working , was men , then for precedency forking . some presbyterians do conclude , but bishops say , such thoughts delude : vvhich comes from brains which have a bee , like urquharts trigonometrie . some bishops prove by scripture-phrazes as by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how john the angels seven did greet , why paul did titus leave in creet . but other some boldly asserts , who reason so , the text perverts . some call the bishops weather-cocks , who where their heads were turn their docks . still stout for them who gives them most , and who will make them rule the rost . some say , that bishops have been good , and seal'd the gospel with their blood ; as ready for the truth at call , as any whigg among us all . perhaps a railing foolish ranter will tell a bishop covenanter an honest clergy-man will be , when cable passeth needles eye : for some of such had play'd a pavie , though all the cables of the navie in one , should pass through needles-eye , whiggs still would doubt their honesty . some say , a bishop covenanter , if a penitent repenter , causeth more joy to sp'rits divine , then all the other ninety nine . some father tales upon king james , to sundry presbyterian dames , that he was forc'd of knaves to make them , for devil an honest man would take them . some say , the king gave never leave to make a bishop of a knave . that those men are evil speakers , tax'd by jude , spiritual quakers : that none doth hate nobility ; for quakers blaming herauldry . and some again are , who compares our bishops unto baiting bears ; who , if they be not kept in aw , they will tear all with teeth and paw : yet tractable in every thing , if in their snout ye put a ring . and many men again there be vvho say the same of presbytrie ; and some say this , and some say that , and some affirm , they know not what . it s grief to see them scripture vex , and wrest it , like a nose of vvax ; and he who is deceived most all fathers on the holy ghost : some quiting prophets and apostles , thinks best to plead the cause by postills : and some do dispute by tradition , some calls that popish superstition ; and some affirm , that they had rather follow a counsel , then a father : and some affirm , it buits not whether , they are blind leaders all together . and since the truth is found by none , no more then is that turn gold stone , it 's best , zancho , for ought i see , to take a pint , and then agree . let men have bishops at their ease , and hear what preachers best them please ; if we be fred of declaration , and of that other great vexation we mentioned in our petition , we 'll alter it on no condition ; then we will serve the king as much against the dane , and french , and dutch , as any in his three dominions who hateth us , or our opinions : if he command us , we will come like goths , and scale the walls of rome , and bereave babels whore of breath , or die the duke of bourbon's death . squire . the squire made many odd grimass ere he could speak , like balaams ass ; sometime he wink'd , sometime look'd up , and running backward like a tupp , for to return with greater force , he snorted like a very horse ; one thought upon another tumbled , one while he grin'd , another grumbled . at last , like cant , or trail , or durie , he gave a broad-side in a fury : looking as he would eat them all , his words flew out like cannon ball. the love of pelf comes from the devil , it 's root of all mischief and evil : it makes lords sup without a candle , when none can see their knife to handle : while to bring candles servants lingers , ten candles will not heal their fingers . it makes fore-heads and shins to bleed , by saving candle , to light to bed. it makes them keep their cellar keys , set secret marks on hamms and chese ; which , if but in the least defaced , wives , servants , bairns are all menaced . it makes them prigg for milk and eggs , put in a broth cocks , halfs , and leggs : it makes them clout elbows and breasts , keep rinded butter in charter chests , till ratts eat all their law-defences , and families old evidences : it makes them pay their masons wages by usury , on vvedds , and gadges taken from vvidows , who were plundred , by paying fourty in the hundred . it corrupts hamell , sharp , and sweet , it poysons all , like aconite : if it touch hide , it goes to heart , and so affecteth every part . the great ones do betray their trust , ladies throw honour in the dust , like those who troad the cyprian dance vvith that financier of france . it puritans doth make of ranters , and cavaleers of covenanters ; of lords and earls it makes drapers , of priests and levites it makes capers . it maketh grave and reverend cheats in pulpits , and tribunal seats : for any crime it finds defences , with oaths , it like a pope dispences : it causeth among brethren strife , it makes a man pimp to his wife : it makes yeeld fortresses and towns sooner then armies with great guns : it sets a-fire cities and streets , it raiseth tragedies in fleets ; it makes the vanquished victorious ; and foyl then victory more glorious : it makes rebellion rise and fall , and hath such influence on all , that whom it made rebellious nurses , it loyal makes , to fill their purses : it causeth many a bloody strife , when needy male-content grow rife : then by it church and state are mended , and will be till the world be ended . master , we all observe and mark , since ye once doubt , ye will embarque . why do ye conscience so neglect ? or , what , master , can ye expect ? although among the whiggs ye preach , a bishoprick ye cannot reach : for bishopricks are giv'n to none like presbyterian john gillon , who , when he takes his preaching-turn , will make moe laugh then he makes mourn . ye have infus'd in us sedition , ye will us leave in that condition : and then cause print a book of season , tax whom ye have seduc'd of treason . and when so doing , all men see , ye sing the palinod of lee. the cavaleers will still you call the archest rebel of us all . thus having said , he made a halt , and stood , like lots wife turn'd to salt , with ear attentive , earnest eye , he did expect the knights reply . knight . who stroak'd his beard , and bit his lip , and wip'd his nose , and scratch'd his hip , he wry'd his mouth , and knit his brows , he changed more then twenty hues ; his hands did tremble , his teeth did chatter ; his eyes turn'd up , his bumm did clatter , his tongue on teeth and gumes did hammer , he fain would speak , but still did stammer : his garb was strange , dreadful , uncouth , till through his epileptick mouth those following speeches fierce and loud burst out , like thunder through a cloud . thou poysons all , my little grex , thou sentence-speaking carnifex : thou hardy and presumptuous are to meddle so with peace and war ; rub my horse belly , and his coots , and when i get them , dight my boots ; for they are better then gramashes for me , who through the dubbs so plashes : yet i 'le wear none , till i put on those of the priest of livingston ; who , when they hid them in the riggs , said they were plunder'd by the whiggs , unto another priest , his marrow , who sent a maid his boots to borrow , whose boots were plundered indeed , as was his salt beef , and his steed . teach what i please , thou 'st not forbear to meddle with things without thy sphear ; like-taylors making boots or shoos , or like shoo-makers making hose . like some i know , as blind as owles , playing at tennice , and at bowles , and sometime shooting at a mark , like passavantius playing the clerk , who medled with , he knew not what , that he might get from rome a hat. men oft by change of station tynes , good lawyers may prove bad divines : like sadoleto's dog in satine , like ignoramus speaking latine : which raised most unnatural jarrs , as between law and gospel wars . like bembo's parrat singing masses , like men of seventy courting lasses ; like highland lady's knoping speeches . when they are scolding for the breeches , like massionella freeing naples from gabells put on roots and apples . like taylours scanning state concernments , or coblers clouting church governments . like some attempting tricks in statiques , not vers'd in euclids mathematiques . like pipers mending morleys musick , or gardners paracelsus physick . like atheists pleading law refuges ; like countrey treisters turning judges . like preachers stirring up devotions , by preaching military motions ; proving their uses and didactiques , by passages of aelians tactiques . like ladies making water standing , like young lairds , horse & foot commanding . like monckeys playing on a fiddle , or eunuchs on a ladies middle . like gilliwetfoots purging states by papers thrown in pocks or hats ; that they might be , when purg'd from dung secretaries for the irish tongue . great wounds , yet curable , still faister . when fools presume to rule their master ; as sad experience teach'd of late , when such reformed church and state : though all the publick did pretend , all almost had a privat end . there was no place of war , or state , but was by twenty aimed at ; whereof ninteen were disappointed , which made the body whole disjoynted ; and rais'd among them such divisions , that they were to their friends derisions . some aim'd at the embroidered purse , some the finances to deburse , and other some thought to be getters by writing of the privy letters : some aim'd at privy seal , or rolls , some customs gathered in , and tolls : some did dry quarterings enforce , some lodg'd in pockets foot and horse : yet still bogg-sclented , when they yoaked , for all the garrison in their pocket : and some made men morgage their lands , to lend money on publick bands , to be pay'd at the resurrection : some fines pay'd who oppos'd defection ; some sold the souldiers mity meal , and some did from the publick steal ; and some , as every body says , us'd more then other twenty ways : yet notwithstanding of all that , they : were lean kine devouring fat . none gained by those bloody fairds , but two three beggers who turn'd lairds ; who stealing publick geese and wedders , were fred , by rendering skin and feathers . when others of this church and nation returns unto their former station : and now , for all their stomacks stout , comes home more fools then they went out thou , like a fire-brand , dost advise us to be fools , when all are wise : thy endeavours are all in vain , ere we shall play such pranks again , the patagons shall masses mumble , the dons of spain shall all be humble , italians shall speak as they think , germains , when sun 's set , shall not drink ; swedds gaining day , shall not pile baggage , and english hate shall beef and cabbage , the russ and pole shall never jarr , danes shall gain by a sweddish war ; victorious turk shall stand to reason , scots shall be beat , and not blame treason ; the dutch shall brandie slight , and butter , and england conquer by de ruyttek : the first burnt ardor of french hearts shall not turn to a rack of farts , and they shall spell as they do speak , and they shall sing as they do prick : with oaths they shall not lard their speeches , nor change the fashion of their breeches . all shall have for assured news , that pope from rome have banish'd stews : rebellion shall return from hell ; and do things which i will not tell . though it were true , as some compares our bishops unto baiting bears , who , if they be not keept in aw , they will tear all with teeth and paw . yet many utterly mislikes , that butcher presbyterian tycks should flee upon their throats and faces , to curb their lordships , and their graces : his majesty , without all doubt , should only ring them in the snout . if they so swell , that none can bide their malice , avarice , and pride ; vices , which all the world doth ken familiar to clergy-men ; of which , though palliat with art , our own presbytry had their part . our duty is , with all submission , to press the grant of our petition : the king will suffer us , perchance , as lewis doth huggonots in france : and in his wars , civil and forraign , make me command in chief , like turrain . and though he grant not our demands , away with covenants and bands ; kings must command , we must obey , they rebels are , who truth gain-say . some tell , we must the truth so love , as of it not to quite a hoove . as said another fool , thy marrow , as if his majesty were pharo . for my part , ere i trouble peace , i 'le bishops call , my lord and grace ; and kneel at the communion table , make christmas-feasts , if i be able : privat sacraments i 'le avow childrens confirming i 'le allow ; and i will hear the organs play , and amen to the service say . i 'le surplice wear , and high-sleev'd gown , and to the altar i 'le bow down . yea , ere his majesty be wroth , i 'le primat be , and chancellor both . squire . the squire replyed in a chaff , he girn'd so , that he seem'd to laff : and when ye travel in carosses , ye will salute the hie-way crosses ; and when with danger ye are prest , ye will cross , sign fore-head and breast , and ye will to our lady pray , and travel on the sabbath day ; and ye will play with lords and lairds all sermon time at dice and cards ; and duels fight , like those of france , and drunk and creeple lead a dance , and ye will venture ax and rope , by writing letters to the pope , to tell him , though ye here by haman , ye worship with the king , like naman , and then accuse us all of treason , when ye put out your book of season . knight . the knight look'd fiercely then about , thus thundering with a dreadful shout , constant madness thy brains inthrals , thou hast no lucid intervalls . thy waspish tongue will never fail to prat , to scold , revile and rail : though men should bray thee all to powder , thou still , theristes , plays the louder . all honest and unbyass'd ken those whom thou means't , were worthy men ; they had some faults , though not so big , as rotten flees , to spoil a pigg of ointment ; sooner it is known , we others faults see , then our own . presbyterian , never one faultless , at them could cast a stone . it 's certain , it comes from the devil , to hide men's good , and tell their evil : they never learned that of paul , or david , when he mourn'd for saul . thou art a cocks-comb , void of reason , to tell me of a book of season : thou learnd'st when thou kept sheep & hogs , with one stone for to hit two dogs . though thou spue venom like a toad , that book is much esteem'd abroad . squire . the squire replyed , many deem beyond sea it is in esteem : when once it passed pentland firth , it rais'd among them such a mirth , that some for laughter burst their rheens , and other some did split their spleens : they cherish'd it in every school , to be their bibliotheca's fool ; when serious reading health did spill , that they might read and laugh their fill : physicians it prescrib'd to men as cure approved for the spleen : at publick meetings , and at feasts , it was the topicks of their jests . some say , since known , all his life to have had with the bishops strife : since for the covenant none more wood , to make three nations swim in blood : since he spar'd none whom he could reach ▪ who ' gainst the engagement did not preach : since to the cause he stuck so fast , since bishops was restor'd at last , that in the pulpit he did grant a bishop was the devils plant . giving to all his hearers leave , if ever he turn'd , to call him knave . and since , as every body says , he chang'd in less then twenty days : it 's very like , at others budding , he turn'd his coat for cake and pudding . some say , he is a sounding brass , which signifies a pratling ass : he brings no reason which can bind , but only fights against the wind . it 's clear , that it doth with him fare as with sampson without his hair. before his change his wit was tough , and he could reason well enough : but now he kytheth like a fool , as one would whipp a boy at school , to vent in print so little reason , and call it an advice in season . some say , that he treads bishops path , as david serv'd the king of gath. though men to censure him be rash , he gives the bishops such a dash , they need not brag their cause is won by the foster of henderson . some say , he bishops doth betray , that presbytry may gain the day , who fed him for their champion hidden , others affirm , they are out-bidden ; which makes him take a contrair task , as edward answered once southesk . a modest man wrot in a letter , he might have pleaded meikle better . the charitable do not fear , but for a thousand merks a year he would the bishops yet withstand , if covenanters rul'd the land. knight . then said the knight , though in a morter i bray this fool , to no exhorter thou wilt give ear ; he 'll put thee to it . squire . to whom the squire , what though he do it ? both reason there and justice halts , where one's blam'd for anothers faults . was never judge did things so foul , except himself , once at saint rule : he forg'd records , and them enacted to bear false witness , when extracted . i cannot tell , till i advise , whether he did it twice or thrice . next , i will tell that he gave leave if ever he turn'd , to call him knave , but he can challenge no reflection put on him at his own direction : he is oblidg'd to keep his word as well as one who wears a sword. but if he chance to be so wroth , as to break word , as well as oath , i 'le tell him , i take frantick fits , and am distracted of my wits , as he , and others said of late , when they misguided church and state. and i them tax'd of forg'd records , as i can prove before the lords ; if that succeed not , it effeers that i be judged by my peers , that is , by fifteen poetasters , half-fools , half beggers , half burlesquers : all of them proved , drinkers , whoorers , by preachers , forgers and perjurers . ere such a jury can be gotten , it s certain , i 'le be dead and rotten ; or if justice so shall halt , as to cause hang me for his fault ; hanging to me will be less trouble , then worrying on a windly bubble at a dike-side , or under a stair , if weather be not very fair . knight . but then the knight , we hear , he 'l quarrel , that thou once served albemarle . squire . to which the squire , i have no fears , he dar not challeng't for his ears , for i can make appear to all they toss'd me to him like a ball. next , ask that duke , in any thing if ever i did prejudge the king i forc'd was to dissimulation , to shun a rope , and serve my nation : i did no evil , but meikle good , saving mens money , and their blood ; which services i did for nought , which were from men far richer bought . that duke can tell , he did suspect it , albeit to try , he did neglect it : when by their crafty instigation ; he urg'd was to my accusation . they all tell now of albemarle , but they told him another quarrel , in pleading i could touch a string , whose sound will make their ears to ring knight . the knight said , tush , they 'l no more sturr , then moon , when bark't at by a curr . for all thy prat , on no condition i mind to alter the petition . squire . then said the squire , if ye'l not mend it , advise at least , by whom to send it , since we petition for religion , your lady , or your dog , or pigeon were fittest to be sent , if other , i 'm sore afraid we lose a brother ; for i dar swear upon th'evangel , when he hath got from each his angel , to help his charges to defray , the fellow will us all betray . knight . when things succeed not , fools do slite , giving betraying all the wite , reply'd the knight , they said of late they were betray'd , when they were beat ; and they said true , who did not stand , betrayed are by heart and hand ▪ but to the point , as for my wife , i 'le never send her in my life ; for fear some courtier or other would make me old king arthurs brother ▪ my dog is an unruly curr , and at the court will keep a sturr , seeing conformists up and down , he barks so at a high-sleev'd gown , that bishops either will cause stone him , or else yoak boutcher dogs upon him . as for my pigeon , it cannot be , she hath another gate to slee : a message she hath tane in hand , to search for that most happy land , unknown to any heretofore , but only to sir thomas more : where we intend to fix plantation , if forc'd to change our habitation . and since a poet rightly hits , that greatest fools have greatest wits , to shun self-dealing , it is fit to choose one not outgrown in wit ; so he can buffonize , and jest , at publick meeting , and at feast , and catch a time to tell the truth , like davids great grand-mother ruth . the whiggs with an applauding hollow cry'd out , his-counsel they would follow : which once concluded , all arose , and set on pans to make their brose . when after that some fools were named to be employ'd , they all were blamed : and none thought fit , they still enquire , and find none fitter then the squire : on him then they enforc'd the message , when he went out on his embassage , how at the court he did arrive , how to affront him they did strive : but how the buffons all he outted ; how hudibras his squire he routed , when they two yoaked by the ears about the baiting of the bears : and how he manag'd every thing , and how he harrang'd to the king : and how he cited ends of verses , and sayings of philosophers ; at which some laugh'd , and some were vex'd , ye'l be advertis'd by the next . finis . mock-poem , or , whiggs supplication . part ii. london , printed in the year , 1681. mock-poem , or , whiggs supplication . part ii. when bushes budded , and trees did chip , and lambs by suns approach did skip ; when mires grew hard , like tosted bread , that men might through the carses ride : when folks drew blood of arms and legs , when geese and turkies hatched eggs : when poor folks pots were fill'd with netles , when fish did domineer in ketles ; vvhen lent did sore annoy the glutton , vvhen sun left fish to lodge with mutton : vvhen night and day were of like length , of march the eighth , or twelfth , or tenth : when several criticks , great and small , by mending lines , did marr them all . when transcribers preposterous speed made them like pictures spoil'd with threed on arras hangings back-side , when the lowr'd mistakings of some men made several great wits of the land blame what they did not understand ; and some to hunt a flea contrive ; the squire near london did arrive : to meet him old and young came forth , as rome did once to see jugurth . they knew each passage of his journal , both by report , and by diurnal : we dread , they will him sore abuse , but let us first invock the muse . thou muse , who never dost abandon those who have scarce a legg to stand on when they ascend parnassus mountain , till in the end they taste a fountain which makes an owl then them sing sweeter ; make me once more a fool in meeter , that i may be of all admired , confuting presbytry , casheered ; which i of late so much adored , but now , when i get nothing for it , make me , o muse ! to change my note , declare against it , turn my coat : compesce me , muse , these stout bravado's of these stiff-necked reformado's , who still maintain , unto this day , they have th' office , though they want pay ; in others harvest putting their sickles , troubling the land with conventicles ; whose stubborn hearts cannot be turned by the dialogues of gilbert burnet . prove , muse , that synod-men , church-wardens are bears , and synods are bear-gardens : for both have tongues , and teeth , and nails , but , muse , what wilt thou do for tails ? but that 's all one , the matter 's small , for true bears have no tails at all : and so the simile still jumps , instead of tails thou 'lt find there rumps . when thou shews how the squire disputed , and ralph the sectary confuted , that he of wits almost bereft him ; but to the squire now where welesthi him . he melted all in tears for pity , seeing the ruins of the city : but when he saw in other places houses arise with goodly faces , and turrets mounting up , and soaring , and the air 's middle region boaring ; so phoenix , when it 's burnt in spices , up starts another from its ashes . cry'd out the squire , rome once was burn'd by french , then worlds mistriss turn'd , god may the same to london grant , if it renew the covenant . while this he spoke , his horse he lights off , and with his handkerchief he dights off tears from his eyes , then on the ground he grovelling lyes meditabound , his horses grievous succussation had so excoriat his foundation , that till the hide his hips did come on , the earth he could not set his burn on . then after sad ejaculations , he vents these following meditations . wallace , quoth he , having adoe , still eat the quarter of a cow , and to the boot , ere cloaths were put on , he would sometimes dispatch a mutton : for when he wanted morning fare , he was like sampson without hair . a priest , whose teeth did head and legs swell did still eat powder'd beef and eggs twell before he preach'd , else he half dumb sings , like to a fiddle wanting some strings . hence , by experience i gather , he is a liar , though my father , who thinks , a man can do or speak well , who doth neglect his fast to break well . i am ingag'd in a transaction , quoth he , requiring tongue and action , that to my tackling i may fast stick , though i should lose my ears like bastwick : though they should ty me heel and neck fast . it 's requisite i take my break-fast . this said , his budget he unlooseth , and all the wealth within discloseth ; vvhich for variety did scorn ▪ the wealthy amelthea's horn ; or the rich abbey of st. lawrence , or cabine of the duke of florence , ju'st like the pocks of graham and guthry , it was his vestry and his buttery : his lardner and his bibliotheck , there lyes of oat-meal neer a peck , with waters help which girdles hot bakes , and turns to bannocks , and to oat cakes . there a piece beef , there a piece cheese lyes , and there an old night-cap of freez lyes , his head attire , when he the house keeps , on which now here and there a louse creeps . here lyes a pair of shoes ne're put on , and there lyes a poor man of mutton . there lyes half dozen elnes of pig-tail , there his panash , a capons big-tail , with white in middle , shining star-like , and there be onion-heads and garlick , the food of turkish janizaries , there turpentine and larie berries : his medicine for passage sweer , that for the van , these for the reer ; and there a piece of poudered fish lyes ; and there some butter in a dish lyes ; there turnips thirty inch about lyes , and there some pepper in a clout lyes , there fingram stockins spun on rocks lyes , and there his sneezing milne and box lyes : there lyes his elson and his lingle , which double-sold shoes makes of single , with help of old pieces of leather ; there lyes some wool that he did gather , left by the sheep , as certain pledges , they were entangled in the hedges : there clouts and papers little mugs stops , as in apothecaries drug-shops , with vinegar and oyl for sallads ; and there lys boks , and here lyes ballads , as davie lindsay , and gray-steel , squire meldrum , bewis , and adam bell , there bruce and wallace , fierce-like mars knight : there lyes dialogues which his arse dights there last-goodnight , and chevie chace , with gendarms in the frontispiece , which makes more weep , when they read on it , thou curats sermons , fie upon it ! and there lyes bands , shirts , and cravats , there two three skins of lambs and rabbets , for to commence a london trade , and this was all the wealth he had . but pardon me , i had forgot , there was some other thing i wot ; i think it powder was , and leed to shoot the bishop through the head . he takes a bible with covering worn off , and ending and beginning torn off : he reads , and then he says the grace , then to his victuals falls apace . when first bitt scarce down throat was sliding , within a days march of the midding , then he a multitude espies . approaching him with shouts and cries , he leaves his victuals , falls a-gazing , just like a tupp when he 's a'grazing , when folks comes by , he slights his food , stares in their face and chews his cude . he thought these fools came out to meet him , that first they might salute and greet him , that afterwards they might him bring with greater pomp unto the king. such honour at their entry-hours are due unto embassadours . both dust and sweat from face he rubs off , a looking-glass he makes the dubs of : he trims his beard , and then his head too , rights basket-hilt on shoulder-blade too : his hands he washes , pairs his nails , takes his panash of capons tails , which he pines on before his hat ; he put about a clean cravat , and then upon his hands he streeches two yellow gloves , with green silk steeches ; leaps to his horse , and on he went , to take and give the complement : while hips excoreat , made him-swadle through all the corners of the sadle . when he the multitude approaches , his eyes he fixt first on the coaches , ranged like wild-geese in a line ; then cry'd he out , no friend of mine if i can hinder those , shall enter . 't is wonder people so should venture , to break their arms , and legs , and heads , and to disjoynt their shoulder blades : ladies to have their naked breeches both view'd and lanced by the leeches ; which made some husbands forth a tuck hold , swearing the rogue would make them cuck old those made a lady of our land upon her neck and shoulders stand with a third of half dozen thighs , naked erected to the skies ; and ere that posture she was got off , many did see the thing ye wot of ; which when they told her , readily she answered , she wondred why they did not kiss't , and take their leave on 't , it was the last sight they should have on 't : she vow'd thereafter , well i wot , vvith her grand-dame to walk a-foot vvhen coach-men drinks , & horses stumble , it 's hard to miss a barla-fumble . then did he seriously begin vvell to consider those within ; he soon perceived by their postures they were no nuns brought up in cloysters ▪ to show their legs , some truss their laps , some throw off scarffs to show their paps , some masked were , the sun to keep out , which lifting , now and then , they peep out . widows from vails set out their noses , as snails do from their shelly houses ; as they would say unto the gallants , come , gentlemen , behold our talents : come nearer , that we may espy you , if ye be ought worth , we will buy you : where , ten to one , some get a fortune , as one did with my lady nortoun . among the rest he did espy ones , whom he conceived to be hee-ones : those he believed were his mates , embassadours of kings and states , to do him honour at his entry , with the nobility and gentry : he cry'd to them to keep the peace , and not to wrangle for the place , for all of them remembred well of that bowtad of bateveile , vvhich cost the lives of brave commanders , and well nigh lost his master flanders . he bids them all take place by lots , no king had place , but he , of scots , vvhose royal ancestors , it 's clear has kept one race two thousand year ; vvhose successors as yet escaped the tricks of pipin , and hugh capet . others are not of that condition , they 'r kings but of a late edition : though some be small , and others greater , yet who go first , or last , no matter ; for all their gold , spices , and vvines , they come from interrupted lines . being inform'd of his mistake , it was to ladies that he spake . vvhat devil they are ? reply'd the squire , they 'r men in garb , and in attire , they 've vests , they 've swords , they 've piriwigs they tread the measure of the giggs , just like the men , their buttocks vaper , they cast their gammonds up , and caper ; they cajole ladies at the balls too , and standing piss against the vvalls too : they 're spurr'd & booted when they ride too , and gallop , when they hunt , astride too , vvith swords and pistols they fight hard too , some have appearance of a beard too : and , which of all 's the greatest wonder , they'ly above , their gallants under . me 's dames , quoth he , that we may ken vvhether ye women be , or men , it 's fit ye open keep before about a trencher breadth , or more . ye 're monsters , if that do not measure the circuits of your holes of pleasure . vvhile he was giving this advice , they all surround him in a trice , all wondring at his equipage : some ask'd his horses price , and age : if there came sympathetick speed from riders heel , or heel of steed ; if there came an inchanting force to masters purse , from skin of horse ; some , why no spurrs , his sides to claw , and for boots , several ropes of straw : why sodds for sadle , and branks for bridle , and plaids for scarff about his middle . some asked his panashes price , if 't was a bird of paradice . some ask'd if basket-hilt and dudgeon had ever set a work chirurgeon , some jeer'd the long crown of his hat , some at his gloves , some his cravat , asking more questions at once then would have puzled john of dunce , or bonaventure , or soncinas , or biel ockam , or aquinas . when sinan bassa charg'd a hill , to try his military skill ; though many a grievous wound it got by cannon , and by musquet shot , the hill did neither bow nor bend , although he charg'd it thrice on end , but still abode him face to face , chusing to die upon the place , rather then turn its back and yield ; just so the squire did keep the field ; and bravely did receive their tongue-shot , just as the hill did sinan's gun-shot : he stood as senseless as a stock is , or among raging waves , a rock is , when furiously they knock its crown , to make it break , or make it drown . at last , he said , with sober grace , when ye grow hoarse ye'll hold your peace . then fair and softly on he tripped , for , like a spaniard when he 's whipped , he thought it was a great disgrace for to accelerat his pace . when they him saw so little troubled , then they their questions redoubled ; some ask'd his errand , and his name , and from what potentat he came , from turk , or sophee , or mogull , who wear much linnen on their skull , or from either tartarian cham , who of their horse hips make a ham , or from pegu , or from chine , or from the emperour abyffine , or from the muscovite , or poll , or dane , whose chiefest wealth is toll , or from the emperor , or the swede , or hogen mogen brother-hood ; from the savoyard , or the swisse , who apples seeths with roosted geese : from florentine , or protugnese , or from morocco , or from fess ; or if he came from spain or france , or from some indian weerowance , to barter gold and beaver skins for glasses , beads , and knives and pins ; or from the presbyterian scots , who never yet had turn'd their coats . did he a supplication bring to put ill counsel from the king ; and that his majesty would grant renewing of the covenant : and had commission for to tell him , if he refus'd , they would compel him . when thus they pressed him so fast , patience turn'd fury at the last : these last words did him so inrage ; he fac'd about and gave a charge ; then with his tongue out , thus he stutters , with face awry , like old cheese cutters . you cursed antichristian rable , ye mungrels of the whore of babel , ye sectaries , and covenant-breakers , half cukold , and half cuckold-makers , for all your flouting , and your tanting , when we went first a-covenanting , ye did us court , ye did us bribe , invited us , like juda's tribe , to purge your ten tribes of israel from jeroboams calf , and baal : your money mov'd our concience to arm our selves in your defence . when your intentions you had got , and by our means , had under foot trode all your foes , and them defeated , atlast , we found we were but cheated . your quarrel was , pretended bondage , by reason of tunage and of poundage , to get militia by law , to keep his majesty in aw : to free your selves when money waxes from inquisitions and taxes : your only end was self enriching , your solē religion was your kitching . you valued puddings sodd in pocks more then religion orthodox : whereas we witness god and angels , prophets , apostles , and evangels , for trash , or any earthly thing , we never did oppose the king : yea , all of us , both great and small will quit him lives , and lands , and all so he give way to purge the temple , as pleaseth mr. gabriel semple . he spoke so thick , he paus'd a little , and having cleans'd his beard from spittle , like tindale at the stake , he cryes lord , open the king of englands eyes , and then his majesty will grant renewing of the covenant . thus did he perorat his fliting , as at tarantums spiders biting , they were affected thereanent , according to their temperament . sanguinians did only laff , cholerick melancholians chaff . some bade hang him , some bade stone him , and some did mastives hunt upon him . some daple under tail did prick , and made him bounce , and leap , and kick : some aim'd to tare his straw gramashes , some cries , have at beard and mustaches : some grasped him about the middle , till bumm did sound like gambo fiddle : some would have breeches down to whip him , some with their nails would tare & nip him ; some with briars & thorns would scratch him : one fearing that they would dispatch him , who was a man more moderat , he made a court'sie with his hat , and begged leave to plead his cause according to the nations laws . contending with a foolish tongue , quoth he , is but a war with dung : though in the strife ye prove victorious , dirt makes your finger-ends inglorious , as lately happen'd unto one who needs would quarrel sanderson , and prove he was a lying knave , of which , what credit could he have ; when he had done , he prov'd no more , then all the world knew before . to take such pains , imports as much as any doubted he were such . refuting such as he , with words , is like canarie washing turds : the wine in taste and hue grows meaner , but turds grow ne're a whit the cleaner . this simile , though somewhat rude , yet so appeas'd the multitude , that by degrees their clamour fell ▪ like sound of lute-string , or of bell , when thumb or hammer of a clock gives the epilogizing stroak . and in the end these furious cryers stood silent like observant friars , or like to dumbies making signs , or like to fidles wanting strings , or like to salmons , or to codds , or turks , when they took in the rhodes . then piece and piece they dropt away , as ripe plumbs in a rainy day ; till in the end , they all were gone , and left him standing all alone . likeas , we do observe and see in those who are condemn'd to die , that they are sore annoy'd and troubled , at first , when they cast off their doublet , truss up their hair , their eyes blind-fold , that they may not grim death behold : thinking their neck the stroak is hard on , if any tell them of a pardon , although their heart be lighted somewhat , yet fear and hope fight still a combat , till that they hear the air to ring with clamours of , god save the king : then hope triumphs , and fear doth vanish , like grief , when it 's expell'd by spanish , just so the squire , when all at once they him opprest with fists and stones , a gelide fear his heart possessed , his final hour approach't he guessed : trembling he stood , in a quandarie , and purg'd , as he had eaten larie : as was confirmed by the speeches of those who after washt his breeches when he perceived the retreat , that flight , quoth he , is but a cheat . like that of greeks , for to destroy an ancient city , called troy , by help of that tree horse of pallas ; it is some stratagem of wallace , who in a pig-mans weed , at bigger , espied all the english leagure . but when he found by certain trial , the retreat was not forg'd , but real , then did he resolution show , and like a cock began to crow . one man , quoth he , oft-times hath stood , and put to flight a multitude , like sampson , wallace , and sir bewis , and finmacoul beside the lews , who in a bucking time of year did rout and chase a herd of deer , till he behind , and they before , did run a hundred miles and more , which questionless prejudg'd his toes , for red-shanks then did wear no shoes ; for to this day they wear but calf ones , or , if of older leather , half ones . he chased them so furiouslie , that they were forc'd to take the sea , and swam from cowel into arran , in which soil , though it be but barren , as learned antiquaries say , their off-spring lives unto this day . but pardon me for such digressions , for , were it not for such expressions which from the muses we extort , our poems would be very short . then did the squire obtest , and pray , and them conjur'd that they would stay , for he had quarrel against none but ralph the squire , and sanderson , which two , as every body knows , are presbyterians mortal foes : th' one calls them bears by allegory , that other fellow wrot a story , in which he doth them scandalize so , that all the devils blush , he lies so ; thinking it would be liked well , he sent a copy into hell , to be perus'd in a committe , then said a devil which was wittie , it serves for nothing , tell the fool ; but to be napkins at the stool , when men exonerat their tripes , or lighting of tobacco pipes ; for hells affairs are ne're atchiev'd by railing fools , of none believ'd : hells fittest agents , as all grants , are those who are reputed saints . and thus he made an end of praying . then all began to think of staying , and one another did exhort for to return and see the sport ; but sanderson appeared not , stout ralph amated not a jot , bravely and resolutely did fall up , first at the trot , then at the gallop ; just as the huggonots , victorious at coutrus , charg'd the duke of joyeus , and was upon him ere he wist , menaceing him with tongue and fist , with all the rable in his rear , who followed him to see and hear . the squire , who only spoke in jest , seeing what he expected least ; he thought they verily were gone , and that the storm was over blown , surprized with the sudden danger of ralph , in such a furious anger , whom he thought did already spurn him , he knew not to what hand to turn him ; at last , his tongue and teeth commences to vent adages and sentences . it is a saying wise and old , quoth he , to make a bridge of gold to fleeing enemies , it 's best to let a sleeping mastive rest , lest he , awaken'd with our knocking 's , tare all our breeches and our stockings , and to the boot , our shin-bones hole up , and from our buttocks take a collop : and with his furious teeth our throats cut , down which we watered meal of oats put ; which we prefer , with loch-broom herring , to all the king of babel's fareing . a foolish tongue , without remead , brings mischief on the owners head ; it is a pestilentious clout , causing contagion all about ; it raiseth jealousies and fears , yokes kings and subjects by the ears . what was it else , but tittle tattle , that brought our brethren out to battle ? what stops them more from turning loyal , then tongues of some , esteemed royal ? with which they persecute those poor souls , as setting dogs do pouts and muirfowls ; at last , within their netts ensnared , and from all hope of pardon barred , they force those poor men , under hand , still to rebel , to get their land. my tongue will bring me to that pass , quoth he , to which was hudibras , who , when with honour he had got off , in the adventure that ye wot off , he not content , but seeking more , los'd all that he had gain'd before ; and was brought to a prison tragick , in wooden castle , made by magick ; where he too late laments his mishapes , as ladies , when they do not misclaps from gallants , of their own procuring , from husbands , when they go a-whoring . having dispatch'd this phrygian wisdom , like malefactor getting his doom , he strained what he could , to shew a tres bon mein en mau vais jeu . he out with basket-hilt and dudgeon , ( while from his eyes came a deludge on , as from the eyes of children whipped , or sore horse-eyes , with vitriol nipped , ) stands at his posture , fencer-like , and was within an ace to strike ; yet on the sudden , doth advise . to take a course by far more wise . wise men , quoth he , as all men knows , try all things first , ere they try blows . when rome to conquer , all was hasting , peace was the first , war was the last thing they did practise to subdue nations , vvho loved not such innovations . if i the truth of story miss not , this is the cardo of the dispute . and if my reasons do no good , i 'le dye their breeches with their blood : but this within himself he mutters , and then these words to ralph he utters . vvhat means this furious hurly burly ? friend ralph , quoth he , i tell thee surely , i am no private man ; believe , i am a representative : to force me to degladiations , is contrare to the law of nations : though thou me should bang back and side , i could it ( honour safe ) abide . brave mansfield , challeng'd by baumaru , refused once to fight at paris ; because he did negotiat vvith publick trust affairs of state. the spanish agent don henriques , put up a great affront of criques , vvho once at rome , his pride to danton , his nose saluted with a panton . dost thou esteem me such a coward , to be afraid of one as thou art ? thy threatnings are like childrens squibs , though they singe cloaths , they break no ribs ▪ vvere it not that my sword is rusted , vvere it not that i am entrusted vvith things of such a high concernment , as presbyterian church-government ; for all thy frownings and thy cloudings , i would send sun-shine through thy puddings . i do thee as a friend advise , ( 't is better soon then late be wise ) that thou would let alone this sword-fight , and graple with me in a word-fight ; let 's try who others best can confute , this is the cardo of the dispute , if synod-members , and church-wardens be bears , and synods be bear-gardens . thou dost affirm , i do deny , prov 't if thou can , i thee defy . one might have known by ralpho's face , he lov'd not vvar so well as peace ; he only counterfeited courage , his wrath , to teeth-forward , was not true rage ▪ yet he his passion so dissembled , that squire at first both shak'd and trembled ; but when he heard the squire speak big words , that in his belly he would dig swords , he looked then as if his nose bled , and such a flea within his hose had , that in his mind was great confusion , till he considered the conclusion ; where peace was offered and the war gone , he gave god thanks , like praise god bairbo● , a good heart to himself he took then , and these same very words he spoke then , which once the great turk solymanus spoke to vilerius , liladamus ; having him under , such odds , that he was forc'd to quit the rhodes . i 'me glade to hear that now thy mind . is more to peace then war inclin'd ; then adds he , fighting is a fool thing , what doth it else but sturt and dool bring . it 's better tongues decide the matter , then other noddles pelt and batter . now others beck , now others dock hit , as feathred fencers do in cock-pit ; who fights but in their own defences , let them be kings , let them be princes , by law and reason i them can bind , that they are enemies to mankind ; as witnesseth sir thomas kellie , and grotius de jure belli . what are such warriours but oppressors ; and many times we see aggressors , who trouble other mens reposes , gain nothing else but bloody noses : who quarrels pick with neighbour nations , get halberts thrust through their fundations , as we may read in many a book of charles that burgndian duke . poor high-way-men , with tattred hose , are not robbers half so great , as those are , who diadems wear on their head , and make so many living dead ; and so much christian blood mispends , either for french or spanish ends : these first , poor rogues , will pick a pocket , and break a door up when it's locket ; and on the high-way will a purse take , when cold and hunger makes their guts ake . those latter , with their armies legions , robes kingdoms , castles , towns and regions : as said two ten tuns ships commander to macedonian alexander . but now , let us come to the question , the which was raised the contest on , since thou so hard dost put me to it , i 'le let thee see that i can do it : and have both will and wit to reckon , and beat thee at thy own tongue-weapon . better perhaps , then thou believes , i 'le prove these two affirmatives : that synod-menbers , and church-wardens are bears , and synods are bear-gardens . thus said , his fingers he dispatches unto his head , and winking scratches , first from the van , unto the reer , and then athwart , from ear to ear ; while like sagacious hound , he traces , and windeth all the topick places : till in the end prepared , satis , he disputes thus a comparatis . and first , quoth he , it 's clear to all ; they have the same original : for twenty shillings to a bodle , both are the birth of humane nodle , both are in that degree of kin , as other brethren uterine . it s certain , there is never a word of either , in scripture , on record : and without question and all doubt , thus bear-baiting may be made out by holy writ , as lawful as is , that chain of presbyrerian classis . this for their birth ; now for their nature , if with deliberation mature the case we ponder , beasts of prey and rapine , as are bears are they who do establish gospel order by rapine , sacriledge , and murder . what are their orders , constitutions , church-censures , curses , absolutions ? but several mystick chains they make , to ty poor christians to the stake : and then set heathen officers , instead of dogs , about their ears . what else are synods , but bear-gardens , where elders , deputies , church-wardens , and other members of the court manage the babylonish sport : for prolocutor , scribe , and bear-ward , do differ only in a meer word : both are but several synagogues of carnal men , and bears , and dogs : both antichristian assemblies , to mischief bent , as far 's in them lyes : both strave and tail with fierce contests , the one with men , the other beasts : the difference is , the one fights with the tongue , the other with the teeth : and that they bait but bears in this , in th' others souls and consciences . this to the prophet did appear who in a vision saw a bear prefiguring the beastly rage of church-rule , in this latter age ; where every hamlet is govern'd ▪ by 's holiness , the churches head : more haughty , and severe in 's place , then hildebrand , or boniface . such church , must surely be a monster with maney heads , for if we conster what in th' apocalyps we find , according to th' apostles mind ; ti 's , that the whoore of babylon , with many heads , did ride upon . the pastors who do rule this kirk , what are they , but the handy-work of mens mechanick paws , instilling divinity in them , by feeling . from whence they start up chosen vessels , as folks , by touching , get the meazles . so cardinals , they say , do grope at th' other end , the new made pope . bell and the dragon's chaiplans , were more moderat then them , by far : for they , poor knaves , were glade to cheat , to get their wives and children meat ; but these will not be fob'd off so , they must have wealth and power too ; or else they 'l make their party good , by making nations swim in blood . and thus i reasoned the case , once with my master hudibras . all that i said was too prolix , here to repeat , i only fix upon the morrow , with a few words , what thou has said's not worth two cow turds reply'd the squire , and then he smites fore-head with fist , to rouse his wits ; which straight did take th' alarm so hot , that down to tongue and teeth they got : from whence , thus worded out , they flie , like bullets from artilerie . ye sectaries , quoth he , have bee-heads , thy prats , a cerberus , with three-heads : neither of which barks any bon-sence , but railing , blasphemy , and non-sence : thou' rt ignorant in logicks art , as i will show thee ere we part . but to the point , now i will close , and reason 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and first , i say , for my defence , thy argument wants consequence : though things agree to both together , it follows not the one 's the other . affirmatives , in second figure , nothing conclude in logicks ligure , which any constant man believes , so we may prove financiers thieves , camelions beef and cabbage eaters , and lawyers , and physicians , cheaters . that horse are men , and owls are ounces , that privie counsellers are dunces : that chamber-pots are looking glasses , and senators of justice asses : that colledges , and muses cavernes are bawdie-houses turn'd , and taverns : that stews are places of contrition , and pulpits , trumpets of sedition : and merlines prophesies evangels , and dees spirits holy angels : that all new scurvies are the pox , that quakers books are orthodox : that rosted wildcat is fed lam , that gresham colledge is a bedlam : most of our first reformers bad-men , and all the house of commons mad-men : that tallow cakes are ambergreese , that sun and moon are cheshire cheese and whiggs , as loyal in opinions , as any of the kings dominions . this for thy form , now for thy matter , thou rails one some , others to flatter : thy medium's seeming true , yet false are , as turnips growing in the paltzar ; or any other fertile ground , hollow with worms , though skin be sound : like aples in the lake of sodom , like beauties clapped in the bodom : like sour drink in silver tankers : like golden petticoats on shankers : like bald heads with periwiggs : like sweet powder on frisled giggs , with aged ladies now in fashion , when they would play beside the cushion . but who reason in generals , th' argument contentions and brauls , they bring but bout-gates , and golinzies , like dempster disputing with meinzies . men hardly can scratch others faces , when they are distant twenty paces : i l'e neerer come thy thrusts to paree , whereas thou dost argumentaree , that bear-baiting may be made out , without all question and doubt , by holy writ , as lawful as is , lay-elder-presbyterian classis . though few be clear , how doth the thing go ? i answer unto thee distinguo : for if thou mean by text express , thou speak'st the truth , as all confess . this is our orthodox defence , presbytries prov'd by consequence . it is no popish superstition , by consequential tradition to prove an article of faith , as learned polyander saith . what have our doctors else to say for paedobaptism , or that day which chang'd was , when the church spoke greek from last to first day of the week . if thou were put to this distress , to prove bishops by word express . then oyster-wives might lock their fish up , come to the streets , and cry , no bishop . whereas thou dost affirm and say , presbytry-men are beasts of prey , vvho do establish gospel-order by rapine , sacriledge , and murder : thy reason hear both but and ben halts , it 's not the causes , but the mens faults . unto that sore , i gave this plaister , vvhen i did dispute with my master : to blame a cause , for persons vices is one of satans main devices , vvherewith he very oft doth make vvell-meaning men the truth forsake . it 's not superfluous and vain to tell a good tale ov'r again . none can deny but these things fell out , but the true cause thou dost not smell out . thy fallacy consists in this , thou mak'st a cause where no cause is . children are teached in the schooles , vvho reason so , they are but fools . vvas never yet a reformation of church , in any age or nation , but still the devil , to make it vain , the outmost of his wits doth strain : he beats all hell up with a taber , to make reformers lose their labour ▪ vvhen first he sees he doth no good by persecution and blood , by seeming sheep , and yet but goats , by vveeds appearing vvheat and oats , by seeming diamonds , yet but glass , by seeming , gold and yet but brass , by serpents in appearance fish , by silver potles fill'd with pish , by saints without , and fiends within , he strives the cause to undermine : as is recorded in the pages of stories written in all ages . vvhen christ appeared , came a theudas , and with saint peter , came a judas ; with luther , rotmans knipperdolings , who troubled munster with their foolings . david georges , johns of leyden , as is at large describ'd by sleyden . when calvin came , then came socinians : when perbins came , then came arminians : with hendersons , and cants , and trails , came some , who whisked ladies tails . who for such take us , are to blame , as one would revile st. paul for demas . and others also came , to wit , these locusts of the th' infernal pit : who seem'd at first all covenant-takers , but straight turned anabaptists , quakers , artemonits , photinions , servetians , socinians , manitheans , novations , scepticks , and corpocrocians , prochanits , sabellians , setheans , circumcellians ; herodians , herminians , somonians , armenians , docitheans , menandrians , eunomeans , cassandrians , eutichians , nestorians , and doctor hernry morians ; noetians , and martionitae , gnosticks , and anthropomorphit ▪ gortheans , and calphurnitans , and mr. gilbert burnetans ; meletians , and arrians , and antisabatarians ; helvidians , cainians , coluthians , agrippinians ; some chiliasts , and lampetians , some prove melchizedecians , cleobians , florinians , and some prove maximinians : abelians , thebusians , ophitae , and pepusrans , rhetorians , quintilianists , circoterists , pristilianists , eucratits , hermogenians , marians , and origenians , corintheans , and alogians : some half some whole peligians , some antitactae , some montences ; ascitae some , some royatenses , some donatists , volesians , some archonticks , some aetians . and some turn theodotians ; tascodrongits , nepotians , and some disciples turn'd of brown , vvho first infected every town ; doritheans , and fratricels , some neilorists , with hood and bells ; some transilvanian tritheitae , vvho once made ▪ drunk with aquavitae : vvith fists alstedius did belabour , and tore the beard of bethlehem gabor : some adamits , who as the speech is , cast off their petticoats and breeches : some other hereticks more gross , describ'd by alexander ross ; for which , at present i want time , and though i had , i have not rhime . that thy bear-simile may jump , those were our tails , that was our rump , vvhich from our buttocks being broke off , did all these horrid things you spoke of . but if thou still insist to rail , saying , we did them with our tail : that cavel's very quickly put off , 't was with our tails , when they were cut off if with my cut off arms and legs thou bishops noddles crush like eggs ; not i , late owner of the same , but thou who strikes , must bear the blame . it 's true indeed , at the beginning vve smelled those things were a-spinning ; but who leads ladies through the streets , expecting favour within sheets , coming to places , fy upon 't , vvhere none but one can pass in front , so barricado'd is the way , with emptied privies , mire and clay : if they find no clean place to stand on , yet ere their mistriss they abandon , through dung they march , like a bold fellow , till shoes and stockins grow gold yellow . this is our case , if i have skill , make the apodosis who will , the sum is in our ends , we mean well , though means we us'd , cannot sustain well . whereas thou sayest , our constitutions , church-censures , curses , absolutions , are several mystick chains we make , to ty poor christians to the stake , and then set heathen officers instead of dogs about their ears . at all thou dost not prove the question ; the which was raised the contest on . madness within thy brains hath far got , proving them bears , thou proves they are not whoever yet did see or hear , that bears yoak't dogs upon a bear ? as said thy master , that brave man too , who reason'd better then i can do , if synod-members , and church-wardens be no bears , synods no bear-gardens are , as to these is evident , satis , who reason can a conjugatis . thus worse then any man believes , thou proves these two affirmatives : and after thou has crackt so crouse , thy mountains do bring forth a mouse . whereas thou presbytry dost 〈◊〉 to be th' apocalyptick monster , likewise to be this very bear. which to the prophet did appear ; prefiguring the beastly rage of church rule in this latter age : thou dost interpret scriptures odly , that thou may 〈◊〉 upon the godly : a scripturest thou 〈◊〉 as he was in whose fool bonnet-case a bee was , who needs would presbytry have the cabal deciphered of the whore of babel , the antichrist 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 blood spilled , he was so mad , he 〈◊〉 no shame : those very murdred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 name , it 's sure he either was 〈◊〉 or on a stage the fool he acted i 'm confident and do believe , if these two brave men 〈◊〉 alive , they would get 〈…〉 who hatch such glosses in their brains . it 's lamentable , many deem none love the king , but who blaspheme , and still make holy writ the scale , on which they take measures for to rail on . presbytrie for the king more stout , as those whom the very children flout , as champions , who though tongue-valiant , yet meeting with a fierce assailant , though with their tongue they take his part , their actions are not with a fart . they may well drink his health in taverns , and speak big words in holes and caverns , devising stories , lies , and fables ; call his most loyal subjects rebels ; but when they come to blows and knocks , they face about , and turn their docks . runs to their pottle , which they mind most , crying , the devil take the hind-most . where thou say'st , preachers of our kirk , and pastors , are the handie-work of mens mechanick paws , instilling . divinity in them by feeling : from whence they start up chosen vessels , as men by touch get itch and meazels . i see not clearly what thou means here , i think thou blasphemy sustains here : this with our church monomachie ends with a gigantomathie . first , having fallen on her out-works , or hedge , thy fancy round about works , till in the end thou find occasion , thinking she can make no evasion : then thou with this blasphemous dart thinks for to shoot her through the heart : like malefactor ty'd to post , by railing on the holy ghost . the author of manual imposition , by text express , and by tradition , thy own and others souls deluding , by such prophane similituding . no porphyre , julian , or celsus , ( as all the ancient stories tells us ) the christian faith blasphem'd , as thou doth , and others like thee , not a few doth : vvho bred , out of the peccant humors of this our church , like wens and tumors ; like maggots bred within a sore , would that which gave them life devour . thou 'lt say , these last four lines were stollen . i answer with that red-shank sullen , once challenged , for stealling beef . i stole then from another thief . now since thy sophistrie's confuted , i end , to have my lungs recruited . when ralph intended to reply , his voice was drowned with a cry of those , contending who the better had , of the champions , some the latter , some the first , and some said neither , and some affirm'd , they knew not whether . there was , among the rest , a fellow of swarthy hue , enclin'd to yellow ; his hide enambled with itch was , he just splea-footed , like a witch was : he was both broad and tall of person , with a long sword behind his arse on , which he said was to serve the king ; some think he meant another thing : however he was such a person 't was thought among them all was scarce one who better understood how things went , what rumps and presbytries disigns meant , and the kings too , it 's known he had sometime served all the three . they all conjured then alone him , that he would take the speech upon him , and finally decide the matter , who had the worst , who had the better : which unto him would be but small pains , who under all had made no small gains : at which requist the cacodaemon upon him took to be palemon . while advocats of both the parties with earnest and with piercing heart eyes expect his doome , like nero praying for justice to his fidle playing . it 's sport , quoth he , to be spectators to such a pair of gladiators : to see how they on other thump , he the