Denmark vindicated being an answer to a late treatise called An account of Denmark, as it was in the year 1692, sent from a gentleman in the country, to his friend in London.
Crull, J. (Jodocus), d. 1713?
1694
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Denmark vindicated being an answer to a late treatise called An account of Denmark, as it was in the year 1692, sent from a gentleman in the country, to his friend in London.
Crull, J. (Jodocus), d. 1713?
[14], 216, [1] p.
Printed for Tho. Newborough ... and Ed. Mory ...,
London :
1694.
Reproduction of original in Huntington Library.
Attributed Jodocus Crull. cf. BM.
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eng
Molesworth, Robert Molesworth, -- Viscount, 1656-1725. -- Account of Denmark as it was in the year 1692.
Denmark -- History -- Early works to 1800.
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Denmark
Uindicated
:
BEING
AN
ANSVVER
To
a
late
Treatise
called
,
An
ACCOUNT
of
Denmark
,
As
it
was
in
the
Year
1692.
Sent
from
a
Gentleman
in
the
Country
,
to
his
Friend
in
London
.
Corn.
Nep.
Haec
praecipienda
videntur
lectoribus
,
ne
alienos
mores
ad
suos
referant
;
neve
ea
,
quae
ipsis
leviora
sunt
,
pari
modo
apud
caeteros
fuisse
arbitrentur
.
Terent.
Faciunt
,
n●●
,
intelligendo
ut
nihil
intelligant
.
LONDON
:
Printed
for
Tho.
Newborough
at
the
Golden-Ball
;
and
Ed.
Mory
at
the
3
Bibles
in
St.
Paul's
Church-yard
,
1694.
TO
HIS
ROYAL
HIGHNESS
The
Most
Illustrious
PRINCE
GEORGE
,
Only
Brother
to
His
MAJESTY
,
the
Present
King
of
Denmark
.
May
it
please
Your
Royal
Highness
,
AS
true
History
transmits
to
posterity
the
good
and
bad
Counsels
not
only
,
but
also
the
most
Famous
Actions
of
Great
Men
;
so
Princes
,
and
Men
of
the
first
Rank
,
seem
more
particularly
concern'd
in
maintaining
its
Sacred
Laws
against
such
as
prompted
either
by
their
Vanity
or
Malice
,
endeavour
too
frequently
to
pervert
the
same
.
I
having
undertaken
in
this
present
Treatise
,
to
vindicate
in
some
measure
the
KINGDOM
of
DENMARK
,
against
a
nameless
Author
,
who
,
(
as
much
as
in
him
lays
)
has
endeavoured
to
misrepresent
the
State
of
your
R.
H's
Native
Country
,
and
the
most
antient
Rights
of
your
Royal
Family
in
Denmark
:
I
thought
I
should
appear
to
the
World
to
be
wanting
in
my
Duty
to
your
R.
Highness
,
and
to
deviate
from
that
profound
Veneration
,
which
I
have
always
paid
to
your
R.
H's
most
eminent
Vertues
of
Valour
,
Moderation
and
Love
of
Truth
;
it
if
I
should
have
committed
this
Work
to
the
protection
of
another
,
which
I
was
sensible
ought
to
implore
no
other
,
but
that
of
your
Royal
Highnesses
.
My
chief
aim
in
this
Undertaking
has
been
to
undeceive
such
,
as
being
not
acquainted
with
the
true
State
of
Denmark
,
might
be
apt
to
mistake
fair
shining
appearances
,
for
the
Truth
it self
;
wherein
,
as
I
have
soughtmore
for
the
Satisfaction
of
being
approved
of
by
the
most
understanding
sort
,
than
the
multitude
(
whose
applauses
I
never
sought
,
nor
valued
.
)
So
,
if
I
have
been
able
to
contribute
any
thing
in
this
Matter
,
which
may
meet
with
the
least
Approbation
from
a
PRINCE
,
who
by
his
BIRTH
,
and
exquisite
KNOWLEDG
of
the
Constitutions
of
his
Native
Country
,
and
the
Prerogatives
of
his
Royal
Ancestors
,
is
the
most
unquestionable
judge
of
this
Vindication
:
I
shall
always
esteem
it
as
the
greatest
honour
,
which
I
could
pretend
to
in
this
undertaking
.
Pompous
words
(
the
common
ingredient
of
our
new-fashion'd
Dedications
)
being
the
Scorn
of
great
Souls
,
ought
not
to
be
brought
into
your
R.
H's
Presence
.
But
instead
of
these
,
I
will
offer
my
fervent
Prayers
to
Heaven
for
the
Prosperity
of
your
R.
H.
and
your
most
illustrious
Family
,
humbly
intreating
your
R.
H.
graciously
to
accept
of
this
as
an
unfeigned
Testimony
of
my
constant
Zeal
for
your
R.
H's
Service
,
and
begging
leave
to
call
my self
,
Your
Royal
Highness's
Most
Humble
and
Devoted
Servant
,
J.
C.
A
LETTER
FROM
A
GENTLEMAN
in
the
Country
,
TO
HIS
FRIEND
in
LONDON
.
SIR
,
NExt
to
the
most
acceptable
News
of
your
health
,
nothing
could
at
this
time
have
been
more
welcome
to
me
in
my
retirement
,
than
the
Book
you
sent
me
concerning
the
present
State
of
Denmark
;
which
,
as
it
has
,
with
pleasure
revived
in
me
the
remembrance
of
such
Matters
,
as
forme●ly
I
had
observed
in
those
Northern
Countries
;
so
the
reading
of
it
at
such
intervals
as
were
free
from
the
usual
jollities
of
the
Christmas
Holy-Days
,
has
afforded
no
small
variety
to
me
,
when
tir'd
with
the
diversions
,
this
Season
particularly
allows
us
in
the
Country
.
I
had
some
days
before
I
received
yours
,
heard
a
most
advantageous
Character
of
the
said
Book
,
from
some
Gentlemen
,
who
being
Fellows
,
if
not
the
Heads
of
a
State-Reforming
Society
in
London
,
were
come
,
partly
to
pass
the
Holy-Days
in
the
Country
,
partly
to
communicate
to
their
Friends
here
,
the
Results
of
their
grave
Debates
in
their
several
London
Clubs
,
and
had
among
other
State
Censuring
Pamphlets
(
as
I
understood
)
recommended
this
Treatise
as
a
singular
piece
,
fit
to
improve
the
Knowledge
of
all
such
as
desired
to
be
instructed
in
State
Affairs
.
The
Truth
is
,
knowing
these
Gentlemen
to
be
of
a
Society
,
the
Members
whereof
I
know
not
by
what
antient
Title
,
which
they
deduce
even
from
the
times
of
the
Romans
,
claim
a
prerogative
of
Censuring
not
only
foreign
States
,
but
also
our
own
in
particular
,
as
often
as
Matters
do
not
fully
answer
the
ends
of
their
wise
Consultations
:
I
had
a
more
than
common
Curiosity
,
to
peruse
a
Treatise
,
which
they
seemed
to
be
so
fond
of
,
even
to
admiration
.
But
,
as
soon
as
I
found
the
Title
Page
not
only
without
the
Author's
Name
(
which
seems
so
requisite
to
give
an
Authority
to
Historical
Treatises
,
that
I
do
not
see
how
any
body
can
challenge
a
belief
from
his
judicious
Reader
without
it
)
but
also
the
Printer's
omitted
;
the
work
seem'd
to
me
at
the
very
first
sight
,
to
carry
with
it
a
shrewd
suspicion
,
if
not
of
downright
falshood
,
at
least
of
an
unanswerable
partiality
.
And
to
speak
freely
,
when
immediately
after
in
the
Preface
,
so
disproportionable
both
to
the
nature
and
●igness
of
the
Treatise
,
there
appeared
to
me
every
where
the
foot-steps
of
a
conceited
Home-breeding
,
and
every
Leaf
almost
stuft
up
with
the
Praise
of
This
,
and
the
Diminution
and
Undervaluing
of
other
Countries
,
confirmed
with
far
fetch'd
Arguments
,
devised
on
purpose
rather
to
amuse
and
ensnare
,
than
impartially
to
instruct
the
Reader●
I
did
conclude
,
that
our
unknown
Author's
inten●ion
was
to
give
us
a
Novel
,
such
as
the
Turkish
Spy
,
or
the
like
(
wherein
of
late
years
some
have
taken
a
priviledge
to
intermingle
Truth
with
their
own
Inventions
,
accommodating
the
whole
more
to
their
own
Fancies
,
or
else
to
the
Humors
of
such
as
they
seek
to
please
,
than
to
the
sacred
Laws
of
History
)
but
not
a
true
and
impartial
Account
of
the
present
State
of
Denmark
.
When
soon
after
my
Curiosity
did
lead
me
to
make
a
true
comparison
betwixt
the
most
remarkable
passages
related
in
this
Treatise
,
and
such
Matters
as
either
my
memory
or
observations
,
which
I
had
made
some
years
ago
,
when
conversant
in
those
Countries
,
as
also
the
correspondence
of
my
Friends
from
thence
had
furnished
me
withal
;
I
was
sufficiently
convinced
,
that
in
the
most
concerns
of
Moment
our
Author
had
endeavoured
,
by
an
affected
Stile
,
rather
to
adapt
the
whole
to
his
Conceits
in
the
Preface
,
than
the
Preface
to
the
Work.
The
gross
and
unaccountable
Comparison
especially
,
made
betwixt
the
Northern
parts
of
the
World
and
the
Turkish
Government
,
nay
,
even
the
preferring
the
latter
before
the
others
may
.
I
think
,
serve
,
as
an
undeniable
Argument
to
all
unbyass'd
Persons
,
That
the
Author
did
not
intend
to
give
us
a
just
account
of
those
Countries
,
but
under
a
Romantick
Cover
of
Arbitrary
Power
,
to
represent
Tyranny
in
its
worst
shape
to
the
English
Nation
.
And
as
this
is
plainly
apparent
out
of
several
passages
of
the
said
Book
,
so
it
seems
to
be
the
only
excuse
that
can
be
made
for
these
extravagancies
and
groundless
Aspersions
,
so
little
suitable
to
the
rules
of
true
History
,
wherewith
it
is
filled
up
from
the
beginning
of
the
Preface
,
to
the
very
conclusion
.
Certainly
,
if
this
Author's
Intention
had
been
to
give
a
warrantable
Account
of
Denmark
,
it
would
have
been
much
more
glorious
and
consonant
to
the
practice
of
all
civilized
Nations
,
to
have
imitated
the
frankness
and
integrity
of
the
antient
Romans
,
whom
he
seems
so
much
to
admire
,
and
more
particularly
,
that
of
Tacitus
in
his
Book
,
which
he
writ
concerning
the
Germans
in
his
Time.
Those
,
who
see
this
Author
quoted
,
not
only
in
the
Title
page
,
but
also
in
several
places
afterwards
,
will
scarce
believe
that
any
other
,
but
the
above
mentioned
Reason
could
induce
our
Author
,
to
recede
so
far
from
the
Method
of
an
approved
Historian
;
and
the
so
much
applauded
moderation
of
him
,
whom
he
himself
praises
as
the
greatest
of
Politicians
of
his
Time.
Neither
will
the
difference
which
some
pretend
to
have
found
out
betwixt
those
Times
and
our
Age
,
be
a
sufficient
excuse
for
this
new-invented
way
of
writing
;
since
,
if
our
Author
had
been
more
taken
with
an
Ambition
to
imitate
Modern
than
antient
Writers
in
this
kind
,
there
are
not
wanting
Examples
among
them
of
undeniable
Sincerity
and
Modesty
.
The
Memoirs
of
Villeroy
,
and
the
Letters
of
Cardinal
D●
Ossat
have
deserved
such
praises
from
the
most
unbyassed
,
and
eminent
Politicians
,
that
he
need
not
have
been
ashamed
to
tread
in
their
footsteps
.
Even
the
Northern
parts
,
where
our
Author
falsly
imagines
all
Learning
to
be
extinguished
,
can
furnish
him
with
a
Pattern
of
this
Kind
in
their
imcomparable
Monzam
bano
,
of
the
State
of
the
German
Empire
;
according
to
which
,
if
he
had
regulated
himself
,
he
would
not
have
scattered
such
abundance
of
ill
grounded
Reflections
against
many
Illustrious
Persons
,
and
had
better
deserved
the
Name
of
a
true
Historian
.
But
,
if
nothing
of
Foreign
Vertue
could
be
charming
enough
to
our
Author
,
the
living
Examples
either
of
Sir
William
Temple
,
or
of
the
so
much
celebrated
Dr.
Burnet
,
now
Bishop
of
Salisbury
,
in
his
Observations
especially
made
,
concerning
his
Travels
,
and
published
some
years
ago
,
ought
to
have
excited
him
to
deserve
the
same
Character
;
except
our
Author
has
an
in
born
Aversion
to
any
thing
that
has
the
least
relation
to
the
North.
To
conclude
;
this
Author
seems
to
be
a
great
Admirer
,
and
to
have
adapted
the
whole
Work
to
the
Doctrine
of
some
political
Doctors
among
us
;
who
having
gathered
their
phantastical
Notions
of
a
Platonick
Government
without
Faults
,
out
of
such
antient
Philosophers
,
as
used
to
fight
Battels
in
their
Studies
,
and
with
florid
Speeches
infuse
their
Conceits
of
Governing
into
their
Auditors
,
do
very
industriously
labour
to
spread
their
vain
Opinion
,
to
the
great
disadvantage
of
the
State.
And
I
think
,
the
whole
Work
may
serve
as
a
convincing
Instance
,
to
shew
the
World
how
difficult
it
is
to
shake
off
such
Prejudices
,
as
are
implanted
in
our
tender
Age
,
and
have
in
process
of
time
taken
root
with
us
;
so
that
it
is
manifest
,
that
(
notwithstanding
our
Author's
Opinion
in
his
Preface
)
Travelling
too
late
proves
sometimes
as
ineffectual
,
as
going
abroad
too
young
.
This
being
,
what
in
general
may
justly
be
said
of
this
Treatise
,
I
have
communicated
to
you
with
the
same
freedom
,
as
I
thought
was
becoming
our
Friendship
,
and
the
satisfaction
I
always
take
in
contributing
any
thing
to
your
Curiosity
.
But
the
particular
consideration
of
the
whole
much
exceeding
the
compass
of
a
Letter
,
I
have
in
the
enclosed
Papers
set
down
such
impartial
animadversions
,
as
seemed
to
me
necessary
towards
the
explaining
of
the
chief
points
in
the
whole
Treatise
,
wherein
if
I
have
added
any
thing
to
your
satisfaction
,
it
fully
answers
the
ends
of
him
,
who
,
Sir
,
always
will
be
Your
affectionate
Friend
and
Servant
.
January
16.
1693
/
4.
REMARKS
UPON
THE
PREFACE
.
BOOKS
without
their
Author's
Names
,
being
like
Bastards
,
who
cannot
claim
the
least
Prerogative
from
their
Parentage
,
ought
questionless
to
challenge
no
other
Authority
but
what
is
derived
from
their
own
Deserts
.
And
tho'
it
is
not
to
be
denyed
,
but
that
sometimes
the
Circumstances
of
time
and
place
may
be
a
good
Plea
to
some
Authors
,
who
have
disguised
themselves
under
fictitious
Names
;
or
else
set
none
at
all
to
their
judicious
Pieces
.
Yet
it
must
also
be
owned
,
That
whenever
they
have
transgressed
the
Rules
of
true
Sincerity
and
Modesty
,
and
endeavoured
rather
to
recommend
themselves
to
the
Reader
by
their
pompous
Words
,
than
approved
Truth
,
they
have
deservedly
incurred
the
Censures
of
all
Judicious
and
Unbyassed
Persons
.
If
the
Author
of
the
Treatise
,
called
,
An
Account
of
Denmark
,
had
made
the
least
Reflection
(
as
he
ought
to
have
done
)
upon
this
,
certainly
he
would
not
have
been
so
much
pre-possessed
with
the
Vanity
of
his
own
Inventions
,
as
to
believe
,
That
the
same
,
tho'
never
so
gaudily
dress'd
up
with
fine
Words
,
and
adorned
with
fair
Suppositions
,
could
be
received
as
a
Truth
among
the
more
sensible
part
of
Mankind
.
But
to
come
to
the
Matter
it self
;
Health
and
Liberty
are
,
without
dispute
,
the
greatest
natural
Blessings
Mankind
is
capable
of
enjoying
,
says
our
Author
at
the
very
beginning
of
his
Preface
.
That
Health
and
Liberty
,
duly
considered
,
are
Two
precious
Jewels
,
scarce
sufficiently
to
be
valued
,
has
never
been
questioned
in
this
part
of
the
World
,
But
since
Physicians
themselves
do
not
agree
in
the
true
nature
of
the
First
,
as
admitting
of
several
Degrees
,
and
being
scarce
ever
to
be
found
in
its
due
Perfection
;
and
the
Degrees
of
the
Second
,
being
by
all
Judicious
Politicians
,
adapted
to
the
several
Constitutions
of
those
Countries
,
and
Inhabitants
where
the
same
is
to
be
exercised
,
our
Author
would
have
done
very
prudently
to
have
have
given
us
a
more
clear
and
satisfactory
Notion
of
the
true
Nature
of
both
.
So
do
we
see
Phantastical
Ladies
,
tho'
(
according
to
their
natural
Constitution
in
good
Health
)
affect
sometimes
to
be
leaner
,
sometimes
fatter
;
sometimes
to
nauseate
a
small
Pimple
,
or
even
their
natural
Colour
;
sometimes
imagining
(
tho'
falsely
)
I
know
not
what
Indisposition
in
their
Body
;
and
by
Vomits
,
repelling
Medicines
,
and
other
destructive
Methods
,
bring
upon
themselves
dangerous
Diseases
.
And
how
often
the
mistaken
Rules
of
Liberty
,
have
proved
not
only
troublesome
,
but
also
fatal
,
the
Histories
of
all
Ages
do
abundantly
testifie
.
It
had
therefore
,
in
my
Judgment
,
been
more
suitable
to
the
nature
of
an
Historical
Treatise
,
and
the
Circumstances
also
of
our
present
Enjoyment
of
sufficient
Liberty
,
under
the
Conduct
of
a
Wise
and
Just
King
,
to
have
given
a
true
Scheme
of
moderate
Liberty
,
than
to
represent
to
us
at
this
time
a
Romantick
Notion
of
the
same
,
by
fetching
the
Italian
out
of
his
own
Country
,
and
transferring
of
him
into
Greenland
;
for
these
are
his
Words
:
But
as
an
Italian
that
passes
a
Winter
in
Greenland
,
will
soon
be
convinced
how
much
Misery
he
endures
,
in
comparison
of
those
who
dwell
in
his
native
Country
;
so
he
that
knows
by
Experience
the
Trouble
of
a
languishing
Sickness
,
or
the
loss
of
Liberty
,
&c.
He
need
not
have
sent
him
so
far
,
since
the
Highlands
in
Scotland
would
have
made
him
sensible
enough
of
the
Difference
;
and
yet
I
have
known
Italians
,
who
would
not
change
their
Habitations
which
they
had
in
the
Northern
Parts
,
with
the
fruitful
Champaign
of
the
Ferrarese
,
and
other
the
Pope's
Dominions
.
From
hence
he
falls
abruptly
upon
the
Two
different
ways
of
profiting
,
either
by
our
own
,
or
other
Peoples
Experience
,
and
recommending
the
latter
,
(
and
certainly
no
body
who
has
common
Sense
would
do
otherwise
)
returns
quietly
to
his
beloved
Panegyrick
of
Liberty
:
Thus
he
says
:
Want
of
Liberty
is
a
Disease
in
any
Society
,
or
Body
Politick
,
like
want
of
Health
in
any
particular
Person
.
This
Passage
I
could
not
forbear
smiling
at
,
when
I
considered
with
what
Caution
our
Author
had
avoided
to
give
the
least
Limitation
of
Liberty
;
tho'
it
is
evident
,
that
a
proper
Epithete
would
have
taken
away
all
occasion
of
a
sinister
Interpretation
.
Surely
he
that
seems
so
well
versed
in
the
ancient
Greek
and
Roman
History
,
cannot
but
remember
,
that
it
was
the
immoderate
Liberty
of
Greece
,
the
famous
Nursery
of
his
so
much
admired
Philosophers
;
which
was
the
chief
Cause
of
the
Ruin
of
so
flourishing
a
Country
.
I
speak
this
upon
the
Credit
of
one
,
who
living
in
a
free
Common-wealth
,
and
being
the
greatest
Admirer
and
Maintainer
of
a
lawful
Liberty
,
is
an
unquestionable
Judge
in
this
Case
;
I
mean
Cicero
;
his
Words
are
these
:
Graecorum
totae
respublicae
sedentis
concionis
temeritate
administrantur
.
Itaque
ut
hanc
Graeciam
,
quae
jam
diu
suis
consiliis
perculsae
&
afflicta
est
,
omittam
:
Ea
vetus
,
quae
quondam
opibus
,
imperio
,
gloria
floruit
,
hoc
uno
malo
concidit
,
libertate
immoderat●
atque
licentia
concionum
.
And
that
excess
of
Liberty
is
the
same
in
the
Body
Politick
,
what
excess
of
Blood
(
tho'
else
the
Treasure
of
Life
)
is
in
a
particular
Person
;
which
if
not
timely
taken
away
,
causes
Inflammations
,
Exulcerations
,
Phrensies
,
and
other
dangerous
Diseases
;
besides
what
is
befallen
the
Strasburghers
,
by
their
too
much
nicety
of
Liberty
,
in
refusing
an
Imperial
Garrison
;
those
Civil
Commotions
and
Intestine
Wars
which
happened
in
our
Father's
Memory
in
the
Kingdom
of
Poland
,
have
been
convincing
Instances
,
and
that
too
much
Liberty
is
frequently
the
Spring
of
fatal
Diseases
in
the
Government
.
And
when
even
to
this
Day
we
hear
of
their
bloody
Debates
,
where
the
Cimmetar
often
is
the
chief
Argument
in
their
Consultations
at
the
Diet
;
I
will
scarce
believe
,
but
that
this
may
instruct
any
true
thinking
Englishmen
,
how
much
more
desirable
it
is
to
enjoy
an
Equitable
Portion
of
Liberty
,
than
greedily
to
follow
the
Footsteps
of
such
as
too
often
transgress
the
Bounds
of
the
same
.
Travel
,
says
our
Author
,
seems
as
necessary
to
one
,
who
desires
to
be
usefull
to
his
Country
,
as
practising
upon
other
Men's
Distempers
,
is
to
make
an
able
Physician
:
For
,
though
a
Man
may
too
frequently
see
the
Misery
of
such
,
as
are
deprived
of
Health
,
without
quitting
his
own
Country
;
yet
,
(
thanks
to
Providence
)
he
must
go
out
of
these
Kingdoms
,
who
would
know
experim●ntally
the
Want
of
publick
Liberty
.
And
since
next
to
Providence
our
present
happy
Enjoyment
of
our
legal
Liberty
,
is
owing
to
the
Valour
and
Conduct
of
His
Majesty
;
Why
then
all
this
stir
for
Liberty
?
Could
not
an
impartial
Account
have
been
given
of
the
Present
State
of
Denmark
,
without
a
Romantick
Preface
fill'd
up
with
Chimerical
Notions
?
Such
a
Piece
as
this
would
have
been
very
excusable
some
Years
ago
,
when
we
were
in
apparent
Danger
of
losing
both
our
Religion
and
Liberty
;
And
yet
at
that
very
time
it
has
been
observed
,
that
those
very
Gentlemen
who
generally
make
the
greatest
Clamour
for
Liberty
,
and
pretend
to
be
the
true
Proselytes
of
the
Ancient
Grecians
and
Romans
,
were
not
the
most
forward
of
maintaining
,
and
publickly
asserting
it
.
What
concerns
the
Usefulness
of
Travelling
,
it
was
,
I
think
,
never
denied
among
understanding
Men
:
and
if
in
representing
the
same
,
this
Gentleman
had
avoided
the
nauseous
Praises
of
this
,
and
the
undervaluing
of
other
Countries
,
I
am
certain
,
it
would
have
had
a
much
better
Influence
upon
unbyass'd
Persons
,
than
can
be
expected
from
such
hyperbolical
Comparisons
.
But
let
us
observe
his
Words
:
And
this
can
be
done
by
no
Nation
in
the
World
so
commodiously
a●
the
English
;
The
Affluence
of
their
Fortune
,
and
Easiness
in
their
private
Affairs
are
evidently
greater
,
than
those
of
other
People
of
Europe
,
&c.
And
immediately
after
;
In
other
Countries
some
Princes
and
Men
of
the
first
Quality
may
have
Purses
strong
enough
to
bear
the
Expence
,
but
few
of
the
midling
Sort
venture
upon
it
,
&c.
This
is
so
manifestly
contradictory
to
the
Experience
of
all
Travellers
,
that
I
cannot
sufficiently
admire
how
our
Author
could
pretend
to
put
it
upon
us
.
The
Panegyrick
of
his
Native
Country
,
might
have
been
interpreted
as
a
pardonable
Imitation
of
his
so
much
beloved
Ancient
Philosophers
;
But
certainly
he
,
who
can
affirm
this
for
a
Truth
,
must
never
have
travelled
any
where
,
but
by
a
direct
Sea-voyage
from
England
to
Denmark
:
For
if
he
had
taken
the
Way
thither
through
Holland
,
even
some
of
the
meanest
Capacities
in
those
Countries
in
his
Journey
would
have
informed
him
to
the
contrary
.
I
appeal
to
all
in
this
Case
,
who
have
made
any
Observation
iu
their
Travels
,
especially
in
France
,
and
I
am
sure
I
can
affirm
it
upon
my
own
Experience
,
what
a
Concourse
of
Foreigners
there
used
to
be
some
Years
before
this
War
in
Paris
,
whereof
so
few
were
in
Comparison
of
the
rest
,
English
,
that
I
have
often
been
admiring
at
it
.
And
I
remember
very
well
,
that
when
my
Curiosity
afterwards
did
lead
me
thither
a
second
time
,
I
made
as
strict
an
Enquiry
as
possibly
I
could
,
about
the
Number
of
Foreigners
in
Paris
,
(
besides
those
in
the
Country
)
where
I
was
informed
by
such
as
in
all
probability
were
the
most
likely
to
give
a
true
Judgment
of
this
Matter
,
That
they
did
esteem
the
Number
of
Foreigners
there
,
to
amount
of
late
Years
to
betwixt
sixteen
and
twenty
Thousand
;
whereof
one
half
were
supposed
to
be
Germans
.
I
have
often
afterwards
heard
the
same
confirmed
since
,
by
such
as
came
from
thence
:
and
,
as
I
have
seen
my self
;
the
most
of
those
live
up
to
the
Port
of
Gentlemen
in
a
Place
,
where
every
thing
is
very
dear
to
Strangers
;
we
must
either
conclude
,
that
all
those
were
either
Princes
,
or
Men
of
the
first
Quality
,
or
that
he
had
his
Supposition
,
That
few
of
the
midling
Sort
venture
at
travelling
,
from
no
Authentick
Hand
.