lay-elders , he the rump , others affront with such disgraces , and so throw dung on others faces . when thieves reekon , it 's oft-times known that honest people get their own . by sad experience found it was , how that both these parties , pari passu had ruine brought , and desolations on their own , and their neighbours nations : when one the other had ov'rcome , and trode all under foot at home , then they send out their wooden high-towers , to trouble the repose of neighbours : and some times hither , some times thither , set europe by the ears together : that troubled with their mutual factions , they might not pry into their actions : which were , as all the world doth ken , abhorred both by god and men . nought more secureth desperat matters , then fishing doth in troubled waters . by such like policy and slight , they brought their power to such a hight , that denmark , holland , france , and spain , and sweden did strive with might and main , with humble and submissive speeches , to get the first kiss of their breeches . they brought upon all such a terror , all seem'd to idolize their error , but thanks to god , and albemarle , we now delivered are from peril . but none to thee , reply'd the squire , ( his breast so filled was with ire , that 's eyes both sparkled and scintilled ) like wolf , or wild-cat , when it 's killed . it 's known thou didst what e're thou could , ( but yet not so much as thou would ) to make us still under that peril which was remov'd by albemarle . to prospering king loyal to wonder , still traitor to him when at under . vvhen thou , at playing with both hands , has got inheritance and lands , thou takes upon thee now to teach , and like a fox , to lambs doth preach . that both of us did desolations and ruine bring upon the nations , i answer , both did mischief bring , vve by mistake , they by design : vvhen all is true thou say'st , yet that 's but like monkeys chesnuts , with a cats foot pulling from ashes , or from embers : bathrons for grief of scoarched members , doth fall a suffing , and meawing , while monkeys are the chesnuts chewing : yet more by policy then force , they made our brethren , foot and horse to pull them chesnuts from the fire , and wealth and power to them acquire : by which they did all europ toss , while we got infamy and loss . though i should teeth beat , like a tabor , with tongue , i fear i lose my labour . we by experience do find , that a proud stubborn froward mind with prejudice intoxicated , can hardly be indoctrinated : and yet my labour 's not mispent , if any be indifferent , they 'l find , as sun doth shine in clear day , that we were only rogues by hear-say , but fools indeed , which we will mend when we grow wiser , there 's an end . but now i straight will to the king , discharge the message which i bring : perhaps his majesty will grant , if well informed , what we want . however , i hope he will not fail to hear till i tell out my tale . though others foam , and fret , and chaff , i hope his majestie will saff . having this spoke , his horse he switches , first on the snowt , then on the breeches ; who half a sleep , at last was got with much difficulty to trot . yet some times paus'd he in the middle , like cadance keepers to a fiddle ; with rest alternative , and motion , the squire rides on with great devotion , till he came to his journeys end , h'alights , and doth not long attend , when some there came , who did him bring straight to the presence of the king ; whom he espying , bow'd his knee , and said , if 't please your majestie . the sun indifferently on all shines , as well on low shrubs , as on tall pines : god hears the cry's of rich and poor : wise solomon , to right a whore resolv'd a doubt , to all mens wonder , feigning to cleave the child asunder . your majesties wisdom inherent , and goodness , who are gods vicegerent , will not disdain to hear complaints of us , though but rejectaments . ye'll hear me , sir , defend our cause , though it be contrare to the laws : that ye may solve that gordian knot , if we be rebells , and if not ; if we be fools , wh'affirms we 're neither , he is a liar , though my father . i 'le use no speech with art besprinkled , like fairding on a face that 's wrinkled : without rhetoricating fond shows , while i speak , sir , as 't in the ground grows , if ye a gracious ear afford , shame fall me if i lie a word . most men affirm , they do not see what we non-conformists now would be at : that we 're more sundred in opinions , then are the king of spains dominions : then gazers on the late new star were , then the commanders at dunbar were . then lawyers and physicians counsels , then wives who kail and herbs in town sells ; canvassing things in church and state , when drink has set aloft our pate . where once w'agree , three times we squable , as doth a bag-pipe's base and treble . one fears that which another hopes for , like cardinals , when they make popes , or like heirs of line , or heirs of tailzies , or gild , or tradesmen making bailzies . now whether these be rants and flaws , devis'd , sir , to defame our cause ; or whether there be something in it , hear out my tale , now i begin it : if i conjecture not amiss , the marrow of the matter 's this . some while ago , sir , i was sent your majesty to complement , to beg some preachers which we wanted , but ere i came , sir , they were granted : when all expected thanks most hearty to you , from all the godly party ; i was informed by a letter , were grown the devil a whit the better . our old blind zeal within us still bides , we haunt conventicles on hill-sides , gives to our preachers blows and knocks , for which we 'r put in irons and stocks . i wondred what the matter meant , i thought , sir , that the devil was in 't , at length i was inform'd of new , the fault was only of a few ; not of us all , and these we ken have ever been john thomsons men , that is still ruled by their wives , who carping at some preachers lives , and reading their erroneous books , oppugning doctrine orthodox : cry'd out , prophanity and atheism , gross popery and arminianism is brought upon us by the prelats , with such expressions , those shee-zealots wrought so upon their husbands fancy , that they from fever fell to frenzy , threw at their preachers stones and clods , as setters up of other gods , as baal , beelzebub , and dagon , the apocalyptick whore and dragon . though such proceedings be half treason , yet to inform you there is reason : if any introduce the schisme of popery , or arminianisme . that popes , sir , are most dangerous things to princes , emperours , and kings , they set their feet upon their neck , they make them , sir , kneel down and beck , to hold their sirrop when they ride , and run like lackeys at their side : they make them bow down mouth and nose , to kiss , and smell , their sweaty toes : makes them stand bare-foot at their gates , and buy their peace at monstrous rates . they must have from them power all , both spritual and temporal , or they 'l hunt men to cut their throats , and blow them up with powder plots ; as both your grand-fathers can tell , yea , they will curse their souls to hell , and give their kingdoms to another , who pays most to their bastards mother , it 's long since for the holy ghost at rome olympias rul'd the rost : who think the practice far more sweeter of simon magus , then simon peter . that i speak truth , sir , within measure , appears by don ' olympias treasure , the next successor of st. peter thought he could take a course no fitter , then part the simoniack pelf , and take the one half to himself . then said one , though a conclave brother , it went from one thief to another . strange ! any orthodox divine should doubt who is the man of sin ? which questionless they had not done , if they had read on paul and john , who paints him in their prophesies , as they had seen him with their eyes . what e're divine of your dominions vents to the world such opinions , let them be gold , let them be glass , a serpent lurks within the grass . it 's thought the earl of wiltshire's spaniel knew antichrist , foretold by daniel , and paul and john , better then they who study scripture every day . when that the pope held out his foot for to be kissed round about , wond'ring to see the carle so vain , he snatch'd it till he piss'd again . this much of those erroneous books , oppugning doctrine orthodox . next , sir , as for those preachers lives , so much cry'd out on by our wives , all the account that i can give on 't is , that my minnie hath the lave on 't . i wish them keep a sober diet , or , if they drink , sir , keep it quiet : if openly they haunt the brewers , we 'll not secure them from stone-throwers ▪ we cannot help it for our life , sir , who can rule a lawless wife ? to make a willful wife her fits mend , would put your self , sir , to your wits end . though they cause whip them through the town , though they them hang , though they them drown , seing priests drunk at third bell ringing , they 'l up with stones , and fall a slinging . and thus , sir , i have shew'd you how the fault is only of a few , and not of all , and their defence is , that they follow conscience : if it be so , by bishops leaves , they cannot well be called knaves : what e're they be , it may be said , knaves never yet a conscience had . and that a greater slander refels , if they be no knayes , they 'r no rebels : i doubt any logician can a rebel prove an honest man. what are they then ? wee need n'advise , they 'r poor folks , large as daft as wise . if they be such , and wish you well , as others of their actions tell , when in the english troupers faces they you remembred in their graces . that there may be a solid peace , remove the cause , th' effect will cease . take notice of those whimsey books , which in effect are heterodox . if once those preachers mend their lives , there will be no stone-throwing wives . forbid them scandalize the leidges , by drinking healths to ports and bridges , to : whore of babel , and to giggs , and to preveen complaints of whiggs , to scratch their skin , cut caps and cloaths , and swear 't was whiggs , with monstrous oaths but see misfortune and mishap , for scratch of skin , and cut of cap examined to strictest rigours , had different geometrick figures . though cap was hither mov'd and thither , the wounds could ne're agree together . such scandal makes the gospel stink , such books and priests remov'd , i think we 'll keep the nine and twenty may-day , on thursday , saturnday , or friday ; on tuesday , wednesday , and munday , or any other day but sunday . yea , sir , when ye have ought adoe , to hazard lives and fortunes too . we will be ready at your call , else plague of god upon us all . observing how they all espy'd him , cheifly how all the ladies ey'd him ; was none among them all so coy , whom he had not made laugh for joy : believing , of them all was scarce one that honoured not his parts and person . he ears begins to prick , and neigh too , just like a ston'd horse in a meadow : yet curbing , as he could , his passion , till he should better learn the fashion : he made a congee , and got him down , to see the rar'ties of the town . how he did visit bedlam fool-men , and disputed with gresham-school-men ; discoursing of their pigs and whistles , and strange experiments of musscls , of resurections of ratts , and of the language us'd by catts , when in the night they go a cating , and fall a scolding and a prating : of their blood borrowing and lending , and all the ancients wisdom mending ; perhaps ye'll hear another time , when i want money and get rhime . i have no leasure for it now . let it suffice , to tell you how , that going home-wards near to high-gate , his muse had on her such a gay foot , that seeing london flee his view , he stands , and bids it thus , adieu . from hard calamities of wars , and ruines caus'd by fire , a noble work thou dost arise , like phenix fromit's sire . how stately buildings thee adorn . and towers which smite the sky , whose bells do , by their melody , apollo's harp out-vy . more famous , skilful artisans , the world never had : thy merchands worth nobilitates , the wealth he gets by trade . thy bishops zeal and pietie up through the heavens do flee ; thy magistrats , who thee govern , might roman consuls be . immortal vertues eloquence , and deep insight of mind ; thy muses , those of pallas town are not a jot behind . and as the sun , unto the world communicats his light ; so by thy kings resplendant beams , brave town , thou shines so bright . so rome arose , after the gaules had it destroy'd by flame . till in the end , the worlds bounds and romes , did prove the same . london , that path by the begun , if thou insist upon , strange , if the worlds empire and thine in end prove not the same . but now , thy buildings flee my sight , thy towres go out of view , ibid thee then , with weeping eyes , most generous town , adieu . the same in latine . post diras belli clades , flammaeque ruinas , e cinere ut phoenix nobile surgis opus . quam dicorant aedes , ferientes sidere turres ; pulsibus adjecta cessit apollo lyra : artifices clari majore & acumine nusquam , mercator meritis nobilitavit opes ; praesulis insignis piet as perfregit olympum ; consulibus potuit roma vetusta regi ; morihus eloquio , mentisque indagine musis : attica non major docta camaena tuis : ut phaebus mundum perfundit lumine regis sic splendes radiis urbs generosa tui . gallica sic crevit post dira incendia roma tandem idem limes orbis et urbis erat ▪ londinum incepto sipergas tramite mirum ! imperium fuerit ni orbis & urbis idem . nunc aedes visum fugiunt , subsidere turres aspicio lacrimans ; urbs generosa , vale. finis . the poor man's cup of cold-water ministred to the saints and sufferers for christ in scotland who are admidst the scorching flames of the fiery trial. mcward, robert, 1633?-1687. 1678 approx. 197 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a51064 wing m233 estc r25489 08988926 ocm 08988926 42157 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a51064) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 42157) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1289:20) the poor man's cup of cold-water ministred to the saints and sufferers for christ in scotland who are admidst the scorching flames of the fiery trial. mcward, robert, 1633?-1687. 44 p. s.n.], [s.l. : 1678. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of scotland. covenanters. 2002-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-04 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-04 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the poor man's cup of cold water , ministred to the saints and sufferers for christ. in scotland ; who are admidst the scorching flames of the fiery trial. i. joh . iii : 13. marvel not , my brethren , if the world hate you . i. pet. iv : 12 , 13. behold , think it not strange , concerning the fiery trial , which is to try you , as if some strange thing hapned unto you . but rejoice , &c. ii. thess . i : 6. seing it is a righteous thing with god , to render tribulation to them that trouble you , and to you , who are troubled rest with us , &c. luk. xviii . 7 . i tel you , that he will avenge them speedily . psal. ii : 3 , 4 , 6 let us breake their bands asunder . — he that sitteth in heavens shall laugh . — yet i have set my king upon my holy hill zion . psal. cxxxii : 18. his enemies will i clothe with shame : but upon himself shall his crown flourish . printed in the year 1678. for the now truely honorable , and really happy , that little flock , and lovely company in scotland , who are in great tribulation , for the word of god , and for the testimony of iesus christ ; and more particularly , for his specially endeared friends , the sufferers in the west . of scotland . much honoured , dearly beloved and longed for in our lord jesus christ , grace from the god of all grace , mercy from the father of mercies , who is rich in mercy , & peace from the god of peace , whose it is to speake that peace and to give that peace , which passeth all understanding , together with joy in the holy ghost , be multiplied upon you . though i am unable to do any thing for you , or say any thing to you , which can cannot to the equivalency of a releife , now when you are overwhelmed with such an inundation and deludge of calamities ; as every one who looks on , yea the very authors and instruments of these miseries and mischeifes must say , if they speake their soul or sense , you are pressed out of measure and beyond strength ; yet your sufferings are such for kinde and qualitie , such for measure and weight , such for substance and circumstances , as might , through a transport of griefe and compassion , make the tongue of the dumb , if he have b●t eyes or eares , to break prison and cry out , behold , o lord , and consider , to whom these things are done , and for what , and for whose sake . i dare not , alas ! say , that i fill up the just measure of that sorrow for you , and that sympathy with you , which is debt upon my part , and an indispensible duty , in this day of trouble and of treading down , and of great perplexity , by the lord god of hosts , in the valley of vision ; yet i desire to be amongst the company of those , who doe not , who dare not allow themselves , to carry as inconcerned now , when his precious interests lye a bleeding , his poor remnant under their pressures as breathing out their last , and such who endeavour to retain their integrity , and to hold fall what they have that no man take their crown , and to depart f●om that inquity , which is the inquity of our time ( a departing from god , and an opposition to jesus christ in nature and degree , in height and hainousnesse , of a tincture and elevation , beyond and above what the departings from god and oppositions to his son jesus christ have been or were capable of in former times ) make themselves a prey ; as is manifest in your case not to be paralleled , if weighed in an even ballance . i am so much straitned , how to give my shallow and confused thoughts a vent , while i essay to contribute my poor mite , for alleying the bitternesse of your cup , and mitigating the greatnesse of your griefe ( knowing well how little proportion what ever i am able to say keeps to the anguish of your soul , because of what you are put to suffer ) as the sight of this indignation , wherewith you are filled , puts me to struggle with my inclination , and staggers me in my resolution to speake , as seeming rather to perswade me , because of the heavienesse of his hand upon you , to sit alone and keep silence , then to open my mouth , since the moving of my lips cannot asswage your griefe ; yet affection ( which easily procures a pardon , when it misseth the marke it aimed to hit ) hath in the present clamant emergent emboldened me , out of my poverty and penury , to offer such as i have ; and besides , i hope , both from the conviction of duety and knowledge , how much the depth of your distresse is beyond the supplies i can contribute for your ease , and the supportings of my feeble & feeklesse pen , to acconnt it m mercy , while you are in that paroxisme & agony of misery , through the madnesse of such , as are incensed against your lord and master , to cry as i can on your behalfe , arise o lord , and rescue the soul of thy turtle from the rage of these men of cruelty , and do not give up the beloved of th● soul into the hand of such an enemy , whose way thy soul hateth . you have often heard , my deare and distressed friends , and you have professed also to be in the faith of this , that men may be more then conquerours , when killed all the day long , and that there is an hundred fold to be reaped in this life , even with persecution : now set your selves , when killed and crushed , to put the crown upon your profession ; now adorne that doctrine of god the saviour , which you professe , by such a carriage , as will witnesse , you know , in the midst of what flesh can do unto you , how to be conforted in god , & how to endure the worlds hatred and harme , as those whom no affliction can make miserable ? o that he may put you in case to seale from your own experience the sweetnesse of suffering for christ ; and to say , now we know there is a river that refresheth the whole city of god , because he hath made us drink of this river of his pleasure , whereof since we drank , we have forgotten our poverty , & remember our misery no more : now we can affirme from what we finde , ( whereby our souls are fortified ) that as the sufferings of christ have abounded in us , so our consolation also hath abounded by christ , for whom we have suffered the loss of these things , and in that loss are so great gainers , as now we know what we have lost is but dung ; but what is left us , or rather what we have found in these begun fruitions of jesus christ , hath begun our heaven amidst all we suffer . yea , i am hopeful , it shall be with you in your huntings , harassings , and hideings , as it was with moses in the mount , never so neer god , as when at the remotest distance from all creature-converse and comfort ; and that even while you lye as among the pots , and are black with the smoak of that fiery furnace , heated seven times beyond what you or your fathers have found , or could have feared , if satan , whose element is fire , had not set the instruments of your calamity on fire of hell , and transported them so far beyond the limits and latitude of all reason . as if the question were asked , why doe these heathen rage ? the answer behoved to be given , nay , aske them not a reason , for they are in rage against the lord , and against his anointod : i say , while you are smothered with this smoak , & made black , yet your face shall be made to shine , and you put in case to say , though we be black because this sun with its scorching heat hath looked upon us ; yet are we comely , because the sun of righteousnesse with healing under his wings hath arisen upon our soul , and under the shadow of his wings we shine and sing , and are comforted . but to come more closely to what i intend in these lines . let me tell you , deare friends , that nothing can be more effectual for working up the heart to a right temper at all times , and more particularly in your present case , and for frameing a right the wayes of a christian , when he must either go with the drove of those , who depart from the living god , or expose himself for his adhesion to him , and relinguishing these workers of iniquity , yea opposing of their christ-opposing courses , to all the effects of their fury , than well to know , and often to consider , what is the nature of that state and condition , whereunto he is called as a christian ; to know what is his relation to jesus christ , who hath chosen him ; and to the world out of which he is chosen : this , if seriously and sutably pondered , would certainly cool his feverish heats , and quench his thirstings after the world , and would quicken his soul , and kindle in his heart much heat and warmth of love to jesus christ ; it would stablish his heart , strenghten his hands , fortify against feare , and fournish him with what is sufficient for the patient suffering of the worlds hatred and malice at him ; how would a solid reflection of his being chosen out of the world , sweetly disengage him from the entanglements of this world ; and as one made partaker of the divine nature , make him so mind and so move , as his mindings and movings would make it manifest whatsoever is below god is below the designings , the desirings and endeavourings of his soul. and the true reason why there is so little of real christianity to be found amongst christians , is , we consider not that christianity is the soul cast in that blessed mould of disconformity to the world , and conformity to christ , our having his blessed name called upon us ; as it supposeth an association with him , so it obligeth to an assimilation to him , in order to the fruition of him , without which we can never make it appeare , that we are sharers of that unction , which is the import of that blessed name called upon us . there are few , alas ! amongst the many professors of religion , and pretenders to christianity , who study to know the excellency of that state , the special comforts and the proper duties thereof , and the closenesse of that connexion which is amongst these . o! it must be an excellent state , which imports union with jesus christ. he that is joined to the lord is one spirit , saith the holy ghost . and what must the privileges and the comforts be which follow upon and flow from this ? for religion , as it relates to these , is the very religation of the soul to god , as a portion , and that good part which cannot be taken from him ; and then all the special duties thereof are but the promoving of that begun conformity to jesus christ , till it be carried on , and consummat in a perfect likenesse to him . now he , whose soul hath received just impressions of these things , is in case to carry amidst all surrounding miseries , as one who is happy without the world , and in despight of the world ; for he hath a happinesse laid up in god , and to be laid out for him according to his need , which the world knoweth not of , and cannot take from him : hence it is , that he rejoyceth in hope , & is patient in tribulation : and as for the duties of religion he is not found of these as of an enemy , even when he is sure he cannot follow them , but his enemies will finde him and fall on him : he knowes no other question , but lord what wilt thou have me to doe ? and when that is clear , sets himself to doe all things without disputings and murmur●ngs . neither is he demurred nor diverted , much lesse turned out of the way of following the lord fully , because there is a lyon in it ? but can without fearing the wrath of a king , which is as the roaring of a lyon , & most either be encountered , or duty in its proper season deserted , go foreward ; and when the danger he exposeth himself unto by doing so would be ready , if too much pored upon , to daunt him and draw him , into a relinquishing of his master , look upward , and endure as seeing him who is invisible o noble look ! this is that blessed second sight , whereby a saint , in the darkest night of distresse , sees that which is soul-supporting : o! the invisible god made visible to the poor persecuted creature , in his omnipotent power , his infinit love , and his unfailing faithfulnesse , makes all visible dangers evanish into an invisibility . therefore , deare brethren , since you are not of the world , and since there is so great a change made in your state , and some blessed begun chance made betwixt you and the world in your manners , think it not strange concerning these fiery trials , which you meet with from the world , and must go thorow , till you get thorow the work : he hath not rightly received christ jesus , who looks not on suffering as his daily work : he who hath closed with christ , and is resolved to keep him company to the end , that he may be with him without end , must be at a point in this that be where he will bonds and afflictions will abide him , in every place , yea he must resolve with it , and be in readiness for it , not only to be bound , but also to die for the name of the lord iesus ; and that not amongst heathens , but in ierusalem , where also his lord was crucified ; not only at rome and amongst professed enemis , but in scotland , but at edinburgh , where christ jesus our lord is now crucified again , and put to open shame ? not by a forraigne enemie , but by those who are rulers ( if it be not abuse of language to call them so , whose government is pure tyranny ) and not only by rulers , but by such rulers as have bound their souls by the bond of a sacred and solemne covenant , and stand eternally obliged , under the penalty of everlasting seclusion from the presence of god and from the glory of his power , to maintain that reformation , the ruine whereof they drive with so much rigour and rage , and the razing of the foundations whereof they endeavour with the utmost of professed enmitie ; to preserve that precious treasure for , and to propagat religion in its purity to posterity ; to protect these very persons , whom they persecute , and persecute for persisting in those wayes , wherein they themselves have give it under their hand to god they would walk . now , we are not to think strange , concerning this fiery trial ; for whosoever would be the disciple of christ , must take up his crosse daily and follow him , it must be such an one as he pleases to lay on and what he wil have it to be ; he must not fansy to himself a fools paradise in christs company ; nay , th● crosse is the necessare concomitant of a christian ; and sharp conflicti●g must goe before the obtaining of the conquerours crown : we must not only resolve to meet with such fiery trials , as will consume into ashes our darling idols , ( for there is a necessity that some hand be made use of to pluck out that right eye : and cut of that right hand ' which hath caused us to offend` that so we may enter into life ) but we must and may exspect to meet with ●he saddest trouble , and the most unsufferably sharpe trials out of that airth , whence we did not feare , nor could we rationally foresee the storme should blow : these persons and things● which should be most comfortable to the people of god , do often prove the source of their calamitie , and the instruments whereby they are afflicted , we need not goe to ionah's gourd , nor iob's friends , we need goe to zechariah , slain betwixt the porch and the altar , by ioash , whom he was endeavouring to rescue out of the hands of the living god , by admonishing him to keep the commandement of the lord , and his covenant and coronation-oath , 2. chron. 23 : 16. compared vvith c. 24.20 . & seq . for though he vvas the son of iehojadah , vvho had made him king , and stain the usurper ; yet he not onely for gote that kindenesse , bu● slevv the son , vvho vvas desiring , yea vvhile endeavouring to keep that crown upon his head , ( by dissuading him to venture upon god-provoking courses or to enter the list of opposition to god almighty , contrary to all the objective and subjective obligations , under vvhich he vvas to him , for having set him upon the throne , vvho could as easily and vvonderfully bring him dovvn , as he had set him up ) vvhich his father had set upon it . but god forgote neither his foresaking of the covenant , nor his breach of his coronation-oath , nor his forgetting of iehojadah's kindenesse ; but put ioash in remembrance of all he had forgotten , and of all he had done ; and made him know he had heard the words of dying zechariah : i need neither tell you how , nor by what monitors he brought these things to his remembrance , nor how pla●n a parallel it is to our case : onely ioash did not kill iehojadah himse●f , who had been the instrument of his setlement in the government . i say , we need not search to reco●ds of former generations , ( except it be to finde some of the saints , and some of the churches of christ , to whom we may turne . that we may learn at them ? and be beholding the end of the lord , know how to carry and acquit ourselves , though we may long turne over the records of former times , ere we finde a parallel to the iniquitie of ours ) for examples : when these very men , with whom we ourselves did once take sweet councel together , and with whom we walked to the house of god in company , are become such cruel and keen enemies , as it is impossible to describe their rage and cruelty ; for a naked representation of matter of fact would ●ertainly passe with such as were not witnesses to what is done , for a meditat and malicious representation of persons & actions . but i need not tell you stories what you finde beyond my tellings , yea beyond your own expressings . o the crimson iniquitie of our times , when such as did but the other day cry grace grace unto it , are this day throwing down what they had built and are crying raze it , raze it even to the foundation : when these who not long ago did cry up and commend loyalty to jesus christ , are now crying , crucifie him ; let us burst his bonds assund●r , and cast away his cords from us , let us casse and rescinde our covenant made to serve him , and be subject to him ; and let us set up a new lord ; and let this be the new law , that who ever will not doe , according as we have done and decreed , may die . but alas ! have these men forgotten , that this insurrection against him is recorded in heaven , and that this their rage against his follovvers ( upon vvhom ●hey run vvith open mouth , and against vvhom they prepare themselves vvithout their fault , being chargeable vvith no guilt , abstracting from obedience to their god ) is come in remembrance before him ? and that the cry of these oppressed ones is come up unto the eare of the lord god of sabao●h , and vvill bring him dovvn to execute judgement for the oppressed : but let us not stumble , nor start aside for all this ; for hovv astonishing so ever it may be in it self to upright men , yet let the innocent stirr up themselves against those , who have dealt thus hypocritically with god ; and let the righteous still hold on their way , and such as have clean hands wax stronger and stronger : it is a weaknesse unworthy of saints , not to carry as those who have laid their account with the crosse , a reckoning which flesh and blood ( alwayes inculcating that carnal doctrine , spare thy s●lf ) is very unwilling to make . we still think there is a way ( because we would have it so , and often make a way where he hath made none ) to shift these hard sayings , and shun these heavy things : and yet come at heaven : we fansie a possiblitie to passe thorow the world with the worlds good will , and be religious too . but this is to be wise above what is written : the devil must first cease to lie , and murther and way-lay them that are going to heaven ; and the enmitie between the seed of the woman and the seed of the serpent must first be done away , or changed into perfect amitie , ( which shall never be ) before that day dawn , that the traveller to heaven needs not lay his reckoning to meet with trouble in the way . but passing the general account that the wickeds hatred ag●inst god is so perfect , as they hate his image and picture , in his children ; yea they like not the godl●nesse ( if i may cal it so ) of a hypocrit , but hate it ? which they doe , ( what ever they pretend ) not for the evil that is under i● , but for the good that appeares in it : as lions are said to have so perfect a hatred at man , as they wil teare the picture , because of the resemblance it hath to a living man : neither shall i in●ist upon this cause o● hatred against the students of holinesse , that there is a light in a christians life , who walks as a child of light , which discovers the spots of the profane world about him ; and with that light there is a heat also , which scorches and troubles their conscience ; and therefore they cannot endure them● but take all opportunites . to deale with them as persons come to torment them before the time , by their shineing and burning . besides these general and un●ailing considerations , which ought to fortify us in a resolution to make ready for the worse the world can doe ; there is somewhat peculiar in our lot , which should make us resolve and determine not onely to suffer , but to have a mixture of gall and worm●wood in our cup. wherewith saints are but at some special times exercised : there is a must be now , for all who will live godly in christ iesus to suffer persecution , and it were a madnesse to entertain other thoughts , since our time is a time of defection and shameful apostasy , which hath ever been found a ●ime of hot persecution . this hath been ever observed to be the practice of apostats , to hate , as hell and to handle as the worst of men , such as stand fast fixed in owning that cause of god● which they have relinquished : a man , who resolves to keep a conscience void of offence towards god , must take his life in his hand , and be ●n readinesse to part with it , when his lot is to live in a time and place , where there is power in their hand , who have made shipwrack of faith and of a good conscience . for as apostasy is the special sin of devils , and as satan the great apostat hates all , who set their face heaven ●a●d , and are servants of that god , and seekers of that blessednesse from which he for his ●postasy is everlastingly banished ; so whomsoever he withdrawes from the wayes of the lord , and drawes with him into the guilt of apostasy , he drives them on also to the same sin of persecu●ing those , who hold on their way , and who adhere to those precious truths , which they have fo●saken , and are followers of god as deare children : and these ●wo have so neer and native a connexion together , as he doth not onely drive without any difficultie those , over whom for their apostasie he hath obtained a sole soveraignity and dominion , into these desperat and damnable courses of persecuting the truth , which they have foresaken , and the professors ●here of , who hold fa●● his name : b●t which is more strange and sad , and should alarum every man into a watchfulnesse against the very first and smallest-like degrees o● defection from the good old wayes of god●r it is observed , that let a man , though sound in the main , slip from one degree of his zeal ond integrity , thoug● it wer● but in omission to stand-up for the defence of the gospel , when the assaultings of adversaries makes it duty ; much more if there be a doing of any thing , which will give the enemies of the work of god the least advantage , he forth with slides also ere he be aware into a censuring , despising , contemning ( if it stop here and go no further , it is well ) of his brethren , whom he cannot carry alongs with him , and becomes frequently more active and indnstrious to draw them , whom he hath in so far l●ft , his length , then he is observed to be active in strengthening the things that remaine and are ready to die , amongst a people in a declining time . now these things are so plain in our case , as it were supe●fluous for me to make them more plaine . need i tell you , in whose hand the power is , or of what spirit and principles these men are , after all the desolation they have made amongst you ? neither are they yet at an end ; and therefore you would be preparing for new assaults , and laying in provision against the evil day . o blessed shall the man be , who in this dismal day , shall not be offended in him , but shall endure to the end . lay your account therefore with the worst , that violence and enmity , armed with power , & enflamed to the height of revenge , can make you suffer , for withstanding this course of iniquity , now carried on by all means & methods in the nation . this fore-sight & providence will be our wisdom ; for when we have done so , we will not be amazed , when that comes to passe , we had resolved before hand to meet with ; or put out of our postour , when these things do emerge , with which we had laid our reckoning . but , deare friends , for fixing yourselves into a firmenesse of resolution to hold out and hold on , though it should come to a resisting unto blood , after you are robbed and spoiled of your goods ; consider that there is nothing in all these fires and waters , you have to passe thorow ; in all these dangers and deaths , which are before you ; in all these trials , in all these hazards , nay in all these hells that are betwixt you and heaven , whch can prevail with a soul , that knowes in whom he hath beleeved , or perswade him to cast the blessed bargan , or go back from his master , and walke no more with him . whither shall we go from thee , for thou hast the words of eternal life ? was the disciples deliberat and warme answer to that heart-moving question , will you also leave me ? leave thee lord ? leave thee who will , we are for ever tied to an attendance upon thee , and continuance with thee , both by choice and by the chaine of our own advantage ; that eternal life , which is in thee , and is to be had by abiding with thee , arrests us with a pleasant violence to wait upon thee , while we must foresake all in following ●hee , and be foresaken of all . but secondly , let us exercise spiritual reason , and reckon right , & we will perceive , there is much of present & real advantage to be found in and reaped from the worlds hatred : and the greatest heat of persecution ; who is he that will harme you , if ye be followers of that which is good ? is a question that puts it out of question , they cannot be harmed even when hurt , and therefore it is immediatly added , 1 pet. 3 : 14. but and if ye suffer for righteousnesse sake , happy a●e ye &c. it is true , there are none to whom moe injur●es are done , then to the poor persecuted people of god ; for as men they are not only borne to trouble , but as christians they are borne againe unto trouble and appointed thereunto : but it is as true , that there are none who are so little iniured by injuries ; for they get meat out of the ●ater , all these things work together for their good : for first , hereby the saints are keept in a right temper towards the world and the things thereof ; whereas i● they meet with kinde usage in it and from it , they would take too well with it , and sit down short of heaven , and forget to say , arise let us go hence , for this is not the place of our rest : there remains an unrenewed part in the saints , which would agree too well , and comply with the courses and customes of the world ; and therefore it is their speciall adavntage to be driven off from it by being distressed by it ; this bitter potion , which the world prepares for the people of the lord , and puts all the gall and worm wood in it they can , to make it deadly poison , when drunk down and digested , by faith and patience dissipats and discusses these ill humors , which did weaken the vitals of religion , and brought a consumption upon the inward man ; and so proves a soveraigne antidot to drive out that poison , which would have killed the soul , if not purged out . and as it serves for dissolving that union between the saints and the world , so secondly it knits them the more closely to him , who hath chosen them out of the world ; for when they finde themselves dealt with as strangers and pilgrims in the earth , exposed to all manner of hurt and hardship , they then are in earnest in seeking that satisfaction in god , which they misse in this howling wildernesse of sorrow ; and as they never seek it so earnestly and ardently , as at such a time ; so they never so readily finde it , that they may have a proof that their own portion is fat enough , and can still afford them royal dainties ; and so sit down satis●ied with the enjoyment of god , even their own god , and sing amidst all wants and miseries , the lines are fallen to us in pleasant places . the reason then why the people of god are often in so much heavinesse , and frequently hunted & harrassed with trouble & tentations , is , that they may be hunted by the worlds hatred and evil handling of them , out of the world , home to heaven ; that since they see what they have to expect here , they may gird up the loins of their mind , & set their affections on things that are above , where christ is & there treasure : & hence it is said , when the scourge slaieth suddenly , he laugheth at the trial of the innocent ; which is not for want of affection , being a●flicted in all there afflictions ; but , if i may say so , besids that he meens them not to command a calme in the greatest storme , & to have a consort of most sweet musick in their soul , amidst all their miseries , who have an interest in him as their god , he rejoiceth to think how the happinesse of his people is promoved by their pressures and persecutions ; and how much their persecuters are befooled , who contrare to their purpose contribute their service to the saints , whom in their rage they intend to ruine . all men of reason have judged the mustering and marching of this host against you , a high transport of malice and madnesse ; in the mean time you mourne , and the enemies laugh amongst themselves , and the lord , notwithstanding he takes pleasure in the prosperity of his people , he rejoyceth also : but why is it so ? it is so not only in regaird of your adversaries , at whom he laughs , because he sees their day is coming , but because he hath such a complacency in the soul prosperity of his people , that court and councel and all the nation must be set a work to scoure the saints , the vessels of honour , that they may shine in the beauty of holinesse , and sing in the begun fruitions of god : and thus by the effects of this fury , this malice and madnesse of persecuters , a company of his poor people , whom they intended to eat up as bread and to destroy , are made meet to be partakers of the inheritance of the saints in light ; the place to which neither they who gave the orders , nor they who obeyed and put them in execution , shall ever be admitted , except they mourne and amend their manners too ; for heaven is not a place for impure and polluted persons , there is nothing that defileth or worketh abomination that can enter-in into that city , there is neither swine nor puddle there . but to come more particularly to the purpose , & to show and set before you what grounds of strong consolation you may have , while handled as you are , by the persecuting enemy ; consider first , that it ought not onely to remove the strangenesse , & to alley the bitternesse of your present sad lot ; but also comfort you over it , and while under it , that your sweet lord and mast●r was handled by the world , as you are ? if the world hate you , saith christ , you know that it hated me before it hated you . and therefore for sweetening your lot and supporting you , consider him lest you be wearie and faint in your minds . o what weight of sorrowes and variety of sufferings did he undergoe , both in his life and at his death ? what pinches was he put to ? what pressoures were upon him ? reproach , shame , calumnie , hatred , persecution met upon him , to make it appeare , he was a man of sorrowes : what alley is this to your griefe , under your pressures and persecutions , that your lord and master drunk of the same cup ? he met with much worse handling : cease then to think strange concerning this fiery trial ; but rather rejoyce , in as much as you are partakers of the sufferings of christ ; this may comfort you , that herein you are conforme to your lord and master , if they have persecuted ●e , saith he , they will persecut you . but secondly , to make the consolation strong indeed , consider that he not onely was hated of the world , and persecut●d by them , before you were ; but he is such a feeling-head as he still suffers with you , for all the after fufferings of his servants do ●ir●t light upon him ; there is never a stroke given to one of his members upon the earth , but the stound of it is felt in heaven : saul , saul why persecuts thou me , being the word of our glorified master , puts the matter beyond debate . the quarrel is at him , and he will own it , as such , in as much as you did it unto one of these little on●s , you did it unto me , holds true here : and this is so cleare in your case as it passeth the parts of your most pregnant adversaries to palliat this persecution with any colourable pretence , which will hide it from being a plain fighting against god. is it not the purity of their malice and perfection of their hatred against christ as king , which pouseth them on , & prompts them to this persecution ? let them ●ender any other reason for what they have done , if they can . for when to compleat the revolt of the nation from its sworne subjection and obedience to iesus christ , as supreme in his own-house● they have substitut and constitut another in his place , and have framed a supremacy in to a law , to be the rule and standar● , according to which our kings , in all succeeding generations , shall of right king it over the house of god , as knowing no superior , with a more simple absolutnes●e , then the law of the nation will permit them to do over the house , inheritance , interest or concerne of the meanest subject in the kingdom : by which law our lord iesus christ is most explicitly exa●torat , he is declared to have neither house , people nor propertie in scotland . le● any read over our late supremacy , and sense it , and consider if its lowest amount be not this ; we have no king but caesar. and to make it emphatickly expressive of this , vvhereas other acts of supremacy ( vvherby yet our lord iesus chrest vvas vvronged , and his royal prerogative encroached upon ) did still for shame leave him the title ; and a supremacy vvas pretended unto under god , and his son christ , and a derivation and conveyance from that fountain vvas in words acknovvledged ; that the iniquitie of our supremacy might be supreme● an absolute , independent , arbitra●y dominion is attributed to our kings , setled upon them by law : and for the more security , this povver is declared to be the i●trinsick right and the inherent prerogative of the imperial crown of the nation , vvhereby al-church-mat●ers are subjected to their imperial vvisdom , to do in all these as they think fit ; and the managment of these are so solely in his majesties povver , that vvhereas the council acts in civils in a subordination to his maj. according to the law of the land , his maj : may make use of what kinde of persons so ever he will ; passing by parliament or council , to put all the incontrolable dictats and decrees of his maj. wisdom and good pleasure , concerning church matters , in execution ; and therefore that we may be no longer in suspense , nor solici●ous about the sense of our supremacy , & that the church may hen●ceforth know & acknowledge , who is her lord and undoubted superior , whose it is to give laws and appoint officers , to put them in execution ; and that there may be none , in heaven or earth , to pretend to any part of this power , or paritie in this supremacy , the name of god and of his son christ is omitted in it , and ( because mentioned in other supremacies ) must be conceived to be delet out of ours . ( o! the patience of god , that their names● yea that the name of the nation , where such a wicke●nesse was decreed , is not before this perished from under the heavens ! ) it is true● this pleased me best in all that supremacy , because it was plain dealing , without all cloak or complement ; for now iesus christ hath neither thing nor name of kingly power left him , but is most explicitly put from the exercise of his royal government ; and church lawes are no more to passe in the old stile , nor are things as formerly to be done there by vertue of the authoritie of this one iesus , who calleth himself a king ; but according to the new stile . and so hence forth , church lawes must beare the datum of the iulian account . now our rulers , having framed this law , for hainousnesse of hatred & h●ight of opposition to the lords anointed , whom he hath made king in zion , beyond the most supream supremacies , that ever wer● framed or moulded into lawes , since god made man upon the earth ; or satan , that he might destroy the church , prompted men to compet with the mediator & strive with him for state , y●a even in its prodigious shape and feature , beyond what was arrogat by the man of sin , the anti-christ , that son of perdition ● our blessed lord jesus , who hath all his enemies in de●ision , stirred up the spirit of some of his zealous ambassadours to goe forth and give a testimony against the hainousnesse of this usurpation of their masters crown and sc●pter ( which will be their crown , and which should be now our main question upon which we act and suffer , as we expect his p●esence and supportings , either in doing or suffering ) and in pursuance of that commission , which they had received from him , to preach in ●eason and out of season , and to negociat a peace betwixt this great and glorious king and poor guilty sinners : whereupon our blessed lord jesus christ , though slighted and set at naught by our rulers , bo●h to signifie his complacency in the zeal of his faithfull servants , ●ired into an holy fervo● fo● the prerogative of their exalted prince , from the observation of the fury , whereby they saw he was opposed ; and to refute till more come , ( o! that is coming , which may and certainly would make their souls tremble , if thought upon , the apprehensions of the righteous revenges he will ●ake , for this contempt cast upon him , and when he will returne their reproach upon them , by speaking unto them in his wrath , and vexing them in his sore displeasure ) the folly and infatuation of that new pretence to his incommunicable prerogative● royal , framed into a law , and that by an argument easy to be understood by the poorest lasse and lad in the nation , he goeth forth conquering and to conquer , by the ministry of these his despised servants , and thus he reigns as king in the m●dst of his rageing enemies , and acts wonderously , so that to the conviction of all , he holds the hands of his servants , upholds them at his work , and doth from tha● day greater things by them , then ever , in regaird of many circumstances , were done in the nation : he makes such noble and notable in roads upon satans territories , and these darke places of the land , where the prince of darkenesse had an indisturbed dominion , as multitudes are made , in this day of his power , to follow after and fall in love with ordinances , dispensed by his own o●ficers , and flock unto the standart of this exalted prince : a proof as great as ever was given of his reigneing , and that his people shall be willing in the day of his power , though all the powers of the earth were on a conspiracy against him , and abused that power to the fainting of his followers , and the fr●ghting of them into a dis●oyal relinquishing of iesus christ : which the adversary perceiving , and finding that to no purpose they had cru●ified christ aga●ne , and put him to open shame , by taking his crown and scepter from him , and bu●ying his supremacy in the grave , which they had made for it , u●der the fabrick of their newly erected one , and that in vaine they had set a watch to keep the grave , & fearing withal that this reviving of his work , and resurrection of his cause , might prove to them a second errour , worse by far then the first ; the●efore , that rovers may not be ruers , and to fortifie themselves in the pos●ession of what they had taken by their law from our lord iesus ch●ist , and to prevent his returning to his throne , and his reassuming the exercise of his royal government ( o let their feare come upon them , who feare left christ should reigne ! ) an host must be gathered , on purpose to march into the west , as that part of the nation ( o happy and honourable cognizance ! ) where iesus christ had most remarkably rung , and which still was looked upon by them , as the kings head-quarters ; whereupon it is resolved that that poor countrey shall be invaded , the people in the mean time , having behaved themselves as peacably as any part of the nation , being amazed at the rumour of this rage against them , and the resolution taken to pour●in upon them such a company of barbar's , as their carriage and cruelty is beyond my describings , send some of their number to declare that they were most peacable ; but to binde themselves to such a compliance with the course of the time , ( that is , upon the matter , to cooperat with the workers of iniquity , and to st●p christs ambassadours from delivering their message , and to hinder the people from meeting together to heare what he would say unto them , by such as he hath cloathed with a commission , and called to ●●eake in his name ) as a thing now no more in their power ( o let it never be in the power of these abusers of their power , for hindering the word of the lord to have a free course and to be glorified ! ) but as to the secureing o● themselves against all these groundlesse apprehensions of an insurrection , there was no way so proper , no way so possible . as to suffer the sent servaints of iesus christ to preach and perswade the things belonging to the kingdome of god. but this seemed so insufferable , and such a plain and practical contradiction to the supremacy , in its new ( o let it never wax old ; ovrt●rne , o lord , overtu●ne , overturne , till he come whose right it is ! ) elevation , as the same reall and practical re●urne was given to it , which pharoah gave to that request exod 5 : 1 thus saith the lord god of israel let my people go tha● t●ey may hold a feast to me in the wildernesse ? and verse 2. pharaoh said , who is the lord , that i should obey his voice , to let israel go ? i know not the l●rd , neither will i let israel go : i say , the thing sought , on the behalfe of that poor people , s●emes to be of a piece with that of moses & aaron ; for it was this upon the matter , if you have taken all the houses of god in possession , if you have driven iesus christ out of all the cities of the nation ; yet will you leave him , will you allow him some place in the open feil●s to met with his followers ? will you suffer him and his to hold their assemblies in the wildernesse , in some mosse or mountain ? no , that may not be heard , it hath a ha●efulnesse in it● as implying a proper and peculiar soveraignity still ascribed unto iesus christ as king , inconsistent with and subversive of our new supremacy . a●d therefore nothing is now heard , but muster and march : and thus an host is raised with as great solemnity and celerity , with as much pomp and parad of artillery , &c. to invade that poor peacable company , as if the land had been invaded by the most formidable and furious forraigne enemy ; and impowered withall to do and act at that rate of violence as the actors of all imaginable mischeifs are secured by law from all feare of future hazard , for what ever violence they commit , or wickednesse they can perpetrat ; if ●hey have but the wit to say in their own defence , it was done to answer the end of that expedition , and for his maj. service against those , who professe subjection to another in soul-concerns . now as there was never an act of supremacy so explicitly in all points opposit to the kingly power of our lord iesus christ , as this late one of ours , ( an act onely defineable by its own wickednesse , for this is supremacy ; ) so besides the stupenduous unreasonablenesse of this course without a parallel , for a magistrat to run upon and ruine his own peacable subjects , without a provocation on their part , or the least ground in law to justifie the crueltie of this procedour on his part ; besides this , i say , no man who doth narrowly look into the matter , and consider the quarrell , but he must see it , he must say it , that since god made man upon the earth , since souldiers were mustered and marched under colours and command , never was there an army raised , or an host put so formally to march up with displaied banner against christ as king ; for this is the summe , substance and soul of all that can be said , as the genuine import of this expedition ; christ iesus , from whom we have taken the crown by law , is yet like to keep some possessions o● the nation ; come th●refore let us march into the fields ; and since he calls himself a king● and will trouble us with conventicles and feild meetings , and since his followers and these who flock unto him affirme him both to be a king and captain , yea that king against whom there is no riseing up , because he is the lord of hosts ; let him meet us in the feilds , and mainta●n his ●itle , and vindica● his prerogative ; for as we have no king but caesar , so this is our quarrel : and if he will not draw out and draw up , if he will not measure swords with us , then as we have taken his house in possession , so we shall fall on , and by the strong hand t●ke the houses of all into possession , who will not renounce their depen●ance ●pon him as soveraigne and supreme , and shut them out , either to die in the fields wi●h him● or ●●ob or starve t●em in their houses , who will not applaud our having taken his house in●o possession . my soul trembles to give the obvious sense of those our rulers proceedings ; nor date i give my pen it 's just libertie to unbowel this course , and lay open the blasphemies wherewith it is big even ●o a bursting : neither is it necessare for me , for every one , who doth not shut his own eyes , must see , that hatred against christ , and the coming of his kingdome , expressed in this expedition , which he cannot , he dare not , without horrour and amazement expresse : who can suffer himself to resolve the practice of rulers ( who have bound their souls to obedience , fidelitie , and loyaltie to christ , as king , under the penal●ie of the forfeiture of their immortal souls ) into this , which is it's native and necessare sense : we are now wearied of the government of j●sus christ● it is a yoke we cannot beare , we will not beare , we are resolved once for all to burst these his bonds , and cast away these his cords from us : we are wearied of this his church jurisdiction : let him be gone therefore out of our borders : let his name as king and soveraigne be no more in remembrance : we have set up ano●her in his place ; and have soudered into a samenesse his crown , with the imperial crown of the nation , and have setl●d that upon the head of our king , and whosoever shall succeed him ; ( the most dangerous and deadly decree , that ever was made for that succession ) so that now , all his old pretenses to a royal prerogatvie amongst us for the futu●e are cut off ; or if he will clame any interest , notwithstanding of this our law ; let him now appeare to try the justice of his tittle and pre●ence by the sword : we are now drawn into the fields , to maintain what we have done : where is he ? if his followers meet together to oppose us , we have what we would , for then we will make a breakfast of them : and if not , we shall put all , who will not bow before the dagon of our new erected supremacy , once for all and for ever out of case to appeare afterward : for this end have we gathered our host : for this end do we march : fall on , red shankes : feare not , have not we bid you : you are pitched upon as the most qualified souldiers for this expedition against the mediator , whom we have denied to be a monarch , and proper instruments for our purpose , for we know you well to be such as these must be , who will do our busin●ss● , even men who feare not god nor reguard not men ; march therefore , right trustie and well beloved sara●ens , ye who call not upon the lord , ( and so are onely sit to be at our call and bidding ) and eat up his people in the west , who call upon him , as bread : make these the mediators subjects smart for it ; and either bring them to binde themselves no more to own him nor his ambassadours ; or leave such monuments of your savage crueltie behinde you , as will answer the keenness against christ of those who send you in this expedition , we have secured you against all hazard ( hell excepted ; and we know , you no more feare that , then we doe ) of future danger or pursuite , for what destruction you bring upon these against whom we send you ; onely destroy ? most deare brethren , what miseries you have endured by the barbaritie of these monsters , let loose upon you , are the matter of amazement , mourning and lamentation to all , who in every place call upon the name of jesus christ ou● lord , both theirs and yours , to whose eares the report of your sufferings is come . but amidst all these calamities and cruelties , you are not without comfort : o what a cordial may this be , to remember and consider , both who suffers with you , and for whose sake you suffer these thin●s ! you cannot consider this , but it will comfort you over your loss : when this is laid to heart , yeu ! will not so much be moan the loss of what is robbed from you , as you will blesse that ever you had any thing to lose for his sake , who sav●d you when ye were lost : you will then wonder at the honour , and re●oice that you are counted worthy to suf●er these things for his sake , who for your sake suffered far other things : you will take joyfully the spoiling of your goods for him , who for your sakes became poor , that you through his pover●ie might be made rich : o what will not be ●asie and sweet to suffer for that sweet names sake , which is as an ointment poured forth , by the savour vvhereof , your dead souls have been quickened , and your drouping and desponding spirits revived , cheered and comforted ! consider then , since christ your king , your captain , and saviour , neither did , nor does escape the vvorlds malice and persecution ; and since he vvas hated and handled as the vvorst of men , & novv again in the vvorst of times , is so dealt vvith ; if it be not reasonable , that vve should provide for the like , and resolve to go through the many tribulations , vvhich may be fall us in his company , and for his sake : if we intend to follow him to the place of fruition , we must go that way , which he hath paved before us , it cannot be avoided ; yea , how incongruous were it , if we could ? how unsuteable were it ? that the lord and master should meet with so much suffering , for the servants sake , and rejoyce amidst it all , as knowing he should see a seed , and have this recompence and satisfaction for all the travel of his soul , that the souls of his servants ●hould reap the advantage of what he underwent for them : that he shonld be beaten for the servants sake , that through his stripes the servants might be healed ; and the servants to be alwayes favoured , and applauded in that world , which had put the master to shame and suffering , while he was negociating his servants businesse ? and as he hid not his face from shame and spiting for their sake ; so he laid down his life upon their interest . were it seemly , that he who bore their burdens , should wade and swime thorow ●eas of sorrows , and they sail in streames of pleasure ? that he should be crowned with thornes , to purchase them an immortal crown , & they crowned with roses ? that he should be hun●ed , and had not whereupon to lay his head , that he might , by being handled so , purchase a kingdome to his followers : that he should go thorow death , aud such a death , and be laid in the grave , that he might have accesse to go and prepare a place for them , and take possession of the undefiled inheritance , as their common head , and trustee , in whom and with whom they now sit in heavenly places ; and they dwell at ease in their own house ? truely , to say nothing of the after glory , ( for who can say what it is , since it is above apprehensions ? onely this is sure , that they who suffer with him , shall also reigne with him ) if there were no more , then the present shar●ing and partaking in his sufferings , it were honour enongh . o how much above all regal dignite is it ! and how in comparably beyond the fancied honour of a diademe , to be crowned with thornes for christ's sake ! there is an inherent glory for suffering in christ , beyond all the ambition of the world● after that painted and putrid glistering bubble , with the glanceing whereof vain men are so much taken up . if this were keept in the view of the soul , what strength would it furnish ? what support would it supply the spirit of a sufferer for christ with ? but , deare friends , the word of your testimony and patience hath somewhat of a precious peculiaritie in it , not onely in reguard that it is the presently opposed truth , you are persecuted for , and so must be sweet because seasonable ; but the word of your testimony , and that truth , for owneing of which , yon are put to su●●er the loss of all things , is that very truth , for which christ himself suffered as a martyr : viz. that h● was a king ● this question is put to day unto his followers , with greater contempt than pilat put it , what , and is iesus a king then ? o noble cause ! o who would not rejoyce to enter the lists of contradiction with these his enemies , & have once an opportunity , to say yea , he is a king , and will be a king , when you ●re gone , and will prove himsel● higher then the kings of the earth , by rescinding your supremacy , ●hat idol of his indignation , and object of his revenge ! o what ambition should this raise in the soul of every saint ! what patience in tribulation should this produce ? what holy courage ? what humble boasting ? what triumphing and rejoyceing to be offerred up a sacrifice upon the interest of this kings crown ? can you consider , that your present sufferings & losses are a seal to that great truth , which christ sealed with his blood , and not blush at the honour , and blesse him for ever , that now the source , rise and conduct of the rulers procedour against you , and their barbarous c●uelty , give you not onely confidence , to pour out your heart befo●e him , and present your c●s● and cause , in this general , for thy sake we are killed all the day long , we are counted as sheep for the slaught●r : but more particularly , when you can sist your selves b●fore him , and sob out your sorrowes , in these words ; of a truth lord , against thy holy ch●ld i●sus , whom thou h●st ano●n●ed , are all th●se gathered together , and it is for our owning of him ; as thy anointed , and r●fuseing to be on that conspiracy , that we ore thus used : i know not vvhat can give ground of gladenesse in a mans life , or vvhat can be cause of gloriation in death , if resisting unto blood upon such a quarrell , and not loving a mans life unto death in such a cause , will not give ground for it ? beloved friends , and much honour●d sufferers for christ , you know , since you are taught of god that the way to overcome all trouble here , and to carry as becometh saints under it , is , to look above it , and beyond it ; above it , to the high and supreme hand that sends it , and disposeth of it , so as it may subserve your great interest ( for in despight of the malice and madnesse of all inferior agents , all these dire and dreadful things shall together with him , who worketh mightily in his people and for them , work together for your ●ood ; ) and beyond it , and above it , to the end of it , and the recompence of reward following after it : this is the way to profite by pressures , to be gainers in all losses ; this is the ground of sweet peace , and serenitie of mind , amidst all trouble ; and the solid foundation for patience of spirit : for , he is only in a capaciti● to possesse his spirit in patience , whose spirit hath received these impressions , without which , the soul will be still disquieted : trouble will still tosse it , as a ball in a large place , and it will prove unstable as water . i suppose , since you are saints , and so must have some impressions of the absolute soveraignitie of god , that though , in your searchings , you could not finde out or fixe upon the cause of his contendiug with you thus ; yet you would either be silent , or say , it is the lord , let him doe unto us what seemeth h●m good : and if he have no pleasure in our livei●g , and dwelling in our little huts , and houses ; bnt will drive us thence , the will of the lo●d be done . but not to insist on this , which yet you will grant to be infinitly rational , ( for who hath enjoyned him his way● or who may say unto him , what doest thou ? ) there is sufficient to keep you and me , a●d the christians of this generation from fr●ting● and saying ( while in the fire , and while the rod of the wicked rest upon your lot , and these plowers plow upon your back , and make their furrowes longer and deeper , than all these plowers● which went before them did : o when will god loose the plough , by cutting asunder the cords of the wicked , and confou●ding & turning them all back that hate you ? he is the lord , who will hasten it in his time , to shew that he is righteous : let us weep for what we have done ; and wait in hope for what he will do ) why are we thus , surely a sight of our sin would make us wonder that we are not worse : yea admire his goodnesse , who will be at all this pains about us , to heal us of these mortal diseases , whereof our immortal souls are sick even unto death : i am sure , that the crimson dye of our crying iniquities would curb our impatience , and cure us of that evil of quarrelling with him , because of our suff●rings . consider therefore , however you suffer very unjustly from men , against whom you have done nothing justly to procure their indignation ; yet , if you look within you , and lift up your eyes above you , and consider , how the cry of your transg●essions is come up into his eare , you will be constrained , not onely to justifie him , in this seeming severi●ie ; but to confesse , from clearnesse and conviction , you are punished lesse then your iniquities des●rve : and that it is of the lords merc● you are not consumed , because his compassions fail not . hence is it , tha● when the apostle peter hath been speaking of the fiery trial 1 pet. 4●12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16. ( which this day in our case ) and hath been encouraging and comforting them , to a pa●●ent end●rein● , while schor●hed with these flames , by many noble arguments ; yet when he looks up●n thes heavie afflictions as coming from god , he calls them ver● . 17 judgements , intima●ing thereby , that his precious and peculiar people , how upright and innocent soever , as to men ; yet , they are guiltie before god , the righteous judge ; and that they mu●● acknowledge , when ●hey ●ist th●mse●ves in his sight , that what ever they suffe● is the fruit of their own doings , and that by their provocations they have procured these things , and rewarded all these evils unto their own soul , by not walking worthy of him , nor befo●e him to all pleasing . if his people , by their multiplied and manifold sins , did not extort ( if i may say so ) strokes our of his hand , he , who doth not a●●lict willingly , nor grieve the children of men , but hath pleasure in the prosperitie of this people , would not so often take the rod in his hand , or would soon cast it into the ●ire ; for he doth not love to lash beyond necessitie ; and therefore , when he hath performed his whole work upon mount zion , he casts the rod into the fire , and punisheth the fruit of the stout heart of his and his peoples enemies , and the glory of their high looks . the saints you know , brethren , how graciows and grown so ever , they are but children , and therefore must be under chastisment : the best of them are given to many childish toyes , and not a few of them , in whom the root of the matter may be , yea will be found , are so far from abideing wit● god in their callings , and from adorning the doctrine of god the saviour , that so men , by seing their good works , may glorifie their father , which is in heaven , that there is a groffnesse in their way , their iniquitie is of●en found upon the skirts of their garmen●s , and their spots are so unlike the spots of the people of god , and persons made partakers of the divine nature , that because of these mouths of enemies are opened to blaspheme the name of god , and reproach the blessed profession : but seting thsee aside , alas ! how doe they , who escape such grosse pollutions , yet often trifle in the matter of communion with god ? how formal and luke-warme in their addresses ; so that he who seeks the heart , and will be worshiped in spirit and truth , misseth their soul , in their service ? how seldome ar● they in heaven ? how little dwelling upon the thoughts of jesus christ , and the great s●lvation purchased by him , on purpose to have him precious in the soul 's esteme , and endeared according to his infinit preferablenesse to all other things , unto the heart ? how few serious designes ? and how little solide endeavour to be like him , and to have every thought of the heart brought in captivitie to his obedience ? how little meditation upon the glory to be revealed , till the heart be ravished , and transported into admiration a● it 's inconceiveable greatnesse and in●init goodnesse ? how seldome in soliloquies wi●h him ? whence alas ! it comes to passe , that men , having , through carnalitie of converse with other things , disframed their heart for dueties do not pray and jest with the same seriousnesse , but there is more of their soul in a vaine sport , then in prayer , which when rightly performed , is the pouring out of the h●art to god , and the wringing of the mans suit●s thorow his soul , carrying the af●ections the●eof with it . nay , what of desire and love to the world , and the things ther●of ? what lusting and longing after the things of this life ? what stretching ( even to the dislocation of the soul , and putting it out of case , for a converse with god , wherein the soul of religion lieth ) what grasping to get a grip of these things , which when got hold of , can neither be held , nor make happie ; what wrestling ? what strugling ? what striveing , to get on a load of thick clay ? whereby the soul of him , who is thus loaded , is put out of case often for following hard after god , and so runing as he may obtain ? how are they often swallowed up in the cares of this life ? with what complacency do they frequently sinck themselves , in the dunghil of this world , into the inconsideration and oblivion of the other world , and their eternal interest ? how are they hurried with their passions ? how puffed up with pride ? how un mortified to the delights of the sons of men ? how irregular in their motions , which shewes the irreligiousnesse of their mindings ? alas ! their love and hatred ( which gives the best account of a christian ) do seldome run in the right channel , or are rarely terminat upon the proper objects ; or when it falls so out , that their face is in the right airth ; yet , how slow is their motion , in following their look ? how languid are their pantings ? what lifelesnesse ? what ●istlesnesse appeares in their pursuings ? yea , how quickly do they sit up , or turne aside out of the way of following the lord fully ? but who can reckon these things up in order ? alas ! that which is wanting , to fill up the just import of exercising our selves to godlinesse , cannot be numbered ! and therefore , seing these things are to be found with his people , must he not visite their transgressions with the rod , and their iniquities wi●h stripes , and that because he will not take his loveing kindenesse from them , nor su●●er his ●aithfulnesse to ●ail : it is needful , that they be often in the fire , for burning-away their drosse , and in the water for washing off their defilements ; yea their propension to depart from him , and to pollute themselves in the pudle , preacheth , in order to the prevention of this , the necessitie of keeping this people all wayes under ●od , though not alwayes under the stroke of it : for then the spi●its should fail before him , and the souls that he had made . con●ider therefore , deare f●iends , the procureing cause of this deep distresse , and if we be impartial in the search , we will finde an accursed thing with us , and this will provoke us to do the greatest haste first , which is , the taking vengeance o● our own inventions against him ; & impose the necessiti● upon us to turne away from the evil of our wayes , that he may turne f●om the fiercnesse of his anger : let us , even in the midst of our trouble , rise up above the thoughts , and conside●ation of lower agents , and instruments of our suffering , which are the devil and the world , who are his tru●●ees , & acted by him , in the work of persecution r●v . 2.10 . ( for it is not su●eable for saints nor safe for them to dwell long there ) and take a view of our own guilt , that our being punished as our congregations have heard , may preach unto us the doctrine of the evil of sin , and make us in stead of our woe 's me 's for other things , cry out , woe uuto us that we have sinned ? our not walking as became the gospel , if thought upon , will put us in the paenitents posture , ( and surely he is out of his posture this day , who is not in that posture , and till we be in it ; in vain do we exspect , to heare him say that word , as ye were ) which is a looking unto him whom we have pierced , and a weeping : and it is in order to the produceing of these noble , and necessare effects● that there is a must be for judgement it's beginning at the house of god. i cannot in these few pages , fol●ow this matter at any length ; but● let this abrupt hint put you to the work of searching , and exercise of godly sorrow ; and to make this work both profitable to you , and pleasant to him , be not jealous of his love , because of what he hath laid upon your loins ; for in all this rough-like dealing & seeming severitie , bowells of tender mercies earne over you , in these agonies : love , though the noise and sound of it's feet be not heard , because of the noise of the enemy , doth both walk and work , in these your sufferings : as man● as i love i rebuke and chasten , is the word of him , who is love it self , to them , whom he most dea●ly loveth : the principle and the period of all his proc●dour is love , even when he lasheth ; for this is written on every lash , i love so well as i will not lose , i love so well as i must embrace ; & therefore , by purgeing i must put the beloved partie in case to embrace and be emb●aced : i purpose to dwell in them , and to let them know by my familiaritie , how much i delight in them ; and therefore i must cleanse them , from all these idols , and all the filthinesses , which seperat betwixt me and them● in a word , as in the jeweler's shope and work house , there lies , besides the rough diamonds , the choicest jewels , and richest rings , his cutting iro●s , files , and other sharpe pointed instrumeuts , under which they must all passe , & whereby ●hey must be polished ; so , in this life , where he is melting his gold , to cleanse it , from its drosse , and making up his jewels , to the end their beaut●e may be perfect ; yea , that they may shine in the be●●ties of holinesse , they must be under his cu●tings , his carvings and the point of his sharpest inst●uments : whosoever shall be a crown of glory in the hand of the lord and a royal diadem in the hand of thei● god , must passe under the purgings and polishings of his hand : th●●e are none whom he minds to make pillars in his temple to go no more forth , but he works for the self ●ame thing , by making them passe under his polishing instruments , that so they may be made to shine as the sun in the firmament , and put in case to see god , when made l●ke him : but besides that his purpose of having them in his company for ever , pu●s him to be at the pains of making them meet , even by the ●h●ngs that they suffer , ( as the mean which he graciously & wisely useth and ordereth for that end ) to be partakers of the inheritance of the s●i●ts in light : as is cleare , comparing coloss. 1 : 11. vvith 12. he minds to be familiar vvith them here al●o , and admit them sometime vvhile in the vvay , & in the vvildernesse , to eat manna , and to feast thei● souls in the begun fuitions of god ; and therefore to commend & endeare this life unto them , he makes the vvorld mingle a cup of gall & vvorm vvood , & put it in their hand , & hold it to their head , he beats them off from the vvorld , that vvould vvrong them , in into his ovvn bo●ome ; o blessed repose ! the place indeed , vvhere the vvearie finde both rest and refreshing . but here i must be abrupt , and leave the matter to be dilated and dwelt upon by you in yo●● meditation : onely let me say , that the serious minding of these things would not onely prove a happie diversion , and prevent the fretings of your mind , by an unprofitable poreing upon your fiery af●liction ; but , it would be the certain way to give you meat out of this eater● your mind would not onely be keep 't from being grangrened into impatience , and galled with the load which lies upon your loins ; but you would be made glade and comforted over all yo●r sorrowes , & sufferings , by beholding the end of the lord , & the gracious designe he is driveing about you , which is , to make you up for ever , by b●ing ●●us undone : and to order these light afflictions , which are but for a moment , so , as th●y shall work for you a far more exceeding , & eternal weight of glory . this is that wheel wi●hi● all ●●ese wheels ; & this is his purpose towards you , the thoughts of whose heart take place in all generations : these things are upon his heart , & he cannot misse what he aimes at ; & therefore you cannot be miserable , amidst all the miseries you suffer from them , who cast iniquitie upon you , & in wrath ha●e you : nay therefore you cannot misse to be happy , amidst all these , he hath blessed you , & you shall be so . but , deare friends , besides this general consideration of your sin , & mine , which is necessary for our profiting by every touch of his hand , suffer me to sugg●st the necessity of a particu●ar enquiry ; for when ever the lord doth pursue a church or a land , wi●h such a church-desolating , & land-destroying stroke , as we have been under , these so many yeers ( thou●h wickednesse & violence , in this assault upon you , is come to such a prodigious height , as it is a surprise & matter of astonishment to all who look on ; nay i am perswaded , if no● many yeers ago , it had been told these who have given the o●ders , that they would do what now ●h●y bo●h do & defend , they would have given h●zaels answer ) he is then particularly pointing at some high and p●blick provocation , which his soul hates , wherein that church & nation is involved , and wh●reby th●y have made themselves deeply guiltie : there is some accursed thing amongst that people , & church , when he breaks down what he had built , & gives up the dearely beloved of his soul , into the hand of her en●mies : ( which is our present condition ) and when it is thus , it is high time to awake out of sleep , & to consider , ●hat this is ; & to enquire , and accomplish a diligent search for finding that out , for which his anger is fallen upon them , lest god both search out the iniquitie of that people , till he finde none ; & search out the iniquity of their refusing to search , & then sweep them away , as a generation of his wrath , & seperat them for evil , as those in whom his soul hath no pleasure : nay , that which will certainly make a generation , a generation of his wrath , & cause him heap misch●ifs upon them , & spend his arrowes upo● them , is , when after such a fire is kindl●d , as threat●ns the consumption of all , with its flame , men are not awakened to enquire , what meaneth the heat of this great anger ? o , when they are so unfaithful , as either to be silent , when they see it ; or are so oraculous , in their ●inting at the guilt ( in stead of acquiting them●elves so faithfully to god , & so affectionatly to the souls of the unconcerned , as to point it forth , & be so plain , as th●y may thereby cause them to know their abominations ) as if they designed not to be understood . i grant , men may mistake in assigning causes ; and happy is that land , which ha●h these amongst them , in such a day , to whom the mou●h of the lord hath spoken , that they may d●clare it , for what the land perisheth : and yet , if we will search the scriptures , and consult the records of the church in her several periods , we will finde , that publick church-desolating judgements , had ever the guilt of that people so evidently engraven on them , as he who did run might have read i● ; so that the dispensation seemed to cry every one into the consideration of the clearly procuring provocation , and say , o generation , see the word of the lord ! when he executs the judgement writen , then he cloths his word with such a visible garment , as the man of wisdom must read his name of righteousnesse upon his rod , and the g●●lt of that people , whom he so punisheth . all of us therefore are called to a serious consideration of the caus●s of gods displeasure , drawne out to such a length . and arisen to such a height against us : what then doeth such a stroke ? what doth such a church-ruine , after such a blessed reformation ( i neither feare nor blush to call it blessed , notwithstanding of an act rescissory made to bury it , and the belchings forth of enemies against it , and all the blashphemings of that great and good work of god by the adversaries thereof ) i say what doth it say to us ? i cannot give the answer , in more proper and plaint ermes , than in the prophet jeremiah his words , chap. 22. where the question is proposed , v. 8. by all that passe by , wherefore thath the l●rd done this unto this great city ? the answer is given , v. 9. because they h●●e foresaken ehe covenant of the lord their god : which is ●his upon the matter ; they had made themselves monsters for sin , and god hath made them marvells for judgement , and se● up a monument to the commendation of his righteousnesse , over the ruine of these covenant●breakers : what means this sad change ; that the lord , who rejoyced over us to do us good and to multiply us , is now turned against us , as if he were rejoyceing over us to destroy us , and to bring us to nought ? oh! this his anger with such a witnesse doth give a distinct sound ! it palpably decl●res , and plainly proclaimes our defection from god , and apostasie from him , after we had bound our souls with an oath to the contrare : it is not onely because we were not answerable to our covenant-engagements , to studie holinesse in the feare of god , and walk like a people dedicat and devo●ed to him , ( though such a breach goes alwayes before , and the other followes af●er ) bu● because we dealt unfaithfully in thar covenant made for reformation in his house ; we be●ame lukewarme in the cause , & so the curse of dete●table ne●trality hath over taken us : our solemne acknowledgement of sin , and engagements to dueties , were forgotten : yea , we proceeded from one degree of unfaithfulnesse & infixed●esse in our covenant with the most high , to another , till the whole of that covenanted-work of reformation was surrendered , and put in their power , who have destroyed all , and razed and overturned the blessed foundations of that beautiful structure : and this was done , with such a hast and precipitation ; as he was looked upon as a peevish ridicule , who would have advised , in that day , to see previously to the securitie of religion , before these were put in power , who were it's known and constant enemies : and so , what ou● worthy fore-fathers ( of truely blessed memory ) by their zeal , their wisdome , their courage for god , their valient contendings for the truth , their prayers , their witnessings , their sufferings , had by the good hand of their god upon them wrought out for us , and put us in possession of , we blindly and basely abandoned all , and suffered our selves to be fooled out of the cause , and out of our faithfulnesse to christ , with a flourish or small parcel of good words . and it is for this iniquitie , that the holy and righteous lord pursues us this day : it is for this , that he doth punish us by these very hands , into whose hands we put power , to overturne his work , and left them at liberty to do so . now o generation , see the word of the lord. it is not my purpose here● to give an account of the several steps of our defection , or to draw the lineaments of it's black visage : that is an undertaking above my pen and parts : let the lord , with whom is the residu● of the spirit , finde out and furnish some for it : and o that for my interest in the defection , and my accession to the cause of gods contending this day with poor s●otland , i may ob●ain mercy to go mourning to my grave ! this may be cried out upon as treason : well ; if the mentioning of the land 's treacherous dealing with god be called treason , all my apologie is , that that makes the necessitie of doing it double , and indispensible dutie : let me be a traitor , if that be treason : but i know this may be particularly bogled at , and abom●nat , as if it were the reviving and raking againe out of the ashes , wherein they were burnt , and by the burners designed for ever to lye buried , of the causes of wrath : i need say little as to this ; but that the causes of wrath need neither my patrociny , nor apologie ; they carry alongst their own s●d aud certain evidence with them : and i judge many , who did not then see so far , as these seers did , who drew them up , and mourned before the lord , under the conviction of the gu●lt therein held forth , have since been convinced to their cost , that the secret of the lord was with these his servants , and that they stood in his counsel : and if any of them be ●ot , they may be ere all bedone . o the burning of the covenant in england and the causes of wrath in scotland , shall certainly be followed , with a fire and siercenesse of indignation , as shall make authors , actors , abettors , and rejoycers thereat , know what it is , to give such an open defiance to the almighty . a covenant burnt , and burnt by authority , in the sight of heaven , with such hell-black solemnities , where the great god is altera pars contrahens , for reformation of religion accord●ng to his word , and righteounesse in walking before him , is such a sin , as may make every soul to tremble , at the fore-thoughts of what god will do , for vindicating his glory from that contempt thereby cast upon him . my present businesse is not to addresse my self by way of testimony , or representation to them , who have done such horrid things : onely i wish , that the burning of that city into ashes , where that covenant was burnt , together with that non-such plague , and war , may make them take warning , ere it be too late , who did this wickednesse : for alas ! all that is come , will be forgotten , when the wrath and vengeance that is yet coming shall be execute and mentioned . o england , england , i feare , i feare thy wo hasteneth ! the wrath of god is upon the wing against thee . both for breach of covenant , and wipeing thy mouth , as if thou hadst done nothing amisse ! thou hast stood and seen thy brothers day : alas for thy day , when others shall stand aloof from thee , for feare of sharing in thy judgements ! o how unexamplified must the plagues be , wherewith they shall be pursued , whose wickednesse hath such a singularitie of hainousnesse in it , on the ground of the righteousness and veracity of god! the burning of a covenant made with god , is a sin , which i believe never had precedent or parallel ; and i also believe , that the terrible tempest of the wrath of god , falling from heaven , and following this guilt , shall for ever fright men , from following their steps , who for this shall be made spectacles of his displeasure , and documents to the coming of christ , what a dreadful and fearful thing it is , for men , taken red-hand in this wickednesse , to fall into the hands of the living god! and as for burning the causes of wrath , i grant that wickednesse hath a perfect parallel but of a tremenduous consequence , in ●ehojakim's practice , recorded jer. 36.23 . where that ungodly king ( of unhappy memory ) upon his apprehended restitution to freedom , and deliverie from the judgem●nt of god , pursuing him for his wickednesse , is so grated with the prophets faithfulnesse , as he burnt the causes of wrath : now let it be taken notice of , how the anger of the lord burnt against this bold burner : see his burial and epitaph ier. 22.18.19 . but more particularly , see how for this very consumating wickednesse , he , and his posteritie for ever , are deprived from crown and scepter ier. 36.30 . 2 chro 36. his b●othe● zedekiah , it is true , was made king for a time ; but he also continued to do evil in the ●ight of the lord , and broke the covenant of god ( though he burnt it not ) and then , the lord sweeped that race , for these rebellions against him , together with the throne , off the face of the earth : thus the burning of the causes of wrath , and the breach of god's covenant , brought down the fire of the wrath of god from heaven , which consumed with its flame these , who had dared the almighty after such a manner . as the kingdome of israel was put to a period and perished , because of hosheah his breach of covenant ; so the throne of iudah was riding post the last stage to ruine , when it came to the breaking of covenant , and burning of the causes of wrath : god would beare with them no longer ; but for adding this evil to all the other evils they had done in his sight , he overturned that throne of iniquity , and cast them out of his sight for ever : but , my friends , that which we are called to mind , in this day of our visitation , is , seriously to recollect our thoughts , and remember , what was our frame , in the day , when these things were carried on , and done before our eyes , what were our feares for the work of god ; what were our cares , and solicitousnesse about the preservation of that precious interest . i judge , you will allow me to say it to you , that it might have been expected from the west of scotland , in a particular manner , that they would have given some evidences , of a peculiar concernednesse in the interest of christ , and for the preservation of our pure and blessed reformation , purged from the plague of usurping erastianisme , and its wretched brat● abjured episcopacy . l●r us call ourselves to the remembrance of our carriage , in that day : were we frighted at the dismal appea●ances of these dangers , wherewith the work of god was thre●tned , by i●carce●ating some of the most eminently faithful and useful instruments in that work ? or were we wakened out of our dreame of halcyon dayes of liberty , &c. when the blood of these wor hies was shed ? where are the evid●nces of our love and loyaltie to jesus christ ? are they extant ? are they u●on record ? can we say in this day , w●en we are as broken in the place of dragons , and cove●ed as with the shadow of death , that we did neither deal faintly nor falsely in ●i● covenant ? alas ! what can we say ? what should we say ? shame and confusion of face belong to u●● a blushing silence will be a fit expression , for a stupiditie , which we cannot sufficiently lament by words , nor make language of : we were in that day under such an universal distraction , a● both did presage and procure the desolations of this day : we were fooled into such a frolick , as in th●se irreligious transports , we never remembered there was an interest of christ to be seen to , or secured in the first place , till we saw it was irrecoverably lost : and now , god is righteous , in l●shing us by these very hands , into which we put power to destroy that , which we were bound to have preserved , with the loss of all things , life it self not excepted . o for the spirit of repen●ance to be poured out upon all of us that rem●in ! for , if we were weeping upon him for pardon , taking vengeance on our own inventions , and wre●tling with him by prayer , and supplication ; if we were much upon our knees before him , when we are fallen into the hands of these , from whom we are no able to rise up , our enemies should not stand long upon their feet , who now trod under foot his preciou● interests and people ; for a saint is a hercules in genu ; that foot o● p●ide come against us should soon slip , if the slippings of our own feet , and backeslidings were mourn●d over . secondly , my deare friends let me beseech you , vvithout being mistaken , as if ●t l●ed to the griefe of ●hose , whom he hath wounded , seriously to reflect on your frame , and carriage afterward ; and let us consider , whether we walked mournfully before the lord , and endeavoured to make our sorrow swel to a just proportion , with the growing desolation of the san●tuary , and the growing defection and grievous apostasie of the nation from our covenant , and solemne engagements to god : for , of whom and from whom might this have been exspected , if not of us ? we saw the blood of these precious saints and martyrs of jesus shed : vve savv the frame of our government dissolved and overturned : vve savv an act res●issory ( the vvickednesse vvhereof reached heaven : ) vve savv abominable and abjured episcopacy re-established by lavv , and the faithful ministers of christ driven from their flocks : thus vve savv iericho rebuilt ; and so the nation became a curse , being so deeply and so deliberatly involved into the guilt of open , ovvned , avouched , and by lavv established , perjurie : novv vvhat did vve in rhe mean time ? alas vve had not the spirit of the day in its day ! vve carried not as knovving the times and vvhat the israel of god ought to have done : but for all that vvas yet acted and done , satan had not driven our apostasie from god the full length he intended ; and therefore he still drove on ; and remembring vvel hovv he had been put to flee often seven vvayes , before the flameing zeal , and holy fervour of these vvorthies , vvho had wrestled that poor church into a state of freedom , from an exotick hardship , and the base bondage of prelacy ; and hovv it had come to that amongst us , tha● jesus christ vvas ovvned by all the authoritie in the nation , as sole and absolute soveraigne in his own house , and hovv his throne● crovvn and scepter had been secured unto him , and that prerogative , onely competent to the son of god , setled upon him by lavv ; vvhich vvas a national declaration , emi●ted in the sight of the vvorld , of this import , let him who built the house beare the glory : let him sit and rule upon his throne : satan , i say , envying that blessed settlement , vvhich he had found so hurtful to his kingdom of darknesse , and vvhich vvas the crovvn of that poor church , vvhose reformation in this vvas beyond all the churches of christ i knovv upon the earth ( though now alas ! we may take up this lamentation over our selves , the crown is fallen ●rom our head , w●e unto us , for we have sinned ) to the end the mountain of zion might once for all be desolat , and the foxes , wi●h every beast of prey , be at liberty to walk upon it , prompted men , h●ving once set them a going in a course of defection , to run to such a height of opposition to the lord 's anointed , as never since man was up●n the earth , was there such a supremacy f●amed into a law , whereby name and ●hing of all k●ngly power is plainly , and explicitly taken from , and exto●ted out of the hand of ou● blessed lo●d jesus christ , and g●ven unto , and setled upon the king : ( o dangerous and unsetl●ng setlement ! ) no● the incommunicable prerogative of him , who is king in sion and whos 's right it is , to give lawes to rul● his own church and house , is alieanat , and appended to the imperial ●rown of t●e nation ; and it is now declared for ever , to be its inherent right , to dispose of , and do in all church matters , as our king in his royal wisdom shall think fit : the most manifest , u●m●sked , high , and horrid usurpation of t●e throne of christ , that ever the world saw : an● th● most down righ● contradiction to that declared decree psal. 2. that ever was framed or cast in●o the mo●ld of a law , or emitted to the view of men . nay , let any m●n of judgemen● r●ad our supremacy and that psalme , and he must say one of two ; that either thi● supre●acy is m●ant of ch●ist , ( tho●gh his name be not in it , as was above noted ) seing it com●rehend● all that church-powe● , and a●cribs it unto some one person , without a competitor , which onely belongs to him , whose throne is set in zion , by an everlasting decree : for his is the kingdom , his is th● p●wer , a●d his is the glory ; or he must confes●e , that it is the most pure , pe●fect , and unpa●alleled contradiction to that decree , that ever the world saw : neither do i remember any thing ●o like it , in sense and sound , as what is recorded by the holy ghost is● . 14 : v. 13 , 14. to have been the language of the heart of the king of babylon : thou hast said in thy heart ( saith the h : ghost ) i will ascend into heaven : i will ex●lt my throne above the stars of god : i will sit also upon the mount of the congregation , in the sides of the north : i will ascend above the heights of the clouds : i will be like the most high : it was certainly a very congruous and happie notion to come into a hea●hen's head , that whosoever set● his throne in th● mount of the cong●egation , and sits supreme in the sides of the north , wh●ch is the citie of th● great king , who hath there setled his throne , and set the ornament of his beautie in majestie amongst his subjects , should also ascend above the height o● the clo●ds , and be like the most high ; but it was an unhappie mist●ke in him , to think he would set himself down in that chair o● state , and si● upon that ro●al throne : but to curb this insolent , and to cure him of this ma●nesse , the lo●d s●t him some where else ; and therefore it is added , with an emphasis , declarative of his high indignation against the pride of that petulant babylonian v. 15. yet shall thou be ●rought down ●o hell to the sides of the pit : and thus his majestie bec●me a mocking stock , and the nation● are brought-in insulting over him and singing in derision : how art thou ●allen from h●aven , o lucifer , &c. o its impossible he can sit long , who sets himself down upon the mediators throne ! for , the arme of iehovah , shall snatch and hurrie him thence ; and h● must catch a ●ore ●all , whom the great god throwes down , in his indignation ! be wise now ther●fore , o ye kings , & c● is a necessar caution here . but to my purpose : you and i saw all this perpetrat in our sight ; we saw also what wayes & methods were taken to slatter or force us into some compliance wi●h this usurpation : how did we behave , while we beheld this idol of jealousy and abomination set in the holy place ? did our eye affect our heart , to see our blessed lord jesus put to more open shame , in our land , then ever he had been put to in the earth ? to see the exalted prince messiah so formally divested , and spoiled of his sole soveraigni●i● , and tha● b● that very power , and principally by these very persons , who had sworn fidelitie , subjection and loyalty to our lord jesus christ as king in his own house : whose alone it is to give lawes to his church , yea to give the law to kings , as church-members , if they have that honour to be members of his church● now , when this iniquitie reached unto heaven , were the rendings of the cauls of our hearts heard also in heaven , because of the hainousnesse of this high wickednesse ? did we tremble at the thoughts of what the zeal of the lord , for the establishment of the mediators throne , would doe , against the nation and church , where this wickednesse had been done , and christ so dealt with ? what stiring up of one another to mourne together and apart , was there , when now the glory was departed ? were we ashamed to be seen without the teare in our eye ? yea or vvith our heads upon us , vvhen the crovvn vvas taken from our master's head ? or had vve no use for them but , that they might keep● tvvo eyes in them , to mourne ? or did our carriage witnesse we were willing to lay them down , and lose them , as a testimony against the wrong done to our master ? alas had we neither teares , nor blood to bestow upon such an honourable cause and quarrel ? let me tell you , m● deare friends , that as i see cause of wondering and weeping over my own stupiditie , who was so little affected with such a heart-melting sight , and can attribut it to nothing , but want of a proportioned zeal , that i did not either die of griefe , or onely lived by choice , to lame●t the departing of the glory ; so , i cannot forebeare to tell you ( and now is the proper time for you to think-on it , and be touched with it ) that i beheld the strange unconcernednesse of many amongst you , in that day , with amazement : will you not blush to remember that the parliament of england , though for the most part highly erastian , were yet so surprised at the sight of our supremncy , being then apprehensive of a designe to introduce popery amongst them , as they no sooner saw it , but they perceived that scotland , by their newly moulded supremacy , so prodigious for size and shape , had not onely impowered his majestie for doing that , but more also ; if so be , he in his royal wisdom saw it fit ? this i say , together with that act , for having so many thousand men ready to m●rch at his majesties call , into any part of his dominions , did much startle tha● parliament . but what did you in the meantime ? alas ! it was observed , particularly of not a few amongst you ( i do not charge all , nay nor any person in particular , let eve●y on reflect●on himself ) that never was there , more graspeing after the world , never more eagernesse to build your own houses , than in that day , when before your eyes , the house of your god was taken in possession , together with an unbrotherly unconcernednesse , in the sufferings of such , who were most active in testifieing against ●his wickednesse , and counteracting its de●igne : and , my friends , i must be this far plain with you , that as with much greife of soul , i then beheld this amongst you ; so , i then said it , and often have said it and thought it since , that , for that your carriage , in such a dismal day , when we should all have been crying , and what wilt thou doe for thy great name ? and such a manifest leaving of your first love , if god should bring an enemy from the riseing of the sun , to punish the west of scotl●nd with a witnesse , they should smart , for what had been observed amongst them , in that hour : he should so order the matter , as , escape who would , they should not : but the judgement of god , which begins at his own house , should either land and light there , or lye and rest there : my deare brethren , mistake not the designe of this plain dealing , i dar not daub with untempered mortar , because i would not have you dally in the m●tter of repentance : i may say , my record is in heaven , that i have not allowed my self , to be at ease ; since you were in trouble : let me speake therefore to you , in ●he words of the holy ghost : heare ye the rod , and who hath appointed it : learn to understand the language of this dispensation , which if you doe , your finger will ce●tainly be upon this sore ; and your eye toward the alone remedy ; so shall you comply with his noble designe , and blesse him eternally for what hath befallen you . but thirdly , beloved sufferers for christ , as a further proof , i have not mentioned these things , on purpose you should be grieved , and have sor●ow upon sorrow , suffer me to adde . that , as i had often been made sad , by that nnconcernednesse in the matters of god , and in the sufferings of your brethren , observed with much sorrow and regret amongst you● unanswerable to the kindenesse of your youth , and the love of your espousals ; so , i was refre●hed , upon your behalfe , and comforted to heare , that there was a begun reviveing , for some time , observed amongst you , and that now at the last , your care of , and concernednesse in the precious interests of christ , began to flourish againe ; and some thing of old life and lustre began to appeare , before this enemy broke-in upon you● and that he who had been ri●eing prosperously , in many places of the land , going forth conquering souls , to a compliance with the blessed besigne of the gospel ( which is to crown the conquered ) was returning , to give you a new visite , and to make you ●avourie , as in the dayes of old : but more particularly , what ever be the wickednesse of men , and your innocency as to them , that our blessed lord jesus hath graciously condescended to take a great testimony at once , from his old friends and followers in the west of scotland : he would not put such a discredit and discountenance upon you● as to have you behinde other parts of the land , in filling up that , which is behinde of the a●●lictions o● christ , in your sufferings for his names sake , & the noble interest of his crown . o now happie and honourable favourits of so glorious a king ! would you have wish●d , that the delivery of scotland should have gone before this your distresse ? and that it should have been your reproach , that you had been last in bringing home the king , and had suffered least for his sake ? but now he hath rolled away your reproach , and enrolled you amongst the honourable company of his witnesses : o! what would you think to heare the mediator make such a report of you in heaven ( for his commendation makes beleevers and su●ferers f●mous there ) as this ? now , what was lacking of a full and faithful testimony , what was wanting in witnessing a good confession , amongst my disciples and friends in t●e west of scotland , is supplied , with full measure , heaped up shaken together , and runing over : they have not onely given , and given cheerfully , but the very poor amongst them have given as kings unto god , because they have given him themselves , and their little all. o my friends , if you knew what report he is making of your suffering in heaven , in stead of sincking into a despondency , you would be in hazard to be di●tracted with joy ! however , now brethren rejoyce , and now be glade , in as much as he hath coun●ed you worthy to suffer for his sake ? he hath set ● crown and garland upon your head , which is not set on the head of every one , whom he yet crowns with loving kindnesse , and tender me●cies , and which is denied to many , who will yet get the immortal crown . to you it is now given ` ( o blessed be the giver , and happy are the receivers ! ) not onely to believe on him , but also to suffer for his sake : to you it is given , not onely to lodge him in your house , and heart ; but , because you have done so , you are honoured to have your ho●ses taken in possession by others ; and your bodies , which are temples of the goly ghost , trod upon and abused by such , who , while they have the faces of men , have the fashions of devils . but , deare friends , you are not so much debased and humbled , when you lay your bodies as the mire , and as the street to those that go over , and when men does the equivalent of rideing over your head ; as you are highly honoured , and exalted : you are not so much hurt , what ever harme they have done you● as you are made happie . remember whose these words are ( which contain in them a noble cordial for you and an excellent remedie ; swallow it down , and it will both seeke to the sore , and make an inward jubilee in your soul ) blessed are they who are persecuted for righteousnesse sake ; for theirs is the kingdom of heaven : look upward you may , and laugh : look upward● that you may be in case to look all your trouble out of countenance : look u●ward , and see who is looking downward , and his heart in his eye , on purpose , to take notice of all that is done to you for his sake : their very hard speeches shall be remembered , none of your sorrowes , nor sufferings escape his observation ; but he takes notice of all these , on purpose to comfort you over them , and support you under th●m : many a poor man amongst you durst never have evened himself ●o this degree and height of honour , as either to have been drive● out of his hut , or little hole-house , or to have been oppressed in it , & that upon ●o noble an account , as it shall be recorded in heaven , & reckoned , as his testimonie against the usurpation of the mediators throne : this is so great an honour , i ●ay , and a thing of so noble an import , as many a poor man dar not suffer himself , to believe it for joy : he dare not allow himself to think , that his name , who had so little to lose , will be enrolled amongst the company of confessors : but doe not wrong his love , nor rob thy self of the rich con●olation , he allowes upon thee : for if thou hast lost but a hair ●or him , if one of these have f●llen , or hath been plucked from thy head , let be thy old ble●●onnet , he will both reco●d it , & reward it : he will not onely remember , who have taken joyfully the spoiling of their goods ; but who , when they had nothing of their own to lose , had compassion upon them who were spoiled , & became companions , by choice , of them who were so used : you cannot without blushing thi●k upon the value he will put upon your suffering : & how ( if i may say so ) he will magn●fie your poor mite , which you are ashamed to mention . can you think , without a kinde of pleasant confusion , of the warme & wonderful welcome , you will get in the other world ; when you shall be advanced to reigne with him , & heare him speake these words to you , you are they who have continued with me in my tentations , & i appoint unto you a kingdom , as my father hath appointed unto me , that you may eat and drink at my table , in my kingdom , & judge them , who now judge & cond●mne you : you are the poor company , who were not ashamed to be put to shame for my ●ake ; & therefo●e i will not be ashamed of you ; but i will confesse you before my father and before his angels : you are they they who have witnessed your love and loyaltie to me , & your zeal for my crown and scepter , when your rulers , as incensed against me , did by their law un-king me , & in persecuting of you crucified me againe ; come , you shall enter into my joy , you sh●ll fit with me upon my throne , & to the everlasting confusion of these my enemies , who would not that i should reigne over them , they shall not onely see you crowned ; but crowned upon the account of what they put you to suf●er : yea , in the day when they shall be sisted before my tribunal , sentenced & shut out of my sight for ever , ●hey shall have this added to make their shame unspeakeable , they shall not onely see you glorified with me , when i am set upon the throne of my glory ; but sitting also as my assess●rs to judge these your proud persecuters , & saying amen to the righteousnesse of my sentence : all their savage severi●ies , & all your sorrowes & sufferings , will come in remembrance in that day , to be accordingly rewarded : not onely shall you , much honoured gentlemen , who , in testimony , that you dare not concurre in this opposition to christ , & give it under your hand to obstruct ●he coming of his kingdom , by subscribing such bonds , as tests of your loyalti● to men , which would bring upon your soul , the crime of les●e majesti● ; and conclude you guil●ie of disloyaltie against the lord's anointed , ( for which noble opposition to that course of iniqu●tie , some of you are shu● up in prison● others are denounced ) not onely shall you have all your losses made up , by that far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory : o the eternal weight , and the infinit worth of that glory , to which , all the sufferings of thi● life are not worthy to be compared ! o how much is the inheritance of the saints in light , and that hope laid up for you in heaven , above your houses & inheritances ●nd lands , which you have ventured to lose for him ! but you tenants also , yea the poorest co●tar likewise , who hath sufferred any thing for him , sh●ll have no lower reward , than the confessors crown , that crown of glory , that fadeth ●o● away : he will no● on●ly take no●ice of all the horrid plunderings , of all the ba●barous and inhumane beatings , woundings and unheard of insolencis , of these savage saracens , who have been made use of against you ; but of all your sore hea●ts , of all your smothered sighs , ( for he does not hide his eare at his peoples breathing , when the ene●y cuts o●● their life in ●he dungeon , and casts a stone upon them ) of all your overwhelming greifs , and teares shed , not so much beca●se that the enemie had entered ●nto your houses , and ●aten up your bread ; as because they had robb●d you of the gospel , caused your solemne and sweee● as●embl●es to cease , and did not suf●er your bread for your soul to come into the house of the lo●d : for though the ●o●d had given you the bread of adversitie , and the water of af●liction ; yet , if the ●ospel had been left you , if your teachers had not been removed into corners , if your eyes had seen these , and if you did still heare the joyful found , & had acces●e to be made glade in his house of prayer , it would have comforted you , over all these things you have suffered : but it is for being robbed of the bread of life you weep , the desolation of the mountain of zion makes your eyes dim : and will he hold his peace at such teares ? will he not heare the voice of such weeping ? nay all your wanderings are marked , and all your teares , if there were but one that had trickled down from your eye , aswell as your blood is regairded : thou tellest my wandering , ( said that persecuted man ) thou putest my teares ( the word is my teare , to shew , that not one drop falls by ; and that if it were but one , it is keeped and well keeped ) in thy bottle : he doth in great tendernesse towards you , keep all the teares you weep in his bottle , that in due time , he may poure them out to you , in the wine of strong consolation . his eye hath seen , who have been made to suffer these things from the enemies of humanitie , aswell as christianitie , which i forbeare to mention by their proper names , as not knowing ( if i should ) how to comfort those , who have suffered such things , leaving that to him vvho can , and vvho vvill . he hath taken notice of all the thefts committed amongst you , the least brat of old cloths , that hath been stollen from you , or stript off you , hath not escaped his observation ; this is marked by him , and marked on purpose , that he may in place thereof cloth you with rich and glorious robs , and classe you in that beautiful company rev. 7. of whom it is said , these are they who came out of great tribulation &c. you are novv princes in pilg●ims weeds , because , under your rags , lies hide a tittle to the glorious crown ; but in that day your rags will be taken away , and you vvill appeare illustrious princes indeed : nay the beatings , yea , outragious boastings , and threatenings of the poorest lad or lasse , shall not be forgotten , it had been better for them who gave the orders , & put them in execution , that a milston had been hanged about their neck , and they cast into the midst of the sea ; than thus to have handled one of his little ones , upon such an account : nay , the weeping of poor little children , for want of food ( while the mothers milk was dried up , or was as poison ) their pale faces , pat●ly with feare , partly with famine , shall be remembred , as a part of your ●estimonie , and that which shall certainly fill up the cup of these amorites . but vvhat should i say ? beloved sufferers , right honourable nobles , ( if any of your names be found in that rol , ●d found out of the roll of the banders , for now , it is not many noble , and the more the shame , and pitie ; but if there be but one o● two of that tribe , the more noble ) much honoured and happi● gentlem●n , who to m●k● it appeare you have first given your own selves unto the lord , would not prig with him , a●out your hou●es , your inheritances , nor your lands ; but carried as at a point to par● with h●s th●ng for him , which you had received from him , as having but little pleasure to be poss●ssed of any thing , after he vvas dispossessed by law of his house , & heritage ; [ o wicked and vain attempt ! their hands shall not be able to performe their interprise , but the counsel of these frowards , who will wrestle with him , to wring the scepter out of his hand , shall be carried head long : hath he said it , and will he not doe it ? hath he purposed it , and shall it not come to passe ? ] and you tennants , vvho are turned out of all , and put in the condition of beggars ( o rich and to be ambition at beggarie ! ) yea you poor labourers and servants , who have parted with your all ; and it may be , you thought it to little . ( for vvhen love to christ gives , it is so liberal and open handed , as it gives all : it first gives the heart to him , and then the house and goods for him , & hath a kinde of sorrow it hath no more to give ; & therefore at last , to fill up the measure the giver throwes in himself , and that with a blush , to be made use of in doing and suffering for god ) and therefore did it , vvith a kinde of sh●me , and regrete , you had no more to lose for him : be assured , he vvill not forget this your wo●k and labour of love , shevved for his names sake : nay , be assured , he vvill repay it with an inconceivable over-plus of everlasting advantage : feare not , little flock it is the fathers good pleasure , to give you the kingdom , are the words of your lord and master : o! hovv great is your revvard in heaven ! it exceeds both your faith & your fansie , both your imagination and expectation , in the dimensions of infinit goodnesse , and eternal endureance ! o! hovv great is that goodnesse ; vvhich he hath laid up for you , ( vvhere theeves cannot break thorow nor steale ; nay , it is above the rage of men or loose handed devils to reach it ) who now have been helped to give such a proof , that he , who alone is to be feared , is your feare and your dread ; and which he hath wrought for you , who have witness●d before the sons of men , that you can follow him , whither soever he goeth , and that where the king is there will you be , whether in life or in death , and trust him with all your concerns , when exposed to the worst that the violence of the vilest of men can make you suffer . what should i say ? he hath pronounced you blessed , who makes you so , amidst all your miseries ; and therefore blessed you must be , and shall be ; so that you have no more to say , but be it unto thy suffering servants according to thy word ; neither have i , but amen and amen . now , deare brethren , though your not having keep , as became you , the word of his patience hath provoked him , not to keep you from this hour of temptation , which is come upon you ; yet , how hath he both multiplied to pardon , and magnified his grace , even while he punished , in keeping you in it ? and as the observation of your former way occasioned great feares on your behalfe , lest there should have been a further defection ; so , when it was seen and p●t beyond all debate ( though no man would suffer himself to believe , that ever such a thing , which had no colour of reason to cover the barbaritie of it's rage , would be put in execution ; lest an easie credulitie of what was not to be beleeved , till rage had quite extinguished reason , should have argued a weaknesse unworthie of a man : for to have said they are men , who rule , though stated enemies to the wayes of god , might have secured a person against the feares of such a course ) that this evil was determined against you , wherein religion and reason had the defiance at once , in the resolution of your ruines : i judge , there were never moe payers put up to god , on the behalfe of a partie in the land , then there were for you , that you might be keept in this hour of temptation , & strengthened with all might , according to his glorious power , & helped without fearing the wrath of those , whose furie was armed with all the force of the nation , and to be execute by the most formidable and barbarous instruments , to stand it out , and to endure as seeing him who is invisible . and now , in that god hath not turned away these prayers , nor his mercy from you : but hath stood by you , helped you , held your hand , with held you from that bond of disloyaltie to christ , strengthened you , and keept you from the snare laid for you , and this grin of these workers of iniquitie : for this gift , i say , bestowed upon you , by the means of m●ny persons , thanks also are given unto god , by many , on your behalfe : and this aboundance of heart-establishing , and hand-strengthening grace , bestowed upon you , by the thanksgiveings of many , redounds to the glory of god : deare bre●hren , you are now in a manner become our joy and crown : this eminent exercise of your faith and patience , in that , while cr●shed by these cruel men , you have carried , as not being moved by any of these things , which have be fallen you ; but as knowing you are appointed thereun●o hath comforted your brethren over you , in all your a●●liction and distresse : and your stand●ng fast in the lord , hath put many , who stood in doubt of you , lest the temper by this means should have tempted you , and turned you aside to a compliance with the crooked wayes of these workers of iniquitie , who shall be led forth with all that ●oine with them , to condigne punishment , ( but what that shall be is unutterable : ) hereby , i say , your friends , the favou●ers of the dust of zion , are put to a new di●●icultie on your behalfe ; for his doing for you , above what they could ask or think : now , this is the echo of their pulse : o what thanks , can we render again to god for these , who ha●● been thus helped to glorifie him , by standing and withstanding in this evil day ! and for all the joy , where with we joy for their sakes , before ou● god : yea , what gladnesse , what glorying is there amongst the saints for your patience , and fai●h● in all your persecutions , and tribulations that you endure ? but now , deare brethren , to the end that you may hold on , and hold out , and so be more than conquerours , through him that hath loved you , let me put you in mind you have not yet done , although you have been helped to doe much , by suffering much ; yet , there is a much behinde to be done , and suffered : having therefore taken joyfully the spoiling of your goods , and carried as knowing in your selves , that in heaven , you have a better and an enduring substance . now consider , that you have yet need of patience ; for you see , that the enemies teeth i● hereby set on edge to teare you , they are still eager in the pursuite : there is need of patience , i say therefore , that after you have done the will of god ( which hath been by a suffering of his will in this juncture ) you may receive the promise . now take unto you the whole armour of god , that you may be able , having done all these noble things , to stand : stand therefore , as resolved through grace , and in the power of his might , to keep your grou●d , and to withstand , that you lose not the things , which you have wrought , and let not go a victory so neer gained . read over r●v . 