And
though
this
be
more
conspicuous
in
France
,
aud
especially
in
Paris
;
yet
the
same
may
evidently
enough
also
be
observed
in
other
Countries
,
as
in
England
,
Italy
,
Holland
,
and
the
most
Parts
of
Germany
.
I
have
been
in
the
latter
of
those
Countries
conversant
for
a
good
many
Years
,
and
at
several
times
;
and
as
I
always
took
no
small
delight
in
the
Gravity
of
the
German
Tongue
,
so
I
was
very
careful
in
making
the
most
exact
Observations
I
possibly
could
;
and
I
must
needs
acknowledge
,
that
scarce
any
Nation
in
the
World
bestows
more
Labour
,
and
Money
upon
the
Breeding
,
and
thoroughly
qualifying
their
Male-Children
,
than
the
Germans
.
Not
to
speak
now
of
the
first
Degrees
of
Education
(
because
I
shall
say
more
of
that
by
and
by
)
they
reckon
Travelling
so
necessary
and
requisite
towards
the
accomplishing
of
a
Gentleman
,
that
those
who
have
not
had
the
Opportunity
of
seeing
other
Countries
but
their
own
,
must
be
of
Eminent
Quality
,
if
they
are
preferred
to
any
Place
of
Moment
.
They
used
formerly
to
send
their
Sons
especially
into
Italy
,
but
the
Reservedness
of
the
Italians
being
not
found
so
convenient
towards
the
obtaining
the
Ends
of
Travelling
,
the
frankness
of
the
French
,
and
the
Necessity
there
was
,
in
the
most
Courts
of
Germany
,
to
be
nearer
acquainted
with
the
French
Tongue
and
Affairs
,
have
drawn
the
Germans
more
into
France
of
late
Years
,
than
into
any
other
part
of
the
World
;
though
I
verily
believe
,
That
if
a
true
Account
could
be
made
of
Foreigners
travelling
in
Italy
and
Holland
,
nay
,
even
in
this
Country
,
(
not
Merchants
)
it
would
be
found
that
near
one
Half
of
them
are
out
of
that
Country
.
I
appeal
to
such
English
as
have
been
in
Holland
,
and
especially
at
Leiden
,
whether
this
Assertion
be
not
manifestly
true
there
,
and
those
that
have
duly
observed
,
what
great
Numbers
of
Foreigners
,
pass
only
from
the
Northern
parts
(
so
much
despised
by
our
Author
)
by
the
way
of
Hamborough
to
Amsterdam
,
and
from
thence
over
Brussels
to
Paris
,
will
,
I
believe
,
scarce
question
what
I
said
before
,
concerning
the
Number
of
Foreigners
in
France
.
I
very
well
remember
,
that
during
the
time
of
some
Years
,
I
was
at
Leiden
,
I
have
often
with
great
delight
observed
,
how
they
used
to
come
thither
from
the
most
remote
Parts
,
as
Prussia
,
Courland
,
Livonia
,
Sweden
and
Denmark
,
(
though
most
of
those
Countries
have
their
own
Universities
)
and
with
great
Expence
endeavour
to
correct
the
Remnants
of
their
home-breeding
so
common
and
mischievous
to
most
Countries
.
If
our
Author
had
followed
their
laudable
Example
,
and
made
his
own
Observations
,
instead
of
writing
by
hear-say
(
as
he
needs
must
have
done
)
he
would
not
so
easily
have
undertaken
to
assert
such
a
notorious
Untruth
.
As
that
in
other
Countries
,
perhaps
Princes
and
Men
of
the
first
Quality
,
but
few
of
the
midling
Sort
(
for
want
of
Means
)
venture
upon
it
.
He
that
will
believe
this
,
must
be
very
little
acquainted
with
the
Affluence
of
the
Fortunes
of
the
Venetians
,
Genueses
and
Florentines
,
and
the
Dutch
are
so
near
us
,
that
no
body
,
but
who
is
purblind
may
see
the
Effects
of
their
Wealth
.
And
though
is
is
not
to
be
denied
,
but
that
the
German
Nobility
,
by
that
Civil
War
which
lasted
twenty
Years
,
and
was
not
ended
till
with
the
Peace
of
Munster
,
and
by
other
foreign
Wars
since
,
has
been
miserably
afflicted
in
their
Fortunes
:
Yet
the
Patricians
and
Inhabitants
of
so
great
a
Number
of
large
and
populous
Cities
,
as
are
to
be
found
on
the
most
famous
Rivers
,
the
Rhine
,
Danube
,
Elbe
,
Weser
,
and
others
,
have
fared
much
better
,
and
the
Damages
sustained
have
been
sooner
repaired
in
that
Country
,
than
in
most
others
,
by
the
great
Plenty
there
is
of
every
thing
.
Even
the
Pomp
and
Multitude
of
their
Courts
,
and
numerousness
of
their
Armies
,
for
which
the
Germans
have
been
blamed
long
since
,
are
the
constant
Nurseries
of
a
great
many
Noble
Families
,
who
raise
themselves
great
Estates
,
and
put
out
generally
their
ready
Money
in
the
neighbouring
great
Cities
,
from
whence
the
Citizens
draw
as
great
Advantage
in
their
Trade
;
and
the
Nobility
is
thereby
enabled
in
time
of
Want
,
either
to
uphold
or
to
restore
the
Grandeur
of
their
Families
.
I
know
my self
,
that
about
twenty
Years
ago
,
a
certain
Minister
of
State
to
the
Duke
of
Holstein
Gottorp
,
(
who
is
none
of
the
most
Potent
in
those
Parts
)
was
esteemed
to
leave
in
real
and
personal
Estate
to
the
Value
of
500000
l.
viz.
to
three
Sons
,
who
have
laid
the
Foundation
to
so
many
Rich
and
Noble
Families
.
Notwithstanding
all
this
,
we
may
without
detracting
from
other
Countries
say
,
That
the
English
in
general
enjoy
as
great
Conveniencies
for
travelling
,
as
any
Nation
whatsoever
.
Our
Situation
in
the
Middle
of
the
most
flourishing
and
civilized
Nations
of
Europe
,
and
the
continual
Correspondence
we
have
by
our
Trade
in
those
parts
,
is
,
(
besides
the
Affluence
of
our
Fortunes
)
no
small
Encouragement
to
an
English
Traveller
.
But
the
Goodness
of
our
Money
,
which
exceeds
much
the
currant
Money
of
a
great
many
other
Nations
,
is
an
Advantage
which
a
great
many
Foreigners
who
live
remote
from
us
,
and
are
obliged
to
lose
by
their
Bills
from
20
to
30
per
cent
.
would
be
very
glad
of
.
But
that
we
may
not
travel
beyond
out
reach
,
let
us
see
what
he
farther
says
concerning
Travelling
.
The
Method
which
has
been
generally
followed
by
us
,
in
sending
young
Gentlemen
to
travel
,
can
hardly
answer
any
of
these
Ends
,
&c.
We
send
them
abroad
Children
,
and
bring
them
home
great
Boys
;
and
the
Returns
they
make
for
the
Expences
laid
out
by
their
Parents
,
are
suitable
to
their
Age
,
&c.
Bu●
the
Travelling
here
recommended
is
that
of
Men
,
who
set
out
so
well
stock'd
with
the
knowledge
of
their
own
Country
,
as
to
be
able
to
compare
it
with
others
,
&c.
Here
Here
our
Author
pretends
to
instruct
us
how
to
travel
with
Profit
;
but
in
such
general
Terms
,
that
I
am
sure
he
that
does
not
know
it
without
it
,
will
scarcely
ever
learn
it
from
those
Rules
.
He
would
have
done
very
well
to
have
explained
what
he
meant
by
Children
,
great
Boys
,
and
Men
,
since
the
first
are
the
most
improper
for
travelling
,
and
very
seldom
either
in
this
or
other
Countries
sent
abroad
;
and
with
the
latter
,
if
over-grown
with
Home-Education
,
it
proves
very
often
near
as
ineffectual
as
the
first
.
But
tho'
I
cannot
well
guess
what
he
means
by
his
great
Boys
;
if
he
understands
those
of
a
middle
Age
,
betwixt
Childhood
and
Manhood
,
I
think
they
are
the
most
fit
to
answer
in
general
the
Ends
of
Travelling
.
The
practice
of
those
Countries
beyond
Sea
,
where
Travelling
is
most
in
fashion
,
has
sufficiently
confirmed
,
That
the
Age
of
Twenty
,
or
thereabouts
,
is
the
most
suitable
for
the
first
sending
abroad
of
young
People
,
it
being
the
Age
when
young
Men
,
first
well
instructed
at
home
in
the
Principles
of
such
several
Professions
as
they
intend
to
apply
themselves
to
,
may
well
prepared
,
and
yet
not
too
much
pre-possessed
with
the
knowledge
of
the
Constitution
and
Manners
of
their
own
Country
,
gradually
improve
themselves
by
Travelling
.
This
Rule
I
have
observed
to
be
generally
followed
in
Europe
,
and
especially
in
Germany
;
where
,
as
they
travel
most
,
so
they
may
serve
as
a
Pattern
to
such
as
intend
to
travel
with
any
Benefit
.
After
they
have
well
instructed
their
Children
in
publick
Schools
,
(
which
are
to
be
found
in
every
City
there
,
)
in
the
Latin
Tongue
,
and
Principles
of
Philosophy
,
till
coming
to
the
Age
of
18.
or
19.
Years
,
they
commonly
send
them
to
some
neighbouring
University
,
as
well
to
be
further
instructed
in
several
Sciences
,
and
in
such
Profession
as
they
intend
to
embrace
;
as
also
to
begin
to
improve
themselves
in
bodily
Exercises
,
as
Fencing
,
Dancing
,
Riding
the
Great
Horse
,
and
in
Foreign
Languages
,
especially
the
French
,
and
Italian
Tongues
.
Thus
prepared
,
they
leave
Germany
,
and
for
the
most
part
making
some
stay
,
either
in
the
several
Universities
of
the
United
Provinces
,
at
Leiden
,
Utrecht
,
or
Groningen
;
or
else
in
the
chiefest
Cities
,
they
endeavour
to
perfect
their
Knowledge
of
such
several
things
as
they
were
instructed
in
before
.
From
hence
the
common
Road
used
to
be
to
France
;
(
some
taking
a
small
Turn
into
England
,
)
where
having
staid
a
considerable
time
,
sufficient
fully
to
accomplish
themselves
in
the
said
Tongue
,
and
in
such
Exercises
as
are
taught
there
in
great
Perfection
,
they
either
go
straitways
from
thence
;
or
else
passing
thro'
Italy
,
return
into
Germany
;
and
taking
in
their
way
the
chiefest
Courts
of
the
Empire
,
are
then
,
if
they
have
not
wilfully
neglected
themselves
,
esteemed
duly
qualified
to
make
a
true
Comparison
betwixt
the
Excellencies
and
Deficiencies
of
their
own
and
other
Countries
.
So
that
all
we
pretended
to
,
says
the
Author
,
by
the
late
Revolution
,
bought
with
so
great
Expences
,
(
yet
not
too
dearly
paid
for
)
was
to
be
as
we
were
,
and
that
every
one
should
have
his
own
again
;
the
effecting
of
which
may
be
called
a
piece
of
good
Luck
;
and
that
is
the
best
can
be
said
of
it
.
That
in
our
late
happy
Revolution
,
Providence
seemed
to
have
a
particular
Share
,
is
what
every
body
that
loves
his
Country
,
and
this
Government
,
does
willingly
own
:
But
that
at
the
best
,
it
should
only
be
a
piece
of
good
Luck
,
I
am
to
learn
yet
.
As
I
am
well
assured
that
the
most
sensible
Men
agree
in
this
Point
,
That
Providence
in
our
Days
acts
by
Human
Means
,
and
not
by
Miracles
;
That
what
is
commonly
called
good
Luck
,
is
generally
the
Product
of
such
Counsels
and
Designs
,
as
are
often
not
so
evident
to
vulgar
Eyes
:
So
I
cannot
sufficiently
admire
,
that
this
Gentleman
,
who
has
taken
upon
him
the
Office
of
a
Censor
of
Foreign
,
and
a
Reformer
of
these
Nations
,
should
either
be
ignorant
,
or
so
soon
forgetful
of
the
unparallelled
Valour
,
and
uncommon
Wisdom
of
his
present
Majesty
,
which
was
so
apparent
to
all
Europe
,
that
I
think
he
might
have
with
Justice
,
and
a
due
Respect
,
mentioned
it
here
.
Truly
,
if
by
his
Majesty's
particular
Wisdom
,
those
extraordinary
Preparations
,
as
were
requisite
for
such
an
Enterprise
,
had
not
been
carried
on
with
that
Vigour
and
Silence
,
in
a
Country
where
it
seemed
most
difficult
to
be
effected
,
that
even
the
quick-sighted
French
were
deceived
;
if
by
his
indefatigable
Care
,
the
number
of
such
Forces
as
were
designed
for
this
Expedition
,
had
not
been
timely
supplied
by
the
German
Auxiliaries
:
If
at
last
by
his
incomparable
Valour
and
Constancy
,
he
had
not
surmounted
the
very
Obstacles
of
a
far
advanced
Season
,
contrary
Winds
,
and
Tempests
,
which
would
have
with-held
any
Body
but
Him
:
I
believe
we
would
before
now
have
been
in
despair
of
good
Luck
in
that
kind
;
and
our
Gentleman
would
have
had
no
great
Encouragement
for
such
a
Preface
.
And
it
is
Riddle
to
me
,
since
every
body
has
his
own
again
,
and
enjoys
it
under
the
Legal
Government
of
a
Wise
and
Brave
King
,
with
the
Assistance
of
the
great
Council
of
the
Nation
,
why
some
among
us
should
be
so
busie
to
vent
their
State-reforming
Speculations
,
except
they
labour
on
purpose
to
entail
upon
us
that
Sarcasm
which
our
Author
mentions
,
of
the
most
inconstant
Nation
in
the
World.
These
are
his
Words
:
But
must
frequent
Blood-letting
be
indispensibly
necessary
to
preserve
our
Constitution
?
Is
it
not
possible
for
us
to
render
vain
and
untrue
,
that
Sarcasm
of
Foreigners
,
who
object
to
us
,
That
our
English
Kings
have
either
too
much
Power
,
or
too
little
,
and
that
therefore
we
must
expect
no
settled
or
lasting
Peace
?
Shall
we
for
ever
retain
the
ill
Character
they
give
us
,
of
the
most
mutable
and
inconstant
Nation
of
the
World
,
which
however
we
do
not
deserve
,
no
more
than
England
does
that
of
Regnum
Diabolorum
,
so
common
in
unconsidering
Foreigners
Mouths
.
Methinks
a
Method
to
preserve
our
Common-wealth
in
its
legal
State
of
Freedom
,
without
the
necessity
of
a
Civil
War
once
or
twice
every
Age
,
were
a
benefit
worth
searching
for
,
tho'
we
went
to
the
furthest
Corners
of
the
World
in
quest
of
it
.
No
Question
that
such
a
Method
would
not
only
be
worth
sear●hing
for
,
but
also
the
most
desireable
thing
in
the
World●
But
what
Method
may
be
the
most
proper
to
effect
it
is
the
Difficulty
.
This
I
am
sure
,
the
Methods
which
some
of
our
Tavern
or
Coffee-house
Politicians
have
taken
of
late
,
will
not
answer
the
Ends
of
such
a
Settlement
.
As
I
frequently
converse
among
Foreigners
,
so
it
has
often
vexed
me
to
the
Soul
,
to
hear
what
Judgment
they
will
make
of
our
Transactions
here
;
not
but
that
I
often
have
found
it
too
true
:
yet
it
could
not
but
grieve
me
,
that
the
whole
Nation
should
bear
the
blame
of
a
certain
Gang
of
People
among
us
,
who
being
infected
with
the
Vanity
of
their
own
Conceits
,
(
like
to
those
afflicted
with
the
Yellow
Jaundice
,
to
whom
Objects
are
represented
under
the
same
Colour
as
their
Eyes
are
infected
withal
)
spread
their
corrupted
Opinions
abroad
,
to
the
great
Dishonour
and
Detriment
of
the
whole
Nation
.
The
Character
of
Regnum
Diabolorum
I
have
very
seldom
heard
,
and
never
,
except
from
such
as
were
very
unconsidering
indeed
;
but
as
for
that
of
inconstant
and
most
mutable
;
I
must
confess
,
it
is
common
among
Foreigners
,
even
of
the
best
Sence
.
And
for
the
Love
of
God
,
what
milder
Construction
can
any
Body
make
of
the
Behaviour
of
such
,
as
,
pretending
to
be
the
Champions
of
our
Government
,
revive
(
in
their
Pamphlets
)
the
almost
forgotten
Names
of
Whig
and
Tory
,
on
purpose
to
renew
at
the
same
time
those
Jealousies
,
which
within
these
few
Years
had
brought
this
Nation
to
the
very
Brink
of
Destruction
.
How
can
we
expect
,
but
that
not
only
Foreigners
,
but
also
all
understanding
Men
among
us
,
should
look
upon
such
as
worse
than
inconstant
,
and
mutable
,
who
can
so
soon
forget
the
past
Dangers
,
and
neglect
their
present
Happiness
?
Lucius
AEmilius
,
the
Roman
Consul
,
could
not
forbear
in
a
publick
Speech
which
he
made
to
the
Romans
,
when
going
to
the
Macedonian
War
against
Perse●s
,
to
reproach
them
with
the
Liberty
they
took
of
leading
Armies
into
the
Field
,
and
censuring
the
Actions
of
their
Generals
over
their
Liquors
at
Rome
;
and
what
wonder
is
it
,
if
it
seems
the
most
surprizing
thing
in
the
World
to
Foreigners
,
when
they
see
some
petty
State-reformers
among
us
in
their
Pamphlets
to
take
upon
them
,
and
challenge
an
Authority
in
gross
terms
,
and
with
bitter
Reflections
,
to
censure
not
only
the
Actions
of
Ministers
of
State
,
but
also
of
His
Majesty
himself
,
and
the
Parliament
also
,
sometimes
,
if
every
thing
does
not
exactly
agree
with
their
conceited
Rules
of
governing
;
and
that
at
a
time
when
both
King
,
and
the
grand
Council
of
the
Nation
are
mutually
labouring
for
the
Repose
,
and
Happiness
of
those
Kingdoms
.
I
would
ask
any
body
of
common
Sense
,
if
one
,
who
has
perhaps
from
others
only
learned
the
Rules
of
Navigation
,
and
peept
a
little
into
the
Sea-cards
,
should
pretend
to
instruct
old
Commanders
of
Ships
(
how
to
steer
with
Advantage
,
how
to
avoid
such
hidden
Banks
as
lay
scattered
up
and
down
near
several
Coasts
,
and
how
to
manage
a
Ship
in
case
of
Tempests
:
would
not
he
deservedly
be
laught
at
by
every
body
,
and
whether
those
,
who
should
trust
a
Ship
to
his
Management
,
would
not
be
esteemed
to
be
out
of
their
wits
?
Yet
these
C●amber-Politicians
find
their
Admirers
here
,
and
are
vain
enough
to
imagine
,
that
they
could
manage
the
Helm
of
our
Government
better
than
those
to
whom
the
same
by
our
Laws
is
committed
,
and
have
given
sufficient
proof
both
of
their
Fidelity
and
Ability
.
And
here
I
cannot
forbear
to
insert
what
is
related
of
that
great
General
of
the
Carthaginians
Hannibal
,
because
it
seems
to
agree
in
most
of
its
Circumstances
,
with
what
I
have
said
before
.
Hannibal
in
the
time
of
his
Banishment
from
Carthage
,
came
to
Ephesus
,
where
at
that
time
was
a
Famous
Philosopher
Phormio
,
much
admired
,
especially
by
the
Ephesians
.
Among
other
diversions
wherewith
they
entertained
Hannibal
,
they
would
by
all
means
invite
him
to
hear
their
so
much
beloved
Philosopher
.
Hannibal
at
last
over-perswaded
by
the
Ephesians
,
went
to
be
entertained
with
his
Discourse
,
where
the
Philosopher
with
abundance
of
Rhetorick
,
begun
to
make
a
long
and
tedious
Sermon
of
Military
Affairs
,
and
the
Duty
of
a
General
,
to
the
great
content
of
the
Ephesians
.
The
Oration
at
last
being
ended
,
Hannibal
was
asked
by
them
,
what
he
thought
of
their
Philosopher
,
to
whom
he
replied
very
freely
,
that
he
had
in
his
Life-time
seen
a
great
many
old
Dottrels
,
but
had
never
met
with
one
that
was
so
raving-mad
as
this
old
Fellow
;
which
Answer
coming
from
so
great
a
Man
,
it
's
said
,
put
them
a
little
out
of
Countenance
,
but
not
out
of
conceit
of
their
Doctor
.
But
to
return
to
our
Author●
who
,
having
attributed
our
not
travelling
of
late
Years
to
the
management
of
the
two
last
Reigns
,
says
further
thus
:
'T
is
not
very
long
ago
,
since
nothing
was
more
generally
believed
(
even
by
Men
of
the
best
Sense
)
than
that
the
Power
of
England
was
so
unquestionably
established
at
Sea
,
that
no
force
could
possibly
shake
it
.
That
the
English
Valour
and
Manner
of
fighting
was
so
far
beyond
all
others
,
that
nothing
was
more
desirable
,
than
a
French
War.
Should
any
one
have
been
so
regardless
of
his
Reputation
,
as
at
that
time
to
have
represented
the
French
an
over-match
for
the
united
Forces
of
England
,
and
Holland
,
or
have
said
,
that
we
should
live
to
see
our selves
insulted
on
our
own
Coasts
,
and
our
Trades
endangered
by
them
;
That
we
should
be
in
apprehension
every
Year
of
an
Invasion
,
and
French
Conquest
:
Such
a
venturesome
Man
must
have
expected
to
have
pass'd
for
a
very
Travellour
,
or
at
least
for
an
ill-natur'd
or
unthinking
Person
,
who
little
considered
what
the
irresistible
Force
of
an
English
Arm
was
;
but
our
late
Experience
has
reclaimed
us
from
these
Mistakes
.
It
were
to
be
wish'd
,
that
our
late
Experience
,
though
never
so
dearly
bought
,
had
qui●e
rooted
out
so
vulgar
an
Errour
among
us
,
which
had
almost
proved
fatal
to
these
Kingdoms
.
But
the
ignorance
of
foreign
Affairs
,
the
fondness
of
our
own
irresistible
Strength
,
and
the
want
of
duly
comparing
the
same
with
that
of
our
Enemies
,
seems
not
by
late
Experience
it self
quite
extinguish'd
among
some
,
who
fancy
themselves
no
small
Politicians
.
How
many
are
to
be
found
to
this
Day
,
who
vainly
boast
,
that
we
are
not
so
near
concerned
in
this
War
,
as
the
rest
of
the
Allies
;
that
the
Sea
is
a
sufficient
Bulwark
against
any
Attempts
from
France
upon
us
;
nay
that
upon
all
occasions
we
are
able
alone
to
beat
the
French
by
Sea
and
Land
,
without
the
Assistance
of
our
Allies
.
This
vain
Belief
of
our
own
Strength
,
was
the
Trap
which
the
French
twenty
Years
ago
,
when
first
they
began
to
bid
fair
for
the
universal
Monarchy
,
knew
how
to
make
good
use
of
,
to
catch
us
withall
at
their
own
time
.
I
remember
very
well
,
that
coming
some
time
before
the
Peace
at
Nimuegen
,
out
of
France
:
and
having
had
an
opportunity
to
pass
along
the
Rhine
,
and
afterwards
through
Flanders
,
where
the
Seat
of
the
War
then
lay
:
I
at
my
Return
hither
,
would
often
relate
to
my
Friends
what
I
thought
,
and
had
as
an
Eye
witness
,
observed
concerning
the
Strength
of
France
;
who
,
(
tho'
else
no
Favourers
of
the
Court
at
that
time
)
were
so
far
from
making
any
reflection
upon
that
matter
,
that
they
rather
look'd
upon
it
as
a
false
Notion
,
and
the
vain
Effect
of
Travelling
;
so
deeply
had
this
flattering
Fancy
taken
root
among
the
Generality
of
our
Nation
here
.
At
those
times
it
must
be
confess'd
,
this
Opinion
might
be
perhaps
excusable
,
but
I
cannot
see
,
under
what
Colour
some
,
who
have
seen
so
formidable
a
French
Fleet
a
few
Years
ago
in
our
Chanel
,
and
the
Armies
of
France
out
number
us
almost
every
where
last
Year
,
can
pretend
to
scatter
their
Pamphlets
at
this
time
,
full
of
vain
Suppositions
of
this
Nature
.
But
we
must
return
to
our
Author
,
who
by
the
Example
of
the
Ecclesiasticks
,
encourages
us
to
Travelling
in
these
words
.
The
Jesuits
have
brought
several
Maxims
,
as
well
as
Summs
of
Money
from
as
far
off
as
China
,
or
Japan
,
thereby
improving
their
Knowledge
,
&c.
These
Men
,
(
whose
firm
Adherence
to
the
most
exquisite
Tyranny
is
manifest
,
by
their
indefatigable
Endeavours
,
in
behalf
of
the
French
King's
Interests
,
as
formerly
of
the
House
of
Austria
,
whilst
it
was
in
its
Height
)
have
by
these
Arts
ingrossed
to
themselves
,
the
Education
of
the
Youth
,
in
all
Popish
Countries
.
The
Lutheran
Priests
(
who
have
an
entire
Dependance
on
their
Kings
and
Princes
)
are
entrusted
with
the
like
,
in
those
Countries
,
which
observe
the
Confession
of
Ausburg
.
They
also
send
abroad
some
of
their
hopefullest
young
Students
,
several
of
which
may
be
met
with
at
Oxford
,
Cambridge
and
Paris
:
The
use
they
make
of
Travel
,
being
not
only
to
improve
their
Knowledge
in
Sciences
,
but
to
learn
fit
Methods
to
please
their
Sovereigns
,
at
the
Expence
of
the
Peoples
Liberties
,
&c.
And
a
little
further
:
But
the
same
Travel
will
afford
the
best
Antidote
against
this
Poyson
,
and
teach
a
Gentleman
,
who
makes
right
use
of
it
,
by
what
S●eps
slavery
has
within
these
last
200
Years
crept
upon
Europe
;
most
of
the
Protestant
,
as
well
as
Popish
Countries
,
having
in
a
manner
quite
lost
the
precious
Jewel
,
Liberty
.
This
cannot
be
attributed
to
any
more
probable
Cause
,
than
the
enslaving
the
Spirits
of
the
People
,
as
a
Preparative
to
that
of
their
Bodies
.