12. and see , how that after michael and his angels have encountred the dragon and his blake legions ( and i must say , however these who marched against you were called , a glorious host , i doubt , if ever there were legions , who more compleatly were clothed in satans livery , and it was very suteable , since there was never a company of men gathered together , since man was upon the earth , wherein the quarrel was so formally stated against the prince michael ) and have overcome by the blood of the lamb , &c. a victory , in kinde and qualit●● , much like yours : now take notice , that the devil thus cast down , even while he casts them down , that with stood him ; and thus defeat in the death of those , who loved not their lives unto the death , studies a revenge , and comes down having great wrath : be su●e the●efore , he will endeavour to be avenged upon you , for the broken head got , at this bout : he will make war upon you , and mannage it with all the fo●ce and ●urie he can , yea wi●h all the fraud and hellish s●ratagems ( whereof yet i am most afraid ) against that remnant● by whose keeping the commandment of god , and holding fast the testimony of jesus christ , he finds hi●self cast down . he hath had great wrath , against a poor feeble company , these many years , by whom , after he had hurried all the representatives of the nation , into this di●ch of dread●ul defection , & a●ostasie & carried them the length , of that heaven-daring act of supremacy , he found him●e●f resisted : all the homage he got by this apostasie did avail him nothing , so long : as these base-l●ke and beggarly mordecaies did not onely not bow the knee to him ; but resisted him , and wi●hstood him ; and by their runing to and fro , he found the knowledge of god ( hi● great eye-sore ) encreased , his old nests herried , his ordinary haunts invaded , and these da●ke de●s , wherein he had dwelt without disturbance , taken in ●ossession ; and his old servants and slave● vindicat into the glorious liberty of the sons of god. seeing himself at such a loss , & that by a company of un doughts , as they are judged ; yea nothings ( the fittest things for this opposed christ to work by , and the fittest ●ime too ; for by his reigning and conquering thus , and by these noble and notable inroads he makes upon satans ●erritories , he proves himself the captain of salvation , and that king who is in zion , against whom there is no rising up , against whom there is neither counsel nor strength , and so no prevailing ; however exautorat by ou● law , & that law put in execution by all the methods and strength , that they who f●amed the law can enforce it by ) he is more incensed : and as to you , my deare friends o● the we●t o● scotland more particula●ly , suffer me to say , that he seems to have devised that this storme should have first fallen upon you , not onely because of old long-syne ; but , as ho●ing , that now , after so much ease you have had , while others were in trouble , and some rema●kable abatemen of that zeal , which sometime was observed to be amongst you , ( o let never such a sight be again seen● ) he would finde you unprepared to stand it out , and withstand such a furious assault ; and so , by your fainting and being ●oiled , he expected , that all the rest of your brethren should have been either frighted into the like compliances , with this course of defection , and have been made to couch as asses between the burdens ; or their resistance , when relinqu●shed by you , to be but feeble at best , and at last such as would end in their own ruine . but now , being so far disappointed , in finding that you have been helped , not with a little help , but with a great help ; and that you have been enabl●d through grace , to shake your selves , as at other times ; and that the lord hath stood by you , while ●uch a lion was let loose upon you ; and hath strengthened you , and helped you , ●o aquite your selves , in this conflict , as the good souldiers of jesus christ , he hath now more wrath against you , than ever : how doth he now meditat revenge ? how doth he now grin and gnash his teeth upon you ? when having stretched out his hand against you , as nothing doubting of the victory , he finds himself foiled , and made to draw in a stump . you may expect then , to meet with all that the gates of hell can do to u●do you : therefore , be upon your guard : you may expect to be attacqued upon all quarters , now battered with fury , then underminded b● fraud , be sober therefore , be v●gilant , for this roaring lyon is walking about , seeking how he may devour you : whom resist stedfast in the faith : and to the end he may get no advantage again●t you , see that you carry as not ignorant of his devices , beware of his wiles , beware of his smoothnesse ; for when he speakes you fairest , then there are seven abominati●ns in his heart : be sure where ever you watch , or what ever you do , to double your gairds at this passe ; for it may be , you shall be yet assaulted at this post● and be in greatest hazard , to be put out of your posture by his smooth insinuations : and in order to your resistance , and standing it out● both against the wiles of the divil , and against his open wrath , let me drop these things , and bring them to your mind . first , let me beseech you to consid●r , what your treasure is , and see to the securing of that , in the right ●and and the right place : for if that be safe , an● well laid up , all is well : you may then su●fer and sing , we will not feare what fleshe in do unto us i need not t●ll you that your treasure is yo●r precious and immortal so●● and that you have nothing wo●th keeping , nay , n●thing that is truely tenable , or that can be keep 't , but that , for it is christ's own account , who knew the worth of souls , what hath a man profited saith he , if he should gaine the whole world and lose his own soul ? and the words added , or what can a man give in exchange for his soul ? are resolveable in this other question , wh●●● ha●h a man lost , if he should lose the whole world , and save his own s●ul ? o what can be gaine , where ●he ●ainer is eternally lost ? or what can be loss , where the loser is saved , and for ever made up ! nor need i tell you , that it is for this precious treasure , that loose handed devils ●unt ; and to the end your enemy may get hold of this , and run away with it , he hou●ds●out such emissaries , as you have had to deale with , that you may be hurried , by their ho●rid savagenesse , into a solicitousnesse , how to preserve some things out of their grips , till he run away with his prey , while you are noised into an oblivion of your g●ea● interest . nor need i te●l you , that the alone way to secure this your treasure , is , to commit the keeping of it to jesus christ : for when it is in his hand and custodie it i● so sure , as no ma● , no devil , can pluck it out ; for he is stronger then all : ye see that in a day of fiery trial , and when judgement must begin at the house of god , and when there is a must be of suff●ring according to his will for all that would do his will , this is the happie advice given , and alone expedient that will answer the end propounded 1 pet. 4. last , wherefore ( saith he ) let them who suffer according to the will of god commit the keeping of their soul to him in well-doi●g , i. e. in doing these very thin●s , for which they suffer all these evils of affliction ; for that is particularly the present well doing according to his will , and so often as the doing of his will may infer danger , let this act of commiting the soul to him be renewed● that so his will may only be done , and his way keept , with a holy undauntednesse of courage , in the day of mo●t desperat danger o! bu● the soul is safe that is committed unto him : we can●ot pos●esse our souls in patie●ce● while we keep them in our own possession in such a day● because , we cannot secure them ; but then are they truely our own , when we have given them away to him to keep● and we may then possesse them in patience , when they are in his possession ; this made the apostle 2 tim. 1.12 . enjoy a sweet serenitie in a very stormy day , the perswasion of his being faithfull to his trust , and able to keep that , which he had committed ●nto him , fo●●ified his soul against all feare of what could befall him , in following the lord , and hardened him , into a holy misregaird and contempt of the shame of the crosse. therefore● deare brethren , let this be the greatest hast with you , and the first hast too ; for he will do nothing ●or a man , nor undertake to concerne h●mself in him , or his affairs , till he have committed his soul to hi● in the first place : and when you have done this , and to the end you may in this warfare attend upon the lord without distraction , commit all beside to him , that you would have safe : if a man love any thing , then the onely way to keep it , from being lost , is to put it into his hand ; fo● he not onely keeps all their bones , who entrust him with their persons , that none of them are broken ; ( when he intends not a greater good to them by the contrare ) but the very hairs of their head are numbe●ed , and not one of them can be touched , or fall to the ground without him . therefore having trusted him with your soul , which is your treasure , trust him with all your other li●tle ●ri●●les too : he will take it ill , if you doe other wise : and if it be good for you , to have these preserved , he will keep them , even to your old shoes : the angel will not let p●●er lose his sandals , or leave them behinde him , in the prison : put your wives , your children , your estats , your names , and reputation , yea , whatsoever is deare un●o you , in his hand ; and all is safe . o but that person may be secure , ami●st the b●i●te●ous blasts of affliction , and the tempestuous rowlings of the raging seas of trouble , whose p●rson and estate is insured in the insureance chamber of heaven ? sure , he who hath com●●tt●d all to him may slee● sweetly , ( because he is safe ) amidst all dangers ; since the peace of god ( flowing from , a●d fol●owing such a commitment ) which passet● all understanding , gaird● the h●●●t and mind , through christ ●esus . secondl● , when you have thus committed all ●o● would have to his keeping , to the end , you may keep his way , when assault●d by adver●aries , and carry with that gallantry , which becomes th● sou●diers of the captain of salvation● make use of your allowed strength and furniture : for you are no● called to this wa●fa●e on your own ch●rges : the king beares all the cost ; so that you have a bro●d boord to take a sufficiency of supply for all wants and weaknesse off : and the●efo●e you are not so much to consider what you ha●e or want in your selves , in o●der to you● t●orow bear●ng , a●d what you can do or endure , in order to the obtaining of the vict●●y ; ●s what he will ●e ●o ●ou , in that hour , and do for you ; and accordin● to this re●ko●ing you m●y say , wh●n we are weake th●n are we strong : and when we can do not●ing , ye● we can do all things , and endure all things , through christ stre●gthening , or putting power in us : and we may reckon also upon the victory ; you even you , little ones , have overcome them , ( sa●●h he ) b●c●u●e s●ronger is he tha● is in you , then he that i● in the world : be stron● ther●fo●e in the lord and in the power of his might : lay in store of suffering graces , put on the whole armour of god ( saith the apos●le ) that you may be able to stand : he hath prepared that armour for you , and it is proof , and he orders you to put it on , and t●e●efore he doubles the exhor●ation , take unto you there●ore the whole armour of god , th●t you m●● be able t● st●●d i● t●e evil day , and having done all to stand . i shall not insist on the particulars ; but leave that known place ephes. 6. to your meditation : onely see well to these three c●r●in●● g●aces as ever you would look for the conquerours crown : first , see well to ●our faith● a●o●e a●l ( saith he ) taking the shield of faith : i cannot here hint the universal usefulne●●e of fai●h , in th●s wa●f●re ; nor how it st●●ls the soul with so much stoutnesse ; as it can m●ke a person look the very king of terrours out of countenance , with a fearlesse mis●e●a●rd : in god i hav● pu● m● trust ( said that holy man , in a very des●erat danger ; and then he adds ) i will not fe●re what flesh can do unto mee faith not onely sees that , thorow all darke and di●mal appearances , which is of infinit value above all sufferings ; but , as it interesteth the ●oul in that grea● goo●nesse , it prompts with a holy fortitude , and with a peremptorinesse of resolution and courage forceth its passage , in order to possession , thorow devils , dangers , and death i●●elf : but consider particularly , how faith is a shield , that you may use it as such , ( o bles●ed be he eternally , though your ene●ies can take your , old rusty swords , they cannot spoil you of ●our faith , and ●o they cannot conquer you : for this is the victory whereby you over come the world , even your faith ! ) now faith is a shield , and a shield of salvation , because it interposeth god and his omnipotent power to protect , betwixt the man and all that oppose him● and whatsoever would hurt him : when david is put to flee from the face of ungodly saul and his court grandees , and hides himself in the cave p● . 57 : 1. — my soul trusteth in thee ( saith he ) yea in the shadow of thy wings will i make my refuge , till these calamities be overpast . o when there is nothing standing up between god and the soul , and god stands up between it and all that would harme it , but the man is safe ! this blessed shield , it both beares the man who bears it , and it beats back all the blowes of adversaries , so as by a rebound their sword enters into their own heart : he knew of what use this was to a soul , who said — i have prayed that thy faith fa●l no● : and the pe●son to whom this was said , having got a dangerous fall , and having been shamefully foiled , through the failing of his faith , yet being by grace recovered , gives this advice to ●●e●e who ●ould stand , when the devil is assaulting them on all hands : 1 pet. 5 : 8 , 9. whom r●sist sted●ast in th● faith : and when he is thus resisted● he flees : he sees , it s in vain to t●r●w his fiery da●ts at him , who can make use of this shield : hold up thy shield , and satan canno● hold up his face ; but will flee : why ? because , as god hath in mercy and love engaged himself to the soul● to stand by it , and with his omnipotent strength support it in the evil day ; so faith laies hold on his promise , and takes him at his word ; and thus interposeth an omnipotent god , betwixt it and all enemies , and then he stretches out his right hand against the wrath of an en●aged enemy● hence amongst the rest of the great things a●cribed to faith heb. 11. these are not the least v. 33 , 34. who through faith subdued kingdomes — stopped the mouths of lions , quenched the violence of fire , escaped the edge of the sword , ou● of weakenes●● were made strong , waxtd v●liant in fight : turned to flight the armies of the aliens : in a word , he that makes use of thi● shield is safe , and compleatly sheltered , with the saving strength of the right hand of an omnipotent go● : and shall be made to sing , when all his enemies , that compassed him about as bees , buzing and burning in their hatred , are quenched , as the fire of thornes ; the right hand of the lord hath done valiantly , the right hand of the lord is exalted , the right hand of the lord hath done valiantly . o what a compleat securitie is this shield , in an ill day ; and therefore , when the apostle was solicitous about the th●ssalonians , at a time , when their adversaries dealt with them , as men of the same spirit , and malice , deale with you , he saies 1 thess. 3 : 5. ●or this cause when i could for●eare no longer , i sent to know your faith : importing , that all would be well , and they would be victors , if that was well . secondly , see well to faith's companion , and that is love ; this is faiths second : or the way how faith engages and goes to action● is by affection : o love is a great champion ! it will not be boasted or bu●●e●●ed into a base deserting of the beloved , by what all the power on the earth , in a conjunction with the gates of hell can do : it hath said it , and sworne it , where ever jesus christ is , there will i be , whither in life or in death : and satan is so wise as not to assault a soul in it's warme fits , knowing well , that many waters of affliction cannot quench that flame ; but resistance will make love the more fervent , and the lover the more fervid and forward ; and therefore , to the end he may prevaile , his metho● is , how to make souls first luke-warme , by stealing away the fewel , whereby that holy fire is fed ; or by his slight , turning the current of the affections that they may ●un in another channel , than god-ward and christ-ward and heaven-ward : as knowing well hovv poor and pusilanimous crea●ures they quickly become ; vvhen their coal is cooled o● quenched , and hovv easily they are overcome and foiled , when they fall from first love : o my brethren , see to get and keep your hearts warme , worke hard in gathering fewel for loves fire . o how much is it of the concernement of every saint , to have fire burning in his bosome , in this day , when the fire of fiery tryals is burning abroad , and about him ; when enemies are in rage , and hell hot , this flame of god , this holy love , burning heaven-hot , will afford the soul true courage to resist that rage , whereby they assault and are acted . and to this purpose , it is remarkable , that the apostle iude , having written his epistle for this end alone , to excite to an earnest contending ●or the faith ; in order to a readinesse and resolutnesse to undertake this heavy work of holy contention , he onely exhorts to this one for all v. 21. keep your ●elves ( saith he ) in the love of god : it is is true , he mentioneth faith in the foregoing verse , but it is as relating to this love , and as that which furnisheth fewel to its fire : and he speaks of prayer in the holy ghost also , as that , which blowes away the ashes , and blow●s up that fire into a holy flame : and then he subjoines hope , as that , which poures oile upon the fire , and makes the soul ●horowly candent . and this leads me in the third place , to say , see to your hope also : when ever you get an allarm , or are called to the conflict , call ●or your helmet , and clap it on your h●ad , and claspe it well , and so , the head being gairded , the heart is much withou● feare : while love to ch●ist makes a man venture upon swiming thorow the salt sea , in following of him : and faith is his skill in svvimeing , and the strength of his armes ; so , when the waters goe over his head , hope is the cork that keeps his head above , till he swime safe to the other shore , and thorow all the seas betwixt him and heaven . and therefore , the psalmist , perceiving himself ready to sink , saith , why art thou cast down o my soul ? hope thou in god , &c. o how vvell will this helmet of lively hope guard the head , against all the da●ts shot from the fury of enraged adversaries , and likevvise against all their fraud and flattery ( for these are the two deadly enemies hope hath to deale with ) by raiseing the soul into a contemp● of what the vvorld can offer , from the noble and none such expectation it hath laid up in heaven ! nay , this grace is of so much use to the saints as the apostle saith , we are saved by hope : now therefore make use of your hope , yea , hold fast the re●oycing thereof firme unto the end , and it shall prove to you a helmet of salvation indeed : it 's exercise is , to raise up the desponding soul above all dark and dismal appearances , and to strengthen faith ; and therefore we are said , in hope to believe against hope . novv , deare friends , having interjected these few things of many , with a necessitat briefnesse , and blunt abruptnesse : let me returne , to where i left : viz. resolve for suffering and feare none of these things which you shall , or can suffer : onely feare to offend your god , and grieve your blessed guide : onely feare that feareful and great name , which these men , who would put you in feare , have taken in vain : feare god , and then you need feare nothing else : for he , even he alone is to be feared : you may be bold as lions , whose blessednesse is both heightn●d and hastened by the worst the world can do unto you , because you feare him : let th●t bl●ssed feare of god gaird you against that base feare of man , vvhich even bringeth a snare : oh the want of this ●hich hath been amongst us , hath rendered us unfit for this holy vvar , vvherein vve should have plaid the men , for our god , and the glorious concerns of his crovvn and kingdom ! o vvhen vvill our heart some hardie & resolute putting ● to our hand to his vvork , in the face of the greatest hazard , prove , that he hath put his feare in our hearts ? for this feare not onely ●urnisheth with reason against the feare of frail fecklesse man , ●ho cannot when he hath done what he can reach his hand beyond the grave : and therefore our blessed lord jesus ch●ist , a●gueing his disciples , whom he sent out to preach the gospel , into an holy courage , when persecute by the rage of kings & councels for preaching ( which is this day our case : o when will he shorten these dayes for the elects sake ? ) he doth it by this argument mat. 10 : 28. and luk. 12.4 . — b● not afraid of them that kill the body and ●fter that , have no more that they can doe : ( o blessed be he for that cannot ; and for this also that these upright ones , whom they for this persecute , shall have dominion over their persecuters in the morning ! ) but i will forewarne you whom you shall feare , fear him , which after he hath killed , hath power to cast into hell . yea i say , unto you feare him : but as it furnished with reasons , it fortifieth also , with rich and refreshing supplies : for it hath the goodnesse of god asvvel as the greatnesse of his terrible majesty , for its object : and hereby is the hart emboldened , and the hand strengthened to struggle with whatsoever di●●iculties and danger : now th●refore , my friends , to make it appeare , that god in making you new creatures , hath made you men of other mettal , and spirit , then the men of the world and cast you into an other mould ; whereas their transgressions say plainly vvith in the heart of every man ( vvho hath not the heart of a bea●t ) that there is no feare of god before their eyes ; so , let your feare of him , and your feare because of that to comply vvith their wicked lawes , which they have made , make it appeare , you have set the lord alwayes before you : let vvhat ever you doe or say , vvhen called to a compliance vvith the presen● course of iniquitie , have this plain import , and practical sense , how can we doe this great evil , and sin against god ? he is a great god , and he is a good god , and he is our god , and therefore we dare not , we can●ot , we will not offend him , to please our persecuters . but , deare friends , what have you to feare in following him ? give it a name if you can , that the names of sweetnesse , and salvatio● , which are in him ( and as his name is , so is he ) answering the name of what ever you have to feare , may make it a nothing ; or if it be any thing , such a thing , as he changeth its very nature and quality , and makes pay the toll and tribute of good to you . do you feare , they will lash you with their tongues , which are as arrowes shot out , and load you with reproaches ? remember then , whose words these are : if you be reproached for the name of christ , h●ppie are you : you may not onely despise this shame , but weare it as your crown , and humbly b●●ast of such a cognizance of your love and loyaltie to christ : because the reason , adduced by the holy ghost , doth put the happinesse of such beyond debate : for , saith he , the spirit of glory and of god resteth upon you : as the spi●it of satan and of shame rage●h in these reproachers ; s● the spirit of glory and of god resteth upon you . are you afraid that b●sid●s ●hese lashings you shall also be put to lose , for his sake ? but why are you affraid of an ●f an impossi●ilitie ? if god h●th said it cannot be , it shall not be : why do you give it a being in your im●gination to to●ment your selves ? or why are you not rather afraid , to lose the hundred fold in this life , even with persecution , and then that eternal life , and that immortal crown , which is ●nsured , by the unfailing faithfulnesse of god , to such losers ( ●f i may abuse langu●ge , in cal●ling so great gainers , losers ) in the other life ? for if you s●ffer with him y●u shall reigne with him : what ; will you be frighted out of the way , because of ●he manifold temptations , and troubles you are exposed unto , by kee●ing of it ? no : let t●is fortifie against that frighting feare , that as you are partakers of the su●●ering , so shall you be of the con●olation : you ought rather to feare , to rob and deprive your selves , in a day , when su●h favours are a dealing , of that ground of rejoycing , that a pa●ticipation of the sufferings of christ affords : o happie and blessed pa●ticipants of his sufferings ! for , wh●n his glory shall be revealed , you also shall be made glade with exceeding ●oy : o how cordial ! o how corroborating is such an expectation ? it will m●ke the expectant rejoice , with ●oy unspe●k●ble and full of glory : this is heaven ( in all the he●ls of trouble , on this side of heaven ) antidated : for , this is to be pa●takers already ( as the apostle'● phrase is ) of the glory to be revealed . do you feare su●●ering , for that very cause , which he h●●h no● onely so often owned ; but for owning of which , your blessed lord and master died , as a m●rtyr ? or are you not rather afraid , ( i hope you are ) that when jesus chr●st sh●ll come to judgement , and sit on the throne of his glory , and bring forth scotland's coven●nt made wi●h him , to be ●ound amongst those , whose sentence is sealed under their own hand ; for their sin is open , and gone before hand to judgement ? o dreadful may the expect●tion of the hearts of every man of them be , in ●hat day , who have had hand in tha● hainous wickednesse , when the act rescissorie shall be brought forth , and laid besides that covenant ; and the question put to these pannels , trembling before the tribunal of christ ; is this the performance of ●our oaths , vowes , and covenant-engagements to me ? are you not afraid in that day to be classed ( if but for the least compliance ) amongst t●ose , who shall be found guiltie of l●sae-majestie against the son of god ? against him , who then shall judge them ? will there be a soul at that appearance , who dare avouch his having had a hand , in framing such a mische●fe as our supremacy into a law ? or would it not rather be terrible to you , to think , that living in such a time , you should not have witnessed ag●inst these high and hainous wickednesses ? would you want the share of the commendation , and the glorious reward , that shall be given his witnesses ? what if you should weep , yea and die in prisons ? besides , that there you may enjoy the glorious libertie of the sons of god , and be feasted in your fetters , with the fruition of himself , and have your darke dungeons hung ( if i may say so ) with the very arras of heaven , which is the presence of god , that can make these nastie and noisome holes , wherein you are as buried alive , preferable in●ompa●ably to all the palaces of those , who persecute you . o there is no comparison ! ●esides this , i say which is the hundred fold ten thousand times told , out of these your prisons , you shall be brought to reigne , and have all your teares wiped away , and your prison rags taken off , and your rich robs , wherein for ever you shall reign , put on . nay , what if you should be slaine for the word of god , and put to swime in to eternitie , in a sea of your own blood ; what have you to feare ? though i walk thorow the valley of the shadow of death , i will feare no ill , ( saith the psalmist ) for thou art with me o the presence of god with you , in that hour , will make it a sweet and short passage ! would you not rather choise ( if you durst make a choice ) to enter eternitie , at this passage , and go , and take up your place , amongst the souls of your brethren under the altar , there to cry with them , how long , o lord god holy and true , &c. than , to be found , in the croud and company of these kings , captains , and councellours , &c. who shall be made to cry to the mountains , and to the rocks , to fall on them , and hide them , from the face of him that sitteth upon the throne , and from the wrath of the lamb ? o the wrath of the lamb , in that day , falling upon those his now stated , and stout-hearted enemies , will make them change their note ! the haughtie mockers at the prerogative of this exalted prince jesus , who then shall judge these jesters , the menacer● of his subjects , and the persecuters of his saints , for not complying with their god-dishonouring , christ-dethroning courses , and contrivances , shall then know what it is , to have lif●ed up their head against heaven , and their heel against his poor people , whom they trod under foot ! o the yelloch , that will be amongst kings , and captains , and counsellours , when he shall speake to them in his wrath , and vex them in his sore displeasure , for having said ( and essayed it too ) let us burst their b●nds asunder , &c. i shall not here trouble you , with the observation of the tremenduous ●udgements of god , whereby some , that have been active in these cursed courses , have been hurried out of the world ; nor with an account of the anguish and agonies , under which others of them , have died ; nor yet of the ra●e testimonies , which some , who obtained mercy and grace to repent , gave against this wicked course , wherein they had concurred , and for that cause , which they had persecuted : though he , who regairds not these works of the lord , nor considers these operations of his hand , hath and bewrayeth sad symptoms of blindnesse and obduration : neither shall i here further then hint , to the end you may , for your establishment , take notie● of it , how wickednesse hath abounded amongst , and had a dominion over those , who have broken his covenant : as if , all former restraints being taken off , he had said , henceforth my spirit shall no more strive with them : for , alas iniquitie of all sorts ha●h so abounded● since the nations enacted revolt from god ; as the way of the generalitie ( o that they , whose feet go down to death , and whose steps take hold on hell , may consider it , and be reclaimed ! ) if the word of the lord be true , that without holiness● no man shall see the lord ; and that heaven is such a place , as there shall in no wise enter therein any thing that defileth , neither whosoever worketh abomination &c. hath everlasting seclusion from the presence of his glory , written on it ; so that he who would be saved , must save himself from this generation , who rejoyce to do evil , and delight in the frowardnesse of the wicked . since we broke our covenant made with god , binding us to nothing , but an abiding with him , and walking before him , in our respective capacities ; satan hath got leave , to open very sluce of hell , and drown brittan with such a deludge of profanitie , that the multitude ( yea and they who are chiefe in these rebellions against god , are chiefe in all these other provocations ) are carried down the current , swiming , and singing , in this impure pudle of all impietie against god , never considering , that this streame will at last sweep them down , and swallow them up , in the lake of fire and brimston : all these put together may make you feare , to fall in with their way , le●t you fall with them , in the hands of the living god. if they cannot give you securitie against this , and that is impossible ; for the redemption of their own soul must cease for ever , if they both cease not to go on , and sorrow not for what they have done : feare you not therefore their fear ; onely feare to forsake god , as you would not be forsaken of him : nay , let your fortitude in refusing their bl●ke ●onds , whereby , as the binder binds himself to an opposition to christ , and the coming of his kingd●me ; so 〈◊〉 binds over himself to the curse of a broken covenant , either fright them , into a forbearance , or put them under the dreadful apprehensions of what they may expect , for opposing his christ , persecuting the gospel , and using his servants so , who dare not , in running with them to these excesses of wickednesse , run upon the bosses of the almightie his backler ; but rather did choise to suffer any thing , that they might be found upright and innocent from these great transgressions , and so escape that w●●th of the living god , wh●rewith all the contrivers , all the pressers of these bonds of iniquitie , all the persecuters for not complying with that decreed wickednesse , all the pleaders for it , all the pal●iaters of this impietie , all the instruments made use of to help foreward the affliction of his poor people , for their refusal , all the rejoycers at his peoples calamitie , and connivers at these courses ; yea , and all who according to their place , station , and as they are called , do not faithfully witnesse against this course of iniquitie , shall be certainly pursued , if repentance prevent it not , overtaken , and so perish eternally : there is no law-borrowes against the written vengeance , for the pe●sons of these practices . but , that which i would more particularly point at , to forti●ie your hearts against the feare of what you may be put to suffer , even though it should come to the laying down of your lives , is , the refreshful and reviving remembrance of his great goodnesse to them , who went before you : you need not , in order to your establishment , run so far backward as to the records and experiences of former generations ; but i may say , as you have heard , so have you seen , in the ci●ie of our god : call to remembrance what you have been witnesses to , what not a few of you have seen with joy , and all of you have heard with gladnesse ; yea , your enemies have beheld it with confusion of ●ace , shame , griefe , and astonishment : to wit , that singular heart solacing and shining presence of god , under which these your martyred brethren were , at their death . it was evident , he did not so much leave them , into the hands of them who hated them , to take away their lives ; as , because he was so well pleased with their zealous fervour , their fidelitie and fixednesse in his way , ( which made them , in testimony of their love to him , not to love their lives unto the death ) he therefore brought them forth , to crown them , in the sight of these who killed them , and in that crucified their master againe ; while they with a keen crueltie killed , he crowned with loving kindnesse , and kissed their souls out of them ; kepped them , as they fell ; carried them off the scaffold in embraces , to present them to his father and set the martyrs crown upon their head . i ●eed no● insist in a matter so manifest , as it is beyond the hidings or denyings of those , who put them to death , and hath also caused so many thanksgiving unto god amongst the saints ; so that i may aske you , what do you feare ? do you feare fruition ? do you feare that they who cast you in the fiery furnace , shall see the son of god walking with you in the midst of the flames ? do you feare , to be seen made more then conquerours through him who hath loved you ? do you feare , that when the incensed world hath yoked a fiery chariot for you , to cary out of the world , that the world , who hate you and hurry you thus off the stage , shall see the king come , and pave the bottome thereof for you with love ? do you feare , that while they stretch out their hand against you , to take away your life , he manifest his love , in putting his left hand under your head , and in embracing you with his right ? do you feare , that while your blood is shed , he give convincing significations to all that look on , of his she ding abroad his love in your heart , and that your blood is precious in his sight ? are these things to be feared , which have been the ambition of many righteous men ; yea , and a piece of so great honour , as they durst scarce even themselves to a sharing in it ? or , hath he deserted one of all the sufferers ? see , if you can say it : why then are you daunted with danger ? why do you doubt , but he who hath glorified his name in others , will glorifie it again , in you ? nay , did he not most signally defeat the expectation of adv●rsaries , and out-do the hope of his poor servants , by the remarkablenesse of his assistances , given to some , who were looked upon as such weake wriglings , as they could no● stand it out ? but how by standing by them , and strengthning them , did he still the enemy and avenger ? and how did he , by the marvellous supporting of his grace , perfect praise out of the mouth of such babes and sucklings ? i may appeale to the conscience of any present at these executions , who savoure the things of god , and saw , under what a shining presence , and with what joy u●speakeable and full of glory , these dying men went out of the world , and these murthered martyrs mounted their triumphant charriot , if they would not , at that time , upon assu●ance to be carried off the stage , under the same sun-shine and sweetnesse , have left all they had in this world , and gone with gladenesse in their company , in to the other world ? if any one of all that now glorified company , had been deserted , you might be discouraged , and shrink away , and say , what is our strength that we should hope ? but , since everlasting armes underneath have been so visibly seen supporting every one , whom he called to suffer , it saith nothing , if it say not this , ●eare none of those things which you shall suffer : for my grace shall be sufficient for y●u : and my strength shall be made perfect in your weakenesse . therefore , be not affraid , but approach your duetie with humble confidence and courage , even when death it self is in the way and you shall ●inde it with you , as it was with the priests , be●ore whom jordan recoiled not , till their feet were within the brink . waite for your assistances , and supports in the hour of confl●ct , and in that very hour● it shall be given you : and you put in case to say , when we are weake , ●hen are we strong . and , to compleat this account , and make it appeare , that the most daring and desperat enemy cannot ease his own soul , by giving one instance to the contrair : i can not here passe the death of mr mi●chel : which the lord hath so excellently ordered , both as to time and circumstances ; for , whereas they , who put him to death , did hope , to give thereby a da●h to the people o● god , at this time , and by their severitie exercised upon him , to make them shrink , into a fearefull compliance , with their iniquous contrivances ; but , the supporting presence of god with him was such , as no man needs for feare to forsake the way of the lord , because of what befell him : i mentione not here the cause , but leave the world to the account himself hath given thereof , with what his advocats had to plead , on his behalfe : and shall onely , without making a parallel , or instituting a comparison between the two , allude to samson's death , in this execution : not , that i m●y take occasion , to tell the world , that he who was aimed at may passe any day in the yeer , for a lord amongst the uncircumcised philistims : for , that is no newes ; nay the world may judge , i do these lords wrong , and him too , in not associating him with — but first , sampson was a rackel and rough-handed saint , ready to pe●t the philistims , upon all occasions : yet secondly , the holy ghost for all the faults that followed him hath recorded his name , and enrolled him , in th● number ( even while the names of many other are left out ) of these eminent worthies , h●b . 11. and so , he hath made the name of mr mitchell savovrie ; and as he tooke many testimonies from him at all his appearances , to the cause ; so he owned him in the end , and hono●red him to die , witnessing a good confession , which will be on record to pos●eritie● thirdly , as sampson did more mische●fe to the enemies of the people of god , at his death , than in all his life , ( for when they sent for him to make themselves mirry with a sight of his misery , the lord helped him to spil ●heir sport ) so i judge , it is beyond question , with every sober man , that mr mitchells death hath done more hurt to it's contrivers , and furious drivers , than ever his l●fe could have done , even , though he had shot againe , and hit that un hallowed marke : for , now , where as he hath died desired they who drove it , have , in breathing out their crueltie against him , brought an indelible infamy upon themselves , and ent●iled upon their posteritie a reproach , never to be rolled away ! yea , they have missed their marke so far , in hiting him ; as , i suppose , the most confident scoffer , amongst all those , who promised them selves matter of mirth , by his death , and some thing , on which they might breake their jest , will be more loath , to heare mr mitchels death mentioned , than the death of any of those worthies , that went before him ; lest , concerning themselves , it also be remembered , how — and thus , was that prediction fulfilled , with a witnesse , contrary to the mind of him , who , in saying so , did both mock and menace at once , that god did glorifie himself by mr mithels death in the grasse market : yea , glorifie himself he did , and glory to him for having done so . is not this then brethren , heart-comforting and hand strengthening that , all who went off the stage , thus died , under these refreshing manifestations , and ravishments of spirit ; as their enjoyments would be the measure of mens desires , for their own soul , as they were the measure of the desires of these dying martyrs , for all the people of god ; for , what could they wish more , or seek more , on the behalfe of these ; but , o that it were with them , in all things as it is with us , except , as to this scaffold ! which yet to us , while under these manifestations , is preferable to all the thrones of the earth , and the pharadises and plea●ures , wherein they live , who put us to death ? nay , so marvellous was the presence of god , with these his dying witnesses , as i doubt nothing ; but , some of the enemies , who looked on , and had a hand in sheding that innocent blood , have said with themselves since , o , let me die the death of th●se righteous men , and let my latter end be like theirs ! and i much doubt , when death shall look the greatest desperado amongst them , in the face , and he finds himself , ready to be dragged before the judgement seat of christ , if the question were asked him , whether he would have his soul now gathered , with the souls of these suffere●s ? or , with their souls , who shall be brought in before the tribunal , with their fingers droping with the blood of those , whom they killed upon such an account , that he would be at any demurre what to choise ? feare not then to follow , deare brethren , since you see , how honourably the charges of all , that have gone before you , have been borne : you have the same good god , the same christ , the same spirit , the same cause , the same covenanted strength : have therefore the same confidence and courage : as they did , so doe you carry , as in nothing terrified , by your adversaries , which , as it was in them ; so , it will be in you , an evident token of perdition to your proud and implacable persecuters , but to you of salvation , and that of god. suffer me , ere i close , to put one drop more in this cup , to make it cooling ( and never-the-lesse cordial for that ) endeavour , deare friends , with a zealous prudence , while you are in this fire of fiery trialls , to prevent or exstinguish the wilde fire of unnecessare and hurtfull animosities amongst your selves , by the flame of fervent and true love to god , and one another : this fire will burne out the other ! you see , the enemy thrusts sore at you , that you may fall ; therefore , to the end they may misse their marke , and you may stand fast in the lord , stand close together : i shall not enlarge upon this head , onely , let me put you in mind of that notable place to this purpose , when the apostle philip. 1. ( after what he had said of himself v. 20. o for a company in case to say the like ! ) comes to persuade to a carriage , such as becometh the gospel , he pitched particularly upon this piece of a gospel-becomeing conversation , and perswads to it : that i may heare ( saith he ) — that ye stand fast in one spi●it , with one minde , striving together for the faith of the gospel , & c.. and knoweing well , how much true unitie did strengthen the saints , while put to this striving , he doth in the following cap. viz. c. 2. v. 1 , 2 , 3. with a mervellously sweet emphaticknesse , inculcat and commend the same thing , with such a warme varietie of heart-melting and affection-moving words and arguments , as are sufficient ( or nothing can be ) to cement , and souder into a samenesse , the souls and affections of all saints : if there be therefore , saith he ; any consolation in christ , if any comfort of love , if any fellowship of the spirit , if any bowels and mercies : fullfill ye my joy : that you be like minded , having the same love , being of one accord , of one mind : let nothing be done , through strife , or vain glory ; but in lowlinesse of mind , let each esteem other , better than themselves : now what can be said after this ? here you have union nobly qualified , and arguments powerfully quickening to pursue after it ; o fall a striving therefore , while put to strive against enemies , who shall love god and his precious interests most , and one another best : who shall be most ready to forbeare , and to beare one anothers burdens ; that so , in fulfilling this law of christ , all may the more cheerfully beare the crosse of christ : have there been amongst you animosities , contentions , jealousies , whisperings , evil surmiseings , &c. ( the more is the pitie● ) well , then now is the time , to confirme your love one towards another : now , set your selves to provoke one another , to love , and to good works : now see , if you , who have discoursed , and disputed your selves a sunder , can pray your selves together , and so meet in that blessed center : i little doubt , if your heart be heaven-hot , in praying together , in weeping before god together , in wrestleing with him together ; but you will walk after the lord together , in a sweet zealous singlenesse of frame : when your hearts have been warmely poured out together before god , a spiritual harmonie , and famenesse of soul , in working the work of the lord , will follow upon it : and if my observation do not fail , our contentions never became hot , till we were cooled and much taken off , from praying together : consider what your enemies are doing , driveing , and designing : is it not , to make you fall asunder , that you may not be able , when divided amongst your selves , to stand before them ? or to withstand them ? take that door of them , by shuting the door upon them , at which you see they designe to ente● : and that their accesse may be the more easie , they will flatter some of you , or forbeare some of you , while they fall upon others , that so they may run down , and ruine all and raze foundations at last with ease : set your selves therefore , with an onenesse of soul and shoulder , to defeat this desperat designe ; and in order to the frustrating of the projects of these peruerters of the right wayes of god , let union in the lord , amongst his servants and people , be studied , and endeavoured : let us carry in this day , as men of understanding , who know the times , and how the true israelits of god ought to behave one towards another , while the adversaries , lye in wait to prey upon our divisions : and is it sutable while they gnash upon us with their teeth , that we should bite and devour one another ? or , is it not more christian and christ-like , that while we suffer together , we smile one upon onother , and support one another ; yea , and if it should come to dying , die embraceing one another ? let therefore all unsuteable and unseasonable striving and unbrotherly and unchristian contending be prevented , or exstinguished , ere they come to a flame : for that is fatal . it is well known , how small a wedge of the same timber , driven by the policy of an enemy , especially when in power , hath made great and grievous breaches , amongst such , who once took sweet counsel together , and walked to the house of god in company : how frequently , in all ages of the church , have they carrried away many , first to a connivance , then to a compliance ( for he who is once cheated into a connivanee , is easily charmed into a compliance ) with their designes , and so rendered the opposition of the rest , who stood and withstood , lesse significant . let us therefore be wise : let us take notice of the adversaries stratagems , whose maxime is devide & impera : and in this they are so cunning , and closs ; as sometime they can personat a division amongst themselves , that they may the more certainly effectuat it , amongst us ; which , when it comes to passe , it hath ever deplorable and dismal effects : for , there is ever a sad and certain connexion observed , betwixt a dividing time in the church , and a further departure from the truth , and a hotter persecution of those , who cleave to god and his truth , with purpose of heart , but becaufe i know , the greatest pretenders to what is now pleaded for , and persuaded unto , are really the greatest enemies to that union and concord , intended by the spirit of god ; and , to the end they themselves may be applauded , in their not strivings , as becomes , for the truth ; they , of all men , are most ready to represent such as doe , as fire brands and church renders . and therefore , let none mistake what love to union , amongst all the serious servants of jesus christ , in such a day , hath caused me to drop ; as if thereby , i did intend to plead for , or perswade unto , an union , with a disadvantage to the precious truth of god , and the true interest of the gospel , or did insinuat , in order to peace and union , either an approbation of forbearance of dutie , in its proper season , or of taking such courses , as in regaird of circumstances may be construed , a compliance with the men , who have made themselves , and the nation , guiltie before god of this high transgression , to wit , of destroying what they once built , and building againe what they destroyed : what ? shall we leave any thing undone , or shall we do any thing , under what speciou● pretext soever , that may seem to say , we have said , a confederacy to such , who call us to a confederacy , after god had inst●ucted us with a strong hand , not to say so , since that confederacy will be found a conspiracy against him ? should we joine again with the persons of these abominations , and breake his covenant ? would he not be angry with us till he had consumed us ? the woe upon woe , and w●ath upon wrath which was denounced against scotland , by a great seer , and eminently faithful master-builder amongst us upon the apprehension of a relapse into a compliance with the haters of the lord and the work of reformation , whereto he preceived a propension , and saw the nation begun already to be leavened with the dreadful leaven of apostasie , is so sadly accomplished upon us , that , unlesse we be a people devoted to ruine and utter destruction , we will learne from what is past , to stand aloof● and stop our eares , at the syren-songs of those , who pipe to us , that we may dance a compliance with them , in their breach of covenant with the most high , and secure them into , a quiet possession of all , which they have taken from our blessed lord jesus christ : for , this is the substance and sense of this now pressed boud , and these newly required lawborrowe●s . o if ever there was a day , to be unite in crying , u●ite our hearts to feare that glorious and fearefull name , the lord our god ; if ever there was a day to be unite in watching , in standing fast in the faith , in quiting our selves like men , this is that day ! when these god-provoking courses are carried on , and our compliance and concurrence therein required ! o● now , when th●re is such a combination against the christ of god , such an onenesse i● opposeing his anointed , let us studie an union , in abiding with him , in owning ●im , as king , and supreme ! let us continue with him , in these temptations , and contend for him ; let us contend with one another ( for that confirms true union ) to excite to this contention : let us studie and promove onenesse in walking in the good old way , without turning aside to the right hand or to the left ; because of the lion that is in it , a●d without laying other foundations , in whole or in part , than what were laid : let us not disorder these foundations , nor pick a stone out of that beautiful fabrick , and then put our invention upon the ra●k , to forge a consistency betwixt some cessions to the adversary , old principles , and finde out a way , how to go some length with them , or how not to oppose them , while they with so high a hand overturn the work of god , and yet retain our integritie , and set off this our novel invention to our brethren , with the embrode●ie , and vermilion of u●ion ; and think , there is sufficient ground , to call all dividers , and stigmatize them as such , who will not , with us , g●ude about , to change their way , and lay as much weight upon our notions , and darke , yea benighting dist●ngoes , as we do . let us studie an onenesse in promoving the opposed work of god ( alas ! under the pretence of being unite amongst our selves , we were charmed , and chained , into a forbearance of many things , in thei● proper season , which may , and ought , to send us mourning to our grave ; and keep a clos● union , between sorrow and our soul , till death make a divorce between soul and body ) let us studie an on●nesse in endeavouring some thing , ●o signifie our sorrow and shame , for the ground which we have lost , and the advantage the adversary , by our faintings hath go● , to t●●mple upon , and triumph ove● our case : an onenesse in seeking of god a right way , by fasting and pra●er ; not daring ●o listen unto , rush upon , or receive overtours without consulting god , since the concerne is his ; and communing with our brethren , not onely equally concerned , but countenanced of god , in their endeavouring to hold fast their integritie , and hold on in the good old way . let us studiean onenesse , in remembring whence we have fallen , and in admonishing , and being content to be admonished ; lest we be hardened , through t●e deceitfulnesse of sin , into a de●en●ce of it . let us be followers of others , forsaking them in no case , nor under no pretext , in as fare , as they are followers of christ : let these be the men , whose practice we propose as a patern for imitation , whose carriage al alongs , whose constancy in the cause , whose courage in continuing at the work of the lord , when hazard did attend dutie , spoke them , to hate the way of them who turne aside : and let us not count that the making of a breach , to forsake ( for then we count without god , and have no● th● mind of christ ) any , or not to fall in with them , and follow them in that , wherein they forsake the way of god , and cease to be what they were , and begin to be , what once they were not , and to do or leave undone , what they condemned , as de●ection or de●astable neutralitie . it is a great abuse of language ( to give it the best name ) to put the name , or notion of union , upon that , which , if searched to the bottome , would make it appeare , that in this the uniters are rather dividers from the lord , than endeavourers to keep the unitie of the spirit , in the bond of peace : it was not against this union nor inconsistent with it , for paul to withstand peter to the face , when he saw , that he walked not uprightly , according to the truth of the gospel , and when his way had carried away others , into a dissimulation : if god have said , if any man draw back , may soul shall have no pleasure in him ; let never our soul enter into their secrets , who would seduce us , in to a relinquishing of the cause , or into a conniveance even at a discovered propension to that , in others : let us studie the import of the place above adduced ; to wit , a standing fast in one spirit , with one mind , striving together , for the faith of the gospel ; striving and standing up together for those things , in the faith whereof , we professed our selves ●ixed , beyond the unfixings of contrary laws , execute with all crueltie : nay , for the fai●h , which we our selves delivered to the saints , and for which , we should contend with all flesh ; though for that , we should be counted schismaticks , and men of contention , with the whole earth . there was an union amongst the disciples , when they all forsooke him and fled . o let us beware ! and have a care , lest , while we cry up and commend union amongst our selves , that , in keeping one another company , we leave not christ jesus , our lord and master , to walk alone . unitie amongst brethren is a very desireable thing : ( and the lord will require it , at his hand , who endeavours it not , in his way ) but , there is a iewel , of infinit more value , onenesse with god , and onenesse with and in the truth : and if our pursuings of the one be not minded , in it's just subordination unto● and for the promoving of the other , it loses it's intrinsick value ; and becomes a plague ; and thus , that which should have been for our welfare , is made our trap : let union amogst brethren be accounted the ring never to be broken● but let union in the truth , and with god , be coured the rubie and diamond : if this be lost , our union loseth it'● name , and changeth it's nature , and passeth with him , for a conspiracy : and so should it do with us . this ought to be our first care , yea and next care too , how to keep him company , and to continue sted●ast and immoveable , abounding in the work of the lord ; and if herein our fellovv servants desert us , or our brethren be othervvise minded , yet vve must go on , hoping and praying that god vvill reveal the same things to them , and grant them , to be like minded vvith us , according to chist jesus , if vve have attained to clearnesse in dutie : and hereby the vvay , i must say , though i hate and abhore rash courses , and i hope vvould no● stand to condemne in my self , as vvell as in others , ● runing upon , and rushing into untroden paths ; yet god hath made ou● vvay so plaine of old , as the vvay-faring man though a fool , needs not er●e in it : these are no novel●ies or notions ; these are no new and darke things , we have to contend for . is covenant keeping with god a disputable point ! is it dobtful , whether christ be absolut in his own house ! or falls it under debate , whether he is to be obeyed , rather than men ! and tr●ely , of late , the course and carriage of our enemies , so directly opposite to ●he wayes of god , hath left no place for doubting about dutie , if we be but delivered from feare of danger . if then , i say , we have attained unto clearnesse in dutie , let us shut our eyes upon all dangers , difficulties & discouragements , arising from the unclearnesse or reluctancy of brethren , yea of fathers , and hold on in our way : let us stop our eares , and become deafe to insinuations , however ●oloured , which would foreslow us , in following and serving him . if we must desert , and be deserted of others , for doing so ; o then , but the presence of god appearing with , and for them , who in such circumstances appeare for him , as it hath , so it will make up , to the satisfaction of men● souls and senses , the want of other company ? paul's notwithstanding , made all odds even : it was no reproach to athanasius , that it was said of him , unus athanasius contra totum mundum ; but that which hath perpetuat his renown , and made his name savourie to all the lovers of our lord jesus christ ; nor shall it be to any , who walk in the same spirit , who walk in the same steps . and to this union of heart amongst your selves , suffer me to append this word : let there be a communion of all good things amongst you also , for supplying the wants and necessities of your suffering brethren : ought you in some cases to lay down your lives for the brethren● then i pray such , who shut their eyes that they may not open their hands to minister to their necessities , to think how they shall answer that question , when put to them ( for put to every one , and more particularly to all that have a profession of love to christ in the nation , it shall be ) 1 ioh. 3 : 17. it may be some of you have much taken from you , and so think your self exempted . but have you more then what is simply necessare ( and in this god will be judge , who will cut off all your superfluities out of reckoning ) for the present support of your selves , while others have nothing ? then consider the place 2. cor. 8 : 1 , 2 , 3. &c. for i cannot enlarge ; nay read that whole chapter and the next ; and the consideration of what the holy ghost hath there said , if any of his words have weight with you , must powerfully perswade to this dutie : remember what is said of the believers acts 2. from ver . 41. &c. and consider what the paritie of the case pleads . but i may not insist ( yea , and dare i say , i hope it is needlesse ? ) onely let me aske you what you would do for christ himself , if he were so dealt with ? then consider the place math. 25 : v. 35. and see how he reckons , and reckon that he will recken wit● you in tha● day , according to that reckoning , and your carriage in this . i hope , this one place for all● if ●ver you look to have a place with him ; and suffer me to leave you with a desire to consider that place also heb. 13. and if you will compare what is said of that great dutie of suffering for christ v. 13 and of that high dutie of praising god v. 15. and compare what is said of both , with what is said of the dutie now perswaded to v. 16 and you will both know what is to be done , and carry as believing , he is not unrighteous to forget the work and labour of love of such , who minister to the necessitie of those , who for his names sake have been spoiled of all : onely perswade your selves , god is taking particular notice of the carriage of every man and woman in scotland , this day ; and accordingl● as he observes , he will repay ; he that soweth sparingly shall reap sparingly , and he that soweth bountifully shall reap bountifully . i shall shut up all , in answering two questions briefly : first , what now should be our carriage in reference to enemies ? secondly , what may be our hope of a delivery from them ? to the first i say shortly , let us be moved , out of compassion to their precious souls , first , to pray much for them : while they stretch forth their hands against you , studie ye this blessed revenge of good will : li●t up your heart , with your hands , unto god in the heavens , on their behalfe ; that the spirit of repentance may be given them : do this , and fulfil his law , whose injunction it is , pray for them that despite fully use you , and persecute you : it may be , there are some of the elect , so far left at present● as to run alongst with this course , pray , that these may be reclaimed : and however , it will afford you much sweet peace , to have this testimony , that , while they in rage and malitious rancour , were pursuing you to heavens gates , you , in love and compassion to their souls , endeavoured to cry to him to catch them● and carry them in with you , to the fruition of himself , and to share with you , in the glory to be revealed : and though , as to them , you shou●d not prevail ; yet , besides that your prayer shall be set forth before him as incense , it shall returne into your own bosome . secondly , henceforth stand , aloof , from all listenings to proposals coming from them , or making any to them : for what ever fredom and clearnesse godly and wise men might formerly or hitherto have had , without scruple in this matter , before they had made such a cleare discovery of their perfect and stated opposition to christ as king , and of the puritie of their enmitie at , and implacabilitie against all , who desire to be faithful and loyal to him ; yet now , i conceive us called of god , to take this course ; as that way , wherein alone we can expect his approbation , and countenance : first , as the most propter mean , to convince them of their wickednesse : this now , seems to be the most proper testimony , against their way , to stand at such distance from them . secondly , as the alone expedient , how to preserve our selves free from all compliances with them , and in good termes with jesus christ : for , seing it is his presence we now need , it is sure best policy , to beware of sining him out of soul or sight , by touching with that , which is soul hates , and for which his soul will be avenged . thirdly , this is the way , to preserve unitie amongst the remnant : do we not know , that their dainties are decei●ful meat ? do we not know , that their most seemingly tender mercies are really keen crueltie ? do they offer us any thing , that looks like a favour but upon designe , that they may more cer●ainly ruine the work of god , by our divisions about it ? i shall give but two instances , to evidence what their purposes are , in their treatings with us . the first i had from a great man , now in glory , who had it from the mouth of that noble man , who then was active above all others , in bringing the indulgence first upon the stage ( i abstract wholly , from the thing it self , for that is not my businesse now , to say either good or ill of it ; i onely intend here to discover , what they designe by their favours ) when he said to him , what my lord intend you by this indulgence ? and , what do you think to gaine by it ? if , said that noble man , we ga●ne no more , we shall certainly gaine this , it shall separate between the made cape , and the moderat fanaticks ( i give it in the very words , wherein i had it ) this was plain dealing indeed , and a palpable discoverie of the desperatnesse of the designe : a second instance is this , when that work of darknesse , our supr●macy , was brought to light , to the end , we should not , according to the merit of the cause , be allarmed and give the all●rme ( which its like from the knowledge of our principles , their conscience indi●ed to be our dutie ) some were ●et on work , to whisper us into the eare , and mumble us into a mutnesse , that we should not ment , nor whimper , at the sight of this prodigious monster ; though , for face and feature , an opposition to christ as king beyond what ever had appeared upon the stage : but why forsooth must we be silent ? o! because favour to the fanaticks is hereby intended● for , what ever appea●ed at brime , there was some special advantage to them , at bottome : the lessening of the episcopal power which did so lash the fanaticks , and the curbing of their crueltie , was intended : by which means , they we●e sure , that so many , as they could fool into this fa●sie , or please with this nothing , or if any thing , the most wicked of all things , would not onely divide , and be divided from their brethren ; but they knew very well also , ●hat the more seeing and serious servants of christ , who adhered to former principles , would count themselves called of god , to look upon such , what ever names they assume to themselves , as manifest deser●ers of the cause of the church of scotland , and betrayers of it . and for my own part , how much so ever i am for union ; yet , i scruple not to let the world know , that be who he will● that hath beaten his brains , to shape a beautiful maske , for hi●ing the hell blakenesse of thi● monsters face , which s●ould be the abhorrence of all that love our lord jesus christ in sinceritie● and hath strained his wit , to put a sufferab●e sense , upon a ●upremacy , whereby our lord is put again to suffer : i say , i scruple not , to let the world know , that this is the echo of my soul , as to him , or them ; o let never my soul enter into the secrets of that man ! & lett him ( who while he thus seeks to ●ile the eyes of others bewrayeth this secret , he is no seer : nay that some finger is put into his eye , i ●hall not say , whose it is ) ne●e● be the man of my councel nay , let all the ●ervants , and all ●he people of god , stand aloof f●om him , and his whispe●ings , because , in stead of being in case to give wholsome advise , as one who stands in his masters cou●cel , he will , by his palliatings and perverse mutterings , seduce , pervert , and ensnare : his breath will be contagious , since his speech must bewray him , to have the bot●h of the court-creed running upon him . hence fourthly , i must professe ( and i desire to say it as in the presence of god , and as writing that which i must carry-in , in my hand , before the tribunal of christ : what ever prejudice should be taken up , against the speaker , or the thing spoken ) that it pass●th the ken of my poor shallow capacitie , after all the discoveries , the enemies have made of the desperatnesse of their designe , how , by all possible means , and malicious methods , to ruine the work of god , and after the mediators crown is so formally set upon the head of another , and all that is now done● and driven , in destroying the remnant , is in order to the establishment of that invasion of his crown , and scepter , what addresse is possible to be made to him , ●ho is thus set down , in the mediators chair of state , and weares his crown in our sight , without sin : except it be , to tell , we can make none : or to beseech to forbeare to persecute the mediators ambassadours , who must continue to preach the gospel , by vertue of their commission : yea , who dare not think o● appearing before christ , with●ut having given such a testi●ony of their resentment of the us●rpation of th●ir masters ●hro●e , and scepter : and who dare ne●er prese●t themselves to god , without doing the equivalent of spreading that supremacy before him ; and praying , that he would take unto him his ●reat power and reigne● and possesse himself again of his own ●h●one , and , disposse●sing these who have usurped it , shew his zeal for his prerogative royal : and● how such a declaration before men , and such dealing with go● , can consist with addresses t●●●em , in church matters , who have taken to themselves his house in possession and yet be fr●● from all compliance with , countenancing of , and conniveance a● , that great wicke●ness● , i see not : and i hope never to see with his eyes , who saith● he sees it . they have now stated the qu●rrel clearly for us : and , as ever we would have christ to stand be us , and stand up to pl●ad this own cause , when we are not able to withstand the power of th● enemy , let ●s stand by him , and stand aloof from them . as we have neither hoof nor h●● to part with , in this matter ; so we have nothing to seek from any , that si●s in our masters chair of state . god forbid , that ever we should be seen to bow or beg before t●em , while they sit there ! how ever , when we are passive , we may make use of what libertie is given ; yet , it is our safetie , it is our peace , it is the interest of the gospel , and for the glory of our exalted prince , to abstaine from seekings , an● receivings from those , who stand in such termes of opposition to him . as to the second question : what hopes we may entertain of a delivery , from our persecuters ? first , i say , there is nothing in my judgement , which can deliver me , or any who considers the nature of our national revolt , in all its god-provoking circumstances , and how deeply every one is guiltie , from him , who sitteth upon the throne , to him who grindeth behinde the mill : and how this sin is now become the sin of the nation ; whereby the whole is made a curse , without meditating terrour , at t●e apprehensions of the ●●yrcenes●e of the wra●h of god almightie , against brittan : lesse th●n such a signification of his displeasure , that we are the people , against whom the lord will have indignation ●or ever : lesse than utter ruine and the perishing of the name of that nation , that generation , and people , from under the heavens of the lord , who have so contemned his covenant , and ●aken his name in vain , is lesse , sure , than what our iniquitie gives ground to ●●are , is but hovering over us and ready to fall upon us ; it is true , not a few ( and blessed be ●e for that ! ● have found mercy , not to go alongs , with all these courses ; but yet , let me say even to these , it becomes us to be very sober , in our expe●tations , and submissive ; passeing the example of ephesus , &c. let us perswade our own souls into this submission , and sobrietie , from the example of god's holy procedor wi●h moses deut. 3.23 , 24.25 , 26 oh , if but for an unadvised word ! if but for a little smoak about the fire of his holy and fervent zeal for god , he , who next to the mediator , w● as reckoned faithful , in all the house , and mat●ers of god , was keept out of canaan ? may not that holy peremptorinesse , in the just and jealous god , whereby he refused to be importuned by such a servant , make us , in remembrance of what we have unworthily done , and left undone , very sober , in our expectations , and silent , though he should cause us fall i● the wilde●nesse , and make our death prevent the dawning of that blessed , and desirable day ? o th●t we could , in the mean time , learne at th●t holy man , to be solicititous , how to transmit pure ordinances , to the posteritie , as we se● he was ; that if we must go off the stage , yet we may live and die , witnessing , how desirous we are , that god may be great amongst the posteritie , wh●n we are gone : and , that an example of witnessing for our wronged lord and m●st●r , may be transmited to those who sh●ll succeed ; withal warning them , that they doe no● follow our example , wherein we have not contented valiant●y , for christ , and the interest of his crown . secondly , i cannot forbeare to say , that , if in the soveraignitie of his grace , he should go out of the common roade of his ordinary providence , and make the delivery come in ou● dayes ; yet , i am sure , ( at least i may say it , as to my self ) a sober reflexion upon what we have been and done , may make us feare , that we shall have no other interests in it , but to be spectators : and that if ●e make use of instruments , it shall be of such , ( how few soever , how base and fecklesse soever , before men , how weake and witlesse soever ) as are free of what my self , and many are guiltie of ; and with whom there hath been a fire of zeal for god , witnessed by their faithful forwardnesse , while , with my self and others , there was scarce the smoaking of a flaxe : though yet he may graciously condescend , even to make our hair grow againe , & so make use of o●r h●nds abo●t his work , and put us in case , to shake ourselves , as his servants have done at other times . yet thirdly , to the end , the poor people of the lord may not be frighted , nor fainted into a despondency ; let me adde this : that deliverance to the people of god , in his own time , way , and manner , ( which i leave vvholly to himself ) and that a great and glorious one , shall come : and this is no lesse cer●ain , than that i●ho●ah cannot fail to establish the throne of his anointed : nay , if all the kings of ●he earth should agree amongst themselves , to set up one monarch , & invest him , with the power of our supremacy ; yet all the povver they could make , managed vvith all the policy in hell , or out of ●ell , sh●uld not be able , to setle that crovvn upon the head of that mortal ; but , t●e immor●al god should , with the omnipotent power of his right arme , shake that usurper out of his seat , and setle the throne of his anointed upon the ruine of his adversaries . hath he said it ? hath he sworne it ? and sh●ll not the zeal of iehovah performe it ? hath christ bought his crown a●d scepter , with his blood ? and hath he such a tittle and right to it ? and hath he all power in heaven and in earth , for securing himself in the possession of his purchase ? and shall any mortal o●ter to mount his throne ? shall any mortal offer to stripe him of this glory , pull the crown from his head , and cloth him●elf with the spoils of the mediator's honour , and be able to keep himself , in possession of what he hath taken from the son of god ? o vain attempt ? let them answer these questions , put unto them psal. 2 : vers . 1 , 2. and read ●he●r doom , v●r● . 4 , 5. o! the mediator's iron rod , put in his hand for securing to him his royal scepter , shall make the potsheads of the earth , by dashing them in pieces , know , wha● it is ●o strive with h●m for state ? and here , let me adde these things shortly ; fi●st , a● in the way he shall take to a●compl●sh our delivery , his holy and hot indignation again●t breach of covenant with god shall be witnessed to the conviction even of suc● who dec●e●d it ; ( for the breach o● covena●t with him , shall either breack britta●'s heart or head ( so , secondly , it shall be seen , to have a most convincingly closs connexion with the vengeance● wherewith our sup●●m●cy shall be pursued the mediators ze●l against this idol of ind●●nation shall be written on the revenges , he will take for it : and in the day , when he rai●eth up a pa●tie , to state the quarrel upon this head , how despicable , and contemptible so ever they may appeare ; th●n it shall appeare , he is about rescinding of our supremacy ( for rescinded it shall be , and if they will not , he will nay , because they will not , he shall : for his crown must flowrish on his own head , and all his enemies must be clothed with shame ) & setting that crown with pure gold , upon his head , from whose head it is taken , by our law. and thirdly , let me adde this ( and so i have done ) that , as their rage and violence , in this late invasion made upon you , in pursueance of the designe of a full and final setlement of themselves , in the possession of what they have taken from jesus christ , by the ruine and overthrow of all , whose way speakes the least of resistance , even to a non-compliance● hath been an high transport of rage , whereby they have been carried , beyond all the boundaries of law and reason : so i have as little doubt , but god shall make the connexion , betwixt his arising to deliver his people , & their having risen up thus , to delete and destroy them at once , so closs , and so cleare , ( how long so ever he delay it ) as it shall be no matter of dif●icultie , for any , who wisely considers these things , to observe what dependance upon , & connexion with , the deliverance of the people of the lord , hath , as to it 's visible rise , with this their horrid and inhumane violence . he is the lord , wh● will hasten these things in his time . do not therefore , beloved sufferers for christ , suffer your hearts , to sink into a despondency : the cause is his , and he will plead , yea thorowly plead that cause , which is his own : and this shall be your crown and comfort to continue contending for him ( for so the cause , that is so purely his , becomes the cause of your soul ) and if you should fall in this conflict , and die suffering ; besides , that you fall in the bed of honour , & fall asleep , in the blessed expectation of the conquerours crown , this your cause will out live all it's enemies , and have a glorious resurrection ; and your wrestlings , and witnessings , and sufferings , as they will be rewarded in heaven ; so they shall be recorded on earth : therefore , lift up the hands that hang dovvn , and strengthen the freeble knees : the s●me , yea greater , afflictions have been accomplished , in your brethren , which have been in the world ; and as the god of all grace , after they had suffered a vvhile , made them perfect , and put them in possession of that eternal glory , to vvhich they vvere called by jesus christ● so shall he stablish , strengthen , settle and keep you ●rom falling , and after all your sorrovves and sufferings , present you faultlesse , before the presence of his glory , vvith exceeding joy : pray for your poor welwisher and companion in tribulation . duplyes of the ministers & professors of aberdene to second answeres of some reverend brethren, concerning the late covenant. 1638 approx. 275 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 68 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20714) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 499) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1591:05) duplyes of the ministers & professors of aberdene to second answeres of some reverend brethren, concerning the late covenant. forbes, john, 1593-1648. 133, [1] p. by edw. raban, printed in aberdene : 1638. signed by john forbes and five others. a reply to: the answeres of some brethren of the ministerie, to the replyes of the ministers and professours of divinitie in aberdene. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of scotland -early works to 1800. answeres of some brethren of the ministerie, to the replyes of the ministers and professours of divinitie in aberdene. covenanters -scotland -17th century -early works to 1800. aberdeen (scotland) -church history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2005-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2007-03 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion duplyes of the ministers & professors of aberdene , to the second answeres of some reverend brethren , concerning the late covenant . if thou take foorth the precious from the vyle , thou shalt be as my mouth : let them returne vnto thee , but returne not thou vnto them . ierem . 15.19 . honour all men : loue the brotherhood : feare god : honour the king. 1. pet. 2.17 . printed in aberdene , by edw. raban , 1638. coat of arms or blazon to the unpartiall reader . it may bee you haue not , as yet , heard the true relation of our proceedinges , and carriage , towards those two reverend brethren , who came latelie hither , to recommend to vs , and our people , the late covenant : wee declare therefore to you , that we hearing of their comming , and intention , and beeing of a contrarie mynde , resolved , that before wee should giue consent , that they should preach to our people , wee would propone to them , by way of certaine demands , the chiefe reasons which made vs to bee averse from their proceedings ; promising to admit them to our pulpits , if they should giue vs satisfaction , concerning the late covenant . wee intended not to print these demandes at the first ; but afterwards considering howe much our people might bee confirmed by them , in that pious resolution which they haue , to continue in the obedience of the lawes of this church and kingdome , concerning episcopacie , and those thinges which were concluded in pearth assemblie ; wee thought good to put them to the presse , but determined not to make vse of them , by divulgating them , except we saw that our people stood in present neede of them ; which indeede came to passe : for vpon fryday , the twentie of julie last , these reverende brethren came to this towne , and having that same night receaved our demandes in writ , they returned their answeres vnto them on saturday following , late in the evening : but they came not to our handes , who replyed vnto them , vntill sunday in the morning . neyther had we leasure to reade , or consider , vntill both the sermons were ended in our churches . wherefore wee did meete together that day , at foure houres afternoone , that wee might peruse them . and at that same tyme , hearing that these reverend brethren had preached in audience of dyverse of our people , conveaned in the court of a noble man his lodging , not having obtayned our consent thereto , and in their sermons had vsed a forme of answering to our demandes , which they did publicklie reade , affirming , that they had given full satisfaction to vs , in a written coppie of their answeres , which they had sent to vs : and by that meanes , had laboured to disswade and draw our people from their obedience vnto the articles of pearth , & the lawes of this kingdome ratifying them : wee knowing how insufficient their answeres were , to giue satisfaction to anie , who would duelie ponder our demandes , gaue licence to the printer to divulgate them , and the next day did wryte our replyes to their answeres , intending to put them to the presse on tuesday . but wee were earnestlie entreated by a noble man , to send backe to them the copie of their answeres , that they might revise and perfect them , & also to delay the printing of our replyes vntill fryday following . which wee willinglie granted . but wherefore this was desired of vs , you may conjecture ; seeing they neyther added , nor diminished , nor altered anie thing in their answeres . vpon the next fryday at night , wee gaue our replyes to the printer : and to these reverende brethren , who returned not to this citie , vntill saturday following , wee sent a copie of our replyes in writ , on the lords day : vnto which we receaved not their answeres , vntill they came from the presse , to wit , on tuesday the fourteenth of august : that is , eyghteene dayes after they had receaved our replyes . what successe these brethren had in their sermons , which they preached here , vpō two severall lords dayes , it is sufficientlie knowne : neyther haue they reason to talke so much of it as they doe , in their preface to the reader . the first of these dayes , some few who were thought to bee that way inclined before , subscryved their covenant : but the next lords day , they scarce prevailed with anie at all . and a great many , who heard them both these dayes , professed , that they returned from their sermons , more averse from the covenant , than they were before . now good reader , wee present to thee our replyes , to their second answeres ; which for shortnesse cause , wee haue called dvplyes : wee pray you consider them vnpartiallie . and if you reape anie benefite by perusing them , let it not be ascrybed vnto vs , but to the invincible force of divyne trueth . wee conclude with zorobabell , saying ▪ blessed bee the god of trueth : and let all the people shout , and saye , great is trueth , and mightie aboue all thinges . to our reverend brethren m r alexander henderson and m r david dickson . that your answeres , reverende and deare brethren ; haue not in anie degree satisfied vs , wee impute it not to your weaknesse , whom wee know to bee able men , and much exercysed in the matters debated betwixt vs : but wee impute it to the weaknesse of your cause , and to that inabilitie which is in all men , as well as in you , to beare out agaynst the trueth . wee are sorie that yee are not so respectiue , and favourable , in your judgement of vs : for yee playnlie declare in your preface , that yee suspect vs of prejudice : and that for two reasons . the first is , that our demandes , which yee conceaved had beene meerelie intended for you , were published before your comming in print : as also , that our replyes were printed before we receaved your last answeres to them . whence yee conclude , that wee were rather ayming at victorie , moved thereto by prejudice , than at satisfaction by searching of the trueth . this reason is grounded vpon a mistaking : for altho our demandes at the first , were intended for you onlie , yet afterwardes we resolved to print them , as also our replyes , ( the printing whereof did nowayes depend vpon your second answeres , ) not for loue of contention , nor desire of victorie , ( god knoweth ) but for such reasons , as wee haue expressed in our preface to the vnpartiall reader , whom wee hope wee haue satisfied in this poynt . your other reason is , that the groundes of your answeres to vs , haue proven satisfactorie to others ; who for age and learning , are pryme men of this kingdome : and to whom our modestie will not suffer vs , to preferre our selues . farre be it frō vs to be so presumptuous , as to preferre our selues to so manie learned and worthie divynes : and as farre bee it from vs , to measure the soliditie , and sufficiencie of your answeres , by the habilities or induments of these , who haue acquiesced in them . if this your reason were good , the papists might more probablie accuse vs of prejudice , ( as indeede they vnjustlie doe ) because your answeres to our argumentes , haue proven satisfactorie to manie thousands of those , who for profunditie , and subtilitie of wit , are inferiour to none of the world : but wee regarde not this slender motiue , remembring these wordes of our saviour , i thanke thee , o father , lord of heaven and earth , because thou hast hid these thinges from the wyse and prudent , and hast revealed them vnto babes : even so , o father , for so it seemed good in thy sight . besides , if yee compare the divynes , ancient and moderne , who are of our judgement , with these who favour your opinion , eyther in number , or in the excellencie of their gifts , ye shall find that in this , the advantage is greatlie ours . in the meane tyme yee shall know , that wee can bring farre better reasons to free our selues of prejudice , than these which yee haue brought agaynst vs : to wit , the soliditie of our argumentes , which haue put you to such straytes , ( pardon vs to say that , which everie one who hath eyes , may see ) that oft-tymes yee doe not so much , as attempt to answere them , beeing glad to passe them by , with the show of an argument in contrarium , or some other lyke shift : our humble and earnest attestations , in calling god , the onlie competent judge ; as witnesse of our sinceritie , in the inmost thoughtes of our soule ; our seriouslie professed resolution , to concurre with you , if wee should get satisfaction from you : the modestie , ingenuitie , and peaceablenesse of our wrytings to you , and on the contrarie , your too great disdainfulnesse and asperitie in your second answeres ; bewraying not onlie the weaknesse of your myndes , farre by our expectation , but also the weaknesse of your cause to vnpartiall readers , who ascrybe this to the pungent force of our answeres ; judging , that they haue made you some-what more cholericke , than you were before . to this wee will adde the great reluctance , which some of the most judicious subscribentes did finde in their consciences , before they subscrybed your covenant ; together with the limitations , and reservations , wherewith they subscrybed it ; evidentlie arguing their strong apprehension , of the dangerous ambiguitie and haske sounding of the wordes of the late covenant : so that even these who are now joyned with you , haue beene much affrighted with those thinges which terrifie vs. as for your protestation in the ende of your epistle , that yee can no more bee brought to our mynde , than yee can bee drawne from the profession of our religion , as it hath beene reformed , sworne , &c. altho this importeth no small prejudice , possessing and over-ruling your myndes ; yet looking to the invincible force of that trueth which wee mayntayne , wee even yet hope that at last it shall prevaile with you ▪ especiallie considering that our controversie is not concerning the reformed religion ; wherevnto wee as sincerelie adheare as anie who-so-ever , but concerning the equitie of that forme of covenant which yee latelie made . wishing you and all others , to adheare truelie and sincerelie , to the same true religion ; and to all the dueties which in it are recommended to you : wee most humblie , and earnestlie pray the almightie god , to pittie his church in this kingdome , and to vnite all our heartes in trueth and peace , in these most dangerous dayes : which although they bee to you dayes of gladnesse , as yee professe , yet to those who loue the peace of sion , and the tranquillitie of this kingdome , they are sad and melancholious dayes , in respect of the blacke clowdes of god's wrath , hanging over our heads , & threatning vs with stormes of fearfull calamities : which wee pray the almightie god to avert . the first dvply . in our disputes agaynst the papistes , ( which haue bene frequent , and by god's grace not vnfruitfull , ) as wee haue learned , that to multiplie objections agaynst the trueth , is a thing easie , as yee say , but fruitlesse and vaine : so also wee haue learned , that to multiplie evasions , agaynst solide arguments brought for the trueth , is a thing no lesse easie , but altogether vnprofitable : which wee pray you take heede to . how forcible are right wordes ? but what doeth your arguing reproue ? iob 6.25 . 2. yee say , that our objection , agaynst your calling , and the warrand of your cōming to vs , was framed & published in print , before it was proponed vnto you , and ere your answere could bee had . indeede our demandes were at the presse at your comming , that they might be in readinesse ; but were not published , before your selues in your sermones did publicklie reade them , and dispute agaynst them , in audience of such of our people as were there present for the tyme ; albeit that written copie of them was delyvered to you onlie , and not at that tyme communicated by vs to anie other . 3 , your authoritie which ye acclayme , is neyther from his majestie , nor warranded by act of parliament , nor by the lordes of his majesties counsell , nor by anie nationall synode of this kingdome , nor by anie judicatorie established in it . and both in your first answere , as also now agayne yee professe , that yee came not hither to vsurpe the authoritie , of anie civill or spirituall iudicatorie . as for your multitude , ( which yee call allmost the whole kirke and kingdome ) it beeing destitute of authoritie foresayde , maketh no warrand of ordinarie calling . therefore , yee seeme to pretende an extraordinarie calling from god , alleadging an extraordinarie necessitie at this tyme , which truelie wee see not in anie such degree , as may deserue and warrand so great a change from the receaved order , which is publicklie by lawes established in this kirke and kingdome . that saying of the apostle , let vs consider one another , to provoke vnto loue , and to good workes , which yee alleadge for your extraordinarie imployment , importeth not an extraordinarie calling , but an ordinarie duetie , to bee performed by all christians , according to their callings . 4. the word of god , and the canons of councells , doe so permit to pastors , the care of the whole kirke , as they must remember to doe all thinges , decentlie and in order , and not to interpone themselues in their brethrens charges , and agaynst their will. and praised bee god , there was not anie combustion , errour , or confusion , in these places of our charges , as yee doe alleadge : neyther did our people stand in neede , of such helpe from you . and if yee meane the combustion of our nationall kirke , wee doe thinke your remeede not convenient ; as beeing , in our judgement , not agreeable to the right way of trueth and peace . 5. whereas yee alleadge , that if some members of this kirke , had not cared more kyndlie , in this tyme of common danger , than others haue done , the whole bodie had beene ere now dangerouslie , if not desperatelie , diseased ; wee answere , that wee most heartilie wish , anie disease of this church , to bee tymouslie prevented and cured . but withall wee wish this to bee done without a rupture , and such a dangerous division : chieflie seeing our church is not infected with anie such erroures , nor is in such dangers , as may giue just occasion , of so fearfull a division : which in it selfe is a sore disease , and from which in holie scripture , wee are often , and verie earnestlie dehorted . dionysius bishop of alexandria , in his epistle to novatus , recorded by eusebius , lib. 6. historiae cap. 37. worthilie sayeth , you ought rather to haue suffered anie thing what-so-ever , for avoyding of cutting asunder the kirke of god : and martyrdome for keeping the kirke from schisme , is no lesse glorious , than which is suffered , for not committing idolatrie . and in my opinion also it is greater ; for in suffring martyrdome for not committing idolatrie , a man suffereth for one , even for his owne soule ; but heere a man suffereth martyrdome for the whole kirke . 6. yee affirme , that we haue no reason to complayne of your carriage , heere towards vs , in respect yee for your sermones preached to our people , made choyse of vacant houres , that they might attende the ordinarie tymes of worship . but indeede this satisfieth not our complaynt : for we justlie complayned of your preaching to our people , without our consent , at anie houre ; and of your labouring , to make them subscrybe the late covenant , before yee had given satisfaction to vs , concerning the equitie of it . 7. yee reprooue vs for these harmlesse wordes of a confoederation , and negatiue confession . that little confession , was long agoe called negatiue , à parte majore . and as for that other word , it is well knowne to all those who are expert in our mother tongue , and in the latine , that covenanting , and confoederation , doe signifie one , and the same thing : and therefore , both these wordes are alyke respectfull , in our judgement . whereas yee say , that your covenant is made with god , and doe call it his covenant : and lykewyse for justifying your swearing , and subscrybing thereof , doe bring some places of scripture , wherein mention is made of a covenant , & oath , betwixt god and his people ; wee shall then allowe the same name , and respect vnto your covenant , when yee shall make it manifest , that your covenant in all poynts therein contayned , hath no lesse warrand from the written word of god , than that covenant which the israelites did sweare in the dayes of ioshua , ( ioshva 24. verse 25 ) and in the dayes of jehojada the priest , ( 2. kings 11. verse 17 ) and in the dayes of king asa , ( 2. chron. 15. verse 15 ) and that which is mentioned by isaiah , 44. verse 5. 8. as wee are still informed , that some haue fled the countrey , and some haue subscrybed for feare ; so no pastors in our knowledge haue gone to court , for the causes alleadged by you . wee doe not presume to judge of the consciences of men , and wee wish you to judge more charitablie , of these reverende prelates , than yee doe . the occasion of this present storme was pretended to bee the introduction of the bookes of service , and canons , and the high commission . these causes are now removed ; and yet the storme continueth so vehement , ( as yee seeme to grant ) that the bishops haue just feares warranding their flight , to saue their persons ; which wee judge to bee too great violence , for anie such cause , agaynst persons in so sacred a calling . 9. wee shall assuredlie , ( by the grace of god ) still contribute , as yee desire , our prayers , and all other meanes agreeable to our consciences , for extinguishing of the present combustion . and for that effect , everie one of vs shall secretlie , and humblie , mourne before the lord , and shall search and trye our wayes , and turne vnto the lord . and as wee haue alreadie humbled our selues publicklie , with fasting and mourning for that effect , so are wee readie in tyme to come , to doe the lyke , when it shall bee indicted or allowed by authoritie , according to the established order in this kirke and kingdome . yea , also wee are readie to joyne with you in the late covenant , so soone as wee shall receaue satisfaction to our consciences , concerning the lawfulnesse thereof ; which as wee haue protested before , so doe wee yet protest , and professe . 10. the reasons which yee touch in your first answere , for proving that wee might without just offence to anie , joyne with you in subscrybing the covenant , are sufficientlie answered in our first replye . for , first , it is not yet discerned in a nationall assemblie , whether your interpretation added to the olde covenant , bee in all poynts sound or vnsound ; and therefore wee haue reason to thinke , that this new covenant , is not substantiallie one with the olde : chieflie seeing it addeth to the olde covenant , not onlie your interpretation of it , but also a promise of forbearance of the practise of pearth articles , vntill they bee tryed in an assemblie ; and lyke-wyse a band of mutuall defence , by force of armes , made without the king's privitie and consent . secondlie , your inference of mutuall defence , agaynst all persons what-so-ever , drawne from the words of the olde covenant , is meerlie invalide . for nothing was pactioned or promised in the olde covenant , without the king's majestie his privitie ; but the band of mutuall defence , agaynst all persons what-so-ever , in this your new covenant , is without the command or consent of the king , to whom onlie the sword is given in this kingdome , immediatlie by god. see to this purpose the words of king iames the sixt of blessed memorie , in his booke entituled , the law of free monarchies , in the english edition of his royall workes , at london , anno 1616. pag. 206. that which yee adde concerning the generall band , is also little to the purpose , for that band had the king's warrand , where-as his majestie doeth now forbid your covenant . thirdlie , altho the former oath subscrybed , did appertayne onlie to the persons of the subscrybers , all the dayes of their lyues ; yet you haue in your interpretation , extended the obligation thereof , to the present and succeeding generations in this land , without anie warrand eyther from publicke lawes , or from the wordes of the oath it selfe : which also is a substantiall difference betwixt that oath , and your late covenant . where-as yee alleadge , that the warrand which the olde covenant had from king , counsell , and assemblie , remayneth virtuallie , and was never yet discharged ; wee answere , it remaineth not , and that because king james of blessed memorie , disalowed that little confession , in respect of the inconveniencie of the multitude of negatiues , as is cleare by his majesties wordes , published in the printed summe of the cōference holden at hampton court , anno 1603. and no former act of counsell , made in the tyme of anie former king , doeth sufficiently warrand our consciences to subscrybe anie oath now , which seemeth to vs to bee disagreeable to the act of parliament ; and which our present dread soveraygne lord , the king's majestie , by his publicke proclamations ; and other intimations of his royall pleasure , forbiddeth vs to subscrybe . and as for the acts of these two assemblies , which did injoyne subscription to the sayde little confession , they were relatiue to the king's mandate , which is now expyred by his owne declaration , and with his royall breath , according to that common maxime : morte mandatori : expirat mandatum . extra . de officio & potestate judicis delegati , cap. 19. relatum est in glossa . for the injunction was given for that tyme onlie , as wee conceaue , beeing warranded by the wordes of these assemblies . 11. these that were suspect of papistrie amongst vs , haue not beene vrged by vs to subscrybe that negatiue confession ; but onelie some articles relatiue to the national confession . and as for such as receaue degrees in philosophie , in our colledges , they doe sweare onlie to the true reformed religion , as it is publicklie professed and preached , according to god's word , in this kirke of scotland , and established by publicke authoritie , with a generall abjuration of all , both popish , and other haeresies contrarie thereto . and those who receaue degrees of divinitie , doe more expresslie sweare to the orthodoxe determinations of the ancient catholicke kirke , as is evident by the words of the oath , whereof the tenor followeth . ego a. b. sancte & ex animo coram omniscio & omnipotente deo confiteor & profiteor fidē eam quae de sancta trinitate , & mediatore emmanuele à sanctis patribus in sex primis o ecumenicis conciliis , contra pauli samosateni , sabellij , arij , macedonij , apollinaris , nestorij , eutychetis , & monothelitarum haereses proposita explicata & defensa est , esse vere christianam , orthodoxam , catholicam , ex sacris canonicis scripturis haustam ; symbolum quoque sancti athanasii vt similiter orthodoxum me recipere . item me ex animo detestari haeresin pelegianam , ejusue reliquias semipelagianas , & eas haereses quae imaginibus aut vlli merae creaturae religiosam concedunt adorationem . item , me monarchiam papae romani in vniversam ecclesiā , & ejus cùm in spiritualibus tùm in temporalibus primatum , & judicij papalis in religionis controversiis infallibilitatem , tanquam antichristiana deliramenta rejicere , omnesue etiam alias haereses tum olim invectas , tum recens sub romani pontificis tyrannide natas anathematizo . agnosco spiritum sanctum in canonicis v. & n. testamenti scripturis per prophetas , evāgelistas , & apostolos loquentem , esse nobis vnicum , supremum , infallibilem , & ordinarium omnium de fide vitaue christiana controversiarum iudicem . et s. scripturam canonicis v. ac n. testamenti libris comprehensam esse vnicam , certam , stabilem , perfectam , totalem regulam fidei vitaeque christianae , tum quoad textum , tum quoad interpretationem authenticam seu divinae authoritatis ; & hanc quae hodie in ecclesia scoticana palam & publica authoritate ex sacro dei verbo proponitur de credendis , sperandis , amandis , doctrinam esse orthodoxam , catholicam . et ipsam hanc ecclesiae scoticanae doctrinam , me ad extremum vsque vitae meae halitum constanter per dei gratiam professurum & pro mea vocatione defensurum sancte promitto , juro . insuper almae huic vniversitati cui hunc scholasticum ( docturae theologicae ) honorem debebo , me nunquam ingratum futurum , sed semper ei ex animo fauturum , ejusque commoda , piè , seriò , sedulò , fideliter promoturum sancte etiam coram eodem omniscio & omnipotente deo promitto , juro . wee , who were graduated heere , did sweare this oath , and now , for satisfaction of others , we all doe sincerelie attest god , that wee doe , and shall adheare to it , constantlie , all the dayes of our lyfe . 12. yee doe agayne object to vs , that wee haue presumed to disallow your explanation of the late covenant , which hath beene publicklie allowed by his majesties commissioner : adding thereto , that wee will haue the kingdome guiltie of combination agaynst authoritie , and that wee will not haue the king to bee satisfied ; whence yee inferre , that our dealing is more suteable to papistes , and such incendiaries , than for vs ; who desire to proue good patriots , in vsing all meanes of pacification . but certaynlie yee wrong vs : for what was done by his majesties commissioner , anent your declaration and explanation of your covenant , is evident by his grace owne letter , latelie written to vs of that matter ; whereby his grace hath declared , that he was nowayes contented therewith , and that his majestie hath not receaved anie satisfaction thereby . the same is evident also , by his grace owne manifesto , prefixed to our demands , your first answeres , and our first replies ; reprinted at edinburgh , by his gr. speciall command . to the which manifesto , or declaration of his majesties high commissioner , wee remit the reader , for his full satisfaction , in this , and some other poyntes of your answeres . 13. wee intende not to beare vpon you ▪ and your associates , ( who take to your selues the name of the kingdome , heere in this your answere ) guiltinesse of combination agaynst authoritie , as wee haue protested and declared , in the ende of our former replyes : but in the tendernesse of our consciences , wee doe vprightlie signifie to you our scruples , which hinder vs from approving or subscrybing your covenant . and wee are so free of that odious imputation , of taking part with anie incendiaries , or imitating anie proceedings of that kynde ; as wee heartilie wish , and shall endeavour , to proue good patriots , and christians , in such evident loue of trueth and peace , as it shall bee manifest , that wee neyther haue beene , nor shall bee authors , or fomenters , of this miserable combustion . 14. yee are sorie , yee saye , that wee should account your covenant , to bee a confoederacie agaynst the trueth ▪ and yee affirme , that yee labour with men , to joyne with you in sinceritie , and not through humane feares . now , reverend brethren , in the feare of god , laying aside all humane feare , wee doe sincerelie declare , that if wee thought your covenant , in all poynts agreeable to the trueth , wee should make no opposition thereto . and wee doe heartilie wish , that according as yee doe heere professe , so indeede no man bee threatned with worldlie terroures , to goe your way . wee ayme indeede , at the same ende which yee professe , to wit , at the trueth and puritie of religion , and peace of church and kingdome : but wee are not as yet perswaded , that your way is lawfull and convenient , for attayning to this ende . the ii. dvply . wee desire all troubles to bee prevented by allowable meanes , but are not perswaded to reckon in that number , this your covenanting , and conventions , which wee esteeme to haue beene the occasion of much trouble . as concerning your question , where-vnto yee so earnestlie requyre our answere , to wit , whether wee would haue receaved the bookes of service and canons , or vsed such meanes , as yee haue vsed for avoyding them ? yee shall know , that if we had beene of your judgement , concerning those bookes , wee would neyther haue receaved them , nor yet vsed anie meanes vnlawfull for opposing of them , ( such wee thinke your covenant and conventions , prohibited by authoritie to bee , vntill wee bee better informed ) but would haue vsed humble supplication to his majestie , for removing those evills : and if we had found no remeede thereby , would haue resolved , according to the practise of ancient christians , eyther to flee his majesties dominions , or else patientlie to suffer what-so-ever punishment it should haue pleased him to inflict . in the meane tyme , concerning those bookes of service and canons , wee rest content with his majesties gracious proclamation : and if heere-after our opinion of them shall bee asked by authoritie , wee shall sincerelie and vnpartially declare it . 2. your urging of vs agayne , with the saying of king james , forceth vs to manifest his meaning by his owne wordes , perhaps contrarie to your wish or expectation . that most wyse and religious king , neare the beginning of his booke , cōcerning the powder treason , wryteth expresselie , that such a rysing vp of the bodie , pro aris , & focis , & pro patre patriae , ought to be according to everie ones calling and facultie . which wordes at least doe import , that the moving of the politicke bodie , in whole , or in part , ought not to bee agaynst the will and direction of the head . this is cleare by that which the same king hath written in his booke entituled , the true law of free monarchies , where by manie strong arguments , hee doeth at length demonstrate , that in a free . monarchie , ( such hee proveth this his ancient kingdome of scotland to bee ) the subjects for no occasion or pretext what-so-ever , may take armes , without power from the king ; and much lesse agaynst him , whether hee bee a good king , or an oppressour ; whether godlie , or vngodlie ; altho the people haue might and strength humane . and comprehendeth the summe of all his discourse concerning this matter , in these words following . shortlie , then , to take vp in two or three sentences , grounded vpon all these argmentes , out of the law of god , the duetie & alleadgeance of the people to their lawfull king : their obedience , i say , ought to bee to him , as to god's lievtenant in earth , obeying his commands in all things , except directlie agaynst god , as the commands of gods minister ; acknowledging him a judge set by god over them , having power to judge them , but to bee judged onlie by god , whom to onlie hee must giue count of his judgement . fearing him , as their judge ; loving him , as their father ; praying for him , as their protectour ; for his continuance , if hee bee good ; for his amendement , if hee be wicked ; following and obeying his lawfull commands , eschewing and fleeing his furie in his vnlawfull , without resistance , but by fobbes and teares to god , according to that sentence vsed in the primitiue church in the tyme of the persecution , p●eces & lachryma , sunt armae ecclesiae : that is , prayers and teares , are the armes of the church . 3. ye tolde vs before , and now againe doe repeat it , that the first part of the act of parliament 1585 , is relatiue to another act in queene maries tyme , forbidding bands of manrent . wee knew that sufficientlie before yee tolde it , and passed by that part of your answere , as not pertinent for our argument : so that yee needed not now agayne , to put vs in mynde of it . but wee may justlie challenge you , for not answering that which wee objected , concerning the second part of that act ; for it reacheth farther , than that act made in queene maries tyme , and of new statuteth and ordaineth , that in tyme comming , no leagues or bands bee made amongst his majesties subjects of anie degree , vpon what-so-ever colour or pretence , without his highnesse or his successoures privitie and consent , had and obtayned thereto ; vnder the payne to be holden & execute as movers of sedition and unquyetnesse , &c. wherevnto also is consonant the 131 act made in the 8 parliament of king james the sixt , anno 1584 ; where it is statuted and ordayned by the king and his three estates , that none of his highnesse subjectes of what-so-ever qualitie , estate , or function they bee of , spirituall or temporall , presume or take vpon hand to convocate , conveane , or assemble themselues together , for holding of councells , conventions , or assemblies , to treate , consult , and determinate in anie matter of estate , civill or ecclesiasticall ( except in the ordinarie judgements ) without his majesties speciall commandement , or expresse licence had and obtayned to that effect , vnder the paynes ordayned by the lawes and acts of parliament , agaynst such as vnlawfullie convocate the kings liedges . and where-as yee finde fault , that wee dispute from the act of parliament , and that wee doe preciselie adheare to the letter of the law , wee pray you to consider , that the nature of this question leadeth vs to the act of parliament . beside , it seemeth strange , that yee should challenge vs in this kynde , since for justifying of your vnion ( as yee call it ) yee haue amassed a great number of acts of parliament , and inserted them in the booke of your covenant . wee omit the missapplying of these acts , which were made agaynst poperie , and not agaynst all these thinges , which yee doe now resist as popish . neyther can wee perceaue , how these acts of parlament adduced by you , to justifie your vnion , proue that poynt . more-over , some of these acts cited by you , as namelie , the 114 act made in parliament anno 1592 , in so farre as it is agaynst episcopall government , and all other of that sort , are expreslie rescinded by a posterior act made in parliament anno 1612. how could yee in a legall dispute , for justifying your vnion , produce rescinded acts , as if they were standing lawes , and passe by the posterior acts , which are yet lawes standing in vigour , whereby these other acts are rescinded ? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. constitutiones tempore posteriores , potiores sunt his quae ipsas praecesserunt . ff . de constitutionibus principum , l. 4. 4. wee doe adheare in our former replye , not onlie to the letter , but also ( according to our conception , without prejudice of better information ) to the verie reason and lyfe of the law. the sentence cited by you , to wit , salus reipub. suprema lex esto , or the safetie of the common-wealth should bee the chiefe law , serveth for a good direction to rulers , in making or changing of lawes , or in judging according to them : whence in the lawes of the 12 tables , these wordes are applyed to this purpose . this is observed by king james of blessed memorie , in his often mentioned booke of the true law of free monarchies : for albeit , sayeth hee , that i haue at lēgth proved , that the king is aboue the law , as both the author and giver of strēgth thereto ; yet a good king will not onlie delyte to rule his subjects by the law , but even will conforme himselfe in his owne actions therevnto , alwayes keeping that groūd , that the health of the cōmon-wealth be his chiefe law. and where he seeth the law doubt some , or rigorous , hee may interpret or mittigate the same , lest otherwyse summum jus bee summa injuria : but this sentence doeth no wayes warrand subjectes to refuse obedience to standing lawes , agaynst the will of the supreame law-giver , who is a speaking law. for this were to open a doore to all confusion , which would not prooue the safetie , but the ruine of the common-wealth . as for that which yee sayde before of the generall band , and confession of fayth , and which heere agayne yee doe alleadge for your covenant , wee haue signified our opinion thereof , in our preceeding dvplye . the responses and verdicts of juris-consults concerning your covenant , are not knowne to vs , nor yet the reasons & inducements , which moved them to giue out their declaration in your favoures , as yee alleadge . of obedience , due by subjects , to avthoritie . 5. the poynt touching royall authoritie , is not so full of thornes and rockes as yee giue out , if men would bee pleased vnpartiallie to holde the playne and patent way , layde before vs by holie scripture , and by orthodoxe antiquitie , and by manie eminent divynes in the reformed church , and learned politickes ; which wee shall heere make manifest , after the vindication of those three famous theologues , ( whitaker , bilson , and rivet ) whom yee would haue the reader to esteeme favourers of your opinion . 6. doctor whitakers wordes agaynst william raynold , translated into english , out of the latine edition at oppenheme , anno 1612. pag. 51. are these , hee relateth the tumults and troubles , which were raysed for religion , in germanie , france , and boheme : as if that one thing were sufficient to condemne them , because once they did oppose themselues , and resisted the violence offered to god's trueth , and to themselues : where-as notwithstanding , fayth , oath , and publicke edicts , and finallie the lawes themselues gaue them warrand to doe the same . i will not say more of this matter , which is nowayes pertinent to the present purpose , especiallie seeing not onlie their just apologie , but also the edicts of the princes themselues haue liberated them from the cryme of rebellion . by these words of doctor whitaker , which yee haue cited , the reader may easilie perceaue , that hee doeth nowayes mayntayne or allowe taking of armes by subjects , without warrand of the publicke lawes , and approbation of the prince ; but excuseth what was done in those warres , by the allowance of the lawes and edicts of princes . 7. so also doctor bilson , in his booke entituled , the true difference betwixt christian subjection , and vnchristian rebellion , printed at oxford anno 1585 , pag. 382. in the wordes cited by you , declareth evidentlie , that hee speaketh of such republickes & states , as haue defences warranded by fundamentall covenant , in that governement . but what is that doctors mynde , concerning the duetie of subjects , in a free and absolute monarchie , is evident by his owne words in that same booke , pag. 380 , where disputing agaynst a jesuit , hee sayeth ; warre for the catholicke religion , is both lawfull and honourable , you say : you must adde , of the subjectes agaynst their prince , or else you range cleane besides our question . wee stryue not what causes may leade christian princes to make warre on their neyghboures , but whether it bee lawfull or tollerable for the subject , to beare armes agaynst his naturall and absolute prince . you proue , which is nothing to our purpose . but , sir , in this enterpryze , the person must bee respected as well as the cause : bee the cause never so just , if the person bee not authorized by god to draw the sword , they bee no just nor lawfull warres . private men may not venter on warres , vnlesse they bee directly warranded by him that hath the sword from god. and agayne in that same booke , pag. 502 , our saviour for teaching his , that they should bee brought before kings and rulers , and put to death , and hated of all men for his name sake : addeth not , as you would haue it , and hee that first rebelleth , but , hee that endureth to the ende , shall bee saved ; and agayne , not with violence restrayne them , but in patience possesse your owne soules . this is the way for all christian subjects to conquer tyrants , and this is the remedie provyded in the new testament agaynst all persecutions , not to resist powers , which god hath ordayned , lest wee bee damned : but with all meeknesse to suffer , that wee may bee crowned . and pag. 513. hee showeth , that manifolde formes of common-wealthes , make diverse men speake diverslie of the magistrates sword . and pag. 518. hee pleadeth , that the subjects in england , haue not that lawfull warrand , to draw the sword without consent of their prince , as the germanes haue without consent of the emperour ; and this discourse hee prosecuteth in some following pages . 8. the same is the meaning of doctor rivet , ( as wee take it ) in his commentarie vpon the psalme 68 ; where he distinguisheth betweene an absolute principalitie , and such a principalitie as is onlie conditionall , pactionall , conventionall . of this second sort are to bee vnderstood , his words of just and necessarie defence . but of the absolute principalitie speaking in that same place , hee recommendeth to subjects , rather suffering of martyrdome . and this to bee his meaning , appeareth more clearlie by his last declaration concerning this question , in his late treatise entituled , jesuita vapulans : where beeing pressed by an adversarie , hee handleth this question of purpose . in the meane tyme , wee wonder verie much , that yee haue not directlie answered to these remarkeable wordes of doctor rivet , alleadged by vs in our replye , wherein hee playnlie averreth , that the doctrine of buchanane , knox , and goodman , concerning subjects resisting their lawfull princes , is not approved by anie sound protestant . wee expected from you , a full and particular answere ; and now agayne we would gladlie heare , whether yee approue the judgement of rivet , concerning that doctrine of these wryters , or not . 9. thus having vindicated these three divynes , which yee alleadge for you , wee come now to those testimonies which wee promised , for clearing of the playnnesse of the way touching authoritie . first , it is evident by holie scripture , that it is vnlawfull for subjects in a monarchicall estate , ( such as is this kingdome of scotland ) to take armes for religion , or for anie other pretence , without warrand and power from the prince , and supreame magistrate . for the scripture teacheth vs , that the sword belongeth onlie to the king , and to them who are sent by him , rom . 13. 1. pet. 2.13.14 . that wee ought to keepe the king's commandement , and that in regarde of the oath of god , eccles . 8.2 . and , that wee should bee subject , not onlie for wrath , but also for conscience sake ; because the powers that bee , are ordayned of god : who-so-ever , there-fore , sayeth s. pavl , resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god : and they that resist , shall receaue to themselues damnation , rom . 13. in the wordes of the apostle s. pavl , there is a remarkable opposition betwixt subjection and resistance , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; implying , that all militarie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whether defensiue , or offensiue , if it bee agaynst the superiour power , which god hath set over vs , is forbidden . in lyke manner we reade matthew 26.52 . that all they that take the sword , shall perish with the sword. now certayne it is , that in a free monarchie , subjects haue not the sword from god , except by the hand of the king , to whom onlie god hath immediatelie given it . and therefore who-so-ever taketh the sword without his warrand , hath just reason to feare the foresayde warning of our saviour . manie other places of scripture might bee adduced to this purpose , which for brevitie wee omit , and doe proceede in the next rowme to some testimonies of ancient fathers , & other wryters . 10. tertullian , in his apologeticke , chap. 30. and 33. and 37. telleth vs , that the ancient christians in his tyme , altho having an heathen and persecuting emperour , did honour him , as chosen of god , and second from god , and first after god ; and did choose rather to suffer , than to make resistance by force of armes , altho they lacked not number , and strength to doe it . 11. the lyke example haue we in that renowned thebaean legiō of 6666 christian souldioures , called agaunenses , from the place of their suffering , who without making resistance , as they had strength of hand to haue done , suffered themselues rather to bee slayne , for their christian profession , by the officers of maximian the emperour , executors of his cruell commandement agaynst them . this fell out in the 18 yeare of diocletian , as ado viennensis wryteth in his chronicle , which was the yeare of god 297 , as cardinall baronius reckoneth in his annalls . and of that their christian cowrage , and pious resolution , venantius fortunatus , an ancient bishop of poictiers , hath left vnto vs these encomiasticke lynes , in the second booke of his poëms , biblioth . patr. tom. 8. edit . 