For
since
these
Princes
think
it
their
Interest
,
that
Subjects
should
obey
without
Reserve
,
and
all
Priests
who
depend
upon
the
Prince
,
are
,
for
their
own
sakes
,
obliged
to
promote
what
he
esteems
his
own
Interest
,
't
is
plain
,
the
Education
of
Youth
,
on
which
is
laid
the
very
Foundation
Stone
of
publick
Liberty
,
has
been
of
late
Years
committed
to
the
sole
management
of
such
as
make
it
their
business
to
undermine
it
;
and
must
needs
do
so
,
unless
they
will
be
false
to
their
Fortunes
,
and
make
the
Character
of
Priest
give
place
to
that
of
true
Patriot
,
&c.
Indeed
they
do
not
forget
to
recommend
to
them
frequently
,
what
they
call
the
Queen
of
all
Vertues
,
viz.
Submission
to
Superiors
,
and
an
entire
blind
Obedience
to
Authority
,
without
instructing
them
in
the
due
measures
of
it
;
rather
teaching
them
,
that
't
is
without
all
Bounds
.
And
in
the
Conclusion
of
the
Treatise
he
hath
these
Words
,
which
we
will
insert
here
,
because
they
are
of
the
same
Stamp
.
It
has
been
a
great
Mistake
among
us
,
That
the
Popish
Religion
is
the
only
one
of
all
the
Christian
Sects
,
proper
to
introduce
and
establish
Slavery
in
a
Nation
;
in
so
much
that
Popery
and
Slavery
have
been
thought
inseparable
.
Not
to
derogate
from
the
Merit
of
the
Roman
Catholick
Perswasion
,
which
has
been
the
Darling
of
so
many
Monarchs
upon
that
Account
,
I
shall
make
bold
to
say
,
That
other
Religions
,
and
particularly
the
Lutheran
,
has
succeeded
as
effectually
in
this
Design
as
ever
Popery
did
.
'T
is
confess'd
indeed
,
That
Popery
would
certainly
introduce
Slavery
;
but
it
is
denyed
,
That
the
last
cannot
come
in
without
the
assistance
of
the
former
,
&c.
In
Denmark
,
as
well
as
other
Protestant
Countries
in
the
North
,
through
the
entire
and
sole
dependance
of
the
Clergy
upon
the
Prince
,
without
the
interfering
of
the
Authority
of
any
Spiritual
Superiour
,
such
as
that
of
the
Pope
among
the
Romanists
,
through
their
Principles
and
Doctrines
,
which
are
those
of
unlimited
Obedience
;
through
the
Authority
they
have
with
the
common
People
,
Slavery
seems
to
be
more
absolutely
established
than
it
is
in
France
,
as
in
effect
it
is
more
practised
;
for
that
King's
Subjects
are
better
treated
.
And
a
little
after
:
But
in
the
Countries
I
have
spoken
of
,
all
is
swallowed
up
in
the
King
,
Temporals
and
Spirituals
,
Soul
,
Body
,
Estate
,
and
Conscience
:
The
Army
and
the
Priests
are
Two
sure
Cards
;
the
Prince
that
has
one
of
them
at
his
side
can
hardly
fail
;
but
he
that
has
both
depending
on
him
,
need
fear
nothing
from
his
own
Subjects
,
let
him
use
them
never
so
ill
.
Here
is
a
general
Charge
against
the
whole
Body
of
the
Clergy
(
except
the
Calvinists
and
their
Proselytes
,
because
the
English
have
their
Share
by
and
by
)
concerning
the
Miseries
that
have
befallen
Europe
these
Two
hundred
Years
:
These
(
he
says
)
by
the
abuse
they
make
of
Travelling
,
corrupt
the
Youth
,
of
whom
they
have
sole
Management
;
these
,
by
their
entire
dependance
they
have
from
their
Princes
;
and
,
by
their
Doctrine
and
Principles
,
sow
the
Seeds
of
Slavery
among
the
People
.
Thus
runs
the
Stream
of
our
Author's
Eloquence
.
But
what
if
we
should
endeavour
to
stop
the
Current
?
What
if
the
Doctrine
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
,
and
especially
the
Principles
of
the
Jesuites
,
should
prove
rather
dangerous
than
advantageous
to
absolute
Monarchy
?
If
we
should
prove
,
that
the
entire
and
sole
dependance
of
the
Lutheran
Priests
from
their
Princes
,
is
a
Chimera
of
his
own
?
That
they
neither
have
in
general
,
the
Education
of
their
Youth
;
neither
that
their
Principles
and
Doctrine
are
for
a
blind
unlimited
Obedience
:
That
as
it
is
against
the
Interest
of
the
Ecclesiasticks
in
those
Parts
where
that
Religion
flourishes
,
to
suppress
the
Liberties
,
and
undermine
the
Welfare
of
the
People
,
so
it
is
absolutely
false
,
That
Spirituals
and
Temporals
are
swallowed
up
by
their
Help
or
Connivence
:
And
if
this
Foundation
falls
,
will
not
his
Doctrine
seem
to
be
built
upon
a
very
slippery
or
sandy
Ground
?
This
Gentleman
must
surely
have
been
very
little
acquainted
with
the
History
of
the
Reformation
in
those
Parts
,
and
the
Constitutions
of
the
Empire
;
as
also
how
often
the
Protestant
Religion
there
,
together
with
the
Government
,
hath
been
asserted
by
Arms
against
the
Emperor
,
and
all
other
Aggressors
,
with
the
Approbation
of
the
Lutherans
,
both
Priests
and
Lawyers
.
If
this
had
not
been
convincing
enough
to
our
Author
,
he
would
have
done
well
to
have
look'd
a
little
into
their
and
Writings
before
he
undertook
to
put
Books
such
Falsities
upon
the
world
.
But
since
this
Gentleman
has
taken
upon
him
the
Authority
of
a
Judge
,
let
us
see
by
what
Laws
he
hath
condemned
the
poor
Lutherans
.
And
since
it
is
certain
that
he
ought
to
condemn
them
by
none
but
their
own
,
we
must
look
a
little
back
into
their
Monuments
,
to
see
how
they
do
agree
with
our
Author's
Assertion
.
It
is
evident
,
that
at
the
beginning
of
the
Reformation
,
Luther
and
his
Associates
,
had
all
the
Reason
in
the
World
to
be
cautious
in
the
Doctrine
of
Obedience
,
as
well
to
avoid
the
Slanders
and
Reproaches
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
;
but
espeeially
not
to
open
a
Gare
to
the
Licentiousness
of
some
,
who
they
foresaw
would
take
an
opportunity
to
abolish
,
together
with
their
Religion
,
the
very
Constitution
and
Order
of
Government
.
And
the
several
Sects
of
Fanaticks
,
but
more
especially
that
cruel
Rebellion
in
Germany
,
(
commonly
called
,
The
Peasants
War
)
were
evident
Proofs
,
that
their
fore-sight
had
not
been
ill
grounded
.
But
let
us
but
cast
but
one
Eye
upon
some
of
their
Writings
,
and
we
may
easily
see
,
that
they
savour
not
so
much
of
blind
and
unlimited
Obedience
,
as
our
Author
would
make
us
believe
.
And
to
begin
with
the
Sentiments
of
those
very
Divines
who
lived
partly
at
the
same
time
,
partly
succeeded
in
the
same
place
where
Luther
had
begun
the
Reformation
,
and
ever
since
have
been
very
strictly
adhering
to
his
Doctrine
.
The
Councils
of
the
Divines
at
Wirtemberg
,
from
the
time
of
the
Reformation
,
till
the
Year
1664.
(
when
they
were
reprinted
)
and
dedicated
to
the
present
King
of
Denmark's
Father
,
after
that
Crown
was
become
Hereditary
,
)
and
also
to
the
then
Electoral
Prince
of
Saxony
,
will
doubtless
be
accepted
of
by
all
unbyass'd
Persons
,
as
a
Rule
whereby
to
judge
of
the
Limits
the
Lutherans
have
set
to
Obedience
.
I
have
therefore
thought
convenient
to
translate
some
Passages
relating
to
this
Point
,
out
of
the
High
German
Tongue
,
and
to
insert
them
as
a
Pattern
of
the
Lutherans
Doctrine
of
Obedience
.
Upon
a
Question
put
,
Whether
Magistrates
are
obliged
to
defend
themselves
and
their
Subjects
against
an
unlawful
Force
,
against
Princes
of
an
equal
Degree
,
and
against
the
Emperour
,
especially
in
point
of
Religion
;
Martin
Luther
,
Justus
Jonas
,
Martin
Bucer
,
and
Philip
Melancthon
,
with
joint
Consent
,
did
answer
:
That
it
was
an
unquestionable
Truth
,
which
ought
to
be
confess'd
at
the
last
Minute
,
even
till
Death
;
that
it
is
not
only
permitted
,
but
also
truly
and
strictly
commanded
,
that
all
in
Authority
owe
to
God
Almighty
this
Service
,
to
repel
all
Violence
from
themselves
,
and
defend
their
Subjects
against
such
,
as
either
intended
to
impose
Idolatry
,
or
a
false
Religion
upon
them
,
or
pretended
to
exercise
an
illegal
Power
over
them
.
And
,
as
the
Gospel
doth
confirm
(
say
they
)
the
Authority
of
Magistrates
;
so
it
does
no
less
confirm
the
Laws
of
Nature
,
and
Constitutions
of
Governments
.
There
is
no
question
,
every
Father
is
obliged
to
the
utmost
of
his
Power
to
preserve
his
Wife
,
and
Children
from
publick
Murther
,
and
there
is
no
difference
betwixt
a
common
Murtherer
and
the
Emperour
,
if
he
,
out
of
the
way
of
his
Office
,
notoriously
exercises
an
illegal
Power
;
because
open
violence
takes
away
all
obligation
betwixt
the
Subject
,
and
the
superiour
Magistrate
,
jure
naturae
So
it
is
the
same
case
if
a
Superiour
Magistrate
forces
his
Subjects
to
Blasphemy
,
and
Idolatry
:
so
did
Constantine
wage
War
with
Licinius
,
because
he
would
not
desist
from
his
Tyranny
,
though
he
exercised
the
same
in
his
own
Territories
,
All
this
,
as
we
have
said
,
is
without
question
just
,
and
according
to
the
Rules
of
Christianity
,
which
we
ought
to
profess
at
all
times
of
Danger
,
and
Death
it self
.
Yet
is
this
not
to
be
understood
,
but
in
the
defensive
Part.
And
immediately
after
,
in
the
Considerations
and
Instructions
concerning
what
resistance
is
permitted
;
Martin
Luther
,
Justus
Jonas
,
John
Bugenhagen
,
Nicolas
Ambsdorff
,
and
Philip
Melancthon
,
say
thus
:
Concerning
this
Article
,
there
have
been
frequent
and
hard
Disputes
among
us
,
but
this
day
we
are
agreed
;
That
,
the
Gospel
being
a
Doctrine
of
the
Eternal
Spiritual
Kingdom
which
is
in
the
Heart
,
does
not
reject
the
outward
Form
of
Government
,
but
rather
confirms
,
and
praises
the
same
:
From
whence
does
follow
,
That
the
Gospel
does
not
forbid
any
natural
and
just
Defence
,
such
as
is
suitable
either
to
the
Laws
of
Nature
,
or
Constitutions
of
a
Government
,
&c.
From
whence
it
is
evident
,
that
every
Magistrate
is
obliged
to
defend
his
Subjects
against
others
of
the
same
Degree
,
or
any
private
Person
.
But
here
arises
another
question
,
Viz.
What
is
the
Duty
of
a
Prince
against
his
Superiour
Lord
,
as
the
Emperour
,
in
such
a
Case
?
To
which
we
give
the
same
Answer
:
Because
the
Gospel
confirms
Temporal
Governments
;
therefore
every
Prince
ought
to
behave
himself
towards
his
Superiour
Lord
,
or
the
Emperour
,
according
to
the
natural
Right
,
and
temporal
Constitutions
of
the
Government
.
If
the
Emperour
is
not
a
proper
Judge
,
and
yet
will
,
as
pendente
appellatione
,
undertake
to
punish
;
such
his
violent
Attempt
is
,
injuria
notoria
.
Now
is
by
a
natural
Constitution
of
Governments
,
Self-defence
,
and
Resistance
against
injuriam
notoriam
is
allowable
.
Wherefore
if
the
Emperor
should
act
violently
,
pendente
appellatione
,
concerning
Matters
of
Religion
,
or
the
Peace
promised
;
he
is
to
be
esteemed
as
a
private
Person
,
and
the
injuria
undertaken
against
the
Right
of
the
Appeal
,
and
the
promised
Peace
,
is
a
publick
and
notoria
injuria
.
But
what
if
the
Appeal
is
pass'd
the
Council
?
What
if
Judgment
is
given
according
to
the
imperial
Laws
,
and
we
are
cast
?
Can
we
then
with
a
safe
Conscience
openly
resist
our
Supreme
Lord
?
Answer
,
After
we
have
in
a
decent
,
and
Christian
like
manner
declared
,
that
we
are
willing
this
Matter
should
be
examined
and
adjusted
,
and
have
clearly
proved
the
Foundations
upon
which
we
have
built
our
Doctrine
;
and
yet
the
Council
goes
on
in
its
illegal
way
of
proceeding
,
contrary
to
the
very
Foundation
of
natural
Equity
,
and
the
Ordinances
set
down
in
the
Scripture
,
viz.
That
not
the
contrary
Side
,
but
the
whole
Christian
Church
is
the
sole
Judge
,
all
the
Proceedings
are
void
;
and
as
it
is
not
to
be
esteemed
a
Council
,
so
the
Appeal
remains
in
its
due
Force
.
And
whatsoever
is
violently
undertaken
,
by
virtue
of
such
Proceedings
,
is
in
truth
a
publick
Violence
,
and
notoria
injuria
.
And
suppose
,
the
Pope
should
seem
not
to
be
so
violent
in
his
Proceedings
,
yet
by
virtue
of
his
Sentences
,
endeavour
to
establish
Idolatry
,
and
commit
publick
Injuries
;
we
believe
that
it
is
the
Prince's
Right
to
oppose
,
and
defend
themselves
against
the
same
.
And
to
clear
this
point
the
better
,
it
will
,
I
think
,
not
be
amiss
to
insert
here
also
the
Answer
,
which
was
given
by
Martin
Luther
,
Justus
Jonas
,
Philip
Melanc
thon
,
George
Spalatin
,
and
other
Divines
,
to
the
Instructions
of
the
Lawyers
at
Wittenbergh
,
concerning
Resistance
.
These
are
their
words
:
A
Paper
has
been
delivered
to
us
,
out
of
which
we
see
,
what
the
Opinion
is
of
the
Doctors
in
the
Law
concerning
the
question
:
In
what
cases
it
is
allowable
to
resist
the
Magistracy
.
Now
because
these
cases
are
determin'd
by
the
Doctors
,
and
others
skill'd
in
the
Laws
;
and
we
certainly
are
at
this
time
under
such
Circumstances
,
as
will
allow
us
(
as
they
prove
)
to
resist
our
Superiour
Powers
;
and
we
having
always
taught
,
that
temporal
Rights
should
remain
in
their
due
Force
and
Vigour
,
we
cannot
contradict
it
out
of
the
Scripture
,
but
that
we
may
defend
our selves
,
if
it
were
against
the
Emperour's
own
Person
or
whoever
else
should
act
under
his
Authority
.
And
because
we
are
a●
present
in
great
danger
,
which
seem●
to
encrease
every
Day
,
whereby
may
happen
a
sudden
Necessity
of
Resistance
;
it
will
not
be
amiss
not
only
for
our
Laws
,
but
also
for
Conscience
sake
,
to
prepare
and
arm
our selves
against
any
Attempts
,
which
may
be
made
upon
us
;
as
it
seems
very
likely
that
according
to
all
Circumstances
the
like
may
easily
befall
us
.
For
what
we
have
hitherto
taught
concerning
not
resisting
the
higher
Powers
;
we
were
not
sufficiently
instructed
,
that
the
Laws
did
allow
it
,
to
whom
we
also
have
always
taught
,
that
Obedience
ought
to
be
given
.
And
when
afterwards
the
Protestant
Princes
clearly
apprehended
an
Invasion
from
the
Roman
Catholick
Party
,
and
especially
from
the
Emperour
Charles
the
V●
Martin
Luther
,
John
Bugenhagen
,
Caspa●
Cruciges
,
George
Major
,
and
Philip
M●lancthon
,
did
not
only
approve
the
Protestant
League
made
at
Smalkald
,
but
also
the
four
last
,
Anno
1546
,
gave
concerning
the
War
against
the
Emperour
,
this
following
Answer
:
When
we
are
once
certain
that
the
Emperour
intends
to
attack
the
States
,
by
reason
of
their
Religion
,
there
is
no
doubt
,
the
States
have
a
Right
to
defend
themselves
,
and
their
Adherents
,
&c.
Such
a
Defence
is
the
same
,
as
if
you
defended
your self
against
so
many
Murtherers
,
whether
they
be
headed
by
the
Emperour
or
any
body
else
;
because
the
Act
is
a
publick
Tyranny
,
and
notoria
violentia
.
And
what
we
may
expect
from
the
Spaniards
,
Italians
,
and
Burgundians
;
the
Country
of
Juliers
,
can
and
may
serve
us
as
an
Example
.
Wherefore
every
Inhabitant
ought
to
venture
his
Life
to
resist
such
Tyranny
.
And
in
this
case
it
is
also
true
,
that
the
Prevention
it self
is
just
and
allowable
,
provided
we
are
certain
,
the
Emperor
has
resolved
to
invade
the
States
.
I
could
have
translated
a
great
many
more
the
like
Cases
;
but
as
the
rest
have
all
follow'd
the
Footsteps
of
those
above-named
Divines
,
who
were
the
first
and
chiefest
in
the
Work
of
Reformation
;
so
I
thought
these
sufficient
to
show
,
how
far
different
the
Principles
and
Doctrine
of
the
Lutherans
,
were
from
a
blind
and
unlimited
Obedience
,
wherewith
our
Author
so
boldly
charges
them
.
But
that
it
may
not
be
objected
that
our
Age
has
perhaps
altered
the
Opinion
of
the
Lutheran
Divines
;
I
will
,
(
besides
what
may
be
seen
in
the
above-mentioned
Book
)
give
you
the
Opinion
of
one
of
the
most
famous
Lutheran
Divines
of
our
Age
,
Dr.
John
Gerhard
,
in
his
own
Words
:
Distinguunt
,
says
he
,
Politici
Scriptores
(
1
)
inter
Principes
Majestatis
integrae
&
potestatis
absolutae
,
qui
absolutum
Imperium
in
subditos
obtinent
,
nec
tenentur
certis
quibusdam
pactis
,
conventis
vel
legibus
regni
fundamentalibus
,
expressa
promissione
obstricti
;
&
inter
Principes
potestatis
limitatae
,
&
pactis
,
conventis
inter
ipsos
&
proceres
regni
initis
circumscriptae
,
cui
distinctioni
respondet
ea
,
quae
statuitur
inter
subditos
meros
&
mixtos
,
(
2
)
inter
offensionem
&
defensionem
.
Principibus
,
quorum
potestas
est
limitata
,
ab
illis
,
qui
non
sunt
mere
subditi
,
ab
ordinibus
scilicet
regni
,
resisti
,
ac
violentiam
eorum
armata
manu
repelli
posse
disputant
,
id
quod
sequentibus
confirmari
posset
argumentis
.
1.
A
Magistratus
officio
:
Magistratui
incumbit
,
subditos
contra
injustam
oppressionem
tueri
,
ut
superius
fuit
demonstratum
.
Jam
vero
ordines
regni
in
regno
electivo
,
ad
quod
non
nisi
certis
conditionibus
caput
est
evectum
,
sunt
loco
Magistratus
.
Non
enim
sunt
mere
subditi
,
sed
partem
potestatis
in
electione
summi
capitis
sibi
reservarunt
.
2.
A
Juris
naturalis
praescripto
.
Defensio
sui
omni
jure
Divino
,
scilicet
naturali
&
civili
est
concessa
;
Ergo
licet
ordinibus
regni
contra
injustam
oppressionem
se
&
subditos
defendere
.
3.
Ex
mutuae
obligationis
modo
.
Ex
contractibus
nascitur
mutua
&
reciproca
obligatio
.
Jam
vero
inter
Principem
potestatis
restrictae
,
&
Ordines
regni
electivi
talis
contractus
fuit
initus
,
ut
Princeps
in
leges
regni
fundamentales
prius
juraverit
,
antequam
Ordines
,
regni
nomine
,
omnium
subditorum
fidem
ipsi
darent
.
Quod
si
ergo
Princeps
ab
hoc
contractu
discedit
,
Ordines
regni
ab
obedientiae
promissione
ipso
jure
absolvuntur
.
4.
Ex
axiomate
Theologico
,
quod
Evangelium
non
aboleat
politias
.
Jam
vero
ad
statuta
&
jura
politica
hoc
ipsum
pertinet
,
quod
Ordines
regni
vi
contractus
initi
,
Magistratui
libere
electo
,
&
contra
promissionem
&
sidem
datam
agenti
resistere
possint
.
Vid.
Lutherum
Tom.
7.
Germanic
.
Jenensi
.
Fol.
389.
5.
A
paritatis
judicio
.
Sicut
principes
aberrantes
ministri
Ecclesiae
verbo
possunt
arguere
,
consiliarii
sanis
consiliis
in
viam
eos
revocare
:
Sic
ordines
Regni
,
quibus
datus
est
à
Deo
gladius
,
vi
armata
ipsius
conatibus
possunt
resistere
.
6.
Ex
probatorum
exemplorum
testimonio
,
2
Reg.
11.
Jojadas
deponit
Athaliam
,
1
Maccab.
2.
&
seqq
.
Judas
&
reliqui
Maccabaei
resistunt
Antiocho
.
Constantinus
oppugnavit
Licinium
,
collegam
in
imperic
,
Christianos●
persequentem
.
B.
Lutherus
in
Scripto
ad
pastorem
Tom.
7.
Germ.
Jnenesi
,
fol.
386.
addit
duo
alia
exempla
,
quod
populus
restiterit
Sauli
Jonathanem
interficere
cupienti
,
I
Sam.
14.
quodque
Ahicam
&
alii
principes
Israelitici
restiterint
Regi
Jojakim
Jeremiam
ad
internecionem
quaerenti
.
7.
Ex
consequente
absurdo
.
Si
ordinibus
Regni
denegaretur
potestas
contra
injustam
violentiam
se
ac
suos
desendendi
,
consequens
foret
,
non
esse
discrimen
inter
Principes
,
qui
absolutam
&
integram
obtitinent
potestatem
,
&
inter
eos
,
quorum
potestas
est
limitata
&
circumscripta
,
nec
esse
discrimen
inter
mere
subditos
,
&
eos
,
qui
sunt
in
partem
potestatis
recepti
,
ac
quibus
cura
boni
publici
ex
parte
adhuc
incumbit
,
promissionem
illam
quam
Princeps
ante
evectionem
ad
Regnum
Ordinibus
praestet
nullius
esse
momenti
,
cum
pro
arbitrio
ab
ea
discedere
,
nec
ad
impletionem
ejusdem
cogi
possit
,
electionem
boni
principis
intuitu
boni
publici
susceptam
,
in
extremum
Regni
detrimentum
vergere
,
cum
libidini
ejus
nemo
possit
resistere
.
8.
Ex
Theologorum
&
Jurisconsultorum
suffragio
.
Lutherus
,
Bugenhagius
,
Justus
Jonas
,
Nicolaus
Ambsdorfius
,
Georgius
Spalatinus
,
Philippus
Melancthon
,
Casparus
Cruciger
,
Georgius
Major
,
Justus
Menius
,
Christophorus
Hoffmannus
,
&
●alii
Theologi
.
Jurisconsulti
Wittebergenses
,
Anno
31.
Basilius
Monnerus
&
alii
ex
Politicis
,
defensionem
sui
ordinibus
Regni
licitam
&
concessam
esse
censuerunt
,
ut
constat
ex
Scriptis
à
Dom.
Hortledero
collectis
Tom.
2.
lib.
2.
de
causis
belli
Germanici
.
Sed
gravissimae
hujus
quaestionis
decisionem
Theologorum
&
Jurisconsultorem
Collegiis
commit
tendam
,
neque
quidquam
temere
pronunciandum
esse
dicimus
.
Thus
far
concerning
a
limited
Power
:
And
though
he
seems
afterwards
not
altogether
to
agree
with
the
Opinion
of
such
as
allow
Resistance
in
an
absolute
Government
;
yet
it
is
apparent
enough
,
that
his
Arguments
are
rather
intended
against
the
Jesuitical
Principles
,
and
such
as
makes
every
body
a
fit
Judge
of
the
Limits
of
Obedience
and
Princely
Office
,
than
against
all
manner
of
necessary
self-defence
,
which
,
among
others
,
may
be
seen
out
of
these
Words
:
Cum
satius
sit
à
subditis
hic
peccari
in
defectu
quam
excessu
,
ac
durissima
quaevis
ab
illis
tolerari
,
quam
praetextu
defensionis
principem
,
de
quo
emendationis
spes
est
de
solio
dejici
,
ideo
Theologus
rectius
fecerit
,
si
populum
Christianum
subjugo
tyrannico
laborantem
ad
poenitentiam
ac
patientiam
hortetur
,
quam
si
vim
armatam
contra
vindicis
Dei
flagella
adhibendam
esse
doceat
.
Non
existimo
negandum
,
(
scribit
Brentius
in
comment
.
in
1
Sam.
24.
)
quin
Davidi
in
regem
divinitus
electo
Saulem
tyrannidem
exercentem
tam
opportune
in
spelunca
oblatum
interficere
licuerit
;
sed
David
maluit
fequi
,
quod
aedificaret
,
quam
quod
liceret
impune
,
&c.
Et
postea
:
Quod
David
perpercit
Sauli
,
magna
laude
dignum
est
,
&
docet
,
multo
honestius
esse
&
utilius
,
ut
ad
evitanda
offendicula
de
jure
nostro
aliquid
remittamus
,
quam
summum
jus
prosequamur
,
&c.
I
could
not
avoid
inserting
those
Passages
here
,
that
thereby
the
Judicious
Reader
might
the
better
be
able
to
judge
of
the
Doctrine
of
the
Lutherans
concerning
Obedience
;
and
how
much
the
same
differs
from
what
our
Author
has
laid
to
their
Charge
;
That
both
their
Principles
and
Doctrine
are
for
a
blind
and
unlimited
Obedience
,
without
instructing
their
Auditors
in
the
due
Measures
of
it
:
And
that
they
send
some
of
their
hopefullest
young
Students
abroad
,
to
learn
fit
Methods
to
please
their
Sovereigns
at
the
Expence
of
the
Peoples
Liberty
.
It
may
perhaps
be
objected
,
That
some
of
the
Lutherans
have
tied
the
Subjects
to
a
much
stricter
sort
of
Obedience
towards
their
Sovereigns
.
But
to
this
may
be
answered
,
That
it
is
very
unjust
to
charge
a
whole
Body
with
the
Opinions
of
a
few
;
besides
,
to
those
who
have
perused
the
Writings
of
the
most
zealous
Lutheran
Champions
for
Obedience
to
Sovereigns
,
it
will
be
evident
enough
,
that
even
these
have
put
Bounds
to
the
same
,
and
always
submitted
their
Judgment
in
this
Case
to
the
Laws
and
Constitutions
of
the
Government
.