4. pag. 781. queis , positis gladiis , sunt arma è dogmate pauli , nomine pro christi dulcius esse mori . pectore belligero poterant qui vincere ferro , invitant jugulis vulnera chara suis . 12. gregorie nazianzen , in his first oration , speaking of the persecution by julian the apostate , when the christians were moe in number , and stronger in might of hand , to haue made open resistance , if they had in their consciences found it agreeable to their christian profession , declareth playnlie , that they had no other remedie agaynst that persecution , but patient suffering for christ , with gloriation in christ . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 13. s. ambrose , having receaved imperiall commandement , to deliver the sacred houses , or churches , to bee possessed by the arians , declareth what hee thought convenient to bee done in such a case ; to wit , neyther to obey in that which hee could not performe with a good conscience , nor yet to resist by force of armes . his wordes to the people , ( concione 1. contra avxentivm ) are these ; why , then , are yee troubled ? i shall never willinglie leaue you . if i bee compelled , i can not gayn-stand . i may bee sorie , i may weepe , i may sigh . agaynst armes , souldiours , the goathes also , my teares are armes : for such are the guardes of a priest . other-wayes i neyther ought nor may resist . a and in the second booke of his epistles , and 14 epistle , to his sister marcellina , speaking of that same purpose , hee sayeth ; b i shall not fortifie my selfe with a multitude of people about mee . — wee beseech , o emperovr . we fight not . — i may not deliver the church ; but i ought not make resistance . 14. such also was the doctrine and practise of manie other great lightes , which shyned in the dayes of julian the apostate , and in the dayes of the arrian emperoures , and gothicke arrian kinges . 15. s. augustine , wryting of a lawfull warre , acknowledgeth that onlie to bee lawfull , which hath authoritie from the prince . for it is much to bee regarded , ( sayeth hee ) for what causes , and by whose authoritie , men vndertake warres : but that naturall order , which is accommodated to the peace of mortall men , requireth this , that the authoritie and counsell of vndertaking warre , bee in the power of the prince . 16. the imperiall lawes doe say the same , ff . ad legem juliam majestatis . leg. 3. eadem lege tenetur , & qui injussu principis bellum gesserit , delectumve habuerit , exercitum comparaverit . et cod. vt armorum vsus inscio principe interdictus sit . nulli prorsus nobis insciis , atque inconsultis quorumlibet armorum movendorum copia tribuatur . these are the words of the emperoures valentinian and valens . et cod. de re militari , leg. 13. nemo miles . nemo miles vel sibi vacet , vel aliena obsequia sine nutu principali peragere audeat , &c. 17. bodin , in his first booke de republica , cap. 10. num. 155 & 156. ( pag. 244. edit . latin. 4. vrsell . anno 1601. ) reckoneth among the proper rights of majestie , the right and power to make warre : and this hee showeth to appertayne , in a free monarchie , to the prince onelie . 18. to this meaning sayeth peter martyr ; as concerning the efficient cause , it is certayne that warre may not bee made without the authoritie of the prince . for paull sayeth , that hee beareth the sword : therefore hee may giue it to whom hee willeth , and may take it from whom hee willeth . loc. com. class . 4. cap. 16. § 2. and a little after , to wit , § 7. hee reciteth and commendeth a saying of hostiensis to the same purpose . 19. calvin , in the fourth booke of his institvtion , in the last chapter of that booke , disputeth the question at length , and by manie strong argumentes evinceth , and concludeth , that it is no-wayes lawfull for subjectes , to resist their prince by force of armes ; whether the prince bee godlie , and just ; or vngodlie , and vnjust in his conversation , and commaundementes : and , that no-thing remayneth to subjectes in such a case , but to obey , or suffer . where vnderstand , that fleeing , is a sort of suffering . neyther are his wordes subjoyned in the 31 sect. to wit , i speake allwayes of private men , &c. contrarie to this . for first calvin in this dispute , indifferentlie vseth the names of private men , and subjectes : and therefore , in the 33 sect. at the beginning of it , hee tearmeth those of whose duetie hee disputeth , subjectes . and in-deede , who-so-ever is a subject , is also , in respect of the supreame ruler , a private man. although magistrates , who are vnder the king , bee publicke persons , in respect of their inferioures ; yet being considered , with relation to him that is supreame , 1. pet. 2.13 . they are but private . as in dialecticke , an intermediate genus , altho in respect of the inferiour species , it bee a genus ; yet in relation to the superiour genus , it is but a species . all power of governing , is so subjected to the supreame power , that what-so-ever is done agaynst the will of the supreame ruler , is destitute of that power ; and consequentlie , is to bee esteemed for a private act . for , as wee are taught by the philosophers , order can not bee , but with a reference to that which is first . hence king iames , in his booke of the true law of free monarchies , pag. 206. affirmeth , that all the people are but private men , the authoritie beeing allwayes with the magistrate . secondlie , this is manifest from the verie wordes of calvin , in that same 31 sect. for there hee excepteth none from the necessitie of obeying , or suffering , when kinges command thinges vnjust ; but onelie popular magistrates , appoynted for restrayning the licentiousnesse of kinges . nowe , where such magistrates are erected , it is certayne , that a king , in such a common-wealth , hath not the supreame power : for if hee had the supreame power , none could force him , since an inferiour can not force his superiour . this can not bee done , but onelie by him , who is superiour , or at least aequall . thirdlie , this is cleare also by the examples adduced by calvin ; namelie , the lacedaemonian ephori , the romane tribunes , and the athenian demarchi . when the ephori were set vp in lacedaemon , the kinges of lacedaemon , were but kinges in name , and had not the supreame power , as it is confessed by the learned . so when the tribunes had their full power in rome , the supreame power was in the people : and in lyke manner it was in athens , , when the demarchi had power . therefore , from this no-thing can bee inferred for the lawfull resistance of subjectes , to a monarch , or king , properlie so called . fourthlie , calvin applying this to the kingdomes that nowe are , sayeth no more , but that peradventure the three estates assembled in parliament , haue that fame power , which the fore-mentioned ephori , &c. had . heere it is to bee marked , that hee sayeth onelie , peradventure it is so : which can bee no warrand to a man's conscience , in a matter of so great importance . for hee that resisteth his superiour by force of armes , should not onelie thinke , that peradventure hee hath power , but should bee assuredlie perswaded , that hee hath power so to doe . when there is no more said , but that peradventure such a thing is , it may bee as reasonablie sayde , peradventure such a thing is not . neyther doeth hee giue this power even peradventure , but to the the three estates assembled in parliament . hence the learned rivet , speaking of calvin his mynde in this place , sayeth , that hee giveth no power to people over monarchs , properlie so called . the same also is observed , concerning calvin his mynde , by albericus gentilis , in his third royall dispute . 20. the same doctrine also is delivered by king james of blessed memorie , in his booke entituled the true law of free monarchies , by hugo grotius in his first booke de jure belli & pacis , cap. 4. by leonhartus hutterus , in his common places , loc. 32. cap. 3. iohannes gerhardus in the 6 tom . of his common places , in his treatise de magistratu politico , nvm . 483. where hee discourseth accuratelie of this matter : zepperus in his 3 booke de politia ecclesiastica , in the last section of the 13 chapter , pag. 573. edit . herborn . 1595. albericus gentilis , in his regall disputations , disput . 3. de vi civium in regem semper injusta . iohn bishop of rochester , in his worke written agaynst bellarmine , de potestate papae in rebus temporalibus , lib . 1. cap. 8. class . 2. where hee adduceth a clowde of manie moe authors . m. antonius de dominis , in his booke called ostensio errorum francisci suarez , cap. 6. § 27. ioannes angelius werdenhagen , i. c. in his politica generalis , lib . 3. cap. 10. quest . 14. 21. by these testimonies wee intende not to lay vpon you , or anie of our countrey-men , anie imputation , or to take vpon vs to giue sentence concerning their proceedinges : but onlie beeing invited heereto by your last answeres , wee thought it our duetie , to signifie to the reader , that manie ancient and late famous wryters are not of that opinion , eyther to thinke the question touching authoritie , so full of rockes and thornes , as you call it , or yet to favour such a defensiue taking of armes , as you thinke to bee alleadged by whitaker , bilson , and rivet . 22. now to prosecute what remayneth of your answere : whereas yee say , that when yee justifie your covenants and conventions , yee meane not onlie the last and most remote endes , but the nearest and immediate ; wee pray you tell vs what yee meane by the nearest and immediate ende : if yee meane the object it selfe , ( which the schoole-men call finem intrinsecum & proximum ) then the lawfulnesse and equitie of the matter , vowed and promised in the covenant , is all one with the goodnesse of the ende of it . whence wee inferre , that seeing the matter promised by you in this your covenant , to wit , your mutuall defence agaynst all persons , none excepted , is in our judgement vnlawfull , and forbidden by a lawfull authoritie ; the ende , of your covenant is meerelie evill : but if by the nearest ende yee meane any thing which is diverse from the object , then wee still affirme agaynst the last part of your first answere , to our second demand , that conventions , and covenants , & all other actions , are to bee esteemed & judged of , first or principallie by the equitie of the object , and then by the goodnesse of the ends of it , whether they bee fines proximi , or fines remoti . 23. wee doe not joyne with the papistes , blamers of our reformation , ( as yee seeme to beare vpon vs ) because they hate and oppugne our reformed religion , which wee loue and defende . neyther doe wee take vpon vs to censure the proceedinges of our reformers : but wee stryue , by the grace of god , so to carrie in our owne tyme , and to walke wyselie in a perfect way , as our adversaries the papistes , may get no advantage to pleade for their vnwarrantable doctrine and practises , by anie pretence of our example . the iii. dvply . in your third answere , passing lightlie from our replye , yee fall into some vnexpected digressions , concerning the service booke and our thoughts thereof : we esteeme it a matter beyond the compasse of humane judicatorie , to sit vpon the thoughts of other men . as for those outward expressions , which yee alleadge vpon some of vs , of not seeing erroures in that booke , or groaning for it ; yee shall vnderstand , that such multiplicitie of popish erroures , as was alleadged by some of you , to bee in that booke , was invisible to some of vs. altho to enter in a particular examination or consideration , of everie poynt and sentence in that booke , is not now tyme nor place . neyther did anie of vs professe groaning for that booke in particular , but for an vniformitie of divyne service throughout this nationall kirke , and a more perfect forme than wee yet haue , that the publicke service were not permitted to the severall judgements , and private choyse of everie minister and reader . which also was thought convenient by the nationall assemblie of the kirke of scotland , holden at aberdene , anno 1616. 2. whether that service booke ( now discharged ) contayneth anie innovation of religion , or anie thing contrarie to the protestant religion , ( as yee alleadge ) wee doe not dispute now . but we doe assuredlie belieue , the pietie and sinceritie of his majesties intention , ever to haue beene , and still constantlie to bee , as it is graciouslie declared by his majesties late proclamation . and wee are certaynlie perswaded , that his majestie hath given order , to discharge all the actes of counsell , made anent the canons , and service-booke ; and are crediblie informed , that they are discharged by act of counsell , [ at holie-rood-house , the fift of julie last ] according to the order given by his majestie . also , wee see no such just cause of feare , as may import your alleadged necessitie of covenanting ; seeing his majestie will not presse anie thing of that nature , but in such a fayre and legall way , as shall satisfie all his loving subjectes : and , that hee neyther intendeth innovations in religion nor lawes ; as wee declared in our former replye , to which yee haue not sufficientlie answered . neyther was it necessarie , for removing of anie just feares , that his sacred majestie should disallowe that service-booke , as yee requyre ; but it was sufficient , to discharge it , in manner foresayde . 3. yee doe conclude your answere vnto our thirde replye , with an vncouth and incredible position , whereof yee bring no proofe at all , but onelie this bare assertion ; who-so-ever professe them-selues , to bee perfectlie satisfied with the proclamation , doe proclayme in the eares of all the kingdome , that they are better pleased with the service-booke , and canons , than with the religion , as it hath beene professed in this land since the reformation . this your thesis , is so evidentlie weake , that we neede no more for the over-throwe there-of , but to oppose there-vnto this our playne and vndenyable antithesis ; who professe them-selues to bee perfectlie satisfied with that proclamation , where-by the service-booke is discharged , & the religion professed in this land since the reformation , is established , doe proclayme in the eares of all the kingdome , that they are better pleased with the religion professed in this land since the reformation , than with the service-booke , and canons . the iv. dvply . yee alleadged a before , and now agayne doe affirme , that wee haue mistaken your interpretation of the olde covenant , as if it had beene given out judiciallie by you , and , as if yee had intended to enforce it vpon others . to free your selues of this imputation , yee sayde in your first answere , that yee intended onlie to make knowne your owne meaning according to the mynde of our reformers , and in charitie to recommend it to others . hence wee inferred in our replye , that yee ought not to obtrude your interpretation vpon vs , nor molest anie man for not receaving the same . to this now yee say in your second answere ; altho you neyther vse threatnings , nor obtrude your interpretation vpon vs , yet wee must pardon you , if yee match vs not with the greatest part of this kingdome , in whose name , by all fayre meanes yee recommend it to vs. truelie , brethren , wee are not offended with you , for preferring the judgement of so manie , to our judgement , who are but few in number : neyther neede yee to craue pardon of vs for this . but concerning these fayre meanes , and that force of reason whereby , yee say , yee recommend your interpretation of the olde covenant to vs , pardon vs , if the experience wee haue , both of your wrytings and proceedinges , make vs to oppose this your assertion . for in your wrytings wee expected indeede , but haue not found that force of reason , whereof yee speake : and as for the proceedinges of those who haue subscrybed your covenant , wee of all men haue least reason to belieue that they vse no threatninges , seeing wee heare daylie so much their threatnings agaynst our selues . 2. where-as for clearing of that which yee sayde before , concerning the mynde of our reformers , yee affirme , that the authoritatiue judgement of our reformers is evident , not onlie by the confession of fayth ratified in parliament , but also by the bookes of discipline , acts of generall assemblies , and by their owne writs : first , wee marvell , how yee can say , that the private writings of master knox , and others , who with him were instruments of that great worke of reformation , haue publicke authoritie to obliedge the subjectes of this kingdome . the legislatiue , and obligatorie power of the church , is onlie in synods or conventions of bishops and presbyters , and not in particular persons expressing their myndes apart . next , this church in the former age , by abrogating the office of superintendents , established in the first booke of discipline , hath declared , that the statutes & ordinances contayned in those bookes , are not of an authoritie perpetuallie obligatorie , but may bee altered or abrogated by the church , according to the exigencie of tyme. the same lykewyse is manifest by the abrogation of summarie excommunication , which this church did abolish , altho it was established in generall assemblies , wherein master knox , and other reformers , were present . wee neede not to insist much in this , seeing so manie of you , who are subscribents , mis-regarde the ordinances of our reformers , praefixed to the psalme booke , concerning the office of superintendentes , or bishopes , funerall sermones , and set formes of prayer , which they appoynted , to bee publicklie read in the church . hence the reader may perceaue , that ye haue no warrand for your interpretation of the olde covenant , from the authoritatiue , and obligatorie judgement , of the reformers ; seeing yee can not ground it vpon the confession of fayth ratified in parliament . as for those other meanes mentioned by vs , to wit , scripture , antiquie , and consent of the reformed churches ; that they truelie make for vs , and agaynst you , the vnpartiall reader may perceaue , by these our disputes . whether or not episcopacie , and pearth articles , bee abjured in the late covenant . 3. as for the second miss-taking mentioned by you in your answere , wee did showe in our replye , that in your covenant , pearth articles , and episcopacie , are abjured . and for proving of this , wee asked of you , what yee meaned by the recoverie and libertie of the gospell , as it was established and professed before the fore-sayde novations ? and what is that period of tyme , to which your wordes there haue reference ? that is , whether it bee that period of tyme , when the service-booke , and booke of canons , were vrged vpon you ? or if it bee the tyme , when pearth articles , and episcopacie , were receaved in this church ? but , truelie , your answere to this , is no-wayes satisfactorie , nor hath so much as a showe of satisfaction . for yee are afrayd to expresse that period of tyme , lest yee bee forced to graunt , that which wee before objected . and yet your speach bewrayeth you : for seeing yee answere onelie to that which wee sayde concerning the last of these two periods , wee collect , that by the recoverie of the libertie and puritie of the gospell , as it was established before the fore-sayd novations , yee meane the reducing of the policie of this church , vnto that estate in which it was , before pearth articles , and episcopacie , were established . and hence wee inferre , as wee did before , that in that part of your covenant , yee condemne and abjure pearth articles , and episcopacie , as contrarie to the puritie and libertie of the gospell . 4. yee seeme to answere , that in that part of your covenant , yee condemne not pearth articles , and episcopacie , but those abuses and corruptions , which haue accompanied them ; such as the superstitious observing of dayes , cessation from worke on those dayes , feasting , guysing , and the grosse abuses , which haue entered in the sacrament , vpon kneeling before the elementes : and , that in respect of these abuses , wee who allow pearth articles , and episcopacie , may sweare without prejudice of our cause , to recover the puritie and libertie of the gospell , as it was established , and professed , before these novations . 5. but , first , let anie indifferent , or vnpartiall man , who knoweth the state of our chvrch , judge , whether or not it bee lyklie , that your vowe , of the recovering the libertie and puritie of the gospell , as it was before episcopacie , and pearth articles , were introduced , importeth onelie an intention of removing of the consequentes of pearth articles , and episcopacie , and not of the removing of those thinges them-selues ? truelie , wee are perswaded , that they who knowe the state of this chvrch , and your mynde , concerning these thinges , will thinke this your glosse of your owne wordes , to bee violent , and excogitated for cluding our argument . 6. secondlie : who can thinke , that yee , and others , contryvers of the late covenant , who condemne pearth articles , and episcopacie , as much as yee doe the consequentes of them , haue onelie vowed , to remoue their consequentes , and not remoue them-selues ? 7. thirdlie , is it possible , that anie can promise and vowe , to labour for the curing of so manie , and so great pretended diseases of this church , ( wee meane these abuses which yee say , haue accompanied pearth articles and episcopacie , ) and in the meane tyme promise , and intende nothing concerning the removing of the causes of them ? 8. fourthlie , how can wee , without great prejudice of our cause , acknowledge , that these grosse abuses mentioned by you , haue entred in the sacrament , by kneeling before the elements ? ( yee should haue sayde at the receaving of the elements ) for seeing kneeling at the receaving of the sacrament , is confessed by vs to bee a matter indifferent ; if in our oath , wee acknowledge these grosse abuses to haue entred in vpon kneeling , it will probablie follow in the judgement of some , and in your judgement , who recommend this oath vnto vs , it will follow infalliblie , that kneeling for the evill consequences thereof , ought to bee removed . doe yee not heere cunninglie deale with vs ? for altho yee vrge vs not , as yee say , to sweare and promise the removing of kneeling , yet yee vrge vs , by your owne confession , to promise the removing of these abuses occasioned by kneeling : which beeing acknowledged by vs , yee will then take vpon you to demonstrate , that kneeling it selfe ought to bee removed : for yee holde it for a maxime , that thinges indifferent , beeing abused and polluted with superstition , should bee abolished . wee can not sufficientlie marvell , how yee who are of this mynde , can say to vs , that wee who allowe pearth articles and episcopacie , may sweare to recover the libertie and puritie of the gospell , as it was before , &c. for yee meane , that wee may doe so , without prejudice of our cause . but wee haue alreadie showne , that according to your judgement and doctrine , if wee sweare that which yee would haue vs to sweare , our cause shall bee much prejudged , yea , vtterlie lost . 9. fiftlie : howe can wee sweare , to remoue these grosse abuses entered in vpon kneeling , as yee alleadge ; seeing wee thinke , that no such abuses haue entered in vpon it ? yea , our people , trye them who please , will show , that they are as free from all erronious conceits , concerning that holie sacrament , as anie living in these congregations where kneeling is daylie cryed downe . 10 sixtlie , as for these abuses and corruptions , reckoned vp by you , as the consequentes of the observation of festivall dayes , to passe by that which before wee marked concerning kneeling , to wit , that the granting of this were a great prejudice to our cause , some of these are not abuses at all , as , cessation from worke . agayne , some of them haue not come in vpon the observation of the articles of pearth , as guysing , and feasting , ( yee meane excessiue feasting , for otherwyse it is not an abuse ) which onlie fall foorth on christ-mas feastivitie . for sure wee are , that these abuses haue not come by the anniversarie commemoration of chist's nativitie , in the which by the ordinance of pearth assemblie , all superstitious observation , and prophanation of that day , or anie other day , is prohibited , and appoynted to be rebuked . this the reverend and learned bishop of edinbvrgh , in his defence of the act of pearth assemblie , concerning feastivities , pag. 63. proveth , because ( sayeth hee ) wee haue lacked preaching vpon christ-mas day , these fiftie seaven yeares by-gone , in our church , yet ryot , prophanenesse , surfet , and drunkennesse , haue not beene wanting . 11. seaventhlie , as for superstitious observation of dayes , ( whereof hitherto wee haue had no experience ) wee marvell , that yee can reckon it , amongst the consequentes of the observation of dayes : seeing in your judgement , it is all one with the observation of dayes . for yee thinke the observation of anie daye , except the lord's day , to bee , in the owne nature of it , superstitious , and will-worship . 12. as for the last part of your answere to our argument , concerning the fore-sayde period of tyme ; where yee alleadge , that manie corruptions , of popish and arminian doctrine , haue entered in the kirke , &c. wee aske you , whether yee designe heere an other period of tyme , than yee did before ? or if yee designe onlie this selfe-same period of tyme , ( in the which both the fore-sayde practicall abuses , and these doctrinall corruptions , haue entered into this church , accompanying , a yee alleadge , pearth articles , and episcopacie ? ) or , last of all , if yee designe no period of tyme at all ? if yee take you to this last , professing , that yee haue heere designed no period of tyme ; then yee answere not our argument , where-in wee particularlie , and expresslie posed you , concerning that period of tyme , vnto which your wordes cited oft before , haue reference . if yee designe the same period of tyme , then looke howe yee can escape our praeceeding argumentes , concerning that period of tyme. 13. but if yee designe an other period of tyme , then wee aske you , whether it bee prior , or posterior , to the period of tyme alreadie mentioned ; to wit , the tyme praeceeding the bringing in of the articles of pearth ? yee can not say , that it is posterior to it : for yee complayned of arminian corruptions , even before pearth assemblie ; branding some of the most learned of our church , with that aspersion . and of popish corruptions of doctrine , yee complayned , when pearth articles , and episcopacie , were established . for the doctrines , of the lawfulnesse and expediencie of these thinges , are , in your judgement , meerlie popish , and antichristian . neyther can yee say , that it is prior to the fore-sayde period of tyme : for the tyme praeceeding the in-bringing of pearth articles , comprehendeth all that tract of tyme which interveaned betwixt the reformation , and pearth assemblie . 14. but wee will yet more evidentlie convince you , by two other arguments , drawne from that part of your covenant , of which wee are now speaking , and from the wordes of this your answere , to our fourth replye ; for first in your covenant yee promise , and also will haue vs to promise with you , to forebeare for a tyme , the practise of pearth articles , vntill they bee tryed , as yee say , in a free assemblie . but this forbearance importeth a manifest prejudice , and wronging of our cause : for this is a fore-acknowledgement , eyther of the vnlawfulnesse , or else of the inexpediencie of the matters , concluded in pearth assemblie . for wherefore ought wee in this exigence of the church , to forbeare the practise of pearth articles , rather than of other rites of the church , except for some greater evill comprehended in them ? this will appeare more evident , if wee shall consider the reason alleadged by you , pag. 17 , wherefore wee ought now to forbeare the practise of these articles : to wit , because in the case of scandall , and sensible feare of superstition , wee ought to doe so . now this case of scandall is not in your judgement , a temporarie , but a perpetuall consequent of pearth articles . for yee thinke it will ever scandalize the papists , as if we were approaching to them : lykewyse yee thinke everie one of them , and especiallie kneeling , to bee inductiue to sinne , ex conditione operis , by the verie nature and qualitie of the worke it selfe . whence it followeth , that they are necessarilie and immutablie scandalous ; for what-so-ever agreeth to anie thing , in respect of the nature of it , it agreeth to it necessarilie and immutablie . if therefore wee in this respect , sweare the forbearance of pearth articles , wee shall bee holden to forbeare pearth articles , not for a tyme , but for ever . 15. next , wee pray you consider , what is meaned by the foresayde novations , in that part of your covenant , wherein yee promise to labour to recover the libertie and puritie of the gospell , as it was before the foresayde novations . certaynlie these wordes can not bee vnderstood of novations to bee introduced , and which haue not as yet entred vnto our church . for the libertie ▪ and puritie of the church is not as yet lost , yea , not impared by them , and so needeth not to bee recovered by the removing of them . they must then be vnderstood of the novations mentioned in the parenthesis of your covenant ; that , is of all innovations alreadie introduced by authoritie , and their alleadged consequentes , which yee promise to forbeare , vntill they bee allowed , and tryed by a free assemblie . hence anie man may conclude , that altho in your parenthesis , yee promise onlie to forbeare these novations for a tyme , yet in the wordes immediatelie following , yee condemne and abjure them . for the recovering of the libertie and puritie of the gospell , as it was established before the foresayde novations , importeth manifestlie a removing of all these novations , which eyther in themselues , or in respect of their consequents , are contrarie to the puritie and libertie of the gospell . but all novations alreadie introduced , are in your judgement of this kynde , and there-fore your vowe , of the recovering the libertie and puritie of the gospell , importeth a removing of all the fore-sayde novations . 16. to conclude this argument : yee may see , that wee haue pryed no more narrowlie into the expressions of your covenant , than wee had reason ; and haue laboured , not to scarre our selues , and others , with meere shadowes , as yee affirme . of our argvment , ad hominem , and the weake retorsion of it , by the answeres . 17. nowe wee come to our argument , or syllogisme , ad hominem , which hath so pinched you , that yee haue not attempted to answere to anie of the propositions of it . our intention in that argument , was to proue , that whether pearth articles bee abjured in the late covenant , or not ; yet yee ( who came hither , to giue vs satisfaction concerning the covenant ) can not , with a safe conscience , averre , or declare to vs , that they are not abjured in it . this wee did evidentlie proue , reasoning thus : what-so-ever rites are abjured in the olde covenant , they are also , in your judgement , abjured in the late covenant . but pearth articles , and episcopacie , are , in your judgement , abjured in the olde covenant : ergo , they are , in your judgement , abjured in the late covenant : and , consequentlie , if yee deale sincerelie with vs , ye must averre , that they are also abjured in the late covenant . 18. to this yee say , first , that what-so-ever be your judgement , as yee are particular persons , yet , at this tyme , yee were to bee taken , as commissioners from the whole companie of subscrybers . truelie wee did take you so ; and did thinke , that yee who were commissioners from such a multitude of good christians , would haue tolde vs your mynde sincerelie , concerning the full extent of the late covenant ; and , that yee would neyther haue affirmed anie thing as commissioners , which yee doe not thinke to bee true , as yee are particular persons ; nor yet would haue laboured , so to insnare vs , as to haue bidden vs subscrybe a covenant , reallie , and indeede , in your judgement , abjuring those thinges , which wee , with a safe conscience , can not abjure . for , in your judgement , pearth articles , and episcopacie , are most reallie abjured in the late covenant , although yee playnlie affirme the contrarie , in your answeres to our fourth , fift , and sixt demaund . and ( which is much to bee noted ) in your answere to our tenth demaund , yee affirme , concerning your selues , that yee , in this late covenant , haue promised onelie forbearance of pearth articles . wee wonder much , howe yee can say so . for who-so-ever by their oath haue tyed themselues to a confession , in the which they firmlie belieue pearth articles , and episcopacie , to bee abjured , those haue indeede abjured pearth articles , and episcopacie . but yee in the late covenant , haue tyed your selues by your oath , to the little confession , or olde covenant , in the which yee firmlie belieue , episcopacie , and pearth articles , to bee abjured : ergo , in your late covenant yee haue abjured pearth articles , and episcopacie : and not onelie yee , but all those who are of that same mynde with you . whence wee inferred , in that tenth demaund , that none of you can vote freelie in the intended assemblie , concerning pearth articles , and episcopacie . 19. secondlie , yee say , that if others of the subscribents , who are of our judgement , ( that is , who are not perswaded that pearth articles , and episcopacie , are abjured in the olde covenant , ) had come as commissioners at this tyme to vs , our argument ad hominem , had beene anticipated , because it would not haue beene pertinent for them . but yee are deceaved , for wee haue ever looked principallie to these , who were the first contryvers of the late covenant , or had speciall hand in it , that is , to your selues , and to others , who these manie yeares by-gone , haue opposed pearth articles , and episcopacie , as popish corruptions , abjured in the olde covenant ; and consequentlie haue , in this late covenant , ( in the which that former covenant is renewed ) by your owne personall oath , abjured pearth articles , and episcopacie . if then that other sort of commissioners had come vnto vs , wee would haue sayde to them , that wee can not sweare the late covenant , because pearth articles , and episcopacie , are in it abjured . and this wee would haue proved by the lyke argumēt ad hominem , that is , by an argument grounded vpon the judgement of the contryvers of the late covenant : as yee may easilie perceaue . 20. thirdlie , yee say , that wee haue perceaved the insufficiencie of our argument , because wee objected this to our selues : that seeing wee thinke pearth articles , and episcopacie , not to bee abjured in the olde covenant , wee may subscrybe the new covenant , in the which that olde covenant is renewed . truelie yee might haue alleadged this , if wee had propounded that objection , and had left it vnanswered . but wee answered it ▪ and brought some reasons ( which yee wyselie did passe by , perceaving the force of them ) to show , that wee can not convenientlie subscrybe your late covenant , notwithstanding of our judgement , or rather opinion of the meaning of the olde covenant . we say opinion : for to speake truelie what we thinke , wee doubt , and so doe others with vs , concerning the meaning of some parts of the olde covenant , touching matters of ecclesiasticall policie , and haue not so full a perswasion in our myndes concerning those parts , as may bee to vs a warrand of our oath . 21. fourthlie , where-as yee say , that it was not for vs to inquyre in your private opinion , concerning the meaning of the late covenant , in that part of it , where it tyeth vs to the inviolable observation of the olde covenant , nor was it necessarie for you , to make it knowne to vs ; wee answere , that wee inquired not your private opinion , but the common judgement of all those , who with you these twentie yeares by past , haue accused vs of perjurie , for the alleadged violation of the olde covenant , sworne by our praedecessoures . and truelie wee had more than reason to doe so ; because wee most justlie feared , that yee , who haue so oft accused vs of perjurie , for practising rites and ceremonies abjured , as yee alleadge , in the olde covenant , sworne by our praedecessoures , would much more vehementlie ; yea , also with a greater show of probabilitie , accuse vs of perjurie , for violation of the olde covenant , sworne and ratified by our selues in this late covenant , if wee should stand to the defence of pearth articles in tyme to come . it became vs therefore , for eschewing of this inconvenient , to inquyre of you , and you also sincerelie and playnlie to declare to vs , whether or not wee may subscrybe & sweare the new covenant , as it includeth and ratifieth the olde , and yet bee reallie free from all abjuration , or condemning pearth articles , and episcopacie ? and lykewyse whether or not yee , and all others who are of your mynde , will holde and esteeme vs free from abjuration of them , not-with-standing of our subscrybing of your covenant . these questions requyre a punctuall aunswere . for if our subscrybing of your covenant , may eyther import a reall abjuration of pearth articles , or if it may make you to thinke , that by vertue of our subscription , wee are reallie , and in-deede , bound to reject them for ever ; neyther can wee , with a good conscience , subscrybe your covenant ; neyther can yee , with a good conscience , requyre it of vs. 22. fiftlie , from our refusing to subscrybe the late covenant , in so farre as it reneweth the olde covenant , or little confession ; because that confession , according to your interpretation , or conception of it , importeth an abjuration of pearth articles , yee collect , first , that vpon this ground wee would not haue subscrybed the late confession anie tyme by-past . secondlie , that wee can not sweare the confession of anie church , no , not the articles of the creed , petitions of the lord's prayer , nor praeceptes of the ten commandements , in respect of the diverse interpretations , which men giue of them . wee answere , first , that since the little confession , is not of divine authoritie , and since the humane authoritie which it had , hath these manie yeares by-gone ceassed , ( as the peaceable warning , latelie given to the subjectes in scotland , proveth ) wee would haue refused our subscription vnto it , ever since wee heard , that it importeth an abjuration of all rites , and ceremonies , which were not receaved in our chvrch in the yeare 1681 ; except wee had gotten some evidence to the contrarie , sufficientlie satisfying our myndes . secondlie : as for the creed , lord's prayer , and tenne commandements , your argument taken from the varietie of mens expositions of them , is farre from the purpose . for , since wee are perswaded , that the author , or penne-men of them , neyther intended , nor yet delivered anie thing in them , but trueth : and that their expression is authenticke , wee are bound to embrace , and receaue them , not-with-standing of the varietie of interpretations , which men giue of them : neyther is it lawfull to vs , to refuse our subscription , or assent , to them , what-so-ever be the judgement or assent of those who requyre it of vs : beeing allwayes bound to acknowledge the infallible authoritie of them , even when wee doubt of the true meaning of them . thirdlie : as for anie of these later confessions of churches , if the case bee such , as nowe it is in this particular of this late covenant , that is , if wee bee not bound by anie standing lawe , to subscrybe it , and if it bee so lyable to the varietie of interpretations , that it may probablie import that which wee thinke to bee contrarie to the trveth , and if these who requyre our subscription , bee , in our judgement , opposers of the trueth , in anie poynt contayned in that confession , & may make advantage of our subscription , alleadging , that wee are tyed by it , to consent to their doctrines , or practises : we may justlie , in such a case , denye our subscription to that confession , for the ambiguitie of it ; and much more may desire those who vrge vs to subscrybe it , to declare vnto ●s , before wee giue our svbscription , whether , or not , that confession , in their judgement , will tye vs to their doctrines , and practises . 23. last of all : in modestie , as yee say , but with a jesting complement , yee present vnto vs , a dish ▪ of our owne dressing : yee meane , the lyke argument , ad hominem ; which is this : the rites and ceremonies which are not abjured in the negatiue confession , are not abjured in this late covenant : but the rites and ceremonies , which were concluded in pearth assemblie , are not abjured ▪ as yee say , in the negatiue confession , made anno 1581 ; therefore they are not abjured in this late covenant . the first proposition , as yee say , is evident , because in the late covenant wee are bound no farther , concerning the negatiue confession , but to keepe it inviolable : and there-fore , what rites are not abjured there , are not abjured heere . lyke-wyse yee say , that the second proposition can not bee denyed by vs , in respect these twentie yeares by-gone , wee haue thought our selues free of perjurie , not-with-standing of the oath made 1581 , and of our conforming our selues to the ordinance of pearth . good brethren , yee haue retorted this . argument verie weaklie vpon vs. for , first , wee flatlie denye the major of your syllogisme ; and withall doe repell the confirmation of it . for altho pearth articles , were not abjured in the late covenant , in so farre as it reneweth the negatiue confession ; yet they may bee , and , as it is alreadie proven , they are abjured in that other part of your late covenant , where yee vowe and promise , to recover the libertie and puritie of the gospell , as it was established and professed before the fore-sayde novations-next , as for your minor , or second proposition , wee suspend our judgement of it , vntill wee bee better informed and advysed : doubting , as wee sayde before , concerning the meaning of those parts of the olde covenant , which concerne matters of rite or ceremonie . neyther doeth the confirmation of your minor trouble vs ; for wee haue thought our selues free of perjurie these twentie yeares by-gone , not for anie certayne perswasion which wee had , that pearth articles are not abjured in the olde covenant ; but because wee did not personallie sweare that covenant , and are not tyed to it , by the oath ▪ of those who did subscrybe it : which wee are readie to demonstrate by irrefragable argumentes . yee see then your argument retorted vpon vs , pearceth vs not at all : and the reader , may perceaue that our argument hath beene so forciblie throwne vpon you , that yee haue not taken vpon you to answere anie part of it . if ye had had evidence of the trueth for you , yee would not onlie haue retorted our argument , but also by answering it punctuallie , showne , that it strayteth not you : and if yee had beene exact resolvers , yee would not haue gone about to haue satisfied vs with a naked argument in contrarium . 24. before wee leaue this poynt , that it may bee knowne to all , what reason wee haue to insist in this our argument , ad hominem , and that wee haue proponed it , not to catch advantage of you , but to get satisfaction to our owne myndes , concerning the covenant , and your sinceritie in vrging vs to subscrybe it , wee will collect out of that which hath bene alreadie sayd , some interrogatories , which wee pray you to answere punctuallie , if yee intende to giue vs satisfaction . the first is , whether or not your declaration of the extent of the late covemant , to wit , that it extendeth not it selfe to the abjuration of pearth articles , bee not onlie vera , true in it selfe , but also verax , that is , consonant to your mynde , and to the mynde of the chiefe contryvers of it ? the reason where-fore wee propone this question , yee will perceaue by these that follow . secondlie , seeing yee and others the chiefe contryvers of the olde covenant , haue beene ever of this mynde , that pearth articles , and episcopacie , are abjured in it ; wee aske , whether yee all tying your selues by this late covenant , to the inviolable observation of the olde covenant , haue tyed your selues to it in all the particular poynts , which yee conceaved to bee contayned in it , or onelie in some of them ? did yee by mentall reservation , except anie part of that olde covenant , or in particular did yee except that part of it , in the which , perpetuall continuance in the doctrine & discipline of this church is promised ? or if that part was not excepted , did yee put anie new glosse vpon it which it had not before ? and if yee did not , whether or not yee renewing the oath of perpetuall observation , of the doctrine and discipline of this church , as it was anno 1581 , haue not onlie reallie , but also according to your owne conception of that part of the olde covenant , abjured all rites and ceremonies , added to the discipline of this church , since the fore-sayde yeare ; and consequentlie , the articles of pearth , and episcopacie ? thirdlie , seeing yee so confidentlie averre , that pearth articles are abjured in the olde covenant , howe can yee denye them to bee abjured in the new covenant , except yee acknowledge a substantiall difference , betwixt the olde and new covenant ? fourthlie , if yee grant that they are reallie and indeed abjured in the late covenant , how can yee faythfullie and sincerelie say to vs , or to anie other , that they are not abjured in it ? fiftlie , how can yee , and all others , ( who with you haue reallie , and also according to your owne conception of the olde covenant , abjured pearth articles , and episcopacie , by renewing of it ) voyce freelie , in the intended assemblie , concerning these thinges ; seeing yee are tyed by your oath , to condemne and abrogate them ? sixtlie , how can wee concurre with you in an oath , wherein wee are infalliblie perswaded that yee haue abjured pearth articles , and episcopacie ? seaventhlie , if wee concurre with you in that oath , will yee not ( as wee objected in our replye , but yee haue not answered it ) thinke vs bound by our oath , to condemne pearth articles , and episcopacie ? and will not yee thinke your selues bound in conscience to tell vs , and all others , that which yee thinke to bee trueth , and may make much for your cause , to wit , that the wordes of the covenant haue but one sense , and that in that one sense pearth articles are abjured ? 25. yee , and all others , may nowe see , howe injustlie yee sayde , that wee would haue the covenanters , agaynst their intention , and whether they will or not , to dis-allowe , and condemne pearth articles , and episcopall governement , lest they bee tryed in a free assemblie . god knoweth , how farre wee detest all such dealing , and this vindication of our two argumentes ( wee added also a third , but yee haue swallowed it ) brought by vs , to proue , that pearth articles , and episcopacie , are abjured in your late covenant , will sufficientlie cleare vs of this imputation , to all vnpartiall readers . 26. wee did not onelie alleadge , as yee say , that your supplications to his majestie were fullie satisfied , by the last proclamation ; but grounding an argument vpon your answere , to our fourth demaund , wee reasoned thus : if in all your supplications , yee haue onelie sought the removing of the service-booke , booke of canons , and new high commission ; not complayning of anie other novations , alreadie introduced : and , seeing his majestie hath graunted this vnto you , what reason haue yee to say , that his majestie hath not satisfied your supplications ? this our argument , yee haue turned to a meere alleadgeance , lest yee should haue troubled your selues , with answering it . vvhether , or not , we may forbeare the practise of pearth articles , vntill they bee tryed in a free assemblie . 27. wee come now to the consideration of that , which your covenant , by your owne confession , tyeth vs to ; to wit , the forbearance of pearth articles , vntill they bee tryed in a free assemblie . and first , where-as yee say , that the vrging of the service booke , is a sufficient reason for forbearance of pearth articles , till an assemblie ; wee professe , that wee can not see the equitie , and force of this reason . for the service-booke may be holden out , albeit pearth articles were not forborne at this tyme ; yea , altho they should never bee removed . and the more obedient , subjects were at this tyme , to his majesties lawes allreadie established , the greater hope might they haue of obtayning their desires . 28. ye bring 2 argumēts , to proue the lawfulnes of the forbearance of novations alreadie introduced . one is , that the articles of pearth establishing them , were cōcluded onlie for satisfying the king , and not to presse anie man with the practise of them : and because the act it selfe ( yee meane the act concerning kneeling ) giveth warrand , to forbeare the practise of them at this tyme , when the memorie of superstition is revived . but this reason doeth no wayes satisfie our consciences . for , to begin with the last part of your answere ; the memorie of svperstitiovs celebration of the lord's svpper , is not renewed in this kingdome , for ought wee know . and , if yee meane , that it is renewed by the service-booke ; suppone that were true , yet , yee know , the service-booke is discharged , by the act of councell , at his majesties commandement . secondlie , the act of pearth , giveth no warrand to forbeare kneeling , vpon everie suspition or apprehension of superstition , re-entring vnto this church . your argument , which yee brought to proue this , from the narratiue of that act , in your answere to our nynth demaund , is confuted moste playnlie by vs in our replye to your aunswere : and wee shall agayne speake of it in our dvplye , to your second answere concerning that demaund . 29. as for the other two parts of your reason , they are contrarie to the verie wordes of the acts of pearth assemblie . the first part is contrarie to the narratiue of all these acts , wherein no mention is made of satisfying the king , but of other motiues taken from the expediencie , or vtilitie of the matters themselues . the second part is contrarie to the tenour of the decision , or determination of these acts : in the which by these formall wordes , the assemblie thinketh good : the assemblie ordayneth : kneeling in the celebration of the sacrament , feastivall dayes , &c. are enjoyned . 30. wee heare of a childish , and ridiculous concept of some , who thinke that these wordes , the assemblie thinketh good , importe not an ecclesiasticke constitution , but a meere advyse , or counsell . this apprehension proceedeth from ignorance : for that phrase is most frequentlie vsed by councells , in their decrees . in that apostolicke councell , mentioned acts 15 , the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , are expresslie vsed , verse 22.25.28 . in the councell of ancyra , can. 1. & 2. the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is vsed . in that great and first o ecumenicke councell of nice , can. 5 , yee haue these wordes ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , can. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , can. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in the third councell of carthage , can. 1.2 . & 3. the word placuit is vsed , & in codice canonum ecclesiae africanae graeco-latino passim habetur vox placvit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and from the greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the decrees of the apostolicke councell were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , act. 16.4 yea , also the civill decree of caesar augustus , lvke 2. verse 1. is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , edictum , placitum . and in the civill lawe , the constitutions of emperoures , are called principum placita , instit . de jure naturali , § . 6. & 9. quod principi placuit , legis habet vigorem , sayeth vlpianus , ff . de constit . principum , lege 1 : where quod principi placuit , signifieth as much , as quod princeps constituit . 31. your other reason , ( which yee bring to proue the lawfulnesse of the forbearance of pearth articles ) is , that it is lawfull to sweare the forbearance of a thing indifferent , in the case of scandall , and sensible feare of superstition , in others . yea , yee thinke , that by doing so , yee haue sworne obedience to the commandement of god , which forbiddeth the doing of that where-by others may bee scandalized . this reason moveth vs no more than the first : for , as for your feare of farther superstition , it is now groundlesse , and causelesse , in respect of the gracious promises contayned in his majesties proclamation . but although it were a feare justlie conceaved , and although the eschewing of an evill justlie feared , bee a thing good , and desirable ; yet wee ought not , for the eschewing of it , disobey the lawfull commaundementes of our superioures . for this were to doe evill , that good might come of it ; which the apostle condemneth ; rom . 3. verse 8. of scandall ; and whether or not wee may denye obedience to the lawes of our superiours , for feare of scandall causleslie taken ? 32. as for that other motiue of scandall , for which yee alleadge , that wee who thinke the matters concluded in pearth assemblie , to bee indifferent , and lawfull , may sweare the forbearance of them ; wee pray you , tell vs , what kynd of scandall it is , which , as yee alleadge , is taken at the practise of pearth articles ? yee knowe , that passiue scandall , is eyther procured by the enormitie or irregularitie of the fact it selfe , ( to wit , when eyther it is a sinne , or else hath a manifest showe of sinne ) or else it is not procured , but causeleslie taken by some , eyther through malice , or else through weaknesse . nowe , which of these two sortes of scandall whould yee haue vs to acknowledge , in the practise of pearth articles ? if the first , then yee would haue vs to condemne pearth articles , before they bee tryed in a free assemblie : which is contrarie to your protestation , and no lesse contrarie to our resolution . for , if wee acknowledge anie enormitie in the practise of pearth articles , ex ipsa conditione operis , wee shall bee holden to condemne them , and abstayne from them for ever . 33. if yee will haue vs to acknowledge , that the scandall following vpon the practise of pearth articles , is of the second sort , that is , is causeleslie taken ; and , that for such a scandall , whether it bee taken through weaknesse , or malice , wee ought to abstayne from the doing of a thing indifferent , although it bee enjoyned by a lawfull authoritie ; ( for yee generallie affirme , that all thinges , which are not necessarie , and directlie commaunded by god him-selfe , ought to bee omitted , for anie scandall what-so-ever , altho it bee causeleslie , yea , and most maliciouslie taken , and that not-with-standing of anie humane precept , or lawe , enjoying them . see the dispute agaynst the english popish ceremonies , part. 2. cap. 8. sect. 5. & 6. item cap. 9. sect. 10. ) then wee protest , that wee differ so farre from you in this poynt , that wee thinke , that for no scandall , causeleslie taken , can wee sweare such a forbearance of pearth articles , as yee would haue vs. and wee marvell from whence yee haue learned this strange , and moste haske doctrine , that for scandall , causeleslie , yea , maliciouslie taken , a man may totallie , and absolutelie , denye obedience , to the lawes of superioures . 34. the author of the dispute even now cited , alleadgeth for his opinion , some schoole-men , acknowledging the trueth of it : and hee nameth cajetane , and bannez , who ( sayeth hee ) affirme , that wee should abstayne , even a spiritualibus non necessariis , when scandall aryseth out of them . hee might haue cited for this tenet , thomas , and all his interpreters , ( even altho hee had beene but slenderlie acquaynt with them ) as well as these two : for they all doe say so . but truelie he much mis-taketh them , when hee alleadgeth them for his opinion . for , first , none of them ever taught , that wee ought to abstayne totallie and altogether , from anie spirituall duetie for the scandall , eyther of the weake , or malicious . secondlie , when thomas and others following him , say , that bona spiritualia non necessaria sunt dimittenda propter scandalum , they speake directlie de eis quae sunt sub consilio , non vero sub praecepto , of matters of councell , and not commanded by anie authoritie , divyne or humane : and the most which they say of them , is , that such thinges sunt interdum occultanda , vel ad tempus differenda , that is , may at some tymes , and in some places , bee omitted , for eschewing the scandall of the weake . thirdlie , the most accurate casuists , and jnterpreters of thomas , differ much about this question , whether or not , thinges that are commanded by positiue lawes , civill , and ecclesiasticall , may bee omitted at any tyme , for eschewing scandalum pusillorum , the scandall of the weake . dyverse of them denye this , to wit , navarrus , in manual . cap. 14. § . 44. vasquez , tom. 5. tract . de scandalo , dubio primo , § . 5. becanus in summa theologiae , part. 2. tom. posteriori , tract . 1. cap. 27. quaest. 5. ferdin . de castro palao , in opere morali , tract . 6. disp. 6. punct . 16. duvallius , in 2 am 2 ae divae thomae , tract . de charitate , quaest . 19. art. 5. and for their judgement , they cite thomas , durandus , almainus , anton. florent . and manie others . fourthlie : those of them who thinke , that thinges commanded by humane lawes , may bee omitted in the case of scandall , admit not , as yee doe , such an omission of the thing commaunded , in the case of scandall , as is conjoyned with a flatte disclayming of the authoritie of the lawe . for they tell vs , that wee ought not , for anie scandall of the weake , denye obedience to the precepts , or lawes , of our superioures , when-so-ever all other circumstances beeing considered , wee are tyed , or obliedged , to the obedience of them . the omission , then , of the thing commaunded , which they allowe , is onelie a partiall and occasionall forbearance , and not a totall abstinence from obedience , or disclayming the authoritie of the lawe . see valentia , tom. 3. disp. 3. quaest . 18. punct . 4. & suarez , de triplici virtute , tract . 3. disp. 10. sect. 3. § . 9. 35. but the forbearance of pearth articles , which yee requyre of vs , is conjoyned with a flatte disclayming of the authoritie of all the laws which established them . and yee will haue vs to forbeare these articles , at this tyme , when all the particular circumstances , which wee ought to regarde , beeing considered , wee are tyed to obedience of them ; especiallie , if wee looke to the will and mynd of the law-givers , and of our present superioures . wee justlie say , that you will haue vs to disclayme , all-to-gether , the authoritie of these lawe : for who-so-ever resolue , and determine , not to practise pearth articles , vntill they bee tryed in a new assemblie , and established by a new parliament ; these are purposed , never to obey them , except they bee tyed by new lawes and actes , concluded in a new assemblie , and parliament : and , consequentlie , are resolved , never to regarde and obeye the lawes or actes of pearth assemblie , and the parliament 1621 , which established these thinges . but so it is , yee would haue vs to resolue , yea , to promise , and sweare , not to practise pearth articles , vntill they bee tryed in a new assemblie , and established by a new parliament : ergo , yee would haue vs to promise , not to practise perth articles , except wee bee tyed , or obliedged , by new lawes , to practise them : and , consequentlie . would haue vs , never to regarde , or obey , the actes of pearth assemblie , and parliament 1621. 36. this kynde of forbearance , to wit , which is conjoyned with a playne disclayming of the authoritie of the lawes made by our superioures , can not bee excused with your pretence of scandall causeleslie taken . this wee proue : first , by a position granted by your selues , and so evidentlie true , that no man can denye it . the author of the dispute , agaynst english popish ceremonies , part. 1. cap. 4. sect. 4. sayeth , that it were scandall , not to obey thb lawes of the church , when they prescrybe thinges necessarie , or expedient for the eschewing of scandall : and , that it were contempt , to refuse obedience to the lawes of the church , when wee are not certaynlie perswaded , of the vnlawfulnesse or inexpediencie of things commanded . now , if such a refusing of obedience , bee both a contempt , and a scandall , it followeth manifestlie , that no man for eschewing of scandall causeleslie taken , ought in such a case to refuse obedience . hence wee reason thus : who-so-ever are not perswaded of the vnlawfulnesse or inexpediencie , of the things commanded by their superioures ; and on the contrare thinke them to bee expedient ad vitandum scandalum ; these ought not for eschewing of scandall , refuse obedience to the lawes and ordinances of their superioures . but so it is , wee are neyther perswaded of the vnlawfulnesse , nor of the inexpediencie of pearth articles : yea , on the contrarie , wee thinke that the acts of pearth assemblie , enjoyneth thinges verie expedient for eschewing of scandall : ergo , wee ought not for eschewing of scandall causeleslie taken , to refuse obedience to them . the major of this our first argument , is alreadie proven . the minor is conforme to the light of our owne consciences , as god knoweth : and therefore so long as wee are of this mynde , wee can not denye obedience to the ordinances of our superioures , for anie feare of scandall causeleslie taken . 37. secondlie , that which may bee removed by information or instruction , can not bee a warrand to vs , of a totall abstinence from the obedience of lawes , or , which is all one , of an avowed disclayming of the authoritie of them . but the scandall of the weake , taken by the practise of pearth articles , may bee removed by information , or instruction : ergo , it can not bee a warrand to vs , of a totall disclayming of the authoritie of the laws , whereby these articles were established . 38. thirdlie : if for scandalls taken , especiallie by the malicious , wee may disclayme the authoritie of a law , then wee may ever disclayme the authoritie of all lawes , of the church or estate . for there is nothing commanded by lawes , but some , eyther through weaknesse , or through malice , may take offence at it . 39. fourthlie , wee ought not for eschewing scandall causeleslie taken , to injure or offend anie man , by denying to him , that which is due to him , and therefore wee ought not , for eschewing scandall causeleslie taken , to offend and injure our superioures , in church and policie , by denying to them that obedience which is due to them . the antecedent is cleare by manie examples . for if a man bee excommunicated , shall his wyfe , children , and servants flee his companie , and so denye to him these dueties which they owe to him , for feare that others bee scandalized , by their keeping of companie with an excommunicate person ? and if they may not for eschewing of scandall , abstayne from these dueties , which they owe to a private person , much lesse may wee abstayne from that obedience , which we owe to our superioures , having publicke charges in church and policie , for eschewing of scandals causeleslie taken by others . 40. fiftlie , what if the thing commanded , bee enjoyned by the civill magistrate , vnder payne of death , and by ecclesiasticall authoritie , vnder payne of excommunication , shall wee for feare of a scandall causeleslie taken , which may bee removed by information , or for the scandall of the malicious , who will not bee informed at all , abstayne from the doing of a thing lawfull and expedient , enjoyned by authoritie , and by so doing , incurre these most grievous punishments of death temporall , and spirituall ? wee belieue , that your selues , who speake most of scandall , would bee loath to take such a yoke vpon you . 41. sixtlie , the denying of obedience , to the lawfull commandements of our superioures , is forbidden in the fift commandement , and consequentlie it is a sinne . shall wee then for a scandall causeleslie taken , denye obedience to our superioures , and so incurre the guiltiness of sinne ? yee commonlie answere to this , that the negatiue part of the fift commandement , which forbiddeth the resisting of the power , rom . 13. vers 2. and in generall the denying of obedience to superioures , is to bee vnderstood with the exception of the case of anie scandall taken by others . for if wee see , ( say yee ) that anie may , or will take offence , at the doing of that which is commanded by our superioures , wee are not holden to obey them : and our denying of obedience to them in such a case , is not forbidden in that commandement . 42. but , first , wee aske , what warrand yee haue to say , that the negatiue part of the fift commaundement , is to bee vnderstoode with the exception of the case of scandall , more than other negatiue preceptes of the second table ? secondlie : as men may take offence , eyther though weaknesse , or malice , at our doing of the thing commaunded ; so they are moste readie to stumble at our denying of obedience to the lawfull commaundementes of our superioures : for they will take occasion , by our carriage , to doe that , vnto which by nature , they are moste enclyned ; to wit , to vilipende lawes , and the authoritie of their superioures . shall wee , then , for the eschewing of a scandall causeleslie taken , not onelie refuse to our superioures , the duetie of obedience , which they craue of vs ; but also incurre an other scandall , and that a farre more perilous one . thirdlie : wee haue alreadie showne , that the negatiue parte of the fift commaundement , is not allwayes to bee vnderstoode with the exception of the case of scandall causeleslie taken . for , wyues , children , and servantes , must not denye obedience , and familiar conversation to their husbandes , parentes , and masters , which are excommunicated , for feare that others , through weaknesse , or malice , bee scandalized there-at . fourthly : as yee saye , that the precept concerning obedience to superioures , is to bee vnderstoode with the exception of the case of scandall causeleslie taken ; so wee , with farre better reason , saye , that the precept , of eschewing scandall causeleslie taken , is to bee vnderstoode with the exception of the case of obedience peremptorlie requyred , by our lawfull superioures , as wee shall showe in our next argument . vvhether the precept of obedience to svperiovrs , or the precept of eschewing scandall , be more obligatorie ? 43. last of all : when a man is peremptorlie vrged by his superioures , to obey their lawfull commandements , and in the meane tyme feareth , that if hee doe the thing commanded by them , some , through weaknesse , shall be scandalized , by his carriage ; in this case , hee is not onlie in a difficultie , or strait , betwixt the commandement of man , and the commandement of god , who forbiddeth vs to doe that where-by our weake brother may bee offended ; but also hee seemeth to bee in a strayt betwixt two of god's commandementes ; to wit , betwixt that precept which forbiddeth the doing of anie thing , where-by the weake may bee scandalized , and that other precept which forbiddeth the resisting of authoritie ; and telleth vs , that who-so-ever resisteth the power , resisteth the ordinance of god. nowe , seeing god's preceptes are not repugnant one to another , neyther doeth god by his lawes laye vpon vs a necessitie of sinning , out of all question , in this case , wee are fred from the obligation of one of these preceptes : and that which doeth not so strictlie tye vs , or is lesse obligatorie , must needs giue place to the other , which is of greater obligation . yee commonlie saye , that the precept of obedience to humane authoritie , must giue place to the precept of eschewing scandall , altho it bee causeleslie taken : and , to confirme your assertion , yee saye , that the ordinance of a superiour , can not make that fact to bee free of scandall , which other-wayes would bee scandalous ; and , that a fact , vpon which anie scandall followeth , ought not to bee done for the commaundement of man. whence yee collect , that , in such a case , wee ought not to regarde , or obeye , the commaundement of our superioures . 44. this your reason can not bee good , because we can easilie retort the argument , and saye to you , that in such a case wee ought not to regarde the scandall causeleslie taken by our weake brethren , so farre , as to denye simplie , and absolutelie , obedience to our superioures for it ; and that because the sinne of disobedience ought to be eschewed : and no scandall of weake brethren causeleslie taken , can make that fact , not to bee the sinne of disobedience , which other-wayes , that is , extra casum scandali , would bee the sinne of disobedience . for it is certayne , that ( laying aside the case of scandall ) to denye obedience to the ordinance of our superioures , enjoyning , and peremptorlie requyring of vs , thinges lawfull , and expedient , is reallie the sinne of disobedience . yee will saye , that the scandall of weake brethren , may make that fact , or omission , not to bee disobedience , which otherwayes would bee disobedience ; because wee ought not for the commaundement of man , doe that where-by our weake brother may bee offended : and so the precept of obedience bindeth not , when offence of a weake brother may bee feared . on the contrarie wee saye , that the lawfull commaundement of superioures , may make that scandall of our weake brethren , not to bee imputed vnto vs , which other-wayes would bee imputed vnto vs , as a matter of our guiltinesse ; because wee ought not , for feare of scandall causeleslie taken , denye obedience to the lawfull commaundementes of our superioures . 45. agayne , yee say , that when scandall of weake brethren may bee feared , the precept of obedience is not obligatorie , in respect the thing commaunded by our superioures , altho it bee in it selfe lawfull , yet it becommeth vnexpedient , in respect of the scandall which may followe vpon it . nowe , ( saye yee ) the ordinances of our superioures are not obligatorie , when the thinges commaunded by them are vnexpedient . wee , on the contrarie , saye , that when our superioures requyre of vs obedience to their lawfull commaundementes , the precept of eschewing scandall , is not obligatorie ; in respect wee ought not , for scandall causeleslie taken , omit necessarie dueties , which god in his law requyreth of vs : in which number , wee moste justlie doe reckon , the dvetie of obedience , which wee owe to the lawfull commaundementes of our superioures . 46. as for that which yee saye , that when scandall may bee taken at the doing of the thing commanded , then the thing commanded becommeth inexpedient , and so ought not to bee obeyed ; that yee bee not more deceaved by this errour , wee pray you marke , that a thing commanded by our superioures , in church , or policie , may bee two wayes inexpedient , to wit , eyther in respect of some particular persons , who through weaknesse or malice doe stumble at it , or else in respect of the bodie in generall , because it is contrarie to order , decencie , and edification . if the thing commanded bee inexpedient the first way onlie , wee may indeed , in such a case , for eschewing the scandall of the weake , forbeare the practise of the thing commanded hic , & nunc , in some particu●ar places , and tymes : provyding alwayes wee doe this , without offence of our supericures , and without the scandall of others , who by our forbearance may bee made to vilipend the authoritie of lawes . but wee , can not in such a case totallie and absolutelie , denye obedience to a law , as wee haue alreadie proven . neyther is your argument brought to the contrarie valide , in respect wee ought more to looke to the vtilitie and benefite , which the bodie of the church may receaue by the thing commanded , and by our obedience to our superioures , than to the harme which some particular persons may receaue there-by . 47. if the thing commanded , bee in our private judgement inexpedient the second way , wee ought not for that to denye obedience to the lawes of the church ; for when the inexpediencie of a thing is questionable , & probable arguments may bee brought pro and contra , concerning the expediencie of it , wee haue sufficient warrand to practise it , if the church by her publicke decree hath declared , that shee thinketh it expedient . your errour , who are of the contrarie mynde , is verie dangerous , & may proue most pernicious to the church , for it maketh the church obnoxious to perpetual schisme , & disconformitie in matters of externall policie : in respect men ordinarilie are divyded in judgement , concerning the expediencie of these thinges . suppone , then , that in a synode consisting of an hundreth pastors , threescore of them thinke this , or that particular ceremonie to bee expedient for the good of the church ; and in respect of the plurality of their voices , mak an act to be concluded for the establishing of it , shall the remnant fourtie , who are of the contrarie judgement , denye obedience to the act of the synode , because they are perswaded , that the thing concluded is inexpedient ; and shall they by doing so , rent the bodie of the church ? truelie , if wee were all of your mynde , wee should never haue peace nor vnitie in this church . yee will say , perhaps , that this our argument , is popish , and leadeth men to acquiesee , without tryall , or examination , in the decrees of the church . wee answere , that in matters of fayth , the trueth where-of may bee infalliblie concluded out of god's word , wee ought not , without tryall , to acquiesce into the decrees of the church . and in this respect wee dissent from the papistes , who ascrybe too much to the authoritie of councells , as if their decrees were infallible . but in matters of policie , if we bee certayne , that in their owne nature they are indifferent , and if the expediencie of them onlie bee called in question , seeing no certayne conclusion , concerning their expediencie , can bee infalliblie drawne out of god's word , which hath not determined , whether this or that particular rite bee agreeable to order , decencie , and aedification ; wee ought to acquiesce into the decree or constitution of the chvrch , altho it bee not of infallible authoritie : and that partlie because it is impossible , that other-wayes wee can agree in one conclusion , concerning matters of this nature ; and partlie , because if wee denye obedience to the decree of the chvrch in such matters , our disobedience shall proue farre more vnexpedient , and hurtfull to the chvrch , than our obedience can bee . 48. seeing , then , what-so-ever yee haue hither-to sayde , concerning the question proponed by vs , may bee easilie aunswered , with a retortion of the argument , vpon your selues ; that wee may eschewe all such logomachie , wee must take some other course , and trye which of these two preceptes is in it selfe of greater moment , and obligation : for thence wee may collect , which of these two preceptes doeth obliedge vs in the case foresayde ; the other giving place to it , and not obliedging vs at all , in that case . if yee say , that the precept which forbiddeth vs to doe that where-by our weake brother may bee scandalized , is in it selfe more obligatorie , or doeth more strictlie tye vs to the obedience of it , as beeing of greater moment , yee must bring a solid reason for you , which wee thinke yee will hardlie finde . wee knowe yee saye , that the precept concerning scandall , is more obligatorie , and of greater moment ; because it concerneth the losse of the soule of a brother : but this reason is not valide ; first , in respect our brother , if hee bee scandalized , by our obedience to our superioures , sinneth not by our default , who doe obey : for our carriage , in giving obedience , is such , as may rather aedifie our brother . secondlie : the precept which forbiddeth disobedience , concerneth the losse both of our owne soules , and of the soules of others , who may bee entysed to that sin , by our denying obedience , to the lawfull commandements of our superiours . thirdlie . if that praecept of eschewing scandall , causeleslie taken , doe so strictlie obliedge vs , when our superioures requyre obedience of vs , it may happen , that a man shall bee in an inextricable perplexitie , not knowing whether hee shall obey , or denye obedience to the commandements of his superioures : in respect hee may feare the scandall of the weake , whether hee obey , or denye obedience . for , as wee sayde before , manie are most readie to bee scandalized by our denying of obedience to our superioures , in thinges lawfull , and otherwyse expedient : and that because wee by nature are most vnwilling to bee curbed , and to haue our libertie restrayned , by the lawes of our supeperioures . for this cause ( as calvin judiciouslie noteth , instit . lib. 2. cap. 8. § . 35. ) god to allure vs to the duetie of obedience to our superiouree , called all superioures , parentes , in the fift commandement . 49. but wee , with good warrand , doe averre , that the precept which forbiddeth resisting of the civill power , and in generall the denying of obedience to the lawfull commandements of our superioures , is of greater obligation and moment . and , first , wee proue this by an argument taken from the dyverse degrees of that care , which wee ought to haue of the salvation of others : for this care tyeth vs to three thinges ; to wit , first , to the doing of that which may be aedificatiue , and maye giue a good example to all . secondlie : to the eschewing of that which may bee scandalous , or an evill example to all ; that is , to the eschewing of everie thing , which is eyther sinne , or hath a manifest showe of sinne . thirdlie : to abstayne even from that , which altho it bee lawfull , yet it may bee , to some particular persons , an occasion of sinne . of these , the first two are most to bee regarded , in respect they concerne the good of all , which is to bee preferred to the good of particular persons . hence wee inferre that the precept of obedience to superioures , which prescrybeth an act aedificatiue to all , because it is an exercise of a moste eminent and necessarie vertue , is more obligatorie , and of greater moment , than the precept of eschewing scandall , causeleslie taken , by some particular persons . 50. secondlie : that the praecept of obedience to our superioures , is of greater moment , and consequentlie more obligatorie , than the precept of eschewing scandall ; is evident by these reasons which are brought by our divynes , to show where-fore the fift commaundement , hath the first place in the second table : to wit , first , because it commeth nearest to the nature of religion or pietie , commanded in the first table , whence ( as your owne amesius noteth in his medulla , lib. 2. cap. 17. § . 13. ) the honouring and obeying of parents , is called by prophane authors , religion and pietie . secondlie : this precept , is the ground and sinewe , ( sayeth pareus , in his catecheticke explication of the fift precept , ) of the obedience which is to bee given to all the rest of the precepts , of the second table . two reasons are commonlie brought of this : one is , that all societies , oeconomicke , civill and ecclesiasticall , doe consist and are conserved , by the submission or subjection of inferioures to superioures , which beeing removed , confusion necessarilie followeth . the other is , that the obedience of this precept , maketh way to the obedience of all the rest . for our superioures are set over vs , to the ende , that they may make vs to doe our duetie to all others . and consequentlie our obedience to them , is a meane instituted by god , to procure our obedience to all the rest of the precepts of the second table . now , would yee know what followeth out of this , let your owne amesius , whose wordes are more gracious vnto you , than ours , tell you it : seeing ( sayth he , cap. citato , § . 6 ) humane societie hath the place of a foundation or ground , in respect of other dueties , of justice and charitie , which are commanded in the second table of the law : therefore these crymes which directlie procure the perturbation , confusion , and eversion of it , are more grievous than the violations of the singular praecepts . now we subsume : the denying of obedience to superioures , injoyning such thinges as in them-selues are lawfull and exdient , directlie procureth the perturbation and confusion of humane societie . and therefore it is a cryme greater than the violation of other particular praecepts of the second table . for this cause , dionysius bishop of alexandria , in his epistle ad novatum , cited before , declaring how much the vnitie of the church ( which is most frequentlie marred by the disobedience of inferioures to their superioures , ) ought to bee regarded , sayeth , that martyrdome suffered for eschewing of schisme , is more glorious , than martyrdome suffered for eschewing idolatrie . 51. thirdlie : these offices , or dueties , which wee owe to others , by way of justice , are more strictlie obligatorie , than these which wee owe to them , onelie by way of charitie . and consequentlie , these praecepts which prescrybe dueties of justice , are of greater obligation , than these which prescrybe dueties of charitie onelie . but wee owe the duetie of obedience to our superiours , by way of justice , and therefore it is more obligatorie , than the duetie of eschewing scandall causleslie taken , which is a duetie onlie of charitie . the major , or first proposition of this argument , is cleare of it selfe , as beeing a maxime not onelie receaved by the scholastickes and popish casuists ▪ but also by our divynes . see your owne amesius , in his medulla ; lib. 2. cap. 16. § . 58.59.60.61.62.63 . where hee not onlie proponeth this maxime , but also proveth it by two most evident examples . the minor is lykewyse cleare : for , first , the duetie of obedience , which wee owe to the publicke lawes of the church and kingdome , belongeth to that generall justice , which is called justitia legalis . for the legall justice , as it is in inferiours , or subjects , it is a vertue inclyning them to the obedience of all lawes , made for the benefite of the common-wealth , as aristotle declareth in his 5 booke of the ethickes , cap. 1. secondlie : debitum obedientiae , the debt of obedience , which wee owe to our superioures , is not onlie debitum morale , a debt or duetie , vnto which wee are tyed by morall honestie , and god's commandement , but also debitum legale , or debitum justitiae , ( quod viz. fundatur in proprio jure alterius ) a debt grounded vpon the true and proper right , which our superioures haue to exact this duetie of vs ; so that they may accuse vs of injurie , and censure vs , if wee performe it not . there is great difference betwixt these two sorts of debt ; and the last is farre more obligatorie , than the first : as for example , a man oweth moneys to the poore , by a morall debt , but to his creditor hee oweth them by a legall debt , or debt of justice : and therefore , hee is more strictlie oblieged to pay his creditor , than to giue almes . such-lyke , by morall honestie , and god's precept also , a man oweth to his neyghbour , a pious carefulnesse , to impede sinne in him , by admonition , instruction , good example , and by omission even of thinges lawfull , when hee foreseeth that his neyghbour in respect of his weaknesse , will bee scandalized by them . but his neyghbour hath not such a right to exact these thinges of him , neyther can hee haue action agaynst him , for not performing of them , as our lawfull superioures haue for our due obedience . in what sense the administration of the sacraments , in private places , was thought indifferent in pearth assemblie . 52. in our replye wee professed , that wee can not abstayne presentlie from private baptisme , and private communion , beeing requyred to administrate these sacraments to such persons , as can not come , or bee brought to the church . hence , first , yee take occasion to object to vs , that the state of the question concerning pearth articles , is quyte altered , in respect wee and our associates , did ever before alleadge the question to bee of things indifferent , but now we thinke them to bee so necessarie , that altho the generall assemblie of the church should discharge them , wee behoved still to practise them : wee answere , first , that the assemblie of pearth hath determined nothing , of the indifferencie or necessitie of these thinges . secondlie : if anie who allowed these articles , did at that tyme in their discourses and speaches call them indifferent , they meaned onlie , that in the celebration of these sacramentes , the circumstances of place and tyme are thinges indifferent of their owne nature : or , which is all one , that wee are not so tyed to the administration of them in the church , and at tymes appoynted for sermon , but wee may celebrate them in private houses , and at other tymes . but judicious and learned men , even then thought the denying of these sacramentes to persons , who can not come , or bee brought to the church , to bee a restrayning of the meanes of grace , altogether vnwarrandable by god's word . whence yee may collect , whether or not they thought it to bee vnlawfull . thirdlie : yee haue no warrand from our replye , to say , that wee would not abstayne from private baptisme , and communion , altho our nationall assemblie should discharge them . for as wee are verie vnwilling to omit anie necessarie duetie of our calling : so wee carrie a singular respect to lawfull authoritie , and to the peace , and unitie of the church ; abhorring schisme , as the verie pest of the church . but of this wee shall speake heereafter in the thirteenth duplye . 53. next , yee say , if wee haue the same judgement of kneeling , in the receaving of the communion , and of feastivall dayes , it commeth to passe among vs which hath beene incident to the church in former ages , that thinges haue beene first brought in as indifferent , then vrged as necessarie . certaynlie , brethren , none are so guiltie of this , as your selues , and your associates : for yee haue now made some thinges to be esteemed necessarie by your followers , which haue beene accounted indifferent , not onlie since the reformation , but these fifteene hundreth yeares by-gone . and in some other thinges , which the auncient church did wyselie forbid , yee doe now make the libertie and puritie of the gospell to consist . as for vs , wee stand as wee stood before , and doe yet thinke kneeling in the receaving of the sacrament , and the fiue feastivall dayes , to bee rites indifferent in their owne nature ; but indeede verie profitable , and edificatiue , if pastors would doe their duetie in making their people sensible , of the lawfulnesse and expediencie of them . 54. wee are of the same judgement concerning confirmation , which calvin , wryting vpon hebr. 6. 2. acknowledgeth , to haue beene vndoubtedlie delyvered to the church , by the apostles : and with the same author , in the fourth booke of his institut . cap. 19 , § . 14. wee wish , that the vse of it were agayne restored : so farre are we from that partiall dealing with the articles of pearth , which yee object vnto vs. what hath moved our most reverende prelates , to abstayne hitherto from the practising of it , wee know not : they can themselues best satisfie you in this poynt . and wee modestlie judge , that this omission hath proceeded from weyghtie & regardable causes . it was sufficient for vs , to haue a care of our owne dueties , in our particular stations . but the vrging and pressing of that practise vpon the bishops , requyreth higher authoritie , than ours . in the meane tyme , ye know the bishops never disclaymed the authoritie of that act of pearth , concerning confirmation , or of any other of these acts , as yee haue done , who haue beene hitherto professed and avowed disobeyers of them all . wherefore wee wish you , heereafter not to bring this omission of the bishops , in the matter of confirmation , as an argument for that forbearance of pearth articles , which yee requyre of vs : for there is a great difference betwixt the omission of a duetie commanded by a law , and an avowed , or professed , yea , sworne disobedience of the law. 55. last of all , whereas ye say , that we , by maintaining the necessitie of private baptisme & cōmunion , doe condemne the practise of this our church , frō the reformatiō , till pearth assemblie , & put no small guiltinesse vpon other reformed churches , who vse not private baptisme and communion at all , but abstayne from them as dangerous : wee answere , that wee haue , in all modestie , proponed our owne judgement , concerning private baptisme , and private communion , neminem judicantes ( as cyprian sayde of olde , in consilio carthag . in praefat . ) nor taking vpon vs , to censure or condemne the practise eyther of this church , in tymes preceeding pearth assemblie , or of other reformed churches . wee can not indeede denye , but wee dissent from them : and if this bee a condemning of them , wee may no lesse justlie say to you , that you condemne the practise and doctrine not onlie of our reformers , in the particulars mentioned before in this same dvplye , but also of dyverse reformed churches , and of the ancient church , as wee declared in our sixt demand , and shall agayne speake of it in our sixt dvplye . a defence of ovr doctrine and practise , concerning the celebration of baptisme and the lord's svpper , in private places . 56. yee desire vs , wyselie to consider , whether the desire which our people haue of baptisme and communion , in tyme of sicknesse , bee not occasioned by prevayling of poperie , and through a superstitious conceat that people haue of these sacraments , as necessarie to salvation . wee are loath to come short of you in dueties of charitie , espciallie in good wishes ; and therefore , wee lykewyse wish you , wyselie to consider , whether the neglect of these sacraments in the tyme of sicknesse , which is in manie parts of the kingdome , proceede not from some want of a sufficient knowledge , and due esteeme of the fruites of these high and heavenlie mysteries . 57. it is well that yee acknowledge , that we minister these sacraments in private , as necessarie onelie by the necessitie of the commandement of god ; but with all yee conceaue , that our people imagine , or seeme to imagine them to bee so necessarie meanes , as that god hath tyed his grace to them . wee desire you to judge charitablie of those who are vnknowne to you ; and with all wee declare , that neyther wee doe teach our people , nor doe they thinke , for ought wee did ever know , that baptisme is so necessarie a meane vnto salvation , that without it god can not , or will not saue anie : yea , on the contrarie , wee are confident , that when baptisme is earnestlie sought for , or vnfeygnedlie desired , and yet can not bee had , the prayers of the parentes , and of the church , are accepted by god , in stead of the ordinarie meane , the vse where-of is hindered , by vnavoidable necessitie : and so in this wee depart from the rigid tenet of papistes . on the other part , wee lykewyse teach , and accordinglie our people learne , that baptisme is the ordinarie meane of our enterance into the chvrch , and of our regeneration ; to the vse where-of , god , by his commaundement , hath tyed vs. 58. if the commaundement of our saviour , matth . 28.19 . goe yee , there-fore , and teach all nations , baptizing them , in the name of the father , and of the sonne , and of the holie ghost , tye not parentes to seeke baptisme to their children , and pastors to administer , when it is sought , then haue wee no commaundement at all , for baptizing of infantes , which is an anabaptisticall absurditie : but if parentes and pastors , are tyed by this commaundement , then parents ought to seeke baptisme , to their dying children , not baptized before : ( for then , or never ) and pastors must accordinglie performe that duetie then , which is incumbent vpon them . this is that which king james of blessed memorie , in a conference at hampton-court , pag. 17 , reporteth him-selfe , to haue aunswered to a scotish minister , whyle hee was in scotland : the minister asked , if hee thought baptisme so necessarie , that if it bee omitted , the chyld should bee damned ? no , sayde the king ; but if you beeing called to baptize the chyld , though privatelie , should refuse to come , i thinke you should bee damned . 59. yee say , ( to avoyde the strength of this argument ) that the necessitie of the commandement , standeth onlie for baptisme in publicke ; and , that no praecept requyreth baptisme , but when it can bee had orderlie , with all the circumstances thereof : whereof yee say this is one , that it bee administred in the presence of that visible kirke , whereof the children are to bee members . thus , first , yee condemne as vnlawfull the administration of baptisme even in the church , god-fathers , and god-mothers , beeing present , if the whole congregation bee not present there ; and the lyke doctrine wee finde in others , also cited on the margine , which soundeth so harshlie in the eares of some of your owne adherentes , that they can not bee perswaded that this is your doctrine . secondlie : the commandement of christ tying vs to baptisme , hath no such addition eyther of the presence of the congregation , or yet of the materiall kirke . this belongeth but to the solemnitie , and not to the necessarie lawfull vse of baptisme . where god hath tyed this solemnitie to baptisme , yee can not show by holie scripture : but where god hath tyed vs to baptisme , wee haue alreadie showne . it is true , solemnities should not bee lightlie omitted : but the law sayeth , when evident equitie requyreth , they may bee dispensed with : for according to that same law , that which is chiefe and principall , should not bee ruled by that which is accessorie , but contrariwyse . as for the place of baptisme , wee may say of it , as tertullian sayeth of the tyme thereof , in the 19 chapter of his booke of baptisme , everie day is the lord's , everie houre , day , and tyme , is fitte for baptisme : it may want of the solemnitie , but nothing of the grace . neyther is such a number , as yee requyre to bee present , necessarie in this case . our saviour hath taught vs , matth . 18.19 , that if two shall agree on earth , as touching anie thing that they shall aske , it shall bee done for them , of his father which is in heaven : for , sayeth hee , where two or three are gathered together in my name , there am i in the midst of them . wee beseech you , therefore , brethren , to take heede , that yee prescrybe not to mens consciences , rites of necessitie , without cleare warrand from god's word , by which yee will never bee able to prooue the necessitie of this circumstance requyred by you in baptisme . 60. the practise of the prtmitiue church , both in the apostles tymes , and thereafter , agreeth with this doctrine and practise of ours . saynct philip baptized the eunuch on the waye , acts 8. ananias baptized saul in a private house , acts 9. saynct pavl baptized the iaylour in his house , acts 16. if yee answere as others doe , that the necessitie of the infancie of the church , excused the want of the presence of a congregation : wee replye , that the same necessitie is found in the cases whereof wee speake : for as vnpossible it is for a dying infant , who about mid-night is at the last gaspe , to enjoy the presence of the congregation , as it was impossible for anie of the afore-mentioned , the eunuch , saul , or the jaylour , to haue had a congregation present at their baptisme , yea , more impossible ; and why should there not bee the same effect , where there is the same reason ? 61. the practise of the auncient church , in this , is also cleare for vs. this is manifest from the 76 epistle of s. cyprian , from the oration of gregorie nyssen , agaynst them who delayed their baptisme , from s. basill , in his 13 homilie , which is an exhortation to baptisme , tom. 1 , from gregorie nazianzen , in his 40 oration , whose wordes wee haue cited vpon the margine . hence altho two set-tymes were appoynted , for solemne baptisme , yet the case of necessitie was ever excepted . this is cleare by the fore-sayde testimonies , as also by these following , siricius epist. 1. cap. 2. tom. 1. concil . gelas . epist . 9. ad episcopos lucaniae , tom. 2. concil . conc. antisiodor . cap. 18. tom. 2. conc. matiscon . 2. cap. 3. tom. 2. concil . conc. meldens . cap. 48. conc. triburiens . cap. 12. concil . in palatio vernis cap. 7. conc. wormatiens . cap. 1. tom. 3. concil . the learned causabon , in his 16 exercitation , considering all this , sayeth , woe to them , that in the administration of this sacrament , denye their duetie to dying infantes , vnder pretence of i knowe not what discipline . to this same purpose the learned martin bucer , in the 15 chapter of his censure of the english litvrgie , considering baptisme of sicke infantes privatelie , sayeth , in this constitution , all thinges are holilie set downe . this same practise also is allowed by doctor whitaker , in his booke agaynst reynolds , pag. 48. 62. the congregation , say yee , where-of the chylde is to bee a member , hath interest in this , and there-fore ought to bee present , no lesse than at excommunication , where-by a rotten member is cut off . in this case of necessitie , there is no prejudice eyther to the chylde , or to the congregation , thorow the want of the congregations presence : for there is no neglect , nor contempt of the congregation in this case , or of anie of the members there-of : and the chylde by baptisme , though privatelie administred , is ingrafted into christ , and so beeing joyned to the head of the church , becōmeth also vnited vnto the church , which is his bodie . if excommunication requyre the presence of the whole congregation , because the power of binding and loosing , is delyeered by christ to everie particular church , or congregation , collectiuelie taken as it is affirmed in the dispute agaynst the english popish ceremonies , part. 3. cap. 8. pag. 182 , then it is not alyke with baptisme , the power where-of is committed to the pastors of the church , matth . 28. but altho that ground bee not true , as wee thinke it is not , yet excommunication is done in presence of the people . for this censure may not bee inflicted , but onelie for publicke offences ; and therefore must be publiekc , as the offence is , that others also may feare , 1. tim . 5.20 . and haue no companie with the delinquent , that hee may bee ashamed , 2. thess . 3.14 . and so your similitude holdeth not . 63. as for the administring of the sacrament of the lord's supper , wee say it is most profitable , for comforting of the soules of men , fighting with the terroures of death ; and that the case may fall out , wherein they most ardentlie desire it , and consequentlie , that pastors who are the stewards of god's house , ought not to denye to his children , so hungring and thirsting in this conflict , that heavenlie refreshment : which wee are not ashamed , with the anciēt fathers , to call , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or viaticum , though yee seeme to condemne this . it is manifest by the writings of the ancient fathers : justine martyr , in his 2 apologie : eusebius , in the 6 booke of his storie , 36 chapter , and others , that the sacrament was administred to sicke persons privatelie . the famous o ecumenicke councell of nice , in the 13 canon , and second part there-of , appoynteth the same , or rather confirmeth the ancien lawes there-anent . the lyke wee may see in the 76 canon , of the fourth councell of carthage . see balsamon also , vpon the 20 canon of the councell of carthage , where speaking of dying persons , hee sayeth , that the lord's supper should bee carefullie administred vnto them ; and baptisme , if they bee not baptized . hence bishop jewell , in his dispute agaynst hurdings , pag. 32. sayeth , that certayne godlie persons , both men and women , in tyme of persecution , or of sicknesse , or of other necessitie , receaved the sacrament in their houses , it is not denyed . the ancient fathers also call this sacrament viaticum , or a provision for our journey . so the fathers , in the fourth councell of carthage , speake , canon 78. so gaudentius in his second treatise on exodus . so in saynct basill his liturgie , wee finde this prayer , that the participation of these sacred things , may bee the viaticum of eternall lyfe . so concil . vas . 1. can. 2. so paulinus in vita ambrosii . whence causabon , in his answere to the epistle of cardinall perron● , pag. 49 , sayeth , the church of england not onlie distributeth , the mysticall bread to the faythfull in the publicke congregation , but also administrateth to dying persons this viaticum , as the fathers of the councell of nice , and all antiquitie , call it . 64. learned calvine was of this mynde : manie and weyghtie reasons , sayeth hee , epist. 361. moue mee to thinke , that the communion should not bee denyed to sicke persons . zeppervs , in his first booke of ecclesiasticall policie , and 12 chapter , hath these words of this matter , one thing remayneth yet to bee resolved , to wit , concerning the communion of sicke persons . albeit some thinke otherwyse , yet it seemeth , that the holie supper may not , nor ought not , to bee denyed to them that seeke it . for if it was appoynted for the confirming of our fayth , and increase of our communion with christ ; if wee ought by the vse of it to testifie our fayth and studie of repentance ; why should they bee depryved of so great a good , who fight with long d●seases , or are in danger of their lyfe ? when doeth satan labour more stronglie to shake and brangle our fayth , than when wee are exercysed with bodilie diseases ? when doe our consciences tremble more , and stand in neede , of the most ample corroboration of fayth , than when wee finde that death is knocking at the doore , and that wee are called to compeare before the tribunall of god ? hieronymvs zanchivs , is of the same mind . thus he wryteth in an epistle of his to john crato , physician to the emperour , i haue nothing to say of the question proponed by you , but that i subscrybe to your judgement , provyding this bee done when necessitie requyreth , and it bee administred to them , who through sicknesse , cannot come foorth with others in publicke . for since christ denyeth this to none of his disciples , how can wee refuse it to sicke persons , who desire it before they depart hence , and that not out of anie superstition , but that their myndes may bee the more comforted , and raysed vp ? martine bvcer , in the 22 chapter of his fore mentioned censure , considering that part of the litvrg●e , where-in the administrating of the communion to sicke persons is set downe , sayeth , thinges heere commanded , are agreeable anough to holie scripture : for it avayleth not a little , to the comforting of troubled soules , to receaue the communion of the lord . yea , hee hath written a particular and most devote treatise , directing pastors how to administer the communion to sicke persons : and yet , wee trust , yee will not call him a papist , since hee was so hatefull to papists , that after hee was dead , they raysed vp his bones , and burnt them . peter martyr , wryting vpon the tenth chapter of the first epistle to the corinth . speaking of the lord's supper , hath these wordes , they say it must bee given to sicke persons : i confesse , sayeth hee , but the mysterie may bee celebrated before the sicke persons . it is to bee remarked also , that often-tymes it falleth out , that some persons are affixed to their beds by sicknesse , for the space of fiue or sixe , yea , ten yeares , or more : and how can we denye the comfort of this holie sacrament to those all that space , especiallie when they earnestlie long for it ? 65. this doctrine and practise of ours , tendeth not to the contempt of the sacraments , ( as yee would beare vpon it ) it is playne contrarie : for by this practise , wee show , how much wee reverence the commandement of god , and how highlie wee esteeme of his ordinances , which wee so earnestlie seeke after ; whereas on the other part , the practise of others , leadeth people to the contempt of the sacraments , because they are moved there-by , to thinke , that there is no such necessitie and efficacie in them , as scripture , and the consent of christians , hath ascrybed there-vnto . as for other abuses , rehearsed by you , as fruites of private baptisme , since you bring no proofe for what yee say in this , wee oppone our just denyall , to your bare and vnjust assertion . 66. lastlie , yee advertise the reader , that yee thinke not the materiall churches , but the ordinarie meetinges , necessarie to the lawfull administration of the sacraments , lest anie should conceaue that yee entertayne a superstitious conceat of places . wee thinke , yee might haue spared this advertisement : for we finde , that they who oppugne our doctrine and practise in this poynt , are so farre from beeing in danger of the extremitie mentioned by you , that on the contrarie they teach , that the church is a place no more holie , than anie other , and that it may bee indifferentlie vsed to sacred or civill vses : which in our judgment is not agreeable , eyther to holie scripture , or to sound antiquitie . see eusebius in his ecclesiasticke historie , lib. 10. cap. 3. chrysost . homil . 36. on the first epistle to the corinthians , s. augustine , in his first booke of the citie of god , cap. 1. codex theodasianus , lib. 9. titul . 45. de his qui ad ecclesias confugerunt . conc. gangrens . can. 21. the v. dvply . the indifferent reader may perceaue , by our former dvplye , that your answre to our first exception , taken from the obedience , due to authoritie , and from our judgement , concerning the administration of baptisme , and the lord's supper , to dying persons in private places , hath not given satisfaction . 2. wee asked of you , in our fift demand , how wee can subscrybe the negatiue confession , as it is propounded by you , without contradicting the positiue confession , approved by parliament , holden anno 1567 , since the positiue confession , chap. 21 , declareth , that rites are changeable , according to the exigencie of tyme , and consequentlie that no perpetuall law , may or ought to bee made of them , and the negatiue confession maketh a perpetuall law , concerning the externall rites of the church ; at least according to your judgement , who vrge the subscryving of this covenant and confession vpon vs ? wee vrged farther in our replye , that the late covenant bindeth vs to the olde covenant , made anno 1581 ; for by your late covenant , yee professe your selues bound to keepe the foresayde nationall oath ( as yee call it ) inviolable : and that olde covenant , or oath , bindeth vs to the discipline which was then ; and that discipline comprehendeth all the externall rites of it , ( as yee haue in all your wrytinges professed , especiallie in that late booke entituled , the dispute against the english popish ceremonies : whence in your sermones , and printed bookes , since the assemblie of pearth , yee haue beene still accusing vs of perjurie . ) so from the first , to the last , the late covenant bindeth vs to the policie which was then ; and consequentlie , maketh a perpetuall lawe , concerning the rites of the chvrch , as if they were vnchangeable . 3. your answere to this argument , is not sufficient , nor to the purpose . 1. yee put off , without anie answere , that which wee alleadge out of a dispute , agaynst the english popish ceremonies ; and , in stead of answering , wish , that what wee haue thence , or from anie other treatise of that kinde , were keeped to another tyme. pardon vs , that wee wish greater ingenuitie , and a more direct answere . consider the wordes of that treatise before cited , parte 4. cap. 8. sect. 8. no man amongst vs can certaynlie knowe , that the discipline meaned and spoken of in the oath , by those that sweare it , comprehendeth not vnder it those poyntes of discipline , for which wee nowe contende , and which this church had in vse at the swearing of the oath . shall wee , then , put the breach of the oath in a fayre hazard ? god forbid . the same wee finde to bee the judement of others also , who haue opposed the articles of pearth , and episcopall governement . since , there-fore , wee desire to bee resolved , concerning the right meaning of the negatiue confession ; lest by it wee contradict the positiue confession , approved in parliament : had wee dot reason to propone this difficultie to you , who requyre our subscription , and came hither , to resolue our scruples ? if yee condemne the judgement of these your brethren , who were authors of these treatises , why doe yee not openlie professe , that yee , and the rest of the authors of the late couenant , disallowe it ? if yee doe approue it , as wee haue great reason to thinke yee doe , since yee haue still opposed the articles of pearth , and episcopacie , and doe expresslie referre vs to those treatises , in your nynth answere : howe doe yee not see , that , with a good conscience , yee can not requyre vs , to sweare , and subscrybe , that which yee knowe to bee contrarie to our mynde ? remember , we pray you , the words of the former treatise , in the place before cited , put the case , it were doubtfull and questionable , what is meaned by the word discipline in the oath ; yet pars tutior , the safer way were to bee chosen ; which is affirmed there to bee this : that the poyntes practised by vs , are abjured in the negatiue confession . 4. secondlie : where-as yee saye , that none of you would refuse to sweare the short confession , because wee haue expounded some articles of it contrarie to your mynde ▪ wee replye , that this answere satisfieth not : for your swearing the negatiue confession , not-with-standing of the contrarie interpretation of them who differ in judgement from you , showeth not , howe the apparent contradiction betwixt it , and the positiue confession , objected by vs , is reconciled by you the propounders and vrgers of it . more-over , if wee did vrge you to subscrybe the negatiue confession , when in the meane tyme wee were perswaded , that our interpretation of the articles there-of , were contrarie to your judgement ; wee were bound to labour to informe your judgement , before wee did exact your oath : and , consequentlie , by the lawe of charitie and equitie , yee are obliedged , not to requyre our oath , till first yee doe that , which is sufficient , to make our judgement conforme to yours : which as yet yee haue not done . 5. thirdlie : yee saye , your desire is , that both of vs keepe our meaning of the negatiue confession , according to our diverse measures of light , and onelie promise forbearance : which , yee saye , wee may doe , because that wee thinke the poyntes controverted , to bee indifferent : wee answere , that yee still flee the poynt in question : for it is an-other thing for vs , to keepe our meaninges , and another thing for vs , to sweare a covenant , when wee are not perswaded of the trueth there-of . yee might , and may still enjoye your meaning for vs : but howe wee can keepe our meaning , and subscrybe your covenant , wee see not ; since wee thinke the one repugnant to the other . neyther is it forbearance onelie that is requyred , as we haue showne before ; nor yet can we sweare forbearance , the lawe standing still in vigour , and authoritie requyring obedience . lastlie : wee thinke not all the poyntes contraverted , to bee indifferent , as was before declared . 6. thus it may appeare , howe yee haue dealt with our sorites , as yee call it . the lyke dealing wee find anent our dilemma ; the hornes whereof , ( as yee speake ) yee labour to turne agaynst our selues , by asking , to which of the members of the distinction , we referre pearth articles and episcopacie ? if , say ye , they were abjured in the negatiue confessiō , we are perjured for the practising of them : and if left indifferent , by that confession , wee may , not-with-standing of that confession , forbeare the practise of them . first , your question is not pertinent : for the distinction is not ours , but yours . and to what purpose is it to you , to knowe , to what member of your distinction , wee referre the articles of pearth , and episcopacie ? secondlie : there is no strength in eyther of the hornes of your dilemma : for , by turning it wrong , you haue made it your owne . the one horne is , that if the articles of pearth , and episcopacie , bee left indifferent , by the short confession , wee may forbeare the practise of them . first , this meeteth not the horne of our dilemma , which was , if wee bee not tyed , by the negatiue confession , to the omission of these thinges ; then why haue yee , in all your wrytinges agaynst vs , exprobrated to vs , perjurie , for violating of the oath contained in that confession ? to this no word by you is aunswered heere . secondlie : suppone these thinges were left indifferent by the negatiue confession ; yet may wee not forbeare the practise of them : because , since that confession , lawes haue passed on them ; which remaining in vigour , requyre our obedience , as wee sayde before . 7. the other horne of your dilemma , is , that if these poyntes were abjured for ever , before pearth assemblie , then wee , who practise them , are perjured . to which wee aunswere , that it followeth not : for wee never did sweare to that negatiue confession . and there-fore , though these poyntes were abjured there-in , yet are wee free from all guiltinesse of perjurie . and , in the meane tyme , yee haue not resolved , howe hee who is perswaded , of the lawfulnesse of those poyntes , can sweare the negatiue confession , if by it the swearer bee tyed , to the abjuring of those poyntes , which was the other part of our dilemma . thus , if yee will consider rightlie , ye may perceaue , that , our dilemma standeth vnmoved , with the hornes of it still towards you . yee farther insinuate , that our reasons , are not solide and graue , but velitations of such a sort as yee looked not for . let the judicious reader , pronounce his sentence of this ; onelie wee wish , that yee had chosen rather to satisfie , than to contemne our reasons . that which yee heere agayne adde , concerning the change of commissioners , is answered in our fourth dvplye . 8. to giue light to your former discourse , yee subjoyne a distinction of discipline , into three members : first , yee saye , it is taken for the rule of governement of the church , and censure of manners , by office-bearers appoynted by christ : and thus , yee saye , it is vnchangeable . secondlie ; for constitutions of councells , and actes of parliament , about matters of religion : and thus , yee say , it is alterable , or constant , according to the nature of particular objectes . thirdlie : for the ordering of circumstances , to bee observed in all actions , divine , and humane : and so yee say it is variable . first by these distinctions , the matter seemeth rather to bee obscured , than cleared . for ye doe not expresse , in which of these senses the discipline mentioned in the negatiue confession , is to bee taken , which was the poynt requyred of you . 9. secondlie : yee seeme by this distinction , to intangle your selues yet more . for , first , if yee take the name of discipline , in anie one , or anie two of these senses , what say yee to these following wordes of your dispute agaynst the english popish ceremonies , parte 4. cap. 8. sect. 8 ? the bishop doeth but needleslie question , what is meaned by the discipline where-of the oath speaketh . for howsoever in ecclesiasticall vse , it signifieth often-tymes , that policie , which standeth in the censuring of manners ; yet in the oath it must bee taken in the largest sense ; namelie , for the whole policie of the church . for , 1. the whole policie of this church , did , at that tyme , goe vnder the name of discipline : and those two bookes wherein this policie is contayned , were called the bookes of discipline . and without all doubt , they who sware the oath , meaned by discipline , that whole policie of the church which is cōtayned in those bookes . 10. secondly , when that little confession was framed , the governmēt of the church was onlie by presbyters , and not by bishops : and , there-fore , if yee thinke , that the name of discipline , in that confession , comprehendeth vnder it the first part of your distinction , ( which , as wee conceaue , yee will not denye ) yee may easilie perceaue , that wee are vrged by you , to sweare , and subscrybe , agaynst our consciences ; since wee thinke the rule of the governement of the church , which then was , to bee changeable ; and , that the governement was lawfullie chaunged , by following assemblies , and parliamentes , from presbyters , to bishops . 11. thirdlie : if these constitutions of councels , concerning objects alterable , mentioned in the second member of your distinction , bee one , and the same , with ordering of variable circumstances , mentioned in the third member ; why haue yee distinguished the one from the other ? but , if they bee different , then yee graunt , that ecclesiasticke constitutions , may bee made concerning some alterable matters of religion , which are not bare circumstances ; which is repugnant to your ordinarie doctrine ; where-by yee mayntayne , that nothing changeable , is lest to the determination of the church , in matters of religion ; but onelie circumstances of actions . wee can not see , howe yee can mayntayne this doctrine , and yet oppose the determinations of the church , concerning ceremonies , which are indifferent . 12. wee had reason to inquyre your judgement , concerning rites or ceremonies , which are not of divine institution , whether they bee lawfull , or not , though yee still shunne the declaring of it . since by your covenant , yee intende a reformation of religion , and a recovering of the libertie , and puritie of the gospell , as yee speake ; if yee in your judgement , condemne such ceremonies , ( as yee insinuate ) wee can not expect , but that , if yee obtayne your desires , all such rites shall bee expelled and condemned , especiallie since by this your late covenant , yee tye your selues to that olde covenant , where-in yee disclayme and detest all rites brought into the church , without the word of god. now , wee can not concurre with you , for promoving this ende , because such a judgement , is playne contrarie to ours , yea , contrarie to the vniversall judgement and practise , of the auncient kirke , repugnant also to the judgement of the protestant churches , and most famous divynes therein , as may appeare by the quotations on the margine . but if yee bee of the same mynde with vs , and thinke , that there are some rites of that kynde lawfull , why doe you hide your mynde from vs , and others , since the acknowledgement and manifesting of this trueth , would bee no small advancement to your cause , by removing this great offence ? of matrimoniall benediction , and god-fathers in baptisme . 13. as for solemne blessing of marriage , wee asked , what warrand yee had for it , by praecept or practise , set downe in god's word . in your answere yee insinuate , that it is a blessing of the people cōmanded in the law , and more playnlie wee finde this set downe in the dispute , agaynst the english popish ceremonies , part . 3. cap. 2. sect . 10. yet playne it is from scripture it selfe , that matrimoniall benediction , ought to bee given by a pastor , for god hath commanded his ministers , to blesse his people , ( nvm . 6. ) first , who ever before you , did ground the necessitie of solemne blessing of marriage vpon these words , nvm . 6.23 . speake vnto aaron , and vnto his sonnes , saying , on this wyse yee shall blesse the children of israel , saying vnto them : the lord blesse thee , and keepe thee : &c. learned melanchton , was not so well versed in scriptures , as to see this . for hee sayeth in his epistles , pag. 328. yee see that the rite of the auncients is , that the brydegroome and bryde , are joyned before the altar , in the sight of god , and with the incalling of god. which custome vndoubtedlie hath beene ordained by the first fathers , that wee may consider that this conjunction was appoynted by god , and is assisted by him. 14. secondlie : by this commandement of god , to blesse the people , nvm . 6. eyther there is a necessitie layde vpon the church , to blesse marriages solemnlie , or not . if yee say , there is not a necessitie , then there is no commandement of god there-anent , for it is necessarie to obey god's commandement . if yee say , there is a necessitie , what say yee then to your friend didoclaue , who in his altar of damascus , pag. 866 , affirmeth , that neyther the presence of the congregation , nor blessing of the minister , is necessarie to this action ? and if yee dissent heere-in from him , yee are holden to prooue your opinion , by a necessarie consequence from holie scripture , which wee are perswaded yee are not able to doe . 15. thirdlie : the commaundement , to blesse the people , is no lesse , if not more generall , than that , 1. cor. 14.40 . let all thinges bee done decentlie , and in order : on the which wordes , both auncient and recent divines , doe ground the lawfullnesse of the ceremonies which wee allowe . 16. fourthlie : since that commaundement , of blessing the people , is generall , what reason haue yee , for not including other civill important contractes , especiallie that are performed with a vowe , or promissorie oath ? a vowe made to god , is a covenant with god , as well as the matrimoniall oath . all vowes and oaths , are acts of religious worship , although they bee joyned to civill contractes : and , there-fore , if because of the covenant with god , yee blesse marriage solemnlie , yee ought to doe the same , to other civill contractes , where-in there is the lyke covenant , by vertue of an oath or vowe . 17. fiftlie : where-as yee saye , that though marriage were a paction , meerlie civill , yet because it is so important , yee would not with-holde ecclesiasticke benediction from it , not-with-standing of the abuse of poperie : wee would vnderstand , howe this agreeth with the current doctrine of those that are of your mynde : for wee reade in the abridgement of lincolne , pag. 17 , that wee should cast away even such thinges , as had a good originall , ( if they bee not still necessarie , and commaunded of god ) when once they are knowne to bee defiled with idolatrie , or abused by it . so in the dispute agaynst the english popish ceremonies , parte 3. cap. 2. sect. 2. it is affirmed , that rites , ancient , lawfull , and agreeable to god's word , should , not-with-standing , necessarilie bee abolished , because of their superstition , and wicked abuse . yee adde , that yee will not vse marriage superstitiouslie , according to the praescript of the service-booke . yee did not finde the service-booke , neyther in our demaundes , nor in our replyes ; yet wee knowe not , howe yee so often reach vnto it . 18. lastlie : of the stipulation of god-fathers in baptisme , instanced by vs , in our fift demaund , yee haue spoken nothing particularlie , eyther in your first or second aunsweres . wee haue no praecept , or example of it in holie scripture : yea , some of our learned divines affirme , that it was instituted by pope higynus : and yee will not denye , that it hath beene much abused in poperie . howe commeth it to passe , then , that this ceremonie is allowed , and vsed by some of you ? wee saye , some ; for wee are informed , that some of your mynde , doe not vse it at all . see d. morton , in his defence of the three ceremonies , pag. 24. the vi. dvply . in your first answere to our sixt demaund , yee answered nothing to that , which wee affirmed concerning the judgement of divynes , auncient and moderne , who eyther haue absolutelie allowed these rites , which were concluded in pearth assemblie , or else haue thought them tolerable , and such as ought not to make a stirre in the church : neyther did yee touch that , which wee objected , concerning the venerable custome , and practise of the auncient church , and the most eminent lights of it , which yee condemne in your interpretation of the negatiue confession , contayned in the late covenant . wherefore , in our replye to that answere of yours , wee did holde your silence , for a granting of the trueth of that which wee sayde , concerning so manie divynes , auncient and moderne , who stand for vs. now in your second answere to that demaund , yee labour to bereaue vs of this advantage , and granting that divynes , both auncient and moderne , are agaynst you , concerning the the lawfulnesse of things controverted , ( a thing to be noted by the reader , and which should make you more sparing in your speaches of vs who favour pearth articles , than yee are ) yee say , first , that divynes , auncient , and moderne , are agaynst vs also : and that both these propositions may bee true , in respect they are both indefinite in a matter contingent . but our propositions concerning the judgement of divynes who stand for vs , was more than indefinite . for all-bee-it wee sayde not , that all are for vs ; yet wee sayde , that manie , yea , so manie ; meaning , that a great manie are for vs , and against you , in matters of lawfullnesse , and vnlawfullnesse ; and , consequentlie , in matters of fayth . this expression of the number , yee were glad to passe by ; because yee can not saye the lyke of these , who favour your judgement , concerning the vnlawfullnesse of those thinges . for , scarce knowe wee anie moderne divines , without his majesties dominions , that peremptorlie condemne these rites , as vnlawfull , which were concluded in pearth assemblie : and of auntientes , wee meane the fathers of the auncient church , wee knowe none at all , who are of your mynde . howe is it , then , that for these your newe positions , yee make such stirre , and doe take such dangerous courses in hand ? secondlie : yee saye , that allmost all divines allowe of such a forbearance , of thinges indifferent , as yee requyre of vs. but yee will not bee able to make this good : for , who of our divines , haue anie-where allowed , in subjectes such a forbearance of thinges indifferent , and lawfull , as is conjoyned with a totall and sworne disobedience of standing lawes , agaynst the prohibition of their superioures ? thirdlie : that which yee saye , concerning innovations allreadie introduced ; to wit , that no-thing is requyred of vs , concerning them , but a forbearance of them for a tyme ; and , that wee may condescende to it , without eyther disobedience to authoritie , or wronging of our flocke ; it is allreadie refuted , in the two former dvplyes . the vii . dvply . our reason proponed in the seaventh demand , is not sufficientlie aunswered , neyther the impediment removed , as wee haue formerlie made manifest , especiallie in our fourth dvply , where-as , for removing of our scruple , concerning your interpretation of the short confession , yee tell vs , that yee vrge not vpon vs your meaning , but leaue vs to our owne , till the matter be examined in an assemblie : we aunswere ; wee loue not the swearing of an oath , without cleare interpretation there-of ; and wee approue not subscription of such a covenant , with diverse , or doubtfull meaninges : neyther doe wee thinke that a convenient meane , for solid pacification . and as wee are free , in professing our meaning , concerning the pearth articles , and episcopie ; so wee requyre of you the lyke playnnesse , or then the reason of your retyrednesse . 