I
could
give
a
great
many
Instances
of
this
kind
;
but
not
to
be
too
tedious
in
a
matter
already
sufficiently
proved
,
I
will
only
add
a
few
Passages
out
of
an
Author
,
who
living
at
this
Day
in
the
very
Resident's
place
of
the
King
of
Denmark
;
and
having
dedicated
his
Treatise
to
that
King
himself
,
is
generally
thought
to
have
strained
this
point
of
Obedience
as
high
as
ever
any
Lutheran
Divine
did
;
from
whence
it
may
appear
,
whether
in
the
North
it self
,
Spirituals
and
Temporals
,
Soul
and
Body
(
as
our
Author
says
)
are
swallowed
up
in
their
Princes
,
and
the
Lutheran
Priests
have
their
sole
and
entire
dependance
from
them
.
These
are
his
Words
in
his
Dedication
to
the
King.
Nam
ut
reliqua
taceam
,
quantis
laudibus
efferendum
illud
est
,
quod
cum
non
ita
pridem
sanctissimis
,
aequissimisque
legibus
Jus
Daniae
nostrae
auctum
esse
volueris
,
primo
loco
,
velut
fundamentum
juris
&
felicitatis
civium
Augustanam
.
Confessionem
ponas
,
à
qua
vel
latum
unguem
recedere
nec
parentibus
fas
sit
,
nec
Imperanti
.
Facile
enim
,
quae
tua
est
prudentia
,
animadvertis
;
ita
Majestatis
tuae
causam
cum
gloria
Dei
conjunctam
esse
,
ut
,
nisi
salva
Religione
,
salva
atque
tuta
esse
non
possit
.
And
p.
66.
Quare
nec
Magistratui
quidem
competit
illud
exterius
jurisdictionis
Ecclesiasticae
,
ut
vocant
,
exercitium
:
Examinare
,
consecrare
,
ordinare
futuros
Ecclesiae
ministros
.
Et
falsum
est
,
per
Transactionem
Passaviensem
vel
Pacem
Religionis
,
inter
Status
Romani
Imperii
sancitam
,
in
Magistratum
Civilem
translata
haec
esse
,
aut
transferri
potuisse
,
ut
nonnulli
putant
.
Distincta
sunt
ordinis
Ecclesiastici
&
politici
munia
,
jura
,
officia
;
&
quemadmodum
Sacerdotibus
nihil
in
politicis
,
ita
&
Principibus
nullum
in
Spiritualibus
jus
competit
.
p.
67.
Quamvis
enim
vocare
&
constituere
Doctores
ac
Ministros
Ecclesiae
non
minus
etiam
ad
summos
imperantes
spectet
,
quam
ad
reliqua
Ecclesiae
membra
,
imo
potius
cum
quadam
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
ad
eos
pertinere
videatur
,
qui
praecipuum
Ecclesiae
membrum
constituunt
ac
utriusque
tabulae
legis
custodes
&
nutritii
audiun●
,
nihilominus
tamen
nec
solius
Magistratus
est
vocare
Ecclesiae
Ministros
,
exclusis
reliquis
statibus
,
neque
ipsa
illa
vocatio
divinae
potestati
docendi
&
administrandi
Sacramenta
,
quid
quam
humani
admiscet
,
ut
superiorum
autoritate
suffulta
tantum
videri
debeat
Doctorum
Ecclesiae
Autoritas
.
And
in
his
Animadversions
(
a
)
he
says
thus
:
'
De
vocatione
ministrorum
Ecclesiae
duo
extrema
sunt
,
inter
quae
medium
tenet
Orthodoxia
Lutheranorum
,
nequid
vel
ambitioni
clericali
,
vel
libidini
Principum
indulgeatur
,
sed
omnia
ordine
,
decenter
&
juxta
primitivae
Ecclesiae
ritum
procedant
.
Caeterum
quod
jus
vocandi
Ecclesiae
ministros
attinet
,
divisum
illud
esse
inter
tres
status
,
&
ad
totam
Ecclesiam
spectare
,
toties
probarunt
nostrates
Theologi
,
ut
ea
opera
nunc
quidem
supersedere
possim
.
Disceptari
etiam
illud
solet
,
anne
status
Ecclesiasticus
,
aut
Oeconomicus
renunciare
juri
suo
possit
,
atque
illud
tacito
quodam
consensu
delegare
Senatui
aut
Magistratui
Seculari
.
Cujus
quaestionis
negativam
partem
tuetur
B.
Hulsemannus
.
And
p.
69.
he
gives
us
the
Opinion
of
the
famous
Puffendorf
,
in
his
Book
De
habitu
Religionis
Christianae
ad
vitam
civilem
;
who
says
thus
:
Sed
Doctores
Ecclesiae
ut
'
tales
,
non
sunt
propriè
officiales
Regis
sed
sunt
servi
Christi
ac
ministri
Ecclesiae
,
non
Civitatis
.
And
p.
73.
he
goes
thus
on
:
Male
alias
apud
pontificios
audit
ministerium
Lutheranorum
;
eo
potissimum
nomine
,
quod
omnia
Jura
sua
ac
Privilegia
divina
&
humana
Magistratui
politico
resignet
,
ab
ejus
nutu
,
imperio
&
voluntate
totum
pendeat
,
adeo
ut
nulla
ipsi
nisi
parendi
gloria
relicta
sit
,
sive
in
doctrina
ipsa
sive
in
legibus
quicquam
mutari
,
consultum
imperantibus
videatur
.
In
quem
finem
exprobrare
etiam
nobis
solent
illud
in
Germania
tritum
dicterium
:
Cujus
est
Regio
,
illius
&
est
Religio
;
quasi
ex
hypothesi
Lutheranae
Religionis
integrum
sit
Principi
de
rebus
fidei
pro
lubitu
decernere
,
quidquid
pro
varia
temporum
&
utilitatis
publicae
ratione
visum
placitumque
fuerit
.
Sed
calumnia
haec
est
curiae
Romanae
,
eoque
a●rocior
,
quod
in
nostris
principiis
,
ne
quidem
suspicionis
locum
invenit
.
Scilicet
didicere
Evangelici
aequa
lance
metiri
Principum
&
Ecclesiae
jura
,
nec
divellere
ea
,
quae
Christus
conjuncta
esse
voluit
:
Date
Caesari
,
quae
sunt
Caesaris
,
&
Deo
quae
Dei.
Quod
si
forte
contingat
nonnunquam
Magistratum
jure
suo
in
praejudicium
ordinis
Ecclesiastici
abuti
,
id
non
magis
doctrinae
nostrae
imputandum
est
,
quam
omnes
alii
abusus
,
scandala
&
vitia
Protestantium
,
quae
toto
ore
atque
pectore
detestatu
Ecclesia
nostra
.
Caeteroquin
fore
putandum
non
est
,
ut
illisplaceat
alienaeservitu
tis
jugum
,
quia
tyrannide
cleri
in
libertatem
tam
fortiter
sese
asseruerunt
,
vel
ut
aequis
oculis
aspiciant
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
qui
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
quondam
ferre
non
potue
runt
.
But
in
his
6.
Chap.
p.
166.
he
says
plainly
,
That
the
Augsburg
Confession
is
the
Foundation
of
the
Danish
Monarchy
.
Hac
occasione
non
possum
satis
depraedicare
Juris
Danici
sanctimoniam
,
&
cum
vera
religione
intimam
connexionem
,
quam
vel
primum
caput
statim
in
limine
prodit
his
verbis
.
Kongen
haver
og
eene
hoyeste
Magt
over
ald
Clerisiet
fra
den
hoyeste
til
den
laveste
,
at
beskikke
oc
anordne
ald
Kirke
og
Guds
Tieniste
,
Moder
,
Sommenkomst
og
Forsamlinger
om
Religions-Sager
effter
Guds
Ordog
den
Augsburgiske
Confession
,
&c.
Non
potest
igitur
jus
Daniae
nostrae
nisi
cum
vera
religione
perennare
,
&
si
illam
tollas
,
Augusti
diadematis
gloriam
potentiamque
imminui
necessum
est
.
Pio
igitur
&
prudenti
consilio
factum
est
,
ut
Augustana
Confessio
legum
nostrarum
constitutionem
ingrederetur
tanquam
certissimum
medium
&
valorem
legibus
conciliandi
,
&
legislatoris
summam
&
absolutam
Majestatem
sarram
tectamque
conservandi
.
Numae
Pompilii
tempestate
ancile
quoddam
de
coelo
decidisse
,
Romana
antiquitas
fabulatur
,
unaque
vocem
editam
omnium
potentissimam
:
Erit
civitas
,
quamdiu
illud
manserit
.
Nec
dissimile
responsum
Trojanis
de
Palladio
ex
Oraculo
Delphico
datum
ferunt
:
Ejus
Civitatis
futurum
esse
exitium
;
si
Palladis
simulacrum
,
extra
moenia
portaretur
;
quo
effectum
,
ut
cives
summa
cura
&
sollicitudine
rem
tanti
momenti
custodirent
.
Non
hic
fabulas
vel
oracula
memoramus
,
sed
vocem
seriam
omniumque
prudentum
confessione
veram
repetimus
:
Erit
in
Dania
,
summa
&
absoluta
Majestas
,
quam
diu
Lurana
Religio
manserit
.
I
am
not
ignorant
that
these
latter
words
may
bear
a
double
Interpretation
;
yet
he
that
will
duly
compare
the
former
Passages
with
the
last
,
will
easily
find
out
the
Author's
meaning
to
be
,
That
the
Lutheran
Priests
,
as
Priests
,
have
no
entire
dependance
from
their
Magistrates
,
but
that
in
Denmark
the
Welfare
of
the
Monarchy
is
inseparable
from
the
maintaining
of
Augsburgh
Confession
.
And
I
admire
how
our
Author
,
during
his
stay
in
Denmark
,
could
be
so
overseen
,
as
no●
to
enquire
more
strictly
into
this
Point
,
before
he
undertook
to
assert
a
thing
of
that
nature
with
so
much
Confidence
.
As
for
the
Lutheran
Priests
in
Germany
,
where
that
Religion
chiefly
flourishes
,
it
is
certain
,
they
have
in
the
most
places
,
much
less
dependance
from
their
Princes
;
since
in
the
most
Cities
and
Corporations
there
the
Rights
of
Patronage
are
either
in
the
Magistrates
,
or
else
in
the
Congregation
;
sometimes
joyntly
in
the
Magistrates
and
Elders
of
the
Parishes
.
In
the
Country
some
of
them
perhaps
belong
to
the
Nobility
,
some
to
the
Prince
;
and
so
do
some
Cathedrals
;
tho'
a
great
many
Ministers
in
these
latter
are
chosen
by
the
Canons
;
and
all
their
yearly
Salaries
,
Houses
,
and
other
Benefices
,
are
ascertained
to
them
out
of
such
Revenues
or
Lands
as
do
properly
belong
and
depend
,
not
from
the
Prince
,
but
the
several
Cathedrals
and
Parish-Churches
.
Their
Perquisites
,
which
especially
in
the
Cities
,
commonly
amount
to
more
than
their
Salaries
,
and
in
some
places
are
very
considerable
,
come
from
Buryings
,
Baptizing
,
Confessions
,
Prayers
in
the
Churches
,
and
with
the
sick
at
their
Houses
,
Marrying
and
New-years-Gifts
;
all
which
as
in
those
Parts
they
most
absolutely
depend
on
the
Peoples
Liberality
and
Inclination
,
being
rather
established
by
Custom
than
any
Laws
,
I
cannot
see
what
Colour
our
Author
could
have
for
his
Assertion
,
that
,
except
they
will
resign
the
Character
of
Priest
to
that
of
true
Patriot
,
and
be
false
to
their
Fortunes
,
they
are
obliged
to
assist
their
Princes
in
their
Arbitrary
way
of
governing
;
it
being
manifest
,
that
their
Vocation
(
generally
speaking
)
and
their
Subsistence
as
Priests
,
depend
from
the
People
,
rather
than
their
Princes
;
and
they
having
also
their
Consistories
where
Ecclesiastical
Affairs
are
determined
according
to
the
Constitutions
of
the
several
Countries
;
and
in
a
great
many
Places
Prelates
,
as
Abbots
,
Priors
,
and
Deans
,
who
are
among
the
States
in
their
several
Countries
,
it
is
evident
,
that
our
Author
's
supposed
dependance
,
without
the
interfering
of
a
Superiour
,
such
as
the
Pope
among
the
Romanists
,
betwixt
the
Lutheran
Clergy
and
their
Princes
,
is
no●
so
dangerous
either
to
the
Priests
or
People
,
as
our
Author
would
fain
p●rswade
us
,
on
purpose
to
lay
all
the
blame
upon
the
Clergy
.
To
effect
this
the
better
,
he
tells
us
with
a
singular
Confidence
,
That
also
the
sole
Management
of
the
Youth
is
committed
to
the
care
of
the
Lutheran
Priests
in
those
Countries
,
which
observe
the
Confession
of
Augsburgh
;
tho
,
most
certainly
nothing
is
more
contrary
to
the
Truth
.
I
will
appeal
to
those
who
,
as
well
as
I
,
have
made
an
enquiry
into
this
Matter
,
Whether
in
the
publick
Schools
of
the
Lutherans
they
have
not
found
Schoolmasters
of
other
Professions
as
well
as
Divines
;
and
tho'
they
are
not
excluded
from
that
Function
,
whether
they
ever
were
preferred
before
others
,
as
being
Professors
or
Students
of
Divinity
?
The
Nobility
in
the
Country
,
and
Patritians
in
the
Cities
,
generally
have
their
Tutors
or
Domestick
Preceptors
,
for
the
Education
of
their
Children
(
Boarding-Schools
being
rarely
to
be
found
there
;
)
in
the
choice
of
whom
they
are
generally
so
far
from
preferring
Divines
before
others
,
that
they
seldom
admit
of
them
in
that
Station
.
And
when
their
Children
come
to
the
Age
of
Travelling
,
or
going
to
the
Universities
,
it
is
a
general
Maxime
among
them
,
not
to
put
the
Tuition
of
their
young
Men
into
the
Hands
of
Divines
,
whose
Profession
obliging
them
to
a
sedentary
Life
,
and
least
of
all
others
being
accustomed
to
travel
,
they
do
not
reckon
these
so
proper
Instruments
for
the
perfecting
their
Sons
,
and
obtaining
the
full
ends
of
Travelling
,
as
those
of
other
Professions
,
who
more
frequently
apply
themselves
to
it
in
those
Parts
.
I
am
apt
to
believe
that
our
Author
may
be
fallen
partly
into
this
Mistake
,
from
the
necessity
and
custom
which
formerly
had
obtained
in
Denmark
,
when
the
Nobility
having
in
their
Hands
all
Places
of
Profit
and
Trust
;
and
their
Constitution
not
requiring
many
Lawyers
,
Divinity
was
the
only
Profession
,
out
of
which
they
were
obliged
to
choose
persons
for
the
Education
of
their
Youth
.
But
besides
that
Matters
are
much
altered
since
in
Denmark
,
as
to
this
Particular
,
it
would
have
been
but
prudence
to
have
enquir'd
more
strictly
into
this
Point
,
as
to
the
Customs
of
other
Lutheran
Countries
,
before
he
made
it
the
Foundation
Stone
of
his
Doctrine
of
Slavery
.
If
this
Gentleman
would
have
taken
into
due
Consideration
the
Protestant
League
made
immediately
after
the
Reformation
at
Smalkald
;
the
ensuing
War
with
Charles
the
V.
the
Transactions
at
Passaw
;
That
long
and
most
cruel
War
which
was
for
30
Years
together
carried
on
in
Germany
,
betwixt
the
Protestants
and
the
Roman
Catholick
Party
,
and
the
Peace
thereupon
concluded
at
Munster
,
and
Osnabrugge
;
besides
what
not
so
many
Years
ago
happened
in
Hungary
,
under
the
Conduct
of
the
Counts
Serini
,
Nadasti
and
Franquepani
,
and
is
to
this
Day
continued
by
Teckely
,
(
the
Heads
of
which
League
were
chiefly
Lutherans
,
and
their
Pretensions
both
for
Religion
and
Liberty
)
he
could
not
have
committed
so
gross
an
Error
,
as
to
impute
an
unlimited
blind
Obedience
both
in
their
Principles
and
Practices
to
the
Lutherans
.
And
to
clear
this
Point
the
better
,
I
cannot
but
relate
some
Passages
which
happened
in
our
Memory
,
in
the
Electorate
of
Brandenburgh
,
betwixt
his
Electoral
Highness
,
and
some
Lutheran
Ministers
,
out
of
which
it
will
easily
be
understood
,
whether
the
Northern
parts
of
Germany
are
so
much
infected
with
blind
Obedience
,
as
this
Gentleman
imagines
.
The
Business
happened
thus
:
Frederick
William
the
present
Elector
of
Brandenburgh's
Father
,
being
of
the
reformed
Religion
,
which
they
call
commonly
the
Calvinian
,
was
for
establishing
an
Agreement
betwixt
the
Lutherans
and
Calvinists
.
There
were
at
that
time
two
Factions
among
the
Lutherans
;
The
first
of
such
,
as
were
strictly
,
and
with
some
austerity
adhering
to
the
first
Rules
of
the
Reformation
,
were
called
the
Wittenburgh
Faction
,
or
sometimes
Calovians
,
from
one
Dr.
Calow
in
the
said
University
,
Professor
of
Divinity
,
who
was
a
fierce
and
implacable
Enemy
to
the
Doctrines
of
one
Dr.
Calixtus
,
and
others
in
the
University
of
Helmstadt
,
who
were
for
moderating
and
reconciling
the
religious
differences
in
Germany
.
The
former
had
for
a
considerable
time
,
both
in
their
Sermons
and
Writings
,
been
very
vehement
against
the
Calvinists
;
the
later
had
dealt
with
them
more
mildly
,
for
which
reason
they
also
had
undergone
the
rigid
Censures
of
the
Wittenburgh
Divines
in
the
Country
of
Brandenburgh
.
The
Calixtines
therefore
,
and
Calvinists
,
with
the
Assistance
of
some
of
the
States
of
Brandenburgh
were
very
desirous
to
bring
the
former
to
a
more
pliable
Temper
;
and
the
Elector
being
willing
to
establish
a
better
Understanding
,
took
an
opportunity
by
his
several
Proclamations
to
order
,
that
both
Parties
should
abstain
from
injurious
Words
:
Such
as
Zwinglians
,
Sacramentarians
,
Ubiquitists
,
Marcionites
,
and
the
like
;
That
they
should
not
put
any
Consequences
deduced
out
of
their
several
Hypotheses
upon
one
another
,
which
either
Party
did
deny
;
And
thirdly
,
that
all
Priests
should
be
obliged
to
baptize
the
Children
of
such
Parents
,
as
were
averse
to
the
Exorcism
,
(
which
the
most
Lutherans
,
together
with
the
Sign
of
the
Cross
,
use
in
the
Baptism
)
without
the
same
.
And
findding
some
of
the
Lutherans
in
no
ways
complying
with
his
Mandates
;
he
ordered
certain
Formulars
to
be
subscribed
by
them
,
and
commanded
his
confistorial
Judges
,
to
see
that
every
thing
were
duly
performed
according
to
his
Mandates
.
It
would
be
too
long
to
dispute
here
concerning
the
Merit
of
the
Cause
upon
either
Side
;
it
will
be
sufficient
to
shew
,
how
the
Lutherans
behav'd
themselves
in
this
Case
,
which
I
think
will
fully
clear
them
as
to
the
Point
of
blind
Obedience
.
They
were
then
so
far
from
obeying
the
Electoral
Proclamations
,
and
subscribing
the
Formulars
,
that
they
on
the
contrary
,
together
with
such
of
their
Auditors
as
adhered
to
them
,
did
by
several
Petitions
under
the
Name
of
the
true
and
pure
Lutheran
Churches
,
and
their
Confessors
,
tell
the
Elector
,
That
he
had
quite
surrendred
himself
like
a
Prisoner
to
his
Privy
Counsellors
,
who
pretended
to
a
religious
Peace
,
by
suppressing
that
of
Osnabrugge
,
and
quite
abolishing
their
native
Constitutions
and
Agreements
.
And
whenever
they
objected
to
the
Courtiers
,
that
their
proceedings
were
against
the
Rights
of
Patronage
,
and
Contracts
;
the
common
Answer
was
,
that
these
were
out
of
date
;
Because
the
Eighth
Commandment
was
not
to
be
found
in
the
States
Catechism
,
but
in
lieu
of
the
same
,
was
introduced
,
that
Principle
of
Machiavell
,
Principi
licet
,
facere
,
quidquid
lubet
.
That
at
the
Peace
made
at
Osnabrugge
it
was
agreed
,
that
no
body
should
be
permitted
to
alter
the
free
Exercise
of
Religion
,
or
the
Laws
and
Constitutions
that
were
established
.
Neither
that
under
pretext
of
Rights
of
Patronage
,
Episcopal
or
Territorialor
any
other
Pretence
,
Ministers
should
be
forced
upon
the
Subjects
of
another
Religion
,
or
any
thing
to
be
either
directly
or
indirectly
done
,
which
might
prove
prejudicial
to
another
Religion
.
They
say
further
:
That
these
Rules
were
taken
out
of
the
States
Catechism
,
to
perswade
Magistrates
,
that
as
in
Temporal
,
so
in
Ecclesiastical
Affairs
,
they
have
alone
absolute
Power
to
determine
and
punish
,
which
is
an
unheard
of
Doctrine
in
both
Religions
.
That
some
Examples
out
of
the
Old
Testament
and
Christian
Emperors
ill
applied
,
the
Prerogative
of
Magistrates
and
Rights
of
Patronages
,
were
political
Pretences
,
from
whence
it
might
be
evident
,
that
the
former
Proclamations
were
nothing
else
than
the
Tokens
of
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
or
the
political
Antichrist
;
since
in
setting
Magistrates
above
all
what
belongs
to
God
,
viz.
his
Word
,
Sacraments
,
Denominations
,
Church-Ceremonies
,
and
Ministers
;
the
Design
was
to
invade
the
Throne
of
Christ.
And
in
another
Petition
they
object
to
the
Elector
a
Coin
which
was
coined
1548
,
by
George
Duke
of
Anhalt
,
which
had
on
one
Side
this
Inscription
:
Plus
odi
Conciliatores
istos
,
quam
apertos
Religionis
Hostes.
And
further
say
:
That
the
Elector's
Proclamations
were
against
the
Peace
of
the
Empire
,
Constitutions
of
the
Land
,
and
Contracts
made
Anno
1653
,
where
it
was
concluded
,
that
no
Proclamations
should
be
issued
forth
repugnant
to
that
Contract
,
or
contrary
to
both
Religions
.
I
could
have
inserted
more
of
this
kind
,
but
I
will
only
add
so
much
,
that
these
Petitions
having
been
delivered
to
the
Elector
,
after
he
had
upon
the
Request
of
the
Representatives
of
the
Prelates
,
Earls
,
Nobility
and
Cities
,
abrogated
the
Formular
proposed
to
the
Clergy
before
,
and
explained
himself
very
favourably
as
to
the
point
of
arguing
in
their
Sermons
,
may
serve
as
lively
Instances
,
that
the
Lutheran
Priests
,
though
they
represent
Obedience
as
the
Queen
of
all
Vertues
,
endowed
rather
with
Modesty
,
than
armed
with
Dagger
and
Poyson
,
yet
they
have
neither
blinded
,
neither
tongue-tied
her
.
The
Disturbances
arisen
some
time
ago
,
&
continuing
to
this
Day
in
a
*
Northern
Lutheran
Commonwealth
,
betwixt
two
Clergymen
,
who
have
drawn
not
only
the
rest
of
the
Clergy
,
but
also
all
the
Inhabitants
(
notwithstanding
the
Senates
Authority
and
Endeavours
to
the
contrary
)
into
two
Parties
,
are
so
notorious
,
that
those
alone
sufficiently
contradict
our
Author's
Assertion
concerning
their
blind
Obedience
.
But
it
is
time
to
leave
the
Lutherans
,
and
to
see
why
the
Roman
Catholick
Religion
has
been
the
darling
of
Princes
upon
the
Account
of
blind
Obedience
,
according
to
this
Gentleman's
Opinion
.
Truly
those
that
will
a
little
consider
,
that
pernicious
Doctrine
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
,
of
deposing
,
nay
even
murthering
of
Princes
;
the
many
Instances
of
this
kind
,
which
have
verified
their
Principles
in
this
point
;
the
Bulls
of
Bonifacius
VIII
,
Innocent
III
,
Clement
V
,
and
other
Popes
,
who
have
asserted
the
same
as
a
legal
Power
,
will
,
I
believe
,
easily
be
convinced
that
an
Arbitrary
Prince
,
who
understands
his
own
Interest
,
has
but
little
reason
to
make
those
his
darlings
,
who
think
it
not
only
lawful
,
but
also
meritorious
to
cut
his
Throat
,
when
not
submitting
himself
to
their
Rules
.
And
how
can
any
Prince
who
affects
an
Arbitrary
Power
,
suppose
himself
absolute
Master
of
his
Subjects
,
as
long
as
there
are
in
his
Dominions
those
,
and
that
in
great
Numbers
,
who
being
potent
both
by
their
vast
Possessions
,
and
the
Influence
they
have
over
the
rest
,
acknowledge
another
Head
,
besides
himself
,
and
profess
openly
that
both
in
Spirituals
and
Temporals
they
owe
more
Obedience
to
the
Pope
than
the
Prince
?
It
would
be
supervacuous
to
prove
this
,
it
being
,
besides
the
Bulls
of
Gregory
IX
,
Innocent
IV
,
Gregory
VII
,
and
a
great
many
others
,
so
abundantly
certified
by
Histories
,
and
their
practices
in
all
Ages
;
that
no
body
who
has
any
insight
in
History
,
can
be
ignorant
of
it
.
I
know
some
will
object
to
this
,
that
these
have
been
the
Practices
in
former
Ages
among
the
Roman
Catholicks
,
when
Simplicity
was
more
predominant
;
but
that
since
the
Reformation
the
Jesuits
have
known
so
to
mitigate
this
point
,
as
that
nothing
is
to
be
fear'd
from
thence
,
which
seems
to
be
also
our
Author's
Opinion
;
when
he
says
,
that
the
firm
Adherency
to
Tyranny
is
manifest
in
the
Jesuits
,
by
their
adhering
now
to
the
French
interest
,
as
they
did
formerly
to
the
House
of
Austria
.
That
the
Jesuits
who
are
the
Supporters
of
the
above-mentioned
Doctrine
so
destructive
to
all
Governments
,
should
have
in
the
least
receded
from
the
same
,
is
as
vain
to
imagine
,
as
that
the
same
do
now
less
adhere
to
the
House
of
Austria
,
than
formerly
.
It
is
not
to
be
denied
,
some
of
that
Gang
have
had
cunning
enough
to
insinuate
themselves
into
the
most
secret
Affairs
of
the
French
King
;
but
what
is
that
towards
their
having
shaken
off
off
their
old
Principles
of
Self-Interest
,
and
maintaining
the
Pope's
Prerogative
;
or
their
adhering
now
more
to
France
.
than
the
House
of
Austria
?
Their
seeming
Compliance
,
is
by
all
understanding
People
in
France
it self
,
look'd
upon
as
an
effect
of
their
Fear
,
rather
than
good
Inclination
towards
that
Kingdom
:
For
they
having
seen
,
that
the
French
Kings
have
maintained
their
Authority
with
a
high
Hand
against
the
Pope
,
and
the
restless
Endeavors
of
their
Fraternity
,
they
have
of
late
according
to
their
wonted
Custom
,
changed
their
Tune
for
fear
of
losing
all
.
That
famous
Inscription
of
Lewis
XII
,
that
notable
Advice
of
Cardinal
Richlieu
,
of
setting
up
a
Patriarch
in
France
,
and
the
vigorous
Opposition
Innocent
XI
.
found
in
the
present
French
King
against
all
his
Attempts
,
has
frightned
these
Fathers
into
a
Complacency
,
which
nothing
but
the
Consideration
of
their
own
Interest
could
have
extorted
from
them
;
to
pursue
which
they
will
at
any
time
adhere
,
either
to
France
,
or
to
the
House
of
Austria
,
to
Monarchy
,
Aristocracy
,
or
Democracy
.
And
this
may
be
evident
enough
to
any
body
who
will
recollect
their
Behaviour
in
our
Age
as
well
as
the
former
.
Not
to
speak
of
the
Villanies
of
Castell
,
Clement
,
and
Ravaillack
,
who
are
so
abominable
,
that
they
ought
not
to
be
mentioned
among
the
Race
of
Mankind
,
and
are
lively
Instances
,
how
far
the
Roman
Catholicks
have
laid
aside
their
ancient
King-killing
Principle
.
The
Jesuite
,
Santarel
,
in
his
Book
which
was
burnt
by
the
Hangman
in
France
,
has
shewn
sufficiently
,
That
they
have
not
changed
much
their
former
Opinion
as
to
the
Pope's
Prerogative
over
Magistrates
.
And
it
is
remarkable
what
is
related
of
the
Jesuites
in
France
;
who
being
then
asked
,
What
their
Opinion
was
of
this
Book
?
whether
they
would
oppose
it
?
or
whether
they
did
intend
to
conform
themselves
according
to
the
Approbation
of
the
same
by
their
General
at
Rome
?
after
a
great
many
Tergiversations
,
being
put
to
give
a
Categorical
Answer
,
they
could
not
forbear
saying
,
If
they
were
at
Rome
,
they
should
be
of
their
General
's
Opinion
.
And
the
threatning
Letter
from
Innocent
XI
.
to
Lewis
XIV
.
as
that
also
to
the
Clergy
,
evidences
sufficiently
,
that
it
is
rather
want
of
Power
than
good
Will
,
when
they
seem
not
to
act
according
to
their
former
utmost
Severity
.
That
the
Jesuites
follow
no
other
Dictates
but
such
as
agree
with
their
own
Interest
,
(
whether
in
a
Free
or
Arbitrary
Government
)
so
many
of
the
Roman
Catholicks
have
testified
themselves
that
I
wonder
how
any
body
can
fansie
them
adhering
to
any
.
Was
it
not
justly
objected
to
Father
Parsons
and
Campian
in
Queen
Elizabeth's
time
,
from
the
other
Roman
Catholicks
,
that
the
several
Disturbances
,
and
especially
the
Disputes
about
frequenting
the
English
Churches
were
raised
on
purpose
by
them
only
for
the
Benefit
of
their
Society
;
and
that
the
rest
had
been
considerable
Losers
by
it
?
Were
not
,
by
Father
Parson's
Means
,
Seminaries
for
English
Jesuites
erected
as
well
in
France
as
Spain
,
Portugal
,
and
the
Netherlands
?
Did
he
not
treat
with
the
Spaniards
,
French
,
Queen
of
Scots
,
the
Pope
,
Duke
of
Guise
,
Prince
Farnese
,
and
the
Earl
of
Derby
,
about
the
Crown
of
England
?
so
indifferent
was
he
in
the
Point
,
that
it
matter'd
him
not
who
had
it
,
provided
the
Jesuites
might
obtain
their
Ends.
Has
not
a
certain
moderate
Roman
Catholick
,
not
many
Years
ago
,
attributed
the
bloody
Wars
in
Ireland
,
and
a
great
many
other
mischievous
Devices
against
this
Government
,
to
the
Excommunications
of
John
Baptist
Rinuccini
,
the
Pope's
Nuncio
,
then
in
Ireland
,
and
to
the
great
Aversion
the
Jesuit●s
and
their
Adherents
always
have
shewed
against
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
?
And
have
we
not
in
our
Memory
seen
the
Jesuites
have
an
equal
Interest
and
Adherency
both
to
the
House
of
Austria
and
France
,
by
raising
Persecutions
in
Hungary
and
France
against
the
Protestants
?
And
was
not
the
Emperour
,
by
their
Advices
,
brought
to
the
very
Brink
of
Ruin
?
and
do
the
most
judicious
presage
any
good
to
the
French
King
,
from
having
followed
their
Methods
?
So
that
I
am
apt
to
believe
,
the
most
sensible
Princes
,
though
never
so
Arbitrary
,
will
not
be
so
fond
of
them
,
as
to
make
them
their
Darlings
upon
that
score
.
And
if
some
Commonwealths
have
been
cautious
enough
to
clip
a
little
their
Wings
in
their
Dominions
:
yet
as
the
great
decay
of
that
once
flourishing
City
and
Commonwealth
of
Cologne
on
the
Rhine
,
caused
by
their
Devices
,
is
an
instance
,
that
where
ever
they
get
footing
,
it
will
be
prejudicial
to
the
Government
:
So
the
Switzers
can
testifie
,
that
it
is
next
to
an
impossibili●y
to
keep
them
even
out
of
Commonwealths
.
For
though
Switzerland
has
shewed
as
little
Inclination
to
them
as
any
Government
whatsoever
;
yet
they
having
possessed
themselves
of
one
of
the
best
places
in
Friburgh
,
they
have
a
most
noble
Colledge
and
Chapel
there
.
And
though
the
Canton
of
Soloturn
would
not
admit
of
them
till
within
these
few
years
,
and
that
not
but
under
hard
Conditions
;
yet
out
of
1000
Livres
Revenue
per
Annum
for
ten
of
them
,
they
are
grown
so
rich
that
they
are
erecting
a
most
magnificent
Church
and
College
,
the
building
whereof
is
reckoned
,
Will
amount
to
50000
l.
Sterl
.
which
may
convince
all
unbyass'd
Persons
,
that
it
is
not
any
form
of
Government
they
adhere
to
,
but
that
they
will
flatter
either
Arbitrary
Power
or
Licentiousness
,
according
as
it
turns
best
to
their
own
Account
.
But
we
must
go
further
and
hear
what
our
Author
has
to
say
concerning
the
English
Clergy
.
I
do
not
hereby
mean
,
says
he
,
to
reflect
on
the
Order
,
which
generally
has
the
government
of
our
Youth
;
we
have
had
the
experience
of
many
among
them
,
who
have
given
proof
of
a
freer
Education
and
Learning
:
And
without
question
the
chief
posts
of
the
Gown
of
both
kinds
were
never
better
filled
than
at
present
.
I
only
lament
the
ill
contrivance
of
their
Constitution
;
for
while
Interest
draws
one
way
,
and
Honesty
another
,
when
a
Man
may
make
his
Fortune
by
forgetting
his
Duty
to
his
Country
,
but
shall
always
stick
at
mark
while
he
serves
it
;
't
is
scarcely
to
be
hoped
Men
should
hold
out
against
such
temptations
,
unless
they
be
generally
gifted
with
more
Honesty
than
the
generality
of
Mankind
are
.
And
since
they
continue
still
upon
the
same
bottom
,
it
must
be
expected
the
same
,
or
other
as
mischievous
Doctrines
will
be
broached
;
whereas
if
they
were
once
set
upon
the
same
foot
,
the
Philosophers
of
old
were
,
if
honesty
and
the
duty
to
their
Country
,
were
made
their
private
interest
,
and
the
way
to
thrive
,
we
should
soon
see
them
shift
hands
,
and
the
Spirit
of
those
Philosophers
revive
in
them
again
.
The
Constitution
of
our
Universities
as
to
Learning
,
seems
as
unfortunately
regulated
,
as
it
is
to
Politicks
,
&c.
It
seems
as
ridiculous
to
take
patterns
for
the
gentile
Learning
of
this
Age
,
from
the
old
fashioned
Learning
of
the
Times
,
wherein
the
University-Statutes
were
compiled
,
as
it
would
be
for
one
,
who
would
appear
well
dress'd
at
Court
,
to
make
his
Cloaths
after
the
Mode
in
Henry
the
VIII's
Days
,
&c.
Here
is
an
Harangue
upon
the
English
Clergy
,
which
if
you
explain
,
it
is
nothing
else
to
say
,
but
according
to
their
Institution
,
if
they
will
be
honest
they
cannot
thrive
;
and
that
therefore
no
good
is
to
be
expected
from
them
.
I
must
confess
,
that
among
all
Books
that
ever
I
saw
,
I
never
met
with
one
,
which
asserted
more
with
an
excessive
Confidence
,
and
proved
less
.
If
this
Gentleman's
Resolution
was
to
take
upon
him
the
Office
of
a
Church
,
and
State-Reformer
General
,
it
would
have
been
but
suitable
to
so
great
a
Character
,
to
have
been
a
little
more
particular
,
as
well
in
this
as
other
points
,
and
to
have
shewed
us
the
true
Faults
of
such
Constitutions
,
with
their
proper
Remedies
;
that
from
thence
we
might
have
judged
,
whether
by
his
Suppositions
,
those
Rules
could
be
introduced
into
the
Government
,
which
the
best
Head-pieces
hitherto
have
not
been
able
to
find
out
.
But
to
tell
us
a
random
Story
of
Interest
drawing
one
,
and
Honesty
another
way
,
without
explaining
the
point
,
is
nothing
else
than
audacter
loqui
(
not
to
speak
worse
)
and
can
scarce
be
taken
by
any
sensible
Man
to
have
been
done
with
a
true
Intention
of
serving
the
Publick
;
Since
it
is
certain
that
by
such
vain
Rhetorick
,
neither
the
true
Nature
of
the
Matter
will
be
understood
,
nor
proper
Remedies
be
found
out
.
Neither
can
any
one
conceive
what
he
means
by
saying
,
if
Honesty
and
the
Duty
to
their
Country
were
made
their
private
Interest
,
since
it
is
apparent
enough
to
all
judicious
Persons
in
that
kind
,
that
the
Constitutions
of
the
Clergy
,
is
in
all
well-constituted
Governments
,
so
link'd
with
that
of
the
Foundation
of
the
whole
,
and
in
this
Kingdom
so
inseparately
annexed
to
our
true
and
fundamental
form
of
Government
,
that
without
great
Danger
of
Ruin
,
both
Interests
cannot
be
separated
;
We
have
learned
this
Truth
by
woful
Experience
,
within
some
of
our
Memory
,
that
as
to
us
,
it
needs
no
further
Proof
.
I
remember
,
that
in
my
Travels
I
did
once
in
a
certain
Commonwealth
see
the
following
Inscription
upon
a
Door
of
a
great
Church
,
Felix
Respublica
,
ubi
Moses
&
Aaronmanent
Fratres
;
by
which
as
they
seem'd
to
admire
the
Wisdom
of
the
great
Legislator
,
who
put
the
Spiritual
and
Temporal
Government
of
the
Jews
,
into
the
Hands
of
two
Brothers
;
so
they
intimated
that
from
the
Union
and
Concord
of
both
,
depended
in
a
great
Measure
,
the
Felicity
of
the
Commonwealth
.
Surely
,
our
Author
,
who
is
altogether
for
Antiquity
,
has
forgot
,
that
in
the
most
Ancient
,
and
so
wisely
regulated
Government
of
the
AEgyptians
,
the
Priests
(
who
also
were
Philosophers
)
had
the
chief
Rank
of
esteem
together
with
the
Soldiers
,
both
by
the
Prince
and
People
.
That
besides
others
,
his
beloved
Greeks
and
Romans
followed
the
same
Methods
.
The
Athenians
admitted
their
Priests
,
whom
they
called
Manteis
,
to
all
their
publick
Counsels
.
The
Lacedemonians
gave
to
their
Kings
as
a
constant
Assistant
and
Counsellour
,
an
Augur
;
and
among
their
Elders
,
(
who
were
the
Counsellours
of
the
State
)
they
had
likewise
placed
an
Augur
.
In
what
respect
the
Colledge
of
Augurs
were
at
Rome
,
and
how
it
was
decreed
in
the
Senate
,
that
constantly
six
of
the
principal
Citizens
Children
should
be
sent
into
Hetruria
;
that
by
learning
that
Sort
of
Divinity
it
might
not
be
communicated
to
the
common
People
,
is
so
notorious
,
that
few
who
have
read
Histories
,
are
ignorant
of
it
.
I
have
not
related
these
latter
,
with
an
Intention
to
put
the
Heathens
religious
Contrivances
in
an
equal
Ballance
with
the
Jews
,
and
Christians
Church-Government
;
but
only
to
shew
that
even
the
wiser●
sort
of
the
Ancient
Heathens
,
whom
our
Au●hor
prefers
much
before
us
,
did
lay
the
very
Founda●ion
of
their
Government
upon
the
Union
betwixt
Ecclesiastical
and
Temporal
Governours
;
and
that
after
God
Almighty
had
committed
the
Management
of
both
to
two
Brothers
;
he
afterwards
to
make
this
Tye
the
more
inseparable
,
instituted
but
one
Temple
at
Jerusalem
,
which
the
whole
Jewish
Nation
being
obliged
to
visit
,
they
could
not
alter
their
Government
,
without
at
the
same
time
renouncing
their
Religion
.
What
this
Gentleman
is
pleased
to
tell
us
concerning
the
old
Philosophers
,
and
their
Preference
,
is
as
vain
as
the
rest
,
since
he
proves
nothing
of
their
Foundation
,
and
will
(
when
we
by
and
by
treat
of
that
point
)
be
as
ridiculous
as
most
of
his
former
whimsical
Assertions
:
He
would
have
done
well
,
when
he
compared
the
Old
Fashion'd
Learning
of
the
Times
,
wherein
the
University-Statutes
were
compiled
,
with
the
Clothes
made
after
the
Mode
,
which
was
in
Henry
the
VII●
Days
;
to
have
also
remembred
,
ho●
much
that
bigotted
sort
of
Philosop●●
of
the
Pythagoreans
,
who
gave
no
other
reasons
for
their
Opinions
,
than
●●●
dixit
,
and
which
our
Author
has
imitted
to
a
Hair
,
is
out
of
fashion
among
the
most
sensible
part
of
Mankind
.
●●
ought
to
have
considered
how
little
●●
table
it
would
be
both
to
our
Times
a●●
Constitutions
,
if
,
according
to
the
●●●stom
of
the
Ancient
Academians
,
●●
should
be
obliged
to
hear
them
prat●●
and
contradict
every
Body
withou●
proving
,
or
as
much
as
asserting
circumstantially
their
Opinions
;
in
which
a●●●
this
Gentleman
takes
a
more
than
ordinary
Pride
.
And
I
would
ask
him
Diogenes
the
Cynick
should
come
in
h●
Wine-pipe
rolling
to
Whitehall
,
whether
he
would
not
appear
as
ridiculo●●
there
,
as
one
dress'd
up
after
the
Fashion
which
was
usual
in
King
Henry
the
VIII
Days
.
And
yet
these
are
some
of
hi●
admired
Philosophers
,
these
his
inge●●ous
Comparisons
:
is
not
that
taking
pain●
for
nothing
?
It
is
not
to
be
denied
,
bu●
that
from
some
foreign
Universities
,
several
matters
might
be
taken
,
which
would
much
improve
ours
;
as
also
that
a
gre●●
deal
might
be
added
as
to
Universities
in
general
;
but
as
I
always
have
had
a
natural
Aversion
against
that
Office
of
Censor
,
so
troublesome
to
all
lovers
of
Liberty
,
and
that
I
have
received
particular
Obligations
from
one
of
our
two
Universities
:
I
will
rather
leave
that
Province
to
more
able
Men
,
than
be
too
busie
and
forward
in
mentioning
the
same
.
What
also
this
Gentleman
says
,
That
the
Lawyers
have
been
in
most
places
favourers
of
Liberty
,
I
will
not
contradict
positively
;
because
,
to
prove
the
contrary
would
exceed
the
Limits
of
Animadversions
:
though
,
I
believe
,
if
a
proportionable
Computation
were
made
betwixt
the
Gown
of
both
Kinds
;
it
would
be
found
that
the
Lawyers
,
even
in
our
latter
Times
,
have
in
no
ways
been
behind
hand
with
the
Clergy
in
that
point
.
But
since
it
would
be
unreasonable
,
that
the
whole
Body
of
either
kind
should
be
charged
with
the
opinions
of
a
few
;
and
a
great
many
of
these
also
,
partly
have
altered
,
partly
laid
aside
the
same
;
I
reckon
it
better
to
bury
it
in
oblivion
,
than
by
exasperating
to
revive
the
old
Animosities
.
But
we
must
return
to
our
Author
,
who
after
he
has
long
discoursed
concerning
the
Diseafes
in
the
Body
politick
,
now
begins
to
come
to
his
Remedies
.
So
have
seen
your
half-learned
Youngsters
in
Physick
,
who
having
got
together
a
few
Aphorisms
and
other
sayings
out
of
Hippocrates
and
Galen
,
apply
them
with
a
very
comely
Countenance
to
all
sorts
of
Sicknesses
,
and
with
no
less
Confidence
promise
Cure
,
speedy
and
easie
,
by
help
of
their
Universal
never-failing
Restaurative
of
the
whole
Body
:
which
though
they
generally
pretend
to
be
as
ancient
as
Hermes
Trismegist
;
yet
is
upon
due
enquiry
commonly
found
to
be
taken
out
of
some
bragging
Chymist
or
other
of
our
times
:
But
let
us
look
upon
our
Author's
Receipt
.
The
Greeks
and
Romans
,
says
he
,
instituted
their
Academies
to
quite
another
purpose
;
the
whole
Education
of
their
Youth
tended
to
make
them
as
useful
to
the
Society
they
lived
in
,
as
possible
;
There
they
were
train'd
up
to
Exercise
and
Labour
;
to
accustom
them
to
an
active
Life
:
No
Vice
was
more
infamous
than
Sloth
,
nor
any
Man
more
contemptible
,
than
him
,
that
was
too
lazy
to
do
all
the
good
he
could
.
The
Lectures
of
their
Philosophers
served
to
quicken
them
up
to
this
.
They
recommended
above
all
things
the
Duty
to
their
Country
,
the
Preservation
of
their
Laws
and
the
publick
Liberty
;
subservient
to
which
,
they
preached
up
Moral
Vertues
,
such
as
Fortitude
,
Temperance
,
Justice
,
and
Contempt
of
Death
,
&c.
Sometimes
they
made
use
of
pious
Cheats
,
as
Elysian
Fields
,
and
an
Assurance
of
future
Happiness
,
if
they
died
in
the
Cause
of
their
Country
;
And
even
deceived
their
Hearers
into
Greatness
;
hence
proceeded
all
those
noble
Characters
,
wherewith
their
Histories
are
so
stock'd
,
&c.
The
Managers
of
our
modern
Education
,
have
not
been
quite
so
publick-spirited
;
for
it
has
been
for
the
most
part
in
the
hands
of
Men
,
who
have
a
distinct
Interest
from
the
publick
,
&c.
Good
Learning
as
well
as
Travell
,
is
a
great
Antidote
against
the
plague
of
Tyranny
.
The
Books
that
are
left
us
of
the
Ancients
(
from
whence
,
as
from
Fountains
we
draw
all
that
we
are
now
Masters
of
,
)
are
full
of
Doctrines
,
Sentences
,
and
Examples
,
exhorting
to
the
Conservation
or
Recovery
of
the
publick
Liberty
,
which
was
once
valued
above
Life
.
The
Hero's
there
celebrated
are
,
for
the
most
part
,
such
as
had
destroyed
or
expelled
Tyrants
;
and
though
Brutus
be
generally
declaimed
against
by
modern
School-boys
,
He
was
then
esteemed
the
true
Pattern
and
Model
of
exact
Vertue
.
Such
was
Cato
of
Utica
,
with
others
of
like
Stamp
,
&c.
'T
was
not
to
learn
Foreign
Languages
that
the
Greecian
and
Roman
Youths
went
for
so
long
together
to
the
Academics
and
Lectures
of
their
Philosophers
;
't
was
not
then
,
as
now
with
us
,
when
the
Character
of
a
Scholar
is
,
to
be
skill'd
in
Words
,
&c.
This
manner
of
Education
produced
Men
of
another
Stamp
than
appears
now
upon
the
Theatre
of
the
World
,
such
as
we
are
scarc●
worthy
to
mention
,
and
must
never
hope
to
imitate
,
till
the
like
manner
of
Institution
grows
again
into
Reputation
;
which
in
e●slaved
Countries
'tis
never
likely
.
to
do
,
as
long
as
the
Ecclesiasticks
,
who
have
an
opposite
Interest
,
keep
not
only
the
Education
of
the
Youth
,
but
the
Consciences
of
old
Men
in
their
Hands
,
&c.
Here
is
such
a
Panegyrick
upon
the
ancient
Greeks
and
Romans
,
that
I
much
question
whether
Demosthenes
and
Cicero
both
have
said
so
much
of
them
.
But
,
since
our
Author
seems
to
nauseate
so
much
all
that
is
new
,
and
only
to
admire
Antiquity
,
it
is
a
great
wonder
to
me
,
why
he
did
not
go
to
the
most
ancient
Fountain
it self
,
from
whence
the
Greeks
,
and
consequently
the
Romans
,
had
their
best
Laws
and
Constitutions
;
I
mean
the
Egyptians
:
What
the
Historians
have
related
of
them
,
as
having
first
of
all
understood
the
Rules
of
governing
,
and
kept
their
Laws
the
longest
and
best
in
ure
of
any
other
Nation
,
as
having
implanted
them
into
their
very
Infants
by
degrees
,
and
taken
effectual
care
to
instruct
them
afterwards
in
Philosophy
and
Divinity
,
deserves
credit
by
all
who
have
had
any
insight
into
those
most
ancient
times
.
Besides
their
most
admirable
Institutions
,
the
Invention
of
Astronomy
,
Arithmetick
,
Geometry
and
Physick
,
are
unquestionably
attributed
to
them
;
their
Magnificent
Tombs
,
stupendious
Obelisks
,
and
Pyramids
,
their
Sculptures
,
and
whole
Architecture
,
their
Labyrinth
,
and
prodigious
Chanels
,
derived
out
of
the
River
Nile
,
together
with
their
stupendious
Lake
of
Myris
,
were
much
surpassing
any
thing
the
Greeks
or
Romans
ever
did
afterwards
.
Their
bodily
Exercises
,
as
Horse
and
Foot-Races
,
besides
those
with
Chariots
,
were
surprizing
things
;
and
,
to
say
all
,
the
Greeks
had
all
from
them
,
but
they
almost
all
from
themselves
.
And
since
it
is
absolutely
certain
,
that
Pythagoras
,
Plato
,
Lycurgus
,
Solon
,
and
the
most
solid
Grecian
Philosophers
did
fetch
their
best
Knowledge
from
thence
;
and
it
is
even
spoken
to
the
praise
of
Moses
himself
,
that
he
was
instructed
in
all
sorts
of
Wisdom
of
the
Egyptians
;
I
cannot
well
devise
what
induced
our
Author
not
so
much
as
to
mention
them
;
except
the
Reason
is
,
That
their
way
of
having
Hereditary
Princes
,
to
whom
they
did
pay
(
though
no
Slaves
)
a
most
profound
Respect
,
did
not
agree
with
our
Author
's
Romantick
Opinion
of
the
transcendent
Vertues
of
Brutus
.
And
since
he
pretends
to
teach
us
the
true
Education
of
our
Youth
,
the
Persians
would
have
furnish'd
him
with
as
good
Patterns
in
their
Princes
Sons
,
as
any
are
to
be
found
among
the
Romans
or
Greeks
,
but
that
I
suppose
these
were
less
for
his
purpose
.
We
must
therefore
look
a
little
into
the
ancient
Monuments
,
and
see
whether
they
are
the
only
People
that
,
being
to
be
preferred
before
all
others
,
ought
to
prescribe
Rules
for
Education
and
Policy
.
I
suppose
it
will
not
be
thought
a
new
Objection
to
say
,
That
the
Greeks
have
not
been
so
Religious
in
describing
their
own
Affairs
as
the
Romans
;
wherefore
we
ought
not
to
wonder
,
if
these
latter
do
not
speak
in
so
high
Terms
of
them
as
our
Author
.
That
the
Greeks
made
no
great
Account
of
their
Faith
,
Cicero
,
who
knew
them
,
I
think
,
at
least
as
well
as
this
Gentleman
,
has
left
as
a
most
notable
Remark
upon
them
;
a
nay
he
did
not
stick
to
say
publi●kly
,
That
they
did
not
know
truly
what
belonged
to
it
;
tho'
for
Eloquence
,
Ingenuity
,
and
other
Studies
,
they
were
sufficiently
to
be
recommended
:
b
Their
Democratical
and
unskilful
way
of
governing
,
he
reflects
upon
as
most
pernicious
and
destructive
:
c
Their
Laws
and
Constitutions
he
thought
so
much
inferiour
to
those
of
the
Romans
,
that
there
was
no
Comparison
to
be
made
betwixt
them
.
As
to
their
Philosophers
,
he
calls
them
a
Company
of
Pratlers
d
who
talk'd
much
,
and
apply'd
themselves
to
nothing
.
e
And
it
is
remarkable
that
the
Philosophy
of
that
great
man
,
Plato
,
immediately
after
his
death
,
was
divided
first
into
the
Academians
and
Peripateticks
;
and
not
long
after
,
into
as
many
Sects
as
there
were
little
pratling
School-masters
or
Teachers
.
From
whence
it
may
easily
be
conjectured
,
how
useful
they
were
to
,
and
what
Interest
they
had
in
the
publick
Good.
f
Gellius
,
who
was
sent
as
Pro-Consul
into
Greece
,
by
calling
them
together
at
Athens
,
would
fain
have
endeavoured
,
by
his
Authority
and
Perswasion
,
to
put
an
end
to
their
vain
Disputes
;
but
could
effect
nothing
;
Such
great
Lovers
were
they
of
the
publick
Good
,
that
they
did
not
think
it
worth
their
while
to
hearken
to
his
wholsome
Counsel●
And
if
we
reflect
seriously
upon
their
Transactions
,
it
will
easily
be
found
that●
what
our
Author
tells
us
,
of
their
love
of
Liberty
and
Country
,
Fortitude
,
Temperance
and
Justice
,
has
abundance
more
Pomp
than
real
Truth
in
it
,
That
ancient
Law
of
their
drunken
Meetings
at
Athens
,
aut
bibe
aut
abi
,
does
not
shew
so
much
Temperance
;
and
if
the
Lacedaemonians
exceeded
the
Athenians
in
Sobriety
,
Avarice
was
a
general
Vice
among
them
.
Philip
of
Macedon's
,
(
who
understood
the
Greeks
and
their
Policies
very
well
)
Saying
is
famous
:
That
no
Fort
was
strong
enough
to
hold
out
against
an
Attack
,
if
there
were
but
an
Opportunity
to
let
an
Ass
loaden
with
Gold
enter
the
same
.
Their
continual
Strifes
are
so
well
known
,
that
it
would
be
superfluous
to
pretend
to
enumerate
them
;
and
though
they
continually
did
exclaim
against
Tyranny
,
yet
their
main
endeavour
was
to
tyrannize
over
one
another
,
and
effectually
did
it
by
turns
,
till
at
last
Philip
,
and
afterterwards
Alexander
,
took
away
from
them
the
means
to
devour
one
another
;
and
under
pretenee
of
publick
Liberty
,
by
their
cursed
Ostracism
,
to
ruin
such
of
their
Countrymen
as
had
deserved
best
of
them
.
I
have
not
related
this
to
derogate
any
thing
from
the
Merits
of
a
great
many
among
them
,
eminent
for
their
Doctrine
,
and
brave
Atchievements
.
Pythagoras
,
Democritus
,
and
Plato
are
questionless
among
the
Greecians
,
highly
to
be
recommended
for
their
great
Industry
in
searching
for
their
Doctrine●
among
the
Egyptians
,
and
other
far
distant
Countries
;
and
their
Doctrines
having
from
thence
been
transferred
into
Italy
,
and
afterwards
into
these
Parts
of
the
World
,
we
ought
to
pay
a
due
acknowledgment
to
those
who
have
shewn
us
the
way
how
to
improve
our
Knowledge
.
But
my
only
aim
is
to
demonstrate
the
Vanity
of
our
Romantick
Author
,
who
pretends
to
set
them
so
fat
above
our
Age
,
both
in
their
Doctrine
and
great
Deeds
,
that
we
must
not
as
much
as
hope
to
imitate
them
;
and
,
that
,
if
Pythagoras
and
Democritus
were
great
Men
,
yet
the
Arrogancy
of
the
first
,
and
the
latters
blinding
himself
,
thereby
to
divert
himself
from
all
outward
Objects
,
and
the
better
to
speculate
,
savour
more
of
a
Phantastical
Conceit
,
than
Usefulness
to
the
Publick
.
And
what
has
been
said
of
their
Philosophers
may
also
be
applied
to
all
others●
who
have
been
eminent
among
them
;
If
the
Athenians
,
had
their
Aristides
,
Cimon
,
Thrasibulus
,
Conon
,
and
others
,
famous
for
Justice
,
Military
Atchievements
,
and
love
to
their
fatherly
Country
;
there
were
also
to
be
found
among
them
a
Miltiades
,
who
affected
to
domineer
over
them
;
a
Themistocles
,
who
made
a
League
with
Artaxerxes
against
them
;
an
Alcibiades
,
who
was
as
excellent
in
Vices
,
as
celebrated
in
Vertues
,
by
whose
Advice
the
Lacedemonians
straitned
the
Athenians
.
If
the
Lacedaemonians
had
their
Agesilaus
and
Leonidas
,
the
Thebans
their
Epaminondas
,
never
sufficiently
to
be
praised
for
their
extraordinary
Vertues
;
had
not
the
Lacedemonians
also
a
Pausanias
,
famous
for
his
Pride
,
Levity
and
Treachery
?
Was
not
among
them
also
a
Lysander
so
justly
accused
of
Crudelity
,
and
other
enormous
Crimes
?
Callicratidas
their
General
,
if
he
was
celebrated
for
Military
Vertue
;
his
Ambition
was
almost
the
undoing
of
the
Lacedaemonians
,
and
the
Ruin
of
one
of
the
best
Fleets
they
ever
set
out
.
And
since
our
Author
has
magnified
their
Philosophers
so
much
above
ours
,
I
cannot
but
put
him
in
mind
of
the
greatest
of
Philosophers
,
who
,
being
come
forth
in
our
Age
,
has
in
so
much
out-done
all
the
Ancients
,
both
in
Metaphysical
and
Natural
Principles
,
and
is
in
no
ways
behind
them
in
his
Ethicks
;
but
especially
in
his
incomparable
Method
of
Reasoning
,
that
I
am
to
believe
,
if
he
had
perused
and
duly
considered
his
Philosophy
,
he
would
perhaps
have
been
cured
of
his
vain
Conceits
of
the
old
ones
.
It
is
not
my
business
here
to
determine
whether
he
has
taken
some
light
as
to
his
natural
Principles
,
out
of
Epicurus
,
as
some
say
he
has●
as
to
his
Metaphysicks
out
of
St.
Augustine
,
and
other
Fathers
;
this
is
most
certain
,
that
since
his
publishing
the
same
,
there
has
been
a
more
solid
Foundation
laid
towards
the
true
understanding
and
advancing
the
most
useful
Sciences
,
than
all
the
Golden
Ages
of
his
so
much
admired
Philosophers
have
been
able
to
produce
.
But
let
us
not
insist
farther
upon
the
Greeks
,
since
we
must
also
take
a
short
view
of
the
Romans
:
That
the
same
have
much
exceeded
the
former
in
true
greatness
of
Mind
,
Constancy
,
Love
to
their
Country
,
and
,
before
all
,
in
Martial
Discipline
,
Knowledge
of
the
Laws
,
nay
even
in
Eloquence
(
that
most
beloved
Art
of
the
Greeks
,
)
have
been
equal
to
them
,
is
what
scarce
any
body
,
who
has
had
a
right
insight
into
both
their
Histories
,
will
deny
:
but
that
they
should
have
committed
the
Education
of
their
Youth
,
generally
speaking
,
to
the
chief
management
of
such
Philosophers
as
were
frequent
in
Greece
,
I
am
to
learn
yet
.
As
the
Foundation
of
the
Roman
Government
was
their
Military
Discipline
,
and
excellent
Laws
and
Customs
;
so
the
same
were
implanted
into
their
Youth
,
by
the
Instructions
and
Examples
rather
of
their
Parents
,
than
any
publick
Philosophers
:
And
though
in
Process
of
time
Eloquence
begun
to
bear
a
great
Sway
with
the
Romans
;
a
yet
was
it
a
great
while
before
they
took
the
pains
to
go
and
hear
the
Greecian
Orators
,
but
were
contented
with
such
as
their
Genius
and
Home-education
furnish'd
them
withal
.
b
And
it
is
observeable
that
most
of
the
Romans
did
excell
in
the
same
kind
,
wherein
their
Fathers
or
Ancestors
had
been
remarkable
:
c
And
such
as
had
not
the
Advantage
of
such
Parentage
,
commonly
used
to
chuse
some
great
Man
or
another
,
from
whom
they
took
Directions
,
and
whom
they
strove
to
imitate
.
From
hence
came
that
Custom
of
taking
their
Youths
into
the
Senate●
House
,
that
by
continual
Observations
of
the
Gravity
,
Constancy
and
Secrecy
of
that
great
Assembly
,
they
might
be
instructed
,
not
only
in
State-Affairs
,
but
also
excited
to
imitate
the
Examples
of
their
several
Parents
.
To
these
Methods
,
and
not
the
hearing
of
pratling
Philosophers
was
chiefly
owing
that
prodigious
Off-spring
of
so
many
Valiant
,
Wise
,
and
Eloquent
Men
,
who
were
educated
by
the
Care
of
their
Wise
Parents
,
and
by
timely
applying
themselves
to
Business
under
their
Tuition
,
became
the
Terrour
of
their
Enemies
.
And
this
was
doubtless
one
Reason
why
by
their
Annal
Laws
no
body
was
admitted
to
the
highest
degree
of
Honour
,
till
at
a
certain
age
,
that
also
,
as
by
steps
,
they
might
ascend
to
the
same
,
sufficiently
prepared
with
the
Knowledge
not
only
,
but
also
the
Practice
and
Management
of
State
and
Military
Affairs
.
From
this
Paternal
Care
,
and
timely
applying
themselves
to
the
Knowledge
of
their
Affairs
,
and
Martial
Discipline
,
came
these
so
renowned
Men
among
them
;
and
these
Philosophers
,
whom
our
Author
would
fain
make
us
believe
to
be
the
principal
Men
of
their
Education
,
were
only
employed
to
teach
them
the
Precepts
,
of
Oratory
,
and
such
like
;
d
and
as
by
the
most
understanding
Greeks
they
were
not
much
valued
,
so
they
proved
very
mischievous
to
the
Romans
,
as
they
had
done
to
the
Greeks
before
,
and
will
do
so
to
all
Governments
,
where
the
Art
of
Rhetorick
is
preferred
before
true
Sense
.
The
Roman
Commonwealth
thus
instructed
with
excellent
Laws
,
and
stock'd
with
Great
and
Wise
Men
,
yet
was
so
over-run
with
all
sorts
of
Vices
,
and
entangled
at
last
in
the
Snares
of
its
own
Citizens
,
that
I
cannot
for
my
Life
see
why
this
Gentleman
should
so
much
prefer
it
before
our
times
,
since
it
is
evident
enough
,
that
Viceswere
as
predominant
there
as
they
are
among
us
;
and
that
if
they
have
had
Men
famous
for
Military
Atchievements
,
Temperance
,
Constancy
,
and
other
Vertues
,
our
Age
is
not
destitute
of
them
.
Was
not
Avarice
as
enormous
among
the
Romans
as
it
is
among
us
?
The
Saying
of
Jugurtha
,
who
had
tryed
them
in
that
kind
,
sufficiently
verifies
it
.
And
he
that
doubts
,
whether
all
sorts
of
Vices
were
as
much
in
vogue
at
Rome
formerly
,
as
they
are
in
our
Age
,
let
him
(
besides
what
their
Poets
and
other
Historians
have
left
us
)
but
cast
one
Eye
upon
that
Catalogue
which
Cicero
gives
us
of
such
as
were
the
Associates
of
Catiline
,
and
belonged
to
his
Army
,
and
he
will
quickly
be
of
the
same
Opinion
with
me
.
e
Did
not
Cicero
tell
them
publickly
to
their
Faces
,
That
through
the
Licentiousness
and
Avarice
of
the
Roman
Generals
,
more
Cities
were
spoiled
by
their
own
Soldiers
,
than
by
the
Enemies
?
Had
not
they
among
them
as
well
their
Tarquin
,
Sulla
,
Catiline
,
Antony
,
and
others
,
as
their
Scipio's
,
Regulus
,
Marcellus
,
and
such
like
.
Truly
even
Cicero
himself
,
who
could
give
such
good
Doctrines
to
others
,
who
pretended
to
be
behind-hand
with
no
body
for
Love
to
his
Country
,
Greatness
of
Mind
,
and
other
Vertues
,
who
was
certainly
as
great
a
Philosopher
as
ever
the
Romans
had
,
and
writ
as
pathetically
,
as
any
body
in
his
Philosophical
Treatises
,
was
,
without
Contradiction
,
guilty
of
vain
Ambition
,
Flattery
,
Dissimulation
,
and
other
Extravagancies
.
And
though
he
exclaims
most
egregiously
against
the
latter
,
especially
a
in
his
Philosophical
Works
;
yet
those
that
will
take
the
pains
to
compare
his
Orations
,
pro
Rege
Dejotaro
&
pro
Marcello
,
with
his
Philippicks
,
will
easily
be
convinced
,
that
he
had
studied
that
Art
as
well
,
and
made
himself
as
great
a
Master
of
it
as
any
body
.
Now
if
we
look
upon
the
Religious
Institutions
of
the
Romans
,
How
ridiculous
were
they
!
And
though
they
served
sometimes
for
a
State
's
Turn
,
yet
proved
they
often
as
mischievous
;
since
for
all
the
outward
Pomp
,
b
the
most
judicious
,
as
well
of
the
Romans
,
as
also
others
,
were
sensible
of
the
Vanity
of
them
,
and
would
ridicule
them
also
upon
occasion
.
How
Cato
the
Elder
represented
the
Vanity
of
the
Augurs
,
and
Hannibal's
witty
Reply
to
Prusias
,
who
would
not
fight
,
because
the
Entrails
of
the
Beasts
did
not
prove
favourable
,
is
well
known
to
those
who
are
vers'd
in
Histories
.
Their
Constitutions
,
Laws
,
and
Policy
,
it
's
true
,
were
extraordinary
;
their
Counsels
grave
,
and
deeply
laid
;
their
Constancy
admirable
,
from
whence
they
seldom
receded
;
their
Military
Discipline
and
Order
of
their
Legions
,
without
Comparison
,
much
above
any
thing
that
was
to
be
found
in
those
times
.
Nevertheless
the
perpetual
Contests
betwixt
the
Patricians
and
Plebeians
,
and
afterwards
betwixt
the
Senate
and
People
,
caused
a
great
many
Convulsions
in
the
State
,
and
was
at
last
the
cause
of
its
Alteration
.
After
Valerius
had
once
given
an
Inch
to
the
Plebeians
,
in
allowing
the
Appeal
to
the
People
,
they
would
not
be
contented
,
till
by
their
shameful
Tumultuous
Assembly
in
the
Mount
Aventine
,
they
forced
the
Senate
to
allow
them
their
Tribunes
,
who
so
well
knew
how
to
play
their
Cards
,
that
in
a
little
time
the
Plebeians
were
admitted
to
all
Dignities
,
and
by
continual
Strifes
against
the
Patricians
,
were
the
occasion
of
the
abolishing
the
Power
of
both
.
For
when
Sylla
had
once
tryed
what
the
Romans
could
bear
,
Pompey
his
Scholar
was
for
following
his
Foot-steps
;
but
being
prevented
by
Caesar
,
left
that
Work
to
be
perfected
by
him
and
his
Successors
.
Their
Gravity
also
and
Constancy
was
not
a
little
shaken
,
when
they
were
forced
to
make
that
shameful
Peace
with
Porscnna
,
so
little
spoken
of
by
the
Roman
Historians
,
and
to
redeem
themselves
from
the
Gauls
,
called
the
Senones
,
with
Money
.
How
also
their
Military
Discipline
did
,
by
degrees
,
decay
,
and
at
last
degenerate
into
such
a
licentiousness
,
that
the
Souldiers
and
Generals
of
their
setting
up
became
Masters
of
the
Empire
,
the
Histories
of
these
Times
do
abundantly
testify
.
It
is
then
in
vain
for
our
Author
to
seek
for
his
Golden
Age
among
the
Greeks
and
the
Romans
.
If
he
had
perused
the
97
a
Epistle
of
Seneca's
,
who
questionless
had
an
extraordinary
insight
into
those
Times
,
he
would
have
lost
his
Appetite
of
railing
against
our
Age
,
since
it
is
evident
to
all
considering
Men
,
that
if
our
Times
be
over-run
with
Vices
;
nevertheless
we
are
not
destitute
of
Examples
of
Contempt
of
Death
,
Love
to
their
Country
,
Constancy
,
Valour
,
and
other
most
eminent
Vertues
.
Contempt
of
Death
is
so
common
to
our
Age
,
that
even
our
Miscreants
shew
it
frequently
in
their
Journey
to
Tiburn
.
And
if
this
Gentleman's
Eyes
had
not
been
quite
dazled
with
his
Ancients
vanity
,
he
might
at
Copenhagen
,
when
he
was
there
,
have
seen
the
Remnants
of
Valour
,
Bravery
and
Constancy
,
which
the
Citizens
of
that
place
,
when
reduced
to
the
utmost
,
shewed
under
the
Conduct
of
so
brave
a
King
in
our
Age.
Hath
our
Author
forgot
what
one
single
Person
,
whose
Name
was
Hasselaer
,
did
in
our
memory
at
Amsterdam
;
who
saved
that
City
from
falling
into
the
hands
of
the
French
,
who
were
much
stronger
and
nearer
to
that
City
,
than
ever
Hannibal
was
to
Rome
,
after
the
defeat
of
Cannas
?
Can
our
Author
have
forgot
that
successive
Off-spring
of
Heroes
,
of
that
illustrious
Family
,
from
whence
his
present
Majesty
is
descended
?
Has
he
forgot
what
his
Ancestors
not
only
,
but
more
particularly
he
in
Person
has
done
for
the
Deliverance
of
his
Native
Country
,
first
,
and
again
for
us
,
against
a
more
potent
Enemy
,
than
the
Carthaginians
were
in
comparison
of
Rome
?
If
I
should
but
hint
the
particulars
of
these
great
actions
,
certainly
it
would
make
him
asham'd
of
his
vain
Conceits
.
But
since
these
great
and
unparallell'd
Actions
will
never
be
forgot
by
all
good
Men
,
and
my
Pen
is
in
no
ways
able
to
find
words
proportionable
to
so
extraordinary
Merits
,
I
will
only
say
,
that
I
will
defie
our
Author
to
shew
me
out
of
all
his
worm-eaten
Antiquities
,
(
whether
Greeks
or
Romans
,
)
a
Family
by
a
continual
Succession
of
time
so
abounding
with
Champions
for
their
Country
,
as
his
Majesty's
,
or
any
one
of
the
Ancient
Hero's
surpassing
his
Majesty
in
Valour
,
Prudence
and
Justice
.
It
is
therefore
to
be
admired
,
why
among
so
many
Romans
eminent
for
their
Vertues
,
he
could
not
pick
out
any
others
to
put
as
Examples
,
besides
Cato
and
Brutus
;
Cato
was
always
censured
by
all
understanding
Politicians
,
for
having
more
surliness
in
him
than
was
useful
to
the
State.
And
Brutus
committed
the
blackest
Villany
against
his
Friend
,
and
murthered
him
,
to
whom
he
ow'd
more
than
to
his
Parents
.
Neither
is
the
matter
much
mended
,
by
excusing
his
Villany
with
the
pretence
of
publick
Liberty
;
for
not
to
mention
,
that
he
and
Cassius
took
upon
themselves
the
same
Title
of
Imperator
,
as
Caesar
had
done
:
it
is
evident
enough
to
all
sensible
Men
,
that
they
intended
to
play
the
same
Game
,
if
not
a
worse
,
since
they
were
far
behind
him
in
every
respect
.
And
if
a
pretence
of
Liberty
is
sufficient
to
warrant
the
blackest
Crimes
,
I
see
no
reason
why
Ravaillac
,
and
others
of
that
stamp
,
should
not
claim
the
same
Priviledge
;
since
questionless
the
pretence
of
their
Principles
of
Religion
are
as
specious
as
those
of
Liberty
.
Methinks
our
Author
shews
in
this
point
especially
a
little
too
much
inclination
to
such
,
as
rail
with
great
violence
against
the
Jesuits
;
yet
have
not
laid
aside
their
Doctrine
of
Sacrificing
either
King
,
Friend
,
Relations
or
Kindred
,
when
ever
they
are
possessed
with
the
Frensical
humour
,
that
any
thing
is
done
in
prejudice
of
their
pretended
Rights
,
which
they
know
how
to
deduce
with
as
many
florid
Speeches
,
as
ever
the
whimsical
b
Greeks
and
some
of
the
b
c
Romans
did
,
when
they
intended
to
impose
upon
the
People
under
the
pretext
of
publick
Liberty
.
And
here
I
should
say
something
concerning
our
Author's
new
broach'd
Rules
of
Policy
,
as
also
the
Digression
he
makes
upon
the
most
Antient
Constitutions
of
Government
in
Europe
:
but
because
these
Remarks
are
grown
almost
as
monstrous
in
bigness
as
the
Preface
it self
,
and
we
shall
be
obliged
to
treat
of
these
Points
hereafter
,
when
he
in
the
Treatise
represents
the
form
of
Government
in
Denmark
and
other
Countries
,
we
will
supersede
it
here
,
as
also
,
what
he
says
according
to
his
Romantick
way
,
That
in
Spain
,
Italy
,
and
France
,
Slavery
is
not
so
conspicuous
,
but
in
the
Northern
parts
it
appears
in
its
true
shape
;
since
something
of
that
will
be
said
in
the
Conclusion
of
the
Treatise
,
where
he
speaks
to
the
same
purpose
.
But
what
he
says
,
That
it
is
now
or
never
seasonable
to
assert
both
the
Peoples
Right
and
his
Majesty's
Title
,
is
like
all
the
rest
of
his
Vanity
,
since
God
knows
he
has
not
said
one
word
farther
of
it
;
and
it
would
have
been
but
common
Wisdom
not
to
have
inserted
things
of
that
high
moment
in
a
transitory
way
among
his
fantastical
Conceits
,
especially
at
a
time
when
the
People
enjoy
their
legal
Liberties
under
the
Reign
of
a
Wise
,
Just
,
and
Brave
King
,
whose
Title
is
so
generally
approved
by
the
Practice
of
all
,
and
especially
our
Age
,
and
more
particularly
by
the
general
approbation
of
all
Europe
,
and
all
good
Men
in
these
Kingdoms
,
I
conclude
with
the
great
Roman
Politician
and
Philosopher
.
Nihil
est
temeritate
turpius
,
nec
quidquam
tam
indignum
sapientis
gravitate
&
constantia
,
quam
aut
falsum
sentire
,
aut
quod
non
satis
exploratè
perceptum
aut
cognitum
sit
,
sine
ulla
dubitatione
defendere
.
(
ic
.
lib.
1.
de
natur
.
Deor.
REMARKS
UPON
THE
TREATISE
,
CALLED
An
ACCOUNT
OF
DENMARK
.
THE
first
Chapter
of
the
Treatise
it self
,
having
nothing
material
in
it
,
besides
a
general
Geographical
Description
of
the
Territories
belonging
to
the
King
of
Denmark
,
does
not
require
any
further
Observations
;
and
if
the
Author
in
some
other
matters
had
,
(
as
he
has
done
in
this
)
rather
follow'd
the
foot-steps
of
Authentick
Writers
,
than
his
Sensible
and
Grave
Men
(
as
he
calls
them
in
this
Chapter
)
who
have
misled
him
for
the
most
part
,
into
a
Conceit
of
his
own
Knowledge
and
an
ill-grounded
Experience
,
instead
of
Truth
,
we
might
have
superseded
to
extend
these
Remarks
so
far
as
we
are
obliged
now
to
do
.
We
will
therefore
go
on
to
the
Second
Chapter
,
where
he
speaks
thus
,
concerning
the
Island
of
Zealand
:
It
is
almost
of
a
circular
Figure
,
and
contains
about
180
English
Miles
in
circumference
:
I
cannot
commend
its
Fertility
,
there
being
no
Bread
Corn
growing
in
any
part
of
it
,
except
Rye
,
which
indeed
is
in
good
quantity
,
and
whereof
most
of
their
Bread
is
made
,
&c.
It
has
no
Rivers
,
nor
above
half
a
score
Brooks
that
are
able
to
turn
a
Mill
,
&c.
About
one
fourth
part
of
it
is
Forrest
lying
open
for
the
King
's
Hunting
,
and
his
Game
,
such
as
Stags
,
Wild
Boars
,
Roe
Buck
,
&c.
These
are
such
Sacred
things
,
that
no
body
dares
touch
them
,
tho'
they
find
them
in
whole
Herds
destroying
their
Corn
,
to
the
infinite
yearly
damage
of
the
poor
Peasants
,
&c.
For
Sea-Ports
,
that
most
excellent
one
belonging
to
Copenhagen
,
must
make
amends
for
the
want
of
them
,
not
only
in
this
,
but
many
other
of
the
Islands
;
there
being
few
others
,
that
I
know
of
,
capable
of
harboring
a
Vessel
of
200
Tuns
,
&c.
Neither
is
this
a
sensible
want
,
because
there
are
no
Commodities
in
this
Island
,
for
Exportation
.
I
have
been
told
,
that
forty
years
ago
,
ten
or
twelve
Dutch
Fly-Boats
found
yearly
their
Lading
at
Kiog
,
a
pretty
flourishing
Town
at
that
time
,
within
twenty
English
Miles
of
Copenhagen
,
but
of
late
they
seem
to
be
well
satisfied
,
if
the
Product
of
the
Isle
maintains
in
this
sort
of
Grain
the
Inhabitants
of
it
:
Not
that
the
Numbers
of
these
are
increased
,
but
Husbandry
is
not
so
much
encouraged
now
,
as
when
the
Taxes
of
the
poor
Country
People
were
less
frequent
and
grievous
,
&c.
The
feeding
of
the
Commonalty
generally
throughout
all
Denmark
,
is
very
mean
,
the
Burgers
or
Citizens
sustaining
themselves
with
Rye
Bread
,
Sale
Flesh
,
Stock
Fish
,
Bacon
,
and
very
bad
Cheese
;
insomuch
that
the
Inspecters
of
our
Markets
in
England
,
who
use
to
destory
or
send
to
the
Prisons
all
such
Victuals
as
are
not
judged
wholesom
,
would
(
if
they
found
them
no
better
provided
than
at
Copenhagen
)
go
near
to
empty
the
Markets
,
and
leave
little
so
either
Buyer
or
Seller
;
the
Peasants
live
on
Roots
,
white
Meats
,
and
Rye
Bread
,
feldom
tasting
fresh
Fish
,
and
scarce
ever
Flesh
,
unless
on
some
extraordinary
Festivals
as
on
St.
Martin's
Eve
,
when
each
Family
in
Denmark
,
without
fail
,
makes
merry
with
a
roasted
Goose
at
Supper
,
Here
and
in
all
Denmark
,
are
but
two
Seasons
of
the
year
,
Winter
and
Summer
;
those
two
other
more
agreeable
ones
of
Spring
and
Autumn
not
being
commonly
known
;
the
Spring
never
,
and
the
Autumn
seldom
,
&c.
The
principal
things
of
this
Island
,
and
indeed
of
all
Denmark
,
are
the
City
of
Copenhagen
,
and
the
Passage
of
the
Sound
.
I
will
begin
with
the
City
,
the
rather
,
because
when
I
have
done
with
that
,
I
have
little
more
to
say
of
any
other
in
the
King
of
Denmark's
Dominions
,
there
being
no
other
belonging
to
him
,
much
better
than
our
Town
of
St.
Albans
.
Thus
far
our
Author
.
This
Island
of
Zealand
containing
the
chief
City
of
all
Denmark
,
and
being
the
place
of
Residence
of
its
Kings
,
and
consequently
more
frequented
by
Strangers
,
than
most
of
the
other
parts
of
this
Kingdom
,
we
might
have
justly
expected
a
more
exact
Account
thereof
,
than
of
the
rest
;
which
,
how
it
has
been
performed
,
will
be
worth
our
taking
notice
of
.
The
circumference
of
Zealand
he
makes
to
be
●80
English
Miles
,
when
I
am
surre
I
could
never
meet
with
any
body
whether
Da●e
or
other
Foreigner
,
that
knew
this
Island
,
but
all
confirmed
what
I
had
observed
as
near
as
I
could
,
before
,
that
the
length
of
this
Island
were
about
20
Danish
Leagues
,
and
if
you
do
reckon
but
a
Danish
League
to
consist
of
four
English
Miles
(
as
certainly
they
do
at
least
)
the
circumference
which
this
Gentleman
himself
is
pleased
to
make
almost
circular
,
must
by
computation
,
amount
to
240
English
Miles
,
which
is
60
more
than
is
mentioned
in
the
Author's
Description
.
And
according
to
this
Calculation
,
you
must
give
grains
of
allowance
for
all
the
rest
;
he
cannot
(
says
he
)
recommend
its
Fertility
,
there
being
no
Bread
Corn
growing
there
in
any
part
,
except
Rye
:
but
he
had
forgot
that
there
also
grows
Wheat
in
some
parts
,
and
Barley
almost
every
where
in
abundance
,
as
also
a
great
quantity
of
Oats
.
He
says
,
That
there
are
few
Ports
in
this
and
many
other
of
these
Islands
capable
of
harbouring
a
Vessel
of
200
Tuns
;
neither
that
this
is
a
sensible
want
,
because
there
are
no
Commodities
in
this
Island
for
Exportation
.
I
must
confess
he
has
been
a
little
more
modest
in
this
Assertion
than
in
any
other
before
,
having
added
the
words
(
that
I
know
of
)
yet
it
is
a
wonder
that
his
Grave
and
Sensible
Men
could
not
instruct
him
better
.
They
must
for
all
their
Gravity
have
been
either
very
ignorant
,
or
else
very
negligent
in
not
telling
him
,
that
in
this
very
Island
of
Zealand
,
were
other
Cities
and
Ports
(
not
to
speak
in
this
place
of
those
in
the
other
Islands
,
which
shall
he
mentioned
in
their
proper
places
)
which
could
,
and
did
harbour
Ships
of
above
200
Tuns
,
and
that
it
would
be
a
considerable
want
,
if
these
places
were
not
in
that
Island
;
since
from
Corsoer
,
a
place
well
Fortified
with
a
Castle
,
and
lying
on
the
West
side
of
this
Island
on
the
great
Belt
over
against
Nyburgh
in
Funen
,
a
considerable
quantity
of
Barley
is
yearly
Exported
to
Holland
;
as
is
done
likewise
from
Holbeck
,
but
more
especially
from
Calenburgh
;
which
being
a
well
built
place
,
exceeding
St.
Albans
in
every
respect
,
and
having
a
very
good
Port
capable
of
harbouring
Ships
of
a
much
greater
burden
than
200
Tuns
,
stands
about
fifteen
or
sixteen
English
Miles
North
of
Corsoer
.
In
the
South
part
of
this
Island
,
is
also
a
place
called
Nestwed
,
situated
on
a
Navigable
River
,
which
extends
it self
much
higher
into
the
Country
,
(
tho'
our
Author
has
been
pleased
to
allow
none
at
all
here
)
from
whence
there
is
a
considerable
Trade
to
Lubeck
.
And
if
from
Kiog
,
an
inconsiderable
place
in
comparison
of
these
places
we
have
now
mentioned
,
but
particularly
remembered
by
this
Gentleman
,
when
he
forgot
the
rest
,
there
used
formerly
to
go
a
few
Fly-Boats
to
Holland
,
there
go
more
now
from
thence
to
Norwegen
with
Malt.
I
will
not
insist
now
upon
some
of
less
Note
,
as
Schelsoer
and
Warburg
,
tho'
the
last
of
these
has
been
famous
in
our
Age
,
because
Charles
King
of
Sweden
in
his
first
Expedition
against
Denmark
,
Anno
1657.
did
set
first
footing
there
,
as
he
did
afterwards
in
his
second
,
Anno
1658.
at
Cursoer
.
When
I
consider
with
my self
,
that
this
Gentleman
has
not
as
much
as
made
the
least
mention
of
these
before-mentioned
places
,
and
how
much
this
contradicts
his
Norions
he
has
set
down
of
this
Island
of
Zealand
,
as
also
that
not
so
much
as
any
places
have
been
named
by
him
,
lying
beyond
Elsinore
,
Cronenburgh
&
King
,
the
most
remote
of
which
is
within
20
English
Miles
of
Copenhagen
,
it
seems
to
be
very
obvious
,
that
both
his
own
Knowledge
and
that
of
his
Grave
and
Sensible
Teachers
,
did
not
reach
much
farther
.
And
what
may
confirm
any
body
in
this
opinion
is
,
that
he
tells
us
a
most
dismal
Story
,
of
whole
Herds
of
Stags
,
Wild
Boars
and
Ro●
Bucks
,
(
whom
he
calls
Sacred
things
)
destroying
the
poor
Peasants
Corn
:
when
it
is
sufficiently
known
,
that
there
is
scarce
any
Kingdom
to
be
found
,
where
there
is
not
Provision
made
for
preserving
the
Royal
Game
against
the
rapaciousness
of
the
Peasants
and
other
Vagabonds
.
And
tho'
there
is
a
considerable
quantity
of
Forests
Royal
,
and
Wild
Beasts
in
this
Island
,
yet
is
an
effectual
care
taken
,
that
they
may
not
be
destructive
to
the
Country
;
since
not
only
every
Nobleman
,
(
who
possess
almost
all
the
Lands
not
belonging
to
the
King
here
)
have
the
Priviledge
of
Hunting
and
Shooting
in
their
own
Lordships
,
or
Territories
,
but
also
the
Court
by
frequent
Hunting
,
kill
a
great
number
of
them
,
and
the
King
keeps
in
every
part
a
certain
number
of
Huntsmen
,
whose
Duty
it
is
to
preserve
the
Country
from
receiving
damage
by
these
wild
Beasts
.
But
leaving
the
wild
Beasts
,
we
must
also
see
what
he
says
concerning
the
Inhabitants
of
Denmark
,
whose
feeding
(
if
this
Gentleman
is
to
be
believed
)
is
very
mean
,
and
the
Burgers
and
Citizens
sustain
themselves
with
Rye
Bread
,
Salt
Flesh
,
Stock
Fish
,
Bacon
,
and
very
bad
Cheese
.
Here
you
see
the
Fare
of
the
Danes
,
and
that
of
those
who
live
in
the
Cities
,
for
the
poor
Peasants
fare
worse
.
I
am
apt
to
think
that
this
Gentleman
happened
to
light
into
some
Black-Smiths
or
other
their
like
Mechanicks
House
in
Copenhagen
,
who
(
according
to
the
Custom
of
these
Northern
Countries
)
being
obliged
to
find
their
Journey-Men
with
Victuals
at
their
Houses
,
where
they
work
,
make
use
of
such
Dishes
as
our
Author
has
been
pleased
to
mention
here
.
But
if
he
had
been
acquainted
in
Burgers
or
Citizens
Houses
of
an
higher
Degree
,
he
would
have
met
also
with
another
sort
of
Victuals
.
It
is
so
generally
objected
as
a
fault
to
the
Northern
Nations
,
that
they
are
too
Liberal
and
Hospitable
in
their
Houses
,
and
that
they
mind
Eating
and
Drinking
more
than
any
thing
else
,
that
I
wonder
how
this
Gentleman
could
think
upon
it
,
except
he
takes
a
particular
Pride
to
be
singular
,
and
to
t●ll
us
Miracles
,
which
were
never
seen
or
heard
of
before
his
Arrival
in
Denmark
.
I
may
say
it
without
Vanity
,
that
the
Northern
parts
are
very
well
known
to
me
,
and
perhaps
as
well
as
to
this
Gentleman
,
and
this
I
can
affirm
for
a
truh
,
which
may
easily
be
confirmed
by
hundreds
in
this
Town
,
that
the
abovesaid
Objection
of
the
Author
,
is
utterly
contrary
to
the
Experience
of
all
understanding
People
;
since
it
has
been
always
confessed
by
them
,
that
they
rather
exceed
the
true
bounds
in
this
point
.
For
nothing
is
more
common
in
those
parts
,
than
to
see
the
Table-Cloath
laid
thrice
a
day
,
and
at
every
Meal
to
have
hot
Victuals
,
at
Dinner
especially
you
shall
seldom
find
them
without
two
Dishes
;
among
Mechanicks
the
most
solid
sort
of
Victuals●
such
as
are
suitable
to
their
Constitutions
and
Labour
are
used
,
but
the
better
sort
of
Citizens
generally
deny
themselves
not
any
thing
that
the
Season
affords
,
and
are
extreamly
addicted
to
Varieties
in
their
Diet.
It
is
true
,
you
may
seldom
meet
there
with
such
large
Dishes
of
Meat
at
the
Tables
of
the
better
sort
,
as
are
customary
here
,
but
they
make
that
up
in
the
Number
;
since
even
in
private
Burgers
Houses
,
they
seldom
sit
down
at
Dinner
or
Snpper
without
two
Dishes
,
&
a
Glass
of
Wine
,
which
generally
they
are
furnish'd
withall
in
their
own
Houses
,
Taverns
being
not
to
be
found
in
so
excessive
anumber
there
,
as
they
are
with
us
.
When
they
invite
their
Friends
,
their
Tables
are
always
thrice
fill'd
up
with
variety
of
Victuals
,
&
Wine
is
so
plentiful
among
them
,
that
if
a
Man
does
not
feel
the
effects
of
the
Feast
the
next
day
,
he
does
not
think
himself
well
Entertained
the
day
before
.
I
will
not
undertake
here
to
make
an
exact
Comparison
betwixt
our
and
their
Markets
,
since
perhaps
this
Gentleman
and
his
Friends
have
taken
more
pains
in
searching
them
,
than
ever
I
did
;
but
this
is
notorious
enough
,
that
in
Denmark
the
Beef
is
exceeding
well
tasted
and
very
fat
,
that
Veal
is
proportionably
good
,
(
tho'
not
so
large
as
here
)
and
their
Hogs-flesh
to
be
compared
to
any
in
the
World
,
as
also
Lambs-flesh
and
Mutton
not
to
be
despised
,
tho'
the
latter
be
not
so
common
among
them
.
Concerning
their
Poultry
we
will
say
nothing
in
this
place
,
because
we
shall
have
occasion
to
speak
something
of
this
hereafter
,
when
we
come
to
our
Author
's
Remarkable
History
of
the
Green-Geese
and
other
wild
and
tame
Fowl.
What
he
says
concerning
that
there
are
but
two
Seasons
in
Denmark
,
may
best
be
explained
by
comparing
the
North
Latitude
of
these
Countries
with
some
of
ours
.
The
North
Latitude
then
of
Denmark
being
betwixt
the
Degrees
of
54
and
58
lies
parallel
to
all
that
Tract
in
our
Island
,
laying
betwixt
the
City
of
York
and
the
further
end
of
Scotland
;
and
the
City
of
Copenhagen
being
situated
under
the
56
Degrees
of
Northern
Latitude
,
which
is
correspondent
to
that
of
Edenburgh
in
Scotland
,
we
may
from
thence
conjecture
,
That
the
leaping
from
extremity
of
heat
to
extremity
of
cold
,
is
not
near
so
fearful
as
this
Gentleman
would
make
us
believe
,
or
at
least
it
is
not
so
in
all
parts
of
Denmark
.
The
rest
of
this
Chapter
is
taken
up
with
the
Description
of
Copenhagen
,
which
being
the
only
place
this
Gentleman
has
thought
worthy
of
taking
particular
notice
of
,
yet
is
described
by
him
so
superficially
,
that
besides
what
he
says
of
the
Port
and
its
situation
,
scarce
any
thing
else
has
been
mentioned
of
the
same
.
This
Author
having
already
shewed
himself
no
great
admirer
of
Universities
,
I
do
not
much
admire
at
his
not
so
much
as
naming
that
of
Copenhagen
;
but
since
he
seem'd
so
fond
in
his
Preface
,
of
the
Bodily
Exercises
practised
in
the
Antient
Academies
,
one
might
justly
wonder
why
he
has
not
mentioned
that
set
up
a
few
years
ago
at
Copenhagen
,
which
as
it
is
greatly
encouraged
by
his
present
Danish
Majesty
,
in
allowing
considerable
Sallaries
and
Priviledges
to
the
same
;
so
all
sorts
of
Exercises
,
(
besides
Foreign
Languages
and
Mathematicks
)
are
taught
in
great
Perfection
.
The
Change
and
Arsenal
he
has
just
vouchsafed
to
name
,
when
it
is
confess'd
by
all
that
have
taken
a
right
view
of
the
last
of
these
two
,
that
it
is
one
of
the
finest
to
be
met
withall
,
and
is
especially
much
celebrated
for
that
most
wonderful
Coelestial
Globe
,
which
having
six
foot
of
Diameter
,
was
once
the
work
of
that
so
much
renowned
Danish
Astronomer
,
Tycho
Brahe
;
I
will
only
say
thus
much
concerning
Copenhagen
,
That
as
its
Situation
is
one
of
the
most
Commodious
in
Europe
,
as
to
the
Sea-side
;
so
on
the
Land-side
,
it
standing
upon
a
Flat
,
and
containing
near
9000
Houses
,
it
is
encompass'd
with
a
pleasant
and
delightful
Country
.
The
Streets
are
broad
,
clean
and
neat
,
wherein
are
Lights
kept
in
the
Night-time
,
and
what
our
Author
says
,
That
their
Buildings
being
Cage-work
,
the
intervals
of
the
Timber
being
fill'd
up
with
Brick
,
and
therefore
very
mean
,
is
frivolous
;
it
being
obvious
enough
to
any
considering
Person
,
that
in
a
Country
where
Timber
is
very
cheap
,
and
consequently
not
so
sparingly
used
as
here
,
the
Houses
so
built
,
are
much
exceeding
for
Beauty
,
our
antient
way
of
Plaister-work
betwixt
Timber
,
and
even
surpassing
our
modern
common
way
of
Brick-Buildings
,
which
are
so
much
inferior
to
those
in
the
Northern
parts
for
strength
,
that
they
generally
do
not
stand
half
so
long
,
tho'
it
cannot
be
denied
,
that
ours
for
Uniformity
and
Contrivance
,
excel
theirs
.
And
before
we
leave
this
Island
of
Zealand
,
I
cannot
but
mention
also
a
place
called
Roshild
,
some
Leagues
distant
from
Copenhagen
,
formerly
an
Episcopal
See
,
the
Bishops
whereof
had
the
Honour
of
Crowning
the
Kings
of
Denmark
,
and
the
Cathedral
here
is
famous
for
the
Tombs
of
a
great
many
Danish
Kings
,
some
whereof
are
very
Sumptuous
and
Magnificent
.
And
tho'
it
has
been
Celebrated
again
in
our
Age
,
for
the
Peace
concluded
there
Anno
1658●
betwixt
the
Two
Northern
Crowns
;
and
it
also
excels
our
Town
of
St.
Albans
:
yet
the
Author
has
not
thought
fit
to
name
it
to
us
.
And
so
I
will
have
done
with
this
Island
,
when
I
have
added
this
,
That
besides
a
great
many
other
Towns
not
mentioned
,
it
is
computed
to
contain
near
350
Villages
.
The
following
Chapter
treating
of
the
Sound
,
but
more
especially
of
the
Toll
there
at
Cronenburgh
,
whereof
the
Author
has
given
us
a
large
History
,
we
will
pass
by
,
as
having
nothing
much
remarkable
in
it
,
besides
what
is
mentioned
there
:
and
come
to
the
Fourth
Chapter
,
where
he
treats
of
the
other
Islands
,
and
Jutland
.
Not
to
insist
here
upon
some
Islands
,
which
are
left
out
by
our
Author
,
though
they
are
more
considerable
than
some
that
he
has
mentioned
,
we
will
take
them
in
the
same
Order
as
he
has
set
them
down
in
the
Treatise
;
and
thus
he
speaks
concerning
Funen
:
Funen
is
Second
to
Zealand
,
whether
its
bigness
,
or
the
goodness
of
its
Soil
be
considered
:
It
has
plenty
of
Corn
,
Hogs
,
Lakes
,
and
Woods
.
The
chief
Town
of
it
is
Odensee
,
a
well-seated
,
and
formerly
a
flourishing
little
City
;
but
at
present
much
fallen
to
decay
.
This
Island
produces
nothing
for
the
Merchant
to
export
,
except
some
few
Horses
,
the
Inhabitants
generally
consuming
their
own
Commodities
,
&c.
This
is
the
whole
Description
he
has
given
us
concerning
this
Island
;
which
being
about
190
English
Miles
in
Circumference
,
and
containing
above
250
Villages
,
is
situated
between
Zealand
and
Jutland
;
parted
from
the
first
by
the
great
Belt
,
and
from
the
latter
by
the
little
Belt
:
The
chief
Town
of
it
was
formerly
Odensee
,
a
flourishing
little
City
,
as
this
Gentleman
says
;
but
yet
much
better
than
St.
Albans
;
though
Nyburgh
seems
now
to
be
the
principal
City
in
this
Island
:
which
lying
opposite
to
Corsoer
in
Zealand
,
has
a
capacious
and
commodious
Port
,
able
to
harbour
a
great
many
stout
Ships
,
beyond
the
Burden
of
200
Tuns
;
as
have
also
likewife
Swenburgh
,
Kartemunde
,
Voburgh
,
Middelfare
,
and
other
considerable
Ports
here
;
from
whence
good
store
of
Barley
is
transported
into
Holland
,
and
a
great
quantity
of
Oxen
into
other
Parts
:
from
whence
may
appear
the
Vanity
of
this
Author's
Assertion
in
the
Second
Chapter
concerning
the
Danish
Ports
,
and
what
he
has
been
willing
to
perswade
us
here
,
That
this
Island
produces
nothing
for
the
Merchant
to
export
.
The
rest
of
the
Islands
mentioned
by
our
Author
,
being
of
less
Consequence
●han
the
rest
,
seem
not
to
require
any
Remarks
,
unless
what
may
be
said
as
to
their
Situation
,
Laland
,
Falster
,
and
Mo●●en
,
lying
close
together
,
South
of
Zealand
,
and
only
are
parted
from
that
Island
●y
a
very
narrow
Streight
,
called
Grone●ound
:
Laland
being
the
biggest
of
the
Three
,
is
also
the
most
fruitful
;
the
●hief
Town
whereof
is
Naskaw
,
pretty
●ell
fortified
,
and
famous
for
the
long
●esistance
it
made
against
the
Swedes
,
●nno
1659.
Monen
being
but
about
Thirty
English
Miles
in
Circumference
,
●id
also
defend
it self
better
in
the
same
●ear
against
the
Swedes
,
than
any
of
the
●igger
Islands
.
Falster
lying
South
West
●om
Monen
,
is
celebrated
for
its
Plenty
,
●●t
more
especially
for
the
chief
place
of
●●e
Island
,
called
Nicoping
,
the
great●t
,
and
best
built
of
any
place
in
Den●ark
.
In
Langland
the
principal
Town
Rudcoping
:
Alsen
is
famous
for
the
●wo
Castles
of
Norburgh
and
Sunder●rgh
,
which
have
given
Titles
to
Two
●ukes
of
the
same
Name
;
and
the
lat●r
for
holding
out
against
the
Attacks
of
Wrangel
,
the
Swedish
General
;
so
that
he
was
thereby
obliged
to
quit
the
whole
Island
.
But
Amack
,
says
the
Author
,
deserves
particularly
to
be
●●
membred
:
This
Island
joins
closely
●●
the
City
of
Copenhagen
,
from
which
it●●
only
separated
by
a
small
Arm
of
the
S●
which
is
pass'd
over
by
a
Draw-bridge
and
exceeds
in
fruitfulness
any
spot
of
Ground
in
Denmark
.
This
Land
we●●
given
many
Years
ago
to
several
Families
of
North
Hollanders
,
who
were
plant●●
there
to
make
Butter
and
Cheese
for
●●
Court
,
&c.
This
Island
being
the
lea●●
of
all
that
lie
scattered
in
the
Sea
,
ne●●
Zealand
,
as
having
but
Fifteen
or
S●teen
English
Miles
in
Compass
,
may
w●
be
called
the
Store-house
of
Copenhage●
since
it
furnishes
its
Markets
abundant●●
not
only
with
all
sorts
of
good
Meat
,
b●
also
with
Butter
,
Cheese
,
Hares
,
D●
mestick
Fowls
,
and
all
sorts
of
Kitche●
Herbs
,
and
Salleting
.
There
are
in●
several
Villages
,
and
Three
or
Four
P●
rish
Churches
;
One
of
which
is
only
●●
the
Possession
of
the
North
Holland●●
granted
to
them
above
150
Years
ag●
by
Christiern
II.
King
of
Denmark
:
T●●●
other
part
of
the
Island
being
inhabit●●
by
the
Danes
,
I
wonder
how
our
A●thor
could
fall
into
this
mistake
,
That
this
Land
was
given
to
the
North
Hollanders
,
without
so
much
as
mentioning
the
Danes
,
who
possess'd
the
greatest
part
of
it
,
and
that
in
the
very
sight
of
Copenhagen
.
And
so
taking
our
leave
of
these
Islands
,
we
must
also
take
into
consideration
what
our
Author
has
told
us
concerning
Jutland
;
which
though
it
be
a
Peninsula
,
yet
he
has
began
to
treat
of
it
here
in
the
same
Chapter
with
the
Islands
.
But
let
us
hear
his
Words
:
Jutland
,
part
of
the
ancient
Cimbrica
Chersonesus
,
is
the
biggest
part
of
the
Kingdom
of
Denmark
,
and
may
amount
to
about
Two
Thirds
of
the
whole
.
It
is
divided
into
Four
Stiffts-Ampts
,
or
principal
Governments
.
This
is
a
plentiful
Country
,
abounding
more
especially
in
Cat●le
:
It
wants
good
Sea-Ports
towards
the
Ocean
;
notwithstanding
which
,
the
Hollanders
transport
yearly
great
quantities
of
●●ean
Cows
and
Oxen
from
hence
,
to
their
more
fertile
Soil
,
&c.
The
Horse
and
Swine
of
this
Country
are
excellen●
,
and
in
great
quantities
.
It
affords
Corn
in
sufficient
quantity
for
the
use
of
its
own
People
,
&c.
In
short
,
it
is
the
best
Country
the
King
of
Denmark
is
Master
of
,
●●nd
appears
to
be
least
declining
,
because
most
remote
from
Copenhagen
.
Procul
●●
Jove
,
procul
à
fulmine
.
Jutland
being
at
this
time
divided
into
to
North
and
South
Jutland
,
the
Author
has
given
us
his
Description
of
the
North
part
of
it
in
this
Chapter
,
reserving
the
South
Part
for
the
next
following
.
North
Jutland
then
is
divided
into
Four
Principal
Dioceses
,
or
Governments
,
viz.
Alburg
,
Wiburg
,
Arhusen
,
and
Ripen
,
so
denominated
from
the
Capital
Cities
of
each
Government
.
And
here
one
might
,
not
without
good
Reason
enquire
,
why
this
Gentleman
has
not
vouchsafed
to
add
something
more
concerning
these
Part●
which
he
himself
calls
the
biggest
of
t●●
Kingdom
of
Denmark
,
and
are
indeed
the
most
considerable
;
since
under
th●
Diocese
of
Ripen
alone
,
there
is
reck●●ed
to
be
near
300
Parishes
,
Seven
walled
Towns
,
and
Ten
Royal
Cities
:
But
I
am
apt
to
believe
,
he
was
unwilling
to
contradict
himself
in
what
he
had
said
in
the
Second
Chapter
,
That
there
were
no
places
in
Denmark
much
better
than
our
Town
of
St.
Albans
;
neither
●●
Sea-Ports
capable
of
harbouring
Ships
●●
above
200
Tun
,
except
Copenhagen
.
It
will
not
therefore
be
amiss
to
say
●●
little
of
each
of
these
places
;
fro●
whence
may
appear
how
miserably
this
Gentleman
has
been
mis-led
by
his
grave
and
sensible
Men.
And
to
begin
first
with
Aalburg
,
which
lying
most
North
,
is
the
chief
and
largest
place
of
this
Government
,
(
unto
which
it
has
given
the
same
Name
)
approaching
in
bigness
to
Copenhagen
it self
.
It
has
a
good
Port
capable
of
containing
Ships
of
a
much
greater
Burthen
than
200
Tuns
,
seated
on
the
South-side
of
a
very
large
Bay
,
called
Limfort
.
This
Bay
extends
it self
all
along
a
great
part
of
the
Peninsule
,
and
comprehends
within
its
compass
a
good
large
Island
,
called
Mors.
The
second
District
or
Government
lying
next
to
this
,
Southward
,
is
called
Wiburg
.
The
Capital
place
whereof
is
of
the
same
Name
,
situated
on
a
small
River
,
which
runs
Northward
into
the
above
named
Bay
of
Limfort
.
It
is
an
Episcopal
See
,
and
though
but
an
Inland
place
,
the
River
being
scarce
navigable
;
yet
near
as
big
as
Aalburg
:
South
of
this
lies
the
Government
of
Aalhuis
,
likewise
so
named
from
its
principal
City
.
This
place
is
situated
to
the
South-East
of
Wiburg
,
a
few
Miles
above
the
lesser
Belt
on
the
Sea-side
,
having
as
commodious
a
Port
as
Aalburg
,
and
coming
very
near
to
it
in
bigness
.
Opposite
to
this
,
viz.
on
the
West-side
of
the
Peninsule
near
60
English
Miles
distant
is
Rinkoping
,
a
most
famous
Sea-port
on
the
German
Ocean
.
This
with
some
other
convenient
Ports
lying
on
the
West-side
of
this
Peninsule
,
do
contradict
manifestly
what
this
Gentleman
has
been
pleased
to
tell
us
in
this
Chapter
,
that
it
wants
good
Sea-ports
towards
the
Ocean
,
as
the
above-mentioned
Cities
do
shew
the
Vanity
of
what
he
pretended
to
perswade
us
in
the
second
Chapter
,
concerning
the
want
of
Sea-ports
in
Denmark
,
and
that
no
place
here
were
better
than
our
Town
of
St.
Albans
.
The
fourth
and
last
of
these
Northern
Dioceses
,
is
called
Ripen
,
it
is
the
largest
of
these
four
;
its
Capital
City
is
called
likewise
Ripen
,
being
an
Episcopal
See
,
situated
on
the
West-side
of
the
Peninsule
,
near
the
German
Ocean
,
being
defended
by
a
well
fortified
Castle
.
Among
other
Towns
here
is
a
place
called
Fredericks
Ode
,
deserves
to
be
taken
particular
notice
of
.
This
though
well
fortified
to
the
Land
side
,
and
provided
with
Pallisado's
near
the
Sea-side
;
yet
was
surprized
Anno
1657.
by
the
Swe●sh
General
Wrangel
,
who
,
with
his
Men
in
the
Night-time
,
beating
down
the
Pallisado's
,
and
passing
through
the
Waters
,
took
it
by
storm
;
where
above
2000
were
slain
,
and
2000
taken
Prisoners
,
besides
Officers
,
and
a
great
store
of
Ammunition
and
Plunder
.
A
few
Miles
from
this
place
is
also
a
good
Sea-port
called
Colding
,
with
a
strongly
fortified
Castle
called
Arnsburg
,
where
is
paid
the
Toll
for
the
Horses
and
Oxen
,
which
pass
this
way
for
Germany
in
great
Quantities
;
so
that
it
is
a
manifest
Errour
in
our
Author
,
when
he
says
,
that
only
lean
Cows
and
Oxen
are
transported
from
this
Peninsule
to
Holland
;
since
besides
these
a
prodigious
Number
of
fat
Oxen
,
very
good
Horses
,
and
the
best
Hogs
are
sent
from
hence
by
Land
into
Germany
,
and
a
considerable
Quantity
of
Corn
and
Fish
,
is
from
the
above-mentioned
Ports
transported
into
Holland
,
and
other
adjacent
Countries
.
The
reason
this
Gentleman
has
been
pleased
to
give
,
why
Jutland
appears
least
declining
,
because
most
remote
from
Copenhagen
,
as
it
favours
a
little
of
Malice
,
so
it
may
perhaps
take
with
some
inconsidering
Persons
.
But
to
the
more
judicious
it
will
be
evident
enough
;
that
,
if
this
point
of
its
appearing
least
declining
should
be
granted
;
which
however
it
is
not
,
since
near
Copenhagen
,
the
Country
appears
in
as
good
a
Condition
as
here
;
yet
the
difference
arises
chiefly
from
thence
,
what
our
Author
had
said
a
little
before
,
That
this
is
a
plentiful
Country
,
abounding
more
especially
with
Cattle
;
to
which
I
will
add
,
that
it
has
also
convenient
Ports
,
and
abounds
with
more
Commodities
for
Exportation
.
And
that
this
is
the
true
Cause
of
its
appearing
least
declining
,
may
be
gathered
out
of
the
Authors
own
Words
in
this
very
Chapter
;
where
he
says
,
The
Land
is
more
fertile
near
the
Seac●oasts
,
the
Inland
being
full
of
Heaths
,
Lakes
and
Woods
:
and
truly
in
these
places
,
Jutland
makes
no
better
appearance
than
Zealand
.
I
could
also
assign
this
for
one
reason
among
others
,
that
the
Peasants
in
general
here
,
being
not
Vassals
to
the
Nobility
as
they
are
in
Zealand
,
might
contribute
much
to
this
Appearance
;
but
as
the
first
is
most
evident
,
so
I
think
it
may
convince
all
unbyass'd
and
judicious
Persons
,
how
impartial
this
Gentleman
has
been
in
his
pretended
Account
of
Denmark
.
In
the
V.
Chapter
,
which
he
entitles
,
Of
the
rest
of
the
King
of
Denmark's
Territories
;
he
begins
with
the
Dútchy
of
Sleswick
thus
:
The
Dutchy
of
Sleswick
is
in
general
a
very
good
Country
;
It
s
convenient
Situations
between
two
Seas
,
the
Ocean
and
the
Baltick
,
rendring
it
considerable
for
Trade
;
although
the
natural
Commodities
fit
for
Exportation
,
are
in
no
great
Quantity
.
Some
Cor●
,
Cattle
,
Horses
and
Wood
for
firing
,
it
affords
to
its
Neighbours
,
over
and
above
a
sufficient
store
of
each
for
its
own
Inhabitants
.
It
is
divided
between
the
King
and
the
Duke
of
Holstein
.
The
principal
Town
,
which
gives
name
to
the
Dutchy
,
belongs
to
the
Duke
of
Holstein
,
who
resides
near
it
in
his
Pallace
of
Gottorp
,
&c.
This
is
all
that
this
Gentleman
has
thought
fit
to
afford
us
concerning
the
Dutchy
of
Sleswick
;
which
being
the
South-part
of
Jutland
,
comprehends
a
large
and
fruitful
Tract
of
ground
,
adorned
with
a
great
many
fair
Cities
,
and
commodious
Sea
ports
;
whereas
he
hath
taken
up
more
with
the
Description
of
the
Resident
place
of
the
Duke
of
Holstein
Gottorp
;
which
as
it
does
not
belong
to
the
King
of
Denmark's
Dominions
;
so
it
is
much
inferiour
(
though
else
a
very
fine
Seat
)
to
some
of
the
King
of
Denmark's
,
which
either
are
not
mentioned
at
all
by
the
Author
,
or
else
represented
much
less
advantageous
.
It
must
needs
be
a
great
Wonder
to
any
Body
that
knows
these
Countries
,
how
he
should
make
a
Digression
to
describe
the
Residence
of
the
Duke
of
Holstein
Gottorp
,
and
neglect
to
remember
here
a
goodly
Town
,
called
Hadersleben
,
situated
in
the
same
Dukedom
near
the
Baltick
,
and
beautified
with
the
fair
Castle
of
Hansburg
,
begun
to
be
built
by
John
the
Eldest
Son
of
Christiern
I
,
and
finished
by
Frederick
II.
this
present
King●
of
Denmark's
great
Grandfather
.
Not
to
mention
here
Apenrade
and
Tondern
;
the
first
whereof
lies
on
the
Baltick
,
as
the
Second
is
situated
near
the
German
Ocean
;
certainly
the
Town
of
Flensbourgh
with
its
Castle
,
might
have
deserved
to
be
remembred
as
well
as
Gottorp
,
except
he
was
afraid
of
contradicting
what
he
said
before
concerning
the
want
of
Harbours
in
Denmark
,
which
were
capable
of
harbouring
a
Ship
of
200
Tuns
;
it
being
notorious
that
this
place
situated
on
a
Bay
of
the
Baltick
Sea
,
called
Hever
Bay
,
has
so
deep
and
commodious
a
Port
,
that
it
not
only
receives
Ships
of
a
far
greater
Burthen
;
but
also
the
same
lye
up
close
to
the
Houses
almost
every
where
,
as
they
do
at
Wapping
,
and
other
adjacent
parts
of
the
Thames
.
It
would
,
I
think
,
not
have
been
amiss
to
have
described
here
,
that
Tract
of
Ground
,
which
lying
betwixt
Sleswick
and
Flensburgh
,
goes
to
this
Day
by
the
Name
of
Anglen
;
and
the
Inhabitants
of
it
are
called
Engel
Saxen
;
who
being
esteemed
the
Remnants
of
one
of
those
three
Nations
,
that
setled
here
,
this
Kingdom
has
particularly
derived
its
Name
from
them
.
The
River
Eyder
also
,
which
divides
the
Dukedoms
of
Sleswick
,
and
Holstein
,
ought
not
to
have
been
forgot
,
since
it
was
the
ancient
Boundary
betwixt
the
Saxons
and
Danes
.
And
since
this
Gentleman
is
so
strangely
taken
in
the
next
Chapter
with
the
ancient
Goths
,
I
cannot
devise
why
he
should
not
have
remembred
a
piece
of
Work
of
their
Posterity
extant
in
this
Country
,
somewhat
resembling
that
ancient
Roman
Work
in
our
Island
,
called
Picts-wall
.
This
is
a
long
Trench
and
Wall
which
was
built
about
the
Year
809
,
in
the
Times
of
the
Emperour
Charles
the
Great
,
by
Gotricus
,
then
King
of
Denmark
,
to
hinder
the
Incursions
of
the
Saxons
.
The
Tract
of
this
Work
is
easily
to
be
seen
yet
in
a
great
many
places
within
a
few
Miles
South
of
Sleswick
,
and
is
by
the
Inhabitants
called
Danewark
to
this
Day
,
and
reported
,
that
it
did
reach
from
the
one
Sea
to
the
other
.
These
matters
,
as
also
a
great
many
others
,
having
a
near
relation
to
our
ancient
times
,
the
Author
did
either
think
not
worth
mentioning
;
or
else
those
grave
Men
who
instructed
him
,
were
not
so
sensible
as
he
describes
them
in
his
first
Chapter
.
But
it
is
time
also
to
see
what
he
says
concerning
Holstein
,
these
are
among
others
his
Words
.
The
Country
,
(
meaning
Holstein
)
is
very
fruitful
and
pleasant
,
excellently
well
seated
for
Trade
,
lying
between
the
two
Seas
,
and
having
the
advantage
of
the
Neighbourhood
of
the
River
Elbe
,
and
of
Hamburgh
,
&c.
Stormar
and
Ditmarsh
,
he
says
,
lie
the
nearest
to
the
River
Elbe
,
and
are
for
the
most
part
low
and
rich
Countries
;
the
soil
being
fat
,
and
in
many
places
resembling
Holland
,
as
well
in
its
fertility
,
as
manner
of
improvement
,
&c.
This
is
all
the
Account
the
Author
gives
us
of
Holstein
,
(
besides
what
he
says
of
its
being
divided
into
several
Branches
)
which
Country
,
considering
the
ancientness
and
number
of
its
Nobility
,
the
variety
and
fertility
of
Ground
,
number
and
consequence
of
its
Cities
and
Towns
,
would
have
deserved
also
a
more
particular
Description
:
But
since
he
has
told
us
in
the
First
Chapter
,
That
he
did
include
in
this
Account
the
Dutchy
of
Sleswick
,
as
part
of
Denmark
,
but
not
the
Dutchy
of
Holstein
;
because
the
former
was
a
F●ef
of
that
Crown
,
the
latter
of
the
Empire
;
and
our
Remarks
being
limited
by
the
Account
he
has
given
of
Denmark
,
we
will
only
add
,
That
Holstein
being
divided
into
Four
Principal
Parts
,
viz.
Ditmarsen
,
Holstein
,
properly
so
called
,
Stormar
,
and
Wageren
,
the
Author
has
not
mentioned
the
last
of
all
,
though
that
famous
City
of
Lubeck
lies
in
the
same
,
as
that
of
Hamburg
is
situated
in
Stormaren
;
each
of
which
would
deserve
a
particular
Description
,
if
the
Nature
and
Bounds
of
these
Remarks
would
permit
us
to
undertake
it
.
What
he
has
said
concerning
the
Country
of
Oldenburgh
,
is
not
much
to
be
said
to
,
only
to
remember
,
that
it
is
not
only
that
sort
of
Cream-coloured
.
Coach-Horses
he
speaks
of
,
that
abound
there
;
but
that
there
is
also
in
that
Country
so
excellent
a
breed
of
all
sorts
of
Horses
,
introduced
some
Years
ago
by
Anthony
Gunter
,
the
last
Count
of
Oldenburgh
,
that
I
much
question
,
whether
the
like
,
both
in
number
and
quality●
can
be
found
in
Europe
in
so
small
a
spot
of
Ground
.
Concerning
Norway
,
the
Author
having
given
a
pretty
regular
account
,
we
will
say
no
more
of
it
,
but
that
it
is
not
destitute
of
Corn
;
since
Tellemarch
,
Hemarch
,
and
Gouldbrands
Daal
,
afford
considerable
Quantities
of
Corn.
The
like
is
also
to
be
found
about
Druntheim
;
and
when
I
have
once
more
put
him
in
mind
that
the
City
of
Bergen
in
Norway
is
one
of
those
which
are
much
better
than
our
Town
of
St.
Albans
,
and
is
capable
of
harbouring
Ships
of
a
much
greater
Burthen
than
200
Tuns
:
I
will
take
my
leave
of
him
as
far
as
he
describes
the
Territories
of
Denmark
;
and
go
on
to
the
following
Chapters
,
where
he
treats
of
the
Form
of
Government
,
and
other
Matters
.
Yet
,
before
I
conclude
,
I
cannot
but
mention
here
,
that
as
,
out
of
what
has
been
said
in
these
Remarks
upon
the
foregoing
Chapters
,
it
is
evident●
that
Denmark
is
generally
a
fertile
Country
,
abounding
in
Corn
,
and
pasture
grounds
for
the
feeding
of
Oxen
,
and
Horses
,
of
both
which
kind
prodigious
quantities
are
sent
yearly
into
Germany
and
other
parts
;
that
their
Forrests
and
Woods
feed
innumerable
Herds
of
Swine
of
the
best
kind
,
so
I
cannot
sufficiently
admire
with
what
confidence
this
Gentleman
can
conclude
this
Chapter
with
these
words
;
producing
(
meaning
D●nmark
in
general
)
but
few
Commodities
for
the
Merchant
.
But
it
is
time
to
supersede
to
say
any
thing
farther
of
this
point
,
and
to
see
what
he
says
in
the
VI.
Chapter
,
concerning
their
Form
of
Government
,
his
words
are
these
,
The
Antient
Form
of
Government
●ere
,
was
the
same
which
the
Goths
and
Vandals
Established
in
most
,
if
not
all
parts
of
Europe
,
whither
they
carried
their
Conquests
,
and
which
in
England
is
retained
to
this
day
for
the
most
part
.
'T
is
said
of
the
Romans
,
that
those
Provinces
which
they
Conquered
,
were
amply
recompenced
for
the
loss
of
their
Liberty
,
by
being
duced
from
their
Barbarity
to
Civility
;
by
the
introduction
of
Arts
,
Learning
,
Commerce
&
Politness
.
I
know
not
whether
this
way
of
arguing
have
not
more
of
Pomp
than
Truth
in
it
;
but
with
much
greater
reason
may
it
be
said
,
that
all
Europe
was
beholding
to
these
People
for
introducing
or
restoring
a
Constitution
of
Government
far
excelling
all
others
,
that
we
know
of
in
the
World.
'T
is
to
the
Antient
Inhabitants
of
these
Countries
,
with
other
Neighbouring
Provinces
,
that
we
owe
the
original
of
Parliaments
,
formerly
so
common
,
but
lost
within
this
last
Age
,
in
all
Kingdoms
,
but
those
of
Poland
,
Great
Britain
,
and
Ireland
.
And
in
the
Preface
he
speaks
to
the
same
purpose
;
which
we
will
consider
in
this
place
,
because
it
explains
what
he
has
said
just
now
.
These
are
his
words
,
All
Europe
was
in
a
manner
a
free
Country
till
very
lately
,
in
so
much
that
the
Europeans
were
,
and
still
are
distinguished
in
the
Eastern
parts
of
the
World
,
by
the
name
of
Franks
In
the
beginning
small
Territories
or
Congregations
of
People
,
chose
Valiant
and
Wise
Men
to
be
their
Captains
or
Judges
,
and
as
often
depased
them
upon
mismanagement
These
●●
Captains
doing
their
Duty
well
and
faithfully
)
were
the
Originals
of
all
our
Kings
and
Princes
,
which
at
first
,
and
for
a
long
time
,
were
every
where
Elective
.
According
to
their
own
Warlike
temper
,
or
that
of
the
People
which
they
Governed
,
they
(
upon
the
score
of
Revenge
,
Ambition
,
or
being
overthrowing
with
multitudes
at
home
)
encroached
upon
their
Neighbours
,
till
from
petty
Principalities
,
their
Countries
waxed
to
mighty
Kingdoms
.
Spain
alone
consisting
of
twelve
or
thirteen
till
'tother
day
,
and
one
part
of
our
Island
of
no
less
than
seven
:
Each
of
these
was
at
first
,
made
through
an
Union
of
many
petty
Lordships
.
Italy
from
several
small
Commonwealths
was
at
length
swallowed
up
by
the
Emperors
,
Popes
,
Kings
of
Spain
,
Dukes
of
Florence
,
and
other
lesser
Tyrants
.
Yet
't
is
to
be
remarked
,
that
the
Antient
States
of
Europe
is
best
preserved
in
Italy
,
even
to
this
day
,
notwithstanding
the
Encroachments
which
have
been
there
made
on
the
Peoples
Liberties
;
of
which
one
reason
may
be
,
that
the
Republicks
which
are
more
in
Number
and
Quality
in
that
spot
of
ground
,
than
in
all
Europe
besides
,
keep
their
Ecclesiasticks
within
their
due
bounds
,
and
make
use
of
that
Natural
Wit
which
Providence
and
a
happy
Climate
has
given
them
,
to
curb
those
,
who
if
they
had
Power
,
would
curb
all
the
World.
Every
one
ought
to
know
how
great
the
Rights
of
the
People
were
very
lately
in
the
Elective
Kingdoms
of
Sweeden
and
Denmark
;
how
Germany
was
freer
than
any
other
part
of
Europe
,
till
at
length
't
was
Lorded
by
Captains
which
in
process
of
time
grew
Princes
and
Electors
,
and
by
Bishops
with
Temporal
Authority
,
who
may
thank
Charles
the
Great
,
(
a
bigotted
Prince
)
for
the
double
Sword
of
Flesh
and
Spirit
.
In
this
Passage
,
the
Author
pretends
to
give
us
an
Account
of
the
Origine
,
Growth
,
and
Alterations
of
Government
,
he
pretends
give
us
a
short
History
of
the
Goths
,
Vandals
,
Germans
,
Spaniards
,
Italians
;
nay
,
even
English
,
Sweeds
,
Danes
and
Poles
,
and
all
this
in
a
few
Pages
,
which
great
Authors
before
in
whole
Volumes
,
have
scarce
been
able
to
effect
to
the
purpose
:
But
that
which
is
most
pleasant
,
is
,
that
he
having
entangled
himself
among
his
Antient
Goths
and
Vandals
,
and
their
most
admirable
Constitutions
,
has
not
given
himself
leisure
to
look
rightly
into
our
latter
times
,
else
he
could
scarce
have
fallen
into
such
a
Paradox
as
to
affirm
,
That
in
Italy
the
Republicks
are
more
in
Number
&
Quality
,
than
in
all
Europe
besides
.
When
I
did
read
these
words
to
some
Gentlemen
,
who
had
Travelled
in
those
as
well
as
other
parts
of
Europe
,
and
were
come
to
pass
a
little
time
in
the
Country
,
they
did
cry
out
aloud
,
risum
teneatis
amici
;
and
I
remember
that
a
certain
Myn
Heer
,
who
seem'd
to
be
well
vers'd
in
those
Countries
,
could
not
forbear
saying
,
according
to
his
Native
blunt
way
,
That
surely
this
Gentleman
must
not
have
seen
much
of
Europe
,
or
else
have
slept
by
day
,
and
never
Travell'd
but
by
night
;
since
if
he
had
but
walk'd
through
the
streets
of
Amsterdam
in
the
day
time
,
and
considered
with
what
vast
Charges
that
City
had
been
built
,
the
stupendiousness
and
vastness
of
its
Fortifications
,
which
together
with
a
large
Mote
all
Brick'd
round
,
comprehended
above
1000
Acres
of
Ground
,
the
Magnificence
and
Regularity
of
the
Houses
and
Garden
;
in
and
about
that
City
;
as
also
that
prodigious
number
of
Shipping
of
all
sorts
,
which
was
obvious
enough
to
every
Body's
Eye
,
he
might
from
thence
have
taken
an
occasion
to
inquire
better
into
the
Power
and
Wealth
of
this
Commonwealth
,
before
he
had
made
this
Assertion
concerning
his
Italian
Republicks
.
He
ought
,
said
the
Amsterdamer
(
for
so
I
understood
afterwards
he
was
)
have
cast
his
Eyes
upon
the
two
Jews
Synagogues
at
Amsterdam
,
whereof
one
is
far
exceeding
,
not
only
those
at
Rome
and
Venice
,
but
also
all
the
rest
in
Europe
;
he
ought
to
have
look'd
upon
that
famous
Stadthuyse
there
,
with
the
large
Magazin
of
Arms
by
it
;
upon
those
most
excellent
Statues
a
top
of
it
,
especially
that
of
Atlas
bearing
upon
his
Shoulders
the
Globe
which
holds
30
Barrels
of
Water
:
He
ought
to
have
view'd
the
extraordinariness
of
the
Globes
Coelestial
and
Terrestial
,
laid
in
the
Floor
of
the
Great
Hall
,
together
with
the
rest
of
the
Rarities
of
Pictures
,
Carved
Works
and
Marble
Statues
there
:
He
ought
to
have
made
an
exact
Observation
concerning
the
great
Number
and
Splendor
of
their
Alms
Houses
in
this
City
,
which
being
like
Princes
Palaces
,
maintain
20000
Poor
per
diem
;
as
also
the
Multitude
,
Largeness
,
and
Magnificense
of
their
Bridges
and
Channels
,
which
are
to
be
found
in
every
street
,
and
fac'd
every
where
with
Brick
and
Square
Stone-work
,
and
other
innumerable
advantages
which
this
City
enjoys
,
and
are
all
acquired
with
vast
Charges
and
great
Industry
;
and
then
he
would
easily
have
been
able
to
find
out
,
that
if
Venice
boasts
of
its
Channels
which
divide
,
and
Bridges
which
unite
their
City
;
if
Genova
is
proud
of
her
Magnificent
Buildings
,
Amsterdam
surpasses
the
first
,
and
is
not
behind
hand
with
the
latter
in
either
kind
;
But
,
said
he
,
if
this
Author
have
made
a
due
enquiry
and
have
been
instructed
,
that
Amsterdam
is
the
Magazeen
of
Europe
for
Corn
and
Spices
,
the
latter
of
which
the
Venetians
formerly
brought
by
Land
through
AEgypt
,
that
it
has
a
inconceivable
store
of
all
manner
of
Provisions
for
War
,
and
more
store
of
saw'd
and
prepar'd
Timber
for
Shipping
,
than
can
be
found
in
any
one
Nation
besides
in
the
World
;
how
it
has
the
vastest
Magazeens
of
Marbles
whereof
Versails
it self
has
been
built
;
how
it
is
the
Emperor's
Staple
of
Quick-silver
,
and
that
from
hence
,
not
only
Spain
,
but
also
almost
whole
Europe
and
the
Indias
are
furnished
;
if
he
had
been
duly
informed
,
what
vast
quantities
of
Wines
,
Brandies
,
Hemp
,
Pitch
and
Tar
are
to
be
found
here
,
besides
the
prodigious
Stores
for
Shipping
which
are
laid
up
in
the
Admiralty
and
East-India
Houses
,
and
are
almost
incredible
to
be
related
;
how
great
a
share
Amsterdam
bears
in
the
Charges
of
such
a
War
as
the
United
Provinces
now
wage
with
the
rest
of
the
Confedrates
against
France
;
and
how
at
last
the
Bank
of
Amsterdam
is
the
most
considerable
in
Europe
,
and
the
World
,
and
so
much
surpassing
both
these
of
Venice
and
Genoua
(
the
only
two
Commonwealths
now
in
Italy
,
worth
mentioning
)
that
these
of
Amsterdam
writes
more
in
one
day
,
than
these
of
Venice
and
Genoua
together
do
in
two
:
He
might
from
thence
have
easily
been
convinced
concerning
the
Vanity
of
his
Supposition
.
The
whole
Company
cou'd
not
forbear
smiling
at
the
eagerness
,
wherein
this
Gentleman
had
represented
the
advantages
of
his
Native
place
,
when
it
was
objected
to
him
by
one
,
who
particularly
well
seem'd
to
understand
the
Italian
Commonwealths
:
That
it
was
scarce
to
be
deny'd
,
but
that
Amsterdam
alone
,
for
Wealth
and
Trade
,
did
surpass
all
the
Commonwealths
in
Italy
,
yet
that
he
had
not
consider'd
what
large
Possessions
the
Venetians
had
on
the
Terra
firma
,
and
in
the
Morea
,
besides
what
belongs
to
them
in
Candia
and
Dalmatia
,
and
what
a
considerable
Tract
of
Ground
were
in
the
Possession
of
the
Genueses
,
all
along
the
Sea
side
about
that
City
,
to
all
which
Amsterdam
could
not
pretend
to
,
as
having
very
small
Territories
belonging
to
it
.
The
Amsterdammer
was
a
little
startled
at
this
unexpected
Objection
,
but
quickly
recollecting
himself
,
he
answer'd
,
That
the
Wealth
of
Amsterdam
was
such
as
to
be
able
to
purchase
the
Territories
of
all
the
Italian
Commonwealths
whatsoever
.
And
said
he
,
since
this
may
seem
a
hard
saying
in
the
Opinion
of
some
,
who
have
not
been
so
inquisitive
in
this
matter
,
I
will
shew
you
another
Common-wealth
within
the
Commonwealth
of
the
United
Provinces
,
and
whose
chief
strength
is
lodged
within
the
City
of
Amsterdam
,
which
easily
may
be
proved
to
exceed
all
the
Commonwealths
of
Italy
together
,
in
Trade
,
Strength
,
and
extent
of
its
Territories
,
and
this
is
the
East
India
Company
in
Holland
.
This
is
easie
to
be
believed
by
these
who
will
consider
,
said
he
,
what
vast
and
rich
Possessions
this
Company
has
in
the
Island
of
Java
,
where
in
the
Capital
City
called
Batava
,
Built
and
Fortified
after
the
manner
of
Amsterdam
,
the
General
of
the
Indies
lives
like
a
Prince
attended
with
his
Horse
and
Foot-Guards
,
and
assisted
by
his
Councellors
;
what
a
vast
Trade
it
has
in
Japan
,
China
,
the
Isles
of
Sumatra
and
Bengala
,
in
the
two
latter
of
which
the
Company
has
also
here
Lodges
and
vast
Store-Houses
,
as
he
has
likewise
on
the
Coast
of
Malabar
,
and
Cormandel
,
and
in
the
Countries
of
the
Great
Mogul
and
King
of
Galcanda
.
How
in
the
Molucca
and
Banda
Islands
she
is
almost
become
Master
of
all
,
as
in
the
rich
Island
of
Zealon
,
she
has
all
the
plain
Country
under
her
Jurisdiction
,
having
obliged
the
Emperor
to
live
in
the
Mountains
,
while
she
is
possessed
of
Colomba
and
other
Garisons
there
.
These
places
being
maintained
by
30000
Men
and
200
great
Ships
,
whereof
50
are
Capital
ones
,
which
are
in
constant
Pay
of
the
Commonwealths
,
of
the
East
Indias
and
Transport
yearly
such
prodigious
Riches
from
those
parts
into
the
six
Chambers
of
Amsterdam
,
Zealand
,
Delph
,
Roterdam
,
Horne
,
and
Enckhuysen
,
from
whence
they
are
dispersed
again
through
whole
Europe
;
I
will
,
said
the
Gentleman
,
leave
it
to
the
Judgment
of
Understanding
Men
in
this
matter
,
whether
all
the
Common-wealths
of
Italy
put
together
,
can
produce
any
thing
like
it
.
All
the
Company
was
much
delighted
to
hear
with
what
dexterity
this
Gentleman
pleaded
the
Cause
of
his
Native
Country
,
unto
whom
I
replied
,
That
since
it
was
obvious
enough
that
the
Strength
and
Power
of
all
the
Republicks
that
are
now
adays
in
Italy
,
was
in
no
ways
to
be
compared
with
Holland
;
I
could
not
but
be
of
Opinion
,
that
what
our
Author
had
said
concerning
the
Quality
of
these
Republicks
,
was
meant
concerning
their
Policy
,