2. the pearth articles ye doe vnjustlie call novations , if by this name yee vnderstand , thinges repugnant to our reformed religion , or forbidden by our publicke lawes : for these articles are not of this sort . those of them which wee call necessarie , the assemblie of pearth did not conclude as indifferent , ( as yee alledge ) neyther can anie such thing be inferred from the words of the actes of that assemblie . there-fore , we haue no reason to change this opinion , as yee would haue vs to doe . wee holde all the fiue poynts , to bee lawfull , & laudable , and some of them more than indifferent , which also the wordes of the synode it selfe doe implye : so that , without just reason , it hath pleased you to say , that thinges formerlie indifferent , are become necessarie ; and what was but lawfull before , and had much a-doe to gayne that reputation , is nowe become laudable . thus , agayne , wee doe playnlie declare vnto you , that the cause of our vnwillingnesse to subscrybe , or promise forbearance , is both the commaundement of authoritie , and also the necessitie and excellencie of some of the thinges commaunded : besides that , wee thinke them all lawfull , and laudable . what wee would doe , at the commandement of authoritie , in the forbearance of the practise of those thinges , for the peace of the church , and kingdome , shall bee declared in our dvply to your thirteenth answere , where-in yee vrge this poynt agayne . the viii . dvply . where-as yee doe remit the reader , to your former answere , and our replye ; wee also remit him there-to , and to our first duplye ; hoping that hee shall rest satisfied there-with . 2. wee haue , in those places , aunswered your argument , concerning your swearing , the defence of the king , and his authoritie , with a specification , as yee call it ; and haue showne , that what hath not beene looked to so narrowlie , in this matter heere-to-fore , is requisite nowe , for the reasons expressed in our eyght replye , and first duplye . concerning the full expression , of the loyaltie of your intentions , to mayntayne the king's person , and honour ; whether , or not , yee haue given just satisfaction , to those who are nearest to the king's majestie , ( as yee saye ) wee referre you , and the readers , to that , which yee , and they , will finde neare the ende of our first duplye . wee wonder greatlie , yee should affirme , that wee , by craving resolution , doe wrong the king , and our selues ; or that yee , by giving of it , should wrong them who are nearest his majestie , and also the covenant , and the subscrybers there-of . for our requyring of resolution , in this matter of so great importance , is a pregnant argument of our loyaltie towards our dreade soveraygne , and of our care , to haue alwayes our owne consciences voyd of offence , towards god , and towards men. and your giving of satisfaction vnto vs , woulde haue served for farther clearing of your covenant , and the subscriptions there-of . your pretence , that by giving vs satisfaction , yee should wrong them who are nearest his majestie , is grounded vpon a wrong supposition , as if they had alreadie receaved satisfaction by your declaration . 3. god is witnesse , wee doe not wittinglie and willinglie multiplie doubts , for hindring a good worke , or to oppose agaynst a shyning light , ( as yee would haue the reader to thinke of vs ) but in all humilitie , and vprightnesse of heart , doe declare our mynde , and doe intimate our vnaffected scruples . and wee thinke it verie pertinent , at this tyme , to craue resolution of them , and to desire your answere , concerning this mayne duetie , which is not fullie expressed in your covenant ; where-as a more full expression of it , had beene verie needfull , at this tyme. 4. lastlie : where-as yee complayne , that wee tooke not sufficient notice of you , whyle yee were amonst vs ; yee may easilie consider , that our publicke charges , and employmentes , together with the shortnesse of the tyme of your abode heere , doe sufficientlie vindicate vs , from anie imputation of neglect in that kynde : and our doores were not closed , if it had pleased you , in brotherlie kyndnesse , to haue visited vs : which wee ought rather to haue exspected of you , seeing yee came vndesired , to the place of our stations , to deale with vs , and also to deale with our people , agaynst our will , before wee had receaved satisfaction . the ix . dvply . as yee doe referre the reader , to your former answeres ; so doe wee referre him to our former replyes , and duplyes . 2. the meaning of the act of the assemblie of pearth , citing the wordes of the psalme 95 , is not ( as yee doe interpret it ) anie perverting of the text , neyther tendeth it to inferre there-vpon , absolute necessitie of kneeling , in all worshipping of god , or in this part of his worship , in the celebration of the holie communion : but onlie to inferre the lawfullnesse , and commendable decencie of kneeling , in divine worship ; and that it is such a gesture , as our lawfull superioures may enjoyne to bee vsed , in god's worship ; and that religious adoration , and kneeling , is to bee done to god onelie , altho they sinne not , who vse another gesture , where this is not requyred by authoritie , but another appoynted , or permitted . 3. wee doe not kneele before the sacramentall elementes , making them the object of our adoration , eyther mediate , or immediate : neyther doeth the act of pearth assemblie import anie such thing . but all our adoration , both outward , and inward , is immediatelie directed to god onelie , with prayer , and thankes-giving , at the receaving of so great a benefite . where-fore , your objecting of idolatrie , agaynst vs heere , and in your other treatises , is moste vnjust . wee marvell also , howe yee doe heere referre vs , to those treatises , which in your twelfth aunswere , yee seeme to disclayme , finding fault , that anie of vs should laye holde on them , or build anie thing vpon them . as lyke-wyse yee heere alleadge , that the assemblie of pearth made kneeling necessarie in all poynts of gods worship ; and , consequentlie , in receaving the holie eucharist : not remembering , that in your seaventh aunswere , yee sayde , the assemblie had concluded the fiue articles as indifferent . 4. concerning the service-booke , ( which now is not vrged ) wee haue alreadie answered . neyther find wee anie reason , of your vncharitable construction of vs , or of the disposition of the people , as if they were now become superstitious . nor doeth this tyme giue anie just cause of such feares , as are sufficient to overthrowe the reasons of that act of pearth assemblie . 5. wee did not in malice , but in loue , say , that such a defence as yee professe heere , according to your protestation , and such meetinges and conventions doe requyre the kings consent , and authoritie , to make them lawfull , according to our judgement : where-of some reasons wee haue expressed before in our second replye , which as yet yee haue not satisfied . 6. it seemeth , that yee are eyther not able , or not willing , to answere particularlie and playnlie , to our intergatories proponed in our nynth replye : and wee would vnderstand some reason , why yee doe so , in such a free and brotherlie conference ; seeing altho yee doe otherwyse interprete our meaning , yet truelie wee did not propone them to bee snares to you , but to obtayne satisfaction to our selues and others , for a peaceable ende . as for your questions , which yee throwe agaynst vs , with playne profession to worke vs discontentment thereby , we shall here make aunswere to them in meeknesse , and evident demonstration of our peaceable disposition . qvaest . answered . 7. your first quaestion , concerning the service-booke , and booke of canons , is no-wayes pertinentlie proponed to vs. if wee did vrge vpon you the sayde bookes of service and canons , as yee doe now the covenant vpon vs , wee should particularlie and punctuallie , declare our mynde concerning them . 8. to your second question , wee answere , that it is our duetie to enquyre carefullie , what is incumbent vpon vs by the law of god , and man , towards our prince . wee doe not moue questions of state , but doe answere to your propositions , resulting vpon matters of state , and wee doe labour , as it well becommeth all good subjects , to bee well informed , before wee put our hand to anie thing , which concerneth our due obedience to our prince . as for that which heere agayne yee alleadge , of his majesties commissioner , and wyse states-men , as having receaved satisfaction from you , wee referre you , as before , to our answere made thereto , in our first dvplye . 9. to your third question , wee answere ; our assertion concerning the vnlawfulnesse of subjects their resisting the authoritie , of free monarchies , by force of armes , even altho they were enemies to the trueth , and persecutors of the professors there-of , can not in the judgement of anie reasonable man , import that we haue the least suspition of our king , that eyther hee shall change his religion , or shall fall vpon his religious and loyall subjects with force of armes . wee haue often declared in these our disputes , that wee are fullie perswaded of our king's majesties constancie , in profession of the true religion , and equitable disposition in mtnistration of justice . and in testification heere-of , we rest satisfied with his majesties proclamation , agaynst which yee haue protested . 10. to your fourth question , wee answere , because that wee doe esteeme subscription to your covenant , neyther to bee warrandable by god's word , nor to bee a convenient meane for pacification , wee holde it our duetie , both to with-holde our handes from it , and to dehort our people from it . 11. to your fift question , wee answere : 1. wee holde it a wrong supposition which yee make , that the prelates and their followers , are labouring to introduce poperie , and to make a faction . 2. wee know our gracious king , to bee so just , and so wyse , and so rype in yeares and experience , that hee will not suffer anie of his subjects , to abuse his majesties name , in the execution of anie injustice . 3. to make resistance by force of armes , agaynst the king's publicke standing lawes , and agaynst his majesties publicke proclamations , is not ( in our judgement ) a convenient or lawfull way , for defending of the religion , of the liberties , and lawes of the kingdome , and of the kings authoritie ; but on the contrarie it bringeth scandall vpon our profession . see our reasons in our second dvplye . 12. to your sixt question , wee answere , that in all free monarchies , there is nothing left to subjectes , in the case of persecution , by their owne soveraygne princes , but patient suffering , with prayers and teares to god , or fleeing from their wrath , as wee haue at length proved in our second dvplye . this doctrine did the people of alexandria , learne of their holie bishop athanasius , as is evident by their owne wordes , in their protestation , subjoyned to the epistle of athanasius , ad vitam solitariam agentes . if ( say they ) it bee the commandement of the emperour , that wee bee persecuted , wee all are readie to suffer martyrdome . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . tom. 1. oper. athanas . pag. 868 , edit . paris . 1627. as for the nature of the government of this kingdome of scotland , reade the booke of king iames the sixt of blessed memorie , entituled , the true lawe of free monarchies , and the praeface of the first booke of regiam maiestatem ; where it is expresslie sayde , of the king of scotland , that hee hath no superiour , but the creator of heaven and earth , ruler of all thinges . this our aunswere , neyther proceedeth from flatterie , neyther from anie intention , to stirre vp princes agaynst their loyall subjectes , nor from anie ayme at other worldlie endes , ( as yee doe vncharitablie judge ) but from our due fidelitie to our king , from our true loue to our countrey , and from our vpright desire to the glorie of god , and the comfort of our owne soules , in the day of our accompts . the x. dvply . altho wee take you to bee of the number of those who penned the late covenant , yet pardon vs , to call your glosses of it in question , so long as yee doe not satisfie our argumentes , which prooue them to bee contrarie to the verie wordes of your covenant . wee haue showne , in our replyes , and nowe agayne in our fourth duplye , that the wordes of the covenant , importe a perpetuall adherence , to the whole externall policie of the church , as it was anno 1581 ; and the remooving of pearth articles , and episcopacie , as of thinges contrarie to the libertie and puritie of the gospell . whence wee still inferre , that these who haue sworne the covenant , are tyed by their oath , to vote agaynst pearth articles , and episcopacie : and , consequentlie , can not , without praejudice , eyther dispute , or giue out a decisiue sentence concerning them , in the intended assemblie . 2. yee saye , yee will not judge so vncharitable of vs , as to thinke vs so corrupt , that , in our opinion , since the tyme designed by vs , no-thing hath entered into the church , beside episcopacie , and the articles of pearth , which can bee praejudiciall to the libertie and puritie of the gospell . wee are glad , that altho yee judge vncharitablie of vs , yet yee judge not so vncharitablie : and , altho yee thinke vs corrupt , yet yee thinke vs not so corrupt , as not to bee sensible of these thinges . wee tolde you our mynde before , in our fourth dvply , concerning these abuses , which yee thinke to haue beene occasioned by pearth articles : and no we wee tell you , that if pearth articles , and episcopacie , for these their alleadged consequentes , bee alltogether remooved , the benefite which yee thinke our church may receaue , by remooving of them , shall not , in anie measure , aequall her great losses . the xi . dvply . wee complayned in our demand , of the vncharitablenesse of your followers , who calumniate vs , as if wee were favourers of poperie . and to showe howe vnjust this calumnie is , wee declared , that wee are readie , to sweare , and subscrybe , our nationall confession of fayth , ratified and registrated in parliament : to which declaration , wee haue nowe added our oath , which wee did sweare , when wee receaved the degree of doctorate in theologie , and haue solemnlie agayne renewed it , pag. 15.16 . in your answere to that demand , yee slighted our complaynt , and did not so much as once mention it ; which made vs in our replye , to complayne also of you , who haue showne your selues so vnwilling to giue vs that testimonie of our sinceritie in professing the trueth , which all who knowe vs , thinke to bee due to vs. wee exspected , that in your second aunswere to that demaund , this fault should haue beene amended . but , contrarie to our expectation , wee perceaue , not onelie that yee are insensible of the grievous injurie done to vs , by the calumnious reportes of others ; but also , that yee haue busied your owne wittes , to enquyre , as yee saye , in matters , to search , and to trye our wayes , and to expiscate what yee could agaynst vs , by the vnfriendlie testimonie of some , who , perhaps , are displeased with vs , as achab was with micajah , for the freedome of our admonitions . charitie , yee knowe , thinketh no evill , 1. cor. 13.5 , and covereth a multitude of transgressions , prov . 10.12 . 1. pet. 4.8 . but vncharitable inquisition , and prying into other mens doinges , not onelie discovereth those infirmities , vnto which god will haue everie one of vs subject , for humbling of vs ; but also bringeth even vpon good men , a multitude of vndeserved aspersions . brethren , wee intende not to giue you a meeting in this ; for our resolution is , not to bee over-come of evill , but to over-come evill with good , rom . 12.21 . and wee are glad to suffer this for his cause , whose trueth wee mayntayne , pittying in you this great defect of christian and brotherlie compassion ; and praying god , not to laye it to your charge . wherefore , wee will not search and trye your wayes , as yee haue done ours : but wee will reflect our thoughts vpon our selues , and see whether or not wee bee guiltie of these thinges , which yee heere reprehende in vs. 2. yee say , first , that wee haue taken an ample testimonie to our selues . but what , wee pray you , haue wee testified of our selues ; but this onlie , that in sincere and zealous profession of the trueth , wee are not inferiour to others ; and , according to our measure , haue striven to bee faythfuil in all the dueties of our calling ? yee haue , in-deede , put more in-to our apologie , and saye , that wee haue praysed our selues , from our frequencie of prayer , extraordinarie humiliations , and holinesse of lyfe , and conversation , &c. for , as yee are loath to speake anie good of vs ; so yee would haue the reader belieue , that wee speake too much good of our selues . but in this , as yee wrong vs , so yee make the reader to see , howe negligentlie yee haue read and considered our wordes . for , where-as in the seconde parte of our replye , wee tolde you , that wee haue other meanes , and more effectuall , than your covenant , to vse , for holding out of poperie ; mentioning in particular , extraordinarie humiliation , frequencie of prayer , amendement of lyfe , diligence in preaching , and searching the scriptures , &c. yee imagine , that wee doe arrogate to our selues , some singularitie , in vsing these means ; not considering , that it is one thing to saye , that wee may and ought to vse these meanes , and an-other thing , to say , that wee are singular , and eminent , aboue others , in the diligent vse of them . 3. next : where-as yee saye , that yee were desirous , rather to heare that testimonie , at the mouthes of others , ( as if yee had never heard our paynes and labours , for the trueth , commended by anie ) who knoweth not , but in this case , in the which we stand for the present , it is lawfull , and moste expedient to men , to vindicate them-selues , and their fidelitie in their callinges , from the contempt and calumnies of others . wee haue in the scriptures , notable examples of ggd's dearest saynctes , who in such cases , yea , in other cases also , without anie derogation , to their singular humilitie , did fall out into high expressions , of their owne vertuous and pious carriage . who ever spake so humblie of him-selfe as pavl , who calleth him-selfe lesse than the least of all saynctes , ephes. 3.8 , and yet else-where hee sayeth , that hee was not a whit behinde the verie chiefest apostles ; and , that hee laboured more aboundantlie than they all , 1. cor. 15.10 . 2. cor. 11.5 . 4. the defectes , which by your strict and curious inquisition , yee thinke yee haue found in vs , may bee reduced into two poynctes : one is , that wee are too sparing in our paynes , in preaching ; and , that wee often fill our places with novices . the other is , that the small paynes which wee haue taken , are not fruitfull . and , to prooue this , yee saye , that poperie hath no lesse increased in our citie , vnder our ministerie , than anie tyme before since the reformation . as for the first of these , to omit that which modestie will not permit vs to speake , eyther of our owne paynes in teaching , or of yours , it is verie well knowne , that in the case of sicknesse , and extraordinarie employmentes in our callinges ▪ which but seldome doe fall foorth to vs , it is both lawfull , and commendable to see , that our places may bee filled , eyther with some actuall minister , or , fayling of that , with able studentes of divinitie , approven by publicke authoritie , where-of your selues can not bee ignorant , in respect of your frequent peregrinations , from your stations . 5. as for the next poynt : altho it were true , yet the parable of the seede sowen in diverse sortes of ground , and the dolorous complayntes , which these most paynfull and thunderin preachers , eliah , 1. king . 19. 10. isaiah , 53. 1. paul , gal. 1.6 . and 3.1 . yea , of christ him-selfe , matth . 23.37 . and lvke 19.41.42 . made of the hard successe of their laboures , may learne you to bee more benigne in your censures of vs , than yee are . in the meane tyme , it is knowne to his majestie , to the lordes of secret counsell , and to all the countrey heere ; as also it is evident , by manie publicke extant actes of the sayde secret counsell , and of our diocoesian assemblies , that wee haue beene as diligentlie exercised , in opposing of poperie , as anie ministers in this kingdome . neyther hath our successe heere-in beene so badde , as yee haue given it out : for since our entrie to the ministrie heere , scarce hath anie man beene diverted from the trueth , to poperie , some papistes haue beene converted , to the profession of the trueth , and others who were incorrigible , haue beene forced to departe from this countrey . yea , wee thinke , that our successe , in dealing with the papistes , had beene vndoubtedlie greater , if they had not beene hardened in their errour , by your strange and scandalous doctrines , repugnant to scripture , and sound antiquitie . 6. that which yee saye in the second part of your aunswere , concerning the powerfull effectes of your covenant , meeteth not with that which wee did object , concerning the vnlawfullnesse of it . for , that which is not in it selfe lawfull , can never bee truelie profitable to anie . and solomon hath tolde vs , the there is no wisdome , nor vnderstanding , agaynst the lord , proverbs 21.30 . 7. as for last parte of your aunswere , wee haue so often tolde you , that your feare of the in-bringing of the service-booke , and canons , is causelesse : and yee haue so oft denyed this , that it were follie to wearie the reader anie more with this matter . in the meane tyme , wee tell you , that if you covenant bee vnlawfull in it selfe , ( as wee still thinke it to bee ) your feare , altho it were justlie conceaved , will never free your soules of the guiltinesse of it . the xii . dvply . to justifie or excuse your omission , of publicke disallowing and condemning the publicke disorders , and misscarriages of some who haue subscrybed the covenant ; especiallie the offering of violence to prelates , and ministers , in tyme of divine service , and in the house of god , where-of wee spake in our twelfth demaund , and replye : yee aunswere , first , that yee acknowledge not the service-booke , for the lord's service . yee might saye the same of anie service-booke , ( if yee allowe the reasons latelie set foorth in print agaynst the service-booke ) for there a praescript forme of prayet , is condemned , which directlie crossth the practise of the vniversll church of christ , auncient , and recent . 2. yee alleadge , that yee acknowledge not the vnsurpd authoritie of prelates , for lawfull authoritie . for ought wee can perceaue , by the doctrines of those with whome yee joyne , yee acknowledge no lawfull authoritie at all in prelates , aboue your selues , and other ministers : and yee seeme so to insinuate so much here , by blaming vs , for calling them , reverend and holie fathers . wee are perswaded of the lawfullnesse of their office , and therefore are not ashamed , with scripture , and godlie antiquitie , to call such as are advaunced to this sacred dignitie , fathers , and revenrend fathers . neyther should personall faultes , alleadged by you , hinder our observance , till what is alleadged , bee clearlie proven , for , so long as thinges are doubfull , wee should interpret to the better parte , lvke 6.37 . and it is a rule of lawe , that in a doubtfull case , the state of a possessour , is best ; and consequentlie , of him that hither-to hath beene in a possission of a good name : as also , that in thinges doubtfull , wee should rather favour the persone accused , than him that accuseth . 3. if yee bee of this same judgement , with vs , concerning the lawfullnesse of their office , why doe ye not reverence them , as well as wee ? but if their verie office seeme to you vnlawfull , wee esteeme your judgement contrarie to holie scripture , to all sound antiquitie , and to the best learned amongst reformed divines . heare what melanchthon sayeth , i would to god , i would to god , it laye in mee , not to confirme the dominion , but to restore the governement of bishops : for i see what manner of policie wee shall have ; the ecclesiasticall policie beeing dissolved : i doe see , that heereafter will growe vp , a greater tyrannie in the church , than ever was before . and agayne , in an-other epistle to camerarius , hee sayeth , you will not believe howe much i am hated , by those of noricum , and by others , for the restoring of jurisdiction to bishops . so our companions fight for their owne kingdome , & not for the kingdome of christ . so in other place . see bucer , de regno christi , pag. 67. 4. thirdlie , yee alleadge the zeale of the people , by reason where-of yee saye , that it was no-thing strange , that in such a case , they were stirred vp to oppose . suppone they had opposed , yet , that they should haue so opposed , as to haue offered violence to sacred persons , prelates or ministers , who are spirituall fathers , seemeth to vs verie strange , for all that hitherto yee haue sayde . there is no zeale , without the exraordinarie in●●inct of god's spirit , which can warrand m●n desti●●●e ●f authoritie , to laye their handes on ●●●h persons . touch not myne anoynted , and doe my prophets 〈◊〉 harme , sayeth the lord , psalme 105. let all th●nges bee done decentlie , and in order , sayeth s. pavl , 1. cor. 14.40 . god is not the author of confusion or tumult , but of peace , sayeth that same apostle there , verse 33. to this purpose grogorie nazianzene , in his 26 oration , speaking of the chiefe causes of division in the church , sayeth , one of them ia vnrulie , ferventnesse without reason and knowledge , and the another is , disorder and vndecencie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 5. the sonne should account the person of his father sacred , ff . de obsequiis , lib. 9. so wee ought also to esteeme of our spirituall fathers : and , there-fore , to offer injurie to their persons , and that , in tyme of divine service , must needes bee a grievous sinne . in the novell constitutions of ivstinian , authent . collat. 9. tit. 6. novella 123. de sanctiss . episcopis , &c. cap 31. there is a remarkeable lawe to this purpose , cited vpon the margine . the lyke law wee finde in cod. iustin . lib. 1. tit. 3. de episcop . & clericis . now altho in these imperiall lawes , the sanction bee severe , yet wee wish no such severitie to bee vsed amongst vs , but praying god , to forgiue them who haue transgressed : wee desire them to consider , that auncientlie amongst christians , such doings were greatlie disallowed . 6. s. chrysostome , speaking of the reverence due by people to pastours , sayeth , a man may nowe see , that there are not so great scoffes and reproaches , vsed by the vnfaythfull , agaynst the rulers , as by those that seeme to bee faythfull , and to bee joyned with vs. let vs therefore inquyre whence commeth this negligence , and contempt of pietie , that wee haue such a hostilitie agaynst our fathers . there is nothing , there is nothing , that can so easilie destroy the church , as whē there is not an exact joynture of disciples , to their masters ; of childrē to parents , and of thē that are ruled , with their rulers . he that but speaketh evil against his brother , is debarred from reading the divyne scriptures , ( for what hast thou to doe to take my covenant in thy mouth ? sayth the lord ; & subjoyneth this cause , thou sittest and speakest evill of thy brother , ) and thinkest thou thy selfe worthie to come to the sacred porches , who accusest thy spirituall father ? how agreeth this with reason ? for if they who speake evill of father or mother , should dye , according to the law ; of what judgemēt is he worthie , who dare speake evil of him who is much more necessarie , and better , than those parentes ? why feareth hee not , that the earth should open , and swallow him , or that thunder should come from heaven , and burne vp that cursing tongue ? see him also , lib. 3. de sacerdotio , cap. 5. & 6. 7. in the next place , yee saye , that the keeping of god's house , from pollution and superstition , belongeth to authoritie , to the communitie of the faythfull , and to everie one in his owne place , and order : but , certainlie if everie one , or all the communitie , keepe their owne place , and order , they can doe no-thing in this , by way of force , without , farre lesse agaynst authoritie . hence zanchius , in his first booke of images , thes . 4 , sayeth , without authoritie of the prince , it is lawfull to none in this countrey , to take idoles out of churches , or to chaunge anie thing in religion : hee that doeth so , should bee punished , as seditious . this hee confirmeth by reason , and by the testimonie of saynct augustine , tom. 10. de sermone domini in monte , homilia 6. and a little after , hee subjoyneth ; augustine handeleth this argument piouslie , hee dehorteth his people , from such a practise , and sayeth , that it is pravorum hominum , & furiosorum circumcellionum . 8. as for your vehement accusations and threatnings , ( heere , and answere 14 ) agaynst the wryter of the late warning to the subjects in scotland , yee may easilie perceaue , by the printed edition of that warning , and by the printed editions of our replyes , that , that offence is taken away . and now , reverende brethren , why are yee pleased thus to digresse from the matter in hand , to waken and holde on foote , personall quarrels agaynst your brother , by digging vp buried wordes , and renewing haske interpretations thereof , contrarie to his loving intention , and after that himselfe , for satisfaction to all men , hath so publicklie disallowed and abolished these wordes ? this vncharitable dealing , can bring no advantage to the cause which yee mayntayne , but rather maketh it the more to bee disgusted , in consideration of your too great eagernesse to stirre vp hatred agaynst your neyghbour , & to worke him trouble ; whom yee ought not to persecute with implacable wrath , which worketh not the righteousnesse of god ; nor to exasperate agaynst him his other deare countrey-men : but rather , as well beseemeth your profession and calling , yee ought to exhort them to the most favourable cōstruction of things , and to christian placabilitie , and to the entertaynnig of their wonted loving affection towards him . as for these our present questions , wee desire theologicallie onlie , and peaceablie , to conferre of them with you , or anie other our reverende brethren , of our owne calling . 9. yee say , that master knox spared not to call kneeling , a diabolicall invention . if yee allowe this saying , how can it bee , that in your covenant , intended for removing of innovations , and recovering of the puritie of the gospell , yee expresslie aymed not at the abolishing of this ceremonie , which is so hatefull in your eyes ? but if yee doe not approue this his saying , why did yee not choose rather , in charitie to cover this escape of so worthie a personage , than openlie to blaze it abroad ? 10. yee haue needleslie drawne into your discourse , mention of irenicvm . of which worke , for mittigation of your vnpeaceable censure , bee pleased to take notice of the judgement , of that most worthie pastor , and most graue and learned divyne , d. iames vsher , arch-bishop of armach , primate of all ireland , in this his epistle written to the author . vir eximie ; svmma cum voluptate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tuum perlegi : eamue patriae tuae foelicitatem sum gratulatus , quod novum tandem produxerit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , qui eam ipsi praestitit diligentiam & virtutem , quàm olim exteris ecclesiis ( quum non admodum dissimiles de adiaphoris obortae lites earum pacem perturbarent ) exhibuit ille vetus ; qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nulla salus bello : ipsiue bello salus si qua sit , non alio quam pacis nomine ea continetur . nam & de pace belli vriam , opinor , a davide aliquando interrogatum meministi . jam verò , pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , scriptum remitto tibi ego 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : sed quod jucundum praebeat spectaculum midianiticorum satellitum inter se manum conserentium , & mutuo isto bello ecclesiolae nostrae , pacem promoventium . tu quicquid , hoc est , munusculi , vt ab homine optimè erga te affecto transmissum suscipe , & me ( vt facis ) ama . pontanae , in hibernia , iii. eid . decembr . anno reparatae salutis 1632. tuus in christi ministerio conservus iacobvs armachanvs . me juvat alma quies , gens haec fera bella minatur , et quoties pacem poscimus , arma crepat . the xiii . dvply . yee repeate your former answere , concerning your interpretation of the clause of forbearance , which wee haue allreadie refuted in our former replyes , neyther doe yee bring heere anie new confirmation thereof : and therefore all the three scandals , mentioned in our 13 demand , doe yet remayne vnremoved . 2. altho your interpretation were admitted , which wee can not admit , yet at least the third scandall were no wayes avoydable there-by , ( what-so-ever may bee supposed concerning the other two , ) and that because of the reason expressed in our 13 replye ; to which your answeres heere are not satisfactorie . 1. yee doe insinuate , that yee thinke our oath of obedience to our ordinarie , and pearth constitutions , not lawfull in it selfe : which wee are perswaded is verie lawfull . 2. yee would seeme to inferre the vnlawfulnesse of it , by challenging , the authoritie where-by it was exacted ; and alleadging that there is no ordinance made civill or ecclesiasticke , appoynting anie such oath . this reason ( altho it were granted ) hath no strength at all , to prooue that which yee intende , to wit , that eyther our oath is in it selfe vnlawfull , or that wee may now lawfullie breake it : for our swearing of that oath is not agaynst anie lawfull authoritie , eyther divyne or humane : and in such a case , oathes concerning thinges lawfull , ought to bee keeped , whether they bee requyred by appoyntment of a publicke ordinance , or not : which who-so-ever denyeth , hee openeth a patent doore to the breaking of lawfull oathes , in matrimoniall and civill contracts , and manie other cases , daylie incident in humane conversation . also the exacting of that oath , was clearlie warranded by two acts of parliament , viz. parliament 21 , of king iames the 6 , holden at edinbvrgh , anno 1612. chap. 1. and parliament 23. of king iames the 6 , holden at edinbvrgh , anno 1621. act 1. 3. yee take vpon you to call in question , with what conscience that oath was given . how oft , brethren , shall wee exhort you to forbeare judging of other mens consciences , which are knowne to god onlie ? judge not , that yee bee not judged . matth . 7 , 1. 4. yee alleadge , wee can not answere before a generall assemblie for our oath , and the scandall risen therevpon . no man needeth to bee ashamed , before a generall assemblie , or anie other judicatorie , of his lawfull and due obedience , which hee hath given to the publicke constitutions of the church of scotland , and to his majesties standing lawes ; or of anie lawfull oath , where-by hee hath promised that obedience . as for the scandall , it was not given by vs , but vnnecessarilie , and vnjustlie taken , by you , and some others , vpon an erronious opinion , obstinatelie mayntayned agaynst the lawfulnesse of the matters themselues . 5. yee say , that conceaving the oath , according to our owne groundes , none of vs will say , that wee haue sworne the perpetuall approbation and practise of these things , which wee esteeme to bee indifferent , what-so-ever bad consequent of poperie , idolatrie , superstition , or scandall , should follow there-vpon . wee answere , 1. these bad consequentes are alleadged by you , but not proven . 2. evils of that kynde should bee avoyded , by some lawfull remedie . and wee doe not esteeme it lawfull for vs , to disobey authoritie in thinges lawfull , altho in themselues indifferent : for obedience commanded by the fift praecept of the decalogue , is not a thing indifferent . there bee other meanes which are lawfull and more effectuall agaynst such evills , as wee haue specified in our eleventh replye : 3. wee did not sweare perpetuall approbation , and practise of indifferent thinges ; but knowing these thinges in them selues , to bee approvable , wee did sweare obedience to the publicke lawes , requyring our practise in these thinges , so long as the lawe standeth in vigour , and our obedience there-to is requyred by our lawfull superioures . 4. this course wee holde to bee more agreeable to our duetie , than vpon private conceptions of scandals vnnecessarilie taken , to breake off our due obedience to that authoritie which god hath set over vs. 6. out of our assertion ( replye 4. ) concerning the administration of the sacraments in private places , to sicke persons , in case of necessitie , yee doe collect , that wee can not forbeare the practise of these , altho our ordinarie , and other lawfull superioures should will vs to doe so . and hence yee inferre , that heere-in pearth assemblie , for which wee stand , is wronged by vs two wayes : 1. that wee differ in judgement from them , about the indifferencie of the fiue articles : and next , that at the will of our ordinarie , and yee know not what other lawfull superioures , wee are readie to forbeare the practise of these thinges , which the assemblie hath appoynted to bee observed . 7. as for your mayne question , whether a duetie necessarie by divine lawe , may bee , or may not bee omitted , in case , our ordinarie , and other lawfull superioures , should will vs to omit it ? before wee aunswere to it , wee must expound what wee meane by our other lawfull superioures , because of your jesting pretence of ignorance heere-of . wee meane heere-by , the king's majestie , the parliament , the secret counsell , and other magistrates , and ecclesiasticall assemblies , where-vnto wee owe obedience in our practise requyred by them , according to publicke lawes . 8. the question it selfe ye doe expresse more clearlie in your aunswere to our fourth replye ; where yee alleadge , that wee finde some of the pearth articles so necessarie , that altho the generall assemblie of the church should discharge them , yet wee behoved still , for conscience of the commaundement of god , to practise them . thus are wee brought to this generall question ; whether , or no , anie thing necessarie ( or commanded ) by divine lawe , may , in anie case , without sinne , bee omitted , when publicke humane authoritie dischargeth the practise thereof ? for resolving of this question , wee desire the reader to take notice of these theologicall maximes , receaved in the schooles , and grounded vpon holie scriptvre . 9. affirmatiue praeceptes , doe binde at all tymes , but not to all tymes , but onelie as place and tyme requyre ; that is , when opportunitie occurreth . [ praecepta affirmativa obligant semper , sed non ad semper , nisi pro loco & tempore ; id est , quando opportunitas occurrit . ] but negatiue praeceptes , doe binde at all tymes , and to all tymes . [ praecepta negativa obligant semper & ad semper . a ] as for example ; a man is not obliedged to speake the trueth at all tymes ; for hee may bee some tyme lawfullie silent , but hee may never lawfullie lie . 10. of affirmatiue necessarie dueties , some are the weyghtier matters of the lawe , [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ] as iudgement , mercie , and fayth , matth . 23.23 . others , lesse weyghtie , such as are those of the pearth articles ; which wee call necessarie , and yee doe reject . 11. the exercise of some affirmatiue necessarie dueties , may bee some tymes omitted , by authoritie , without sinne , for the publicke peace , or some pressing necessitie . thus moses permitted repudiation of a man's married wyfe , not fallen into adulterie ; neyther did hee vrge strictlie the affirmatiue duetie of adherence , and that for the hardnesse of their heart . where-in moses had respect to the peace and unitie of the tribes of israell , as alexander alensis observeth , in his summe of theologie , part. 3. qu. 46. membro 1. art. 1. & art. 2. david did not execute , in his owne tyme , judgement agaynst joab , for his murthering of abner , and amasa , because the sonnes of zerviah were too harde for him . circumcision was omitted , because of the vncertayntie of their abode in one place , when the people were with moses in the wildernesse . 12. exercise of ecclesiasticall discipline , agaynst open obstinate offenders , is an affirmatiue duetie , incumbent , by divyne law , vpon the pastoures , towards those who are committed to their charge . yet it may , and ought to bee forborne , when it can not bee vsed without an open rupture , and vnavoydable schisme . because in such a case the publicke peace is rather to bee looked to , lest in our inconsiderate zeale to separate the tares , wee plucke vp also the wheat . and what wee can not get corrected by censure , wee can doe no more but mourne for it , and patientlie wayt till god amende it , as augustine proveth at length , lib. 3. contra epistolam parmeniani , cap. 1. & cap. 2. & lib. de fide & operibus , cap , 5. for in this tyme ( sayeth gregorie ) the holie church doeth correct some thing by fervour , some thing shee tolerateth by meeknesse , some things by consideration shee dissembleth , and beareth , so that often by bearing and dissembling , shee compesceth [ or putteth away ] that evill which shee hateth . and prosper sayeth ; for this cause therefore , they must with gentle pietie bee borne with , who for their infirmitie , may not bee rebuked . 13. when a doctrinall errour ( not beeing fundamētall ) prevaileth by publicke authoritie in any church , a private pastor or doctor espying it , may lawfullie and laudablie , forbeare publicke stryving agaynst it , when hee evidentlie perceaveth , that vnavoydable schisme would followe there-vpon . in such a case hee should content him-selfe , to feede his hearers with that wholsome milke of the word , which they may receaue , and delay the giving of stronger foode vnto them , because of their infirmitie : considering that more necessarie and weyghtier duetie , which hee oweth for preservation of order and peace ; and labouring , in a myld and peaceable manner , to cure them . to this purpose belongeth that saying of gregorie nazianzen , let no man , therefore , bee more wyse than is convenient , neyther more legall than the lawe , neyther more bright than the light , neyther more strayght than the rule , neyther higher than the commaundement . but howe shall this bee ? if wee take knowledge of decencie , and commende the lawe of nature , and followe reason , and despyse not good order . [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ] and that of the auncient church of lions in france , neare eyght hundreth yeares a-goe ; who doeth not calmlie and peaceablie moderate that which hee thinketh , but is readie incontinent to contentions , dissentions , and scandalls , altho hee haue not an hereticall sense , most certaynlie hee hath an hereticall mynde . 14. divine institution , by the ministerie of the apostles , craveth deacons , ordayned by imposition of handes , for all their lyfe tyme , acts 6. yet in our reformed church of scotland wee haue no such deacons . which oeconomicall defect , necessitated by detention of church mayntenance necessarie for their sustentation , wee hope shall not bee imputed to our church , as sinne , so long as shee despyseth not that institution , and acknowledgeth , and lamenteth , this deficiencie , and endevoureth , by peaceable lawfull meanes , to haue it remedied . 15. altho some affirmatiue dueties , necessarie by divine praecept , doe giue place , some tymes , to other more weyghtie , and more pressing dueties , ( as the saving of a stranger may bee omitted , for saving my father , or my brother , or my sonne , out of the same danger , when i am able onlie to saue one of them . and manie such lyke examples doe occurre : ) yet it is never lawfull to condemne or oppugne such dueties , as evill , or superstitious , or scandalous in them-selues , neyther to ranke them amongst thinges in them-selues indifferent . 16. hence wee doe inferre , that not-with-standing of the necessitie of those of the pearth articles , which wee call necessarie , yet some tymes the practising of them , may become not necessarie , and the omission there-of not sinfull , publicke authoritie , and the necessitie of the peace of the church , so requyring . some tyme , in-deede , the omission of a thing praescrybed by an affirmatiue divine or humane lawe , may bee faultlesse : but it is never lawfull for subjectes , to transgresse the negatiue parte of the divine praecept , by resisting with force of armes , that power where-vnto god hath subjected them , and to which hee hath forbidden them , to make such resistance . neyther is it at anie tyme lawfull , for pastors and teachers , to teach erronious doctrine . 17. yee doe attribute to vs , as a great absurditie , that at the will of our ordinarie , and other lawfull superioures , wee are readie to forbeare the practise of these thinges which the assemblie hath appoynted to bee observed . and this yee inferre from the necessitie of administration of the sacramentes , some tymes in private places , according to our judgement . certaynlie , yee will haue much a-doe , to make good , by right logicke , this your inference from such an antecedent . but to speake of the matter of the consequent , for satisfaction to the reader , wee finde no such absurditie in it , as yee seeme to proclayme . for , if some dueties appoynted by divyne law , giue place some-tymes to other weyghtie dueties , such as is the keeping of publicke peace and good order , as we haue alreadie showne ; much more may a thing , notwithstanding of anie humane lawe appoynting it to bee observed , be for these respectes omitted , at the will and direction of those superioures , to whom wee owe our obedience requyred by that humane law , and who haue power to dispence with our practise in that part . the xiv . dvply . if the wordes of the covenant bee playne , ( say yee ) concerning the meere forbearance , and speake nothing of the vnlawfulnesse , no mans thoughts can make a change . but wee haue given our reasons , which justlie moue vs to requyre greater playnnesse ; neyther haue wee as yet receaved satisfaction , concerning those reasons . 2. in our 14 replye , wee sayde , that your band of mutuall defence agaynst all persons what-so-ever , may drawe subjects , perhaps , to take armes agaynst their king , ( which god avert ) and consequentlie from that loyaltie of obedience , which they owe to their soveraygne , and ours ; except yee declare , and explayne your selues better , than yee haue hitherto done . to this yee answere , that , by this replye wee doe a threefolde wrong : one to our selues , another to the subscrybers , the third to the kings majestie . but yee haue not directlie answered to the poynt proponed by vs. 3. the wrong which yee say , wee doe to our selues , is in forging from the wordes of the covenant , impediments , and drawing stumbling blockes in our owne way , to hinder our subscription . this your wrongous asseveration , wee justlie denye , protesting , as wee haue often done , that wee doe walke sincerelie in this matter , according to our light , not forging to our selues impedimentes , nor drawing stumbling blockes in our owne way ; but clearlie showing the impedimentes , and stumbling blockes , which the contryvers of the covenant haue layde in our way , by their verie incommodious expression , irreconciliable ( in our judgement ) with your exposition . 4. yee say , wee wrong the subscryvers , in changing the state of the question , and in making a divorce betwixt religion , and the king's authoritie , which the covenant joyneth together , hand in hand . wee doe no-wayes wrong the subscrybers , when wee propone vprightlie our just scruples , as wee in our consciences doe conceaue them , where-by wee are moved to with-holde our handes from that covenant : where-of one is , the feare of vnlawfull resistance to authoritie , if wee should holde to that covenant ; howe so-ever yee will not suffer to heare patientlie this objection , because in your covenant yee doe professe , the conjunction of religion , and the king's authoritie : which profession of yours , doeth not sufficientlie serue for a full answere to our objection , agaynst those other words of that same covenant , where-vpon our scruple did aryse . to cleare this , we wish you to answere directlie ( to this our present demaund : whether or no , in case of disagreement , ( which god avert ) thinke yee that the covenantors are obliedged , by vertue of their covenant , to make open resistance , by force of armes ? if yee thinke they are obliedged to make resistance , then wee desire your answere to the reasons and testimonies brought in our 2 duplye , proving the vnlawfulnesse of such resistance . but if yee thinke that they bee not obliedged , then declare it playnlie . 5. but most of all , yee say , wee wrong the king's majestie , in bringing him vpon the st●ge , before his subjectes , in whose myndes wee would ( as yee doe vnjustlie alleadge ) beget and breede suspitions of opposing the trueth , of making innovation in religion , and of dealing with the subjects , contrarie to his lawes and proclamations , and contrarie to the oath at his coronation . wee answere ; wee haue not brought , but haue found his majestie vpon this vnpleasant stage , opposing himselfe openlie to your covenant , with solemne protestations , agaynst all suspitions of opposing the trueth , or making innovation of religion , or dealing with the subjectes contrarie to his lawes and proclamations , or contrarie to the oath at his coronation . this his majesties declaration , agaynst which yee haue protested , wee haue willinglie receaved , and doe truelie belieue it . 6. what the most honourable lords , of his majesties privie counsell haue done , concerning his majesties last proclamation , and vpon what motiues , their honours themselues doe know , and his majesties high commissioner , hath publicklie declared in his printed manifesto , contrarie to some of your asseverations , concerning the proceeding of that honourable boord . 7. yee professe heere , that , it becommeth you , to judge charitablie of his majesties intentions , altho yee disallow the service-booke , and canons , as contayning a reall innovation of religion ; and doe affirme , that , the intention of the prelates , and their associates , the authors and contryvers of the bookes , is most justlie suspected by you . wee haue tolde you alreadie , that , concerning the matters , contayned in those bookes , it is not now tyme to dispute , the bookes themselues being discharged by his majesties proclamation , and a royall promise made , that his majestie will neyther now nor heere-after , presse the practise of the fore-sayde canons and service-booke , nor anie thing of that nature , but in such a fayre and legall way , as shall satisfie all his majesties loving subjects ; and , that his majestie neyther intendeth innovation in religion or lawes . as for the intentions of his sacred majestie , wee doe heartilie and thankfullie acknowledge them , to bee truelie conforme to his majesties gracious declaration , in that his last proclamation . and , in-deede , it becommeth both you and vs , to thinke so of them . neyther doe wee take vpon vs , to harbour in our breasts , anie vncharitable suspition , concerning the intentions of those others of whom yee speake ; seeing they stand or fall to their owne master , and the thoughts of their hearts are vnknowne , both to you and vs : and in a matter vncertaine it is surest to judge charitablie . yea , wee haue manie pregnant arguments to perswade vs , that those reverende prelates , and their associates , had no such intention , as yee judge . 8. yee make mention of three wrongs , done by vs to you : the one , in the warning , where-of yee haue an answere allreadie given in our 12 dvplye , where yee did vse greater exaggerations , than eyther the intention of the warner did merite , or became your charitie and profession . and by your repetition of it in this place , yee show , that yee haue too great delight to dwell vpon such expostulations , where-as theologicall reasons of the matter in controversie , would better become you in such a dispvte . the second wrong is , that ( as yee alleadge ) wee haue wronged you . in with-holding our hand and helpe from so good a cause , of purging religion , and reforming the kirke , from so manie grosse abuses , and opposing all those who haue modestlie laboured for reformation . but certaynlie , the wrong is done to vs by you , in that yee doe , without warrand of authoritie , obtrude vpon vs , and vpon those committed to our charges , the swearing of an oath , which is agaynst our owne consciences : and because of our just refusall and opposition , yee doe wrong vs also , in misinterpreting our pious and vpright meanings , and in making and stirring vp collaterall , and personall quarrells agaynst vs , and threatning vs there-with . thus ( if god by his speciall grace did not vpholde vs ) might wee bee driven , by worldlie terroures , to doe agaynst the light of our owne consciences . 9. the third wrong , where-with yee charge vs , and for the which yee doe insinuate , that wee maye feare trouble , is ( as yee alleadge ) in our speaches , in publicke , and private , and in our missiues , &c. herevnto wee answere , as in our former replyes , that when-so-ever it shal please you , to specifie these speaches , we hope to giue you , and all peaceablie-disposed christians , full satisfaction , and to cleare our selues of that imputation ; so that none shall haue just reason , to worke vs anie trouble . in the meane tyme , if our ingenuitie would permit vs , ( as it doeth not ) to thinke it a decent course , to make vse of hearkeners , and catchers of wordes , and to wayte for the haulting of our brethren , some of your owne speaches might bee represented vnto you , wherein yee would find weaknesse . 10. as for these outward , or externall argumentes , which ye bring heere , to proue your covenanting , to bee the worke of god , from the successe of your enterpryze , from the multitude of subscrybers , and from their contentment , and from their good carriage , ( which wee would wish , in manie of them , to bee more charitable , and peaceable , and so more christian , than it is ) wee can not acknowledge , to bee a commentarie written by the lord' 's owne hand , ( as yee pretende ) in approbation of your covenant ; vnlesse yee first clearlie showe vs the text or substance of your covenant , to bee written in the holie scriptures , in all poyntes there-of ; especiallie in those poyntes , wherein yee and wee doe controvert , and which onelie , at this tyme , can bee pretended against vs , seeing we make opposition onelie in those poyntes . and wee wish heartilie , that leaving these weake notes of trueth , to the papistes , chiefe acclaymers of them , amongst christians , ( that wee speake no-thing of aliens from christianitie ) yee would bee pleased to adhere , with vs , vnto the holie scriptures , as the onelie sure and perfect rule of true religion , and the heavenlie lampe , which god hath given vs , to showe vs the way of trueth and peace : where-in the god of trueth and peace direct all our steppes , for iesus christ our saviour , who is our peace : to him bee glorie for ever : amen . iohn forbes of corse , doctor and professor of divinitie in aberdene . robert baron , doctor and professor of divinitie , and minister in aberdene . alexander scrogie , minister at old aderdene , d. d. william lesley , d. d. and principall of the king's colledge in aberdene , ia : sibbald , doctor of divinitie , and minister at aberdene . alexander rosse , doctor of divinitie , and minister at aberdene· some escapes in printing . pag. line for reade 7 23 because your answers because their answeres 8 17 answeres argumentes 11 25 chap. 37 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . cap. 37 ibid. ibid novatus novatian ( called their 13 31 discerned decerned [ novatus ) 16 14 resicere , omnesque etiam resicere . omnes etiam 28 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 30 20 in the 33 in the 22 33 7 alleadged allowed ibid. 11 conventions , ye meane covētiōs , frō their purpo 35 15 and that that [ sed ends , yemean ibid. last seruice-booke service-booke , and ca●●● 36 1 is discharged are discharged 48 penult . condemning condemning of 52 30 contryvers recommenders 59 4 enjoying injoyning bid . last consilio concilio 80 margin leg. 42 in sexto . reg. 42 89 11 had wee eot had we not 98 26 our propositions our proposition 99 11 of standing to standing 100 6 episcopie episcopacie 105 23 monarchies monarchs 115 31 lib. 9 leg. 9 116 6 clericis . now clericis . leg. 10. now ibid. 12 puniatur hoc ipso puniatur . hoc ipso 117 4 cursing accusing 119 1. &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a20714-e540 lōd . edit . anno 1616. pag. 200.201 . xii . tabularum fragmenta . de officio consulis . regio imperio duo sunto : iique praeundo , indicando , consulendo , praetores , judices , cōsules appellantor : militia sumùm jus habento , nemini pavento . salus populi suprema lex esto . a quid ergo turbamini ? volens nunquam vos deseram , coactus repugnare non n●vi . dolere potero , potero flere , potero gem●re ; adversusarma , milites , gothos quoque , lachryma mea arma sunt . talia enim munimenta sunt sacerd●ti● . aliter nec dib●a nec possum resistere . b non ego mi vallabo circumfusione populorum . — rogamus , auguste , non pugnamus . — tradere basilicam non possum , sed repugnare non deb●● . interest enim quibus causis , quibusque authoribus homines gerenda bella suscipiant : ordo tamen ille naturalis , mortaliam paci accommodatus hoc poscit , vt suscipiendi belli authoritas , atque consilium penes principem sit . aug. lib. 22. contra faustum , cap. 75. hugo grotius , de jure belli & pacis , lib. 1. cap. 4. num . 6. averrces ● ▪ metaphys . comment . 6 ▪ see hugo grotius , de jure belli & pacis , pag. 66 where hee citeth sundrie anciēt authors . rivet , in his iesuita vapulans , cap. 13. ambrose in obitum valentiniani . see doctor field in his 3. booke of the church , cap. 32. altare damascen , pag. 828. & 853. re-examination of the assemblie of pearth , pag. 227. ●n regulis ●uris , leg . 42. gregorie nazianzen . orat. ●0 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . vpon these wordes , nicetas , his interpreter , speaketh thus ; baptismum suscipe quamdiu minime circum te pugnant is qui te baptismi aqua tingare parat , & qui poecuniarum ●uarum hares futurus est . ille videlic●● studi●se agens atque contendens vt ea quae ad vitae exitum necessaria sunt , suppeditet , hoc est , vt te salutari aqua tingat & dominicum corpus impertiat , hic contra vt testamento hares scribatur . concilium nicenum , can. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. balsamon his words are , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . altare damascen , pag. 341. dispute agaynst the english popish ceremonies , part . 3. cap. 1. sect . 2. re-examination of the article● of pearth , pag. 143 see the dispute against the english popish ceremonies , part . 3. cap. 7. sect . 5. the late confession of helvetia , cap. 27. confession of bohemia , cap. 15. english confession , art . 15. confessio of auspurg , art . 15. art . 7. confession of wirtemberg . art . 35. confession of sweueland , cap. 14. calvin . institut . lib. 4. cap. 10. §. 30. oecolampadius epist. lib. 4. pag. 818. zepperus polit. eccles , pag. 138.142.143 . zanchius , in quarium praeceptum , melanchthon , in manie places , &c. see peter martyr , on the 6 chap. of the epistle to the rom . and gerardvs , in loc. theolog . tom. 4. altar . damase pag. 120. dispute agaynst the english popish ceremonies , part 3. cap , 8. digress . 1. favor●iliores rei potius quam actores habentur . ff . lib. 50. reg. 125. melanch . in an epist . to canerarius , in concil . theolog. melanch . in an epist . to camerarius , in concil . theol. pag. 90. quo jure enim i●c●bit nobis dissolvare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ecclesiasticam ? ●i episcopi nobis concedant illa , quae aequun esse eos concedere ? et vt liceat , c●rte non expedit . semper it a sensit ipse lutherus , quem nulla de causa , quidam vt video , amant , nisi quia ●enefitcio ejus sentiunt se , episcopos excussisse & adept●s libertatem minime vtil●m ad post●ritatem . so in an epist. ad episc . augusten , deinde v●lim h●● tibi persuadeas de me deque multis aliis nos optare vt pace constituta episcoporum p●tes●a● , sit incolumis . et hane plurimum prodesse ecclesiis judicamus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 si quis cum sacra mysteria celebrātur , in sanctam ecclesiam ingrediens , episc●po , aut clericis , aut ministris aliis ecclesiiae 〈◊〉 juriam aliquam inserat : jubemus hunc verbera sustinere , & in exilium mitti . si verò haec sacra ministeria conturbaverit , aut celebrare probibuerit : capitaliter puniatur hoc ipso & in litaniis , in quibus episcopi , aut clerici reperia●tur , custodiendo . et siquidem i●●uriam solum feceri●is , verberibus exilioque tradatur . si verò etiam litaniam concusserit , capitale periculum su●tin●bi●● & vindicare jubemus non solum civiles , sed etiam militares judices . in his second homilie vpon thes words salute priscilla and aquila . tom. 5. edit . sa●il . pag. 327 aug. lib. de vnico baptismo , cap. 13. o quam detestandus est error hominum , qui elarorū viro rum quadā non restè facta laudabiliter se imitari putant , à quorum virtutibus alieni sunt . evseb . lib . 5. hist. eccles . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. sam . xi . 7 . ivdic . vii . 22 . arth. ionst . paraph. psal. 120 a thom. 1 ● 2 ● , q● . 71. art . 5. ad 3 m bonavent ▪ in 1. sent . dist . 48. art . 2. qu. 1. in resolutione . scotus in 3. sent . dist . 9. qu. vnica , num . 4. gregor . respons . ad 7. interrogationem augustini caentuariensis . in hoc enim tempore sancta ecclesia quaedam per f●rvorem corrigit , quaedam per mansuetudinem tolerat , quaedam per considerationem dissimulat , atque portat , vt saepe malum quod aversitur , portando & dissimulando compescat . prosper , lib. 2. de vita contemplativa , cap. 5. propter hoc ergo , blanda pietate portandi sunt , qui increpari pro sua infirmitate non possant . nazianz. orat. 26. tom . 1. pag. 446. & 447. edit . graecol . paris . anno 1630. eccles . ludg. lib. de tenenda veritate scripturae post medium [ in bibl. patr. tom. 4. part. 2 edit . 4. ] qui non tranquillè & pacificè moderatur quod sentit , sed statim paratus est ad contentiones , dissentiones , & scandala , etiamsi non habeat haereticum sensum , certissime habet haereticum animum . thom. 2 a 2 ae qu. 43. art . 7. propter nullum scandalum quod sequ● videatur , debet homo , praetermissa veritate , falsitatem docere . hieronym . apologia adversus ruffinum , quae incipit , lectis literis , prope finem . talibus institutus es disciplinis , vt cui respondere non potueris , caput auferas ; & linguam , qua tacere non potest se●●s ? nec magnop●re glorieris , si facias quod scorpiones possunt facere , & cantharides . fec●runt haec & fulvia in ciceronem , & herodias in loannem : quia veritatem non poterant audire : & linguam veriloquam discriminali acu confoderunt . — adversum impiissimos c●l●um atque porthyrium quanti scripsere nostrorum ? qui om●ssa causa , in sup●rflua criminum objectio●● versatus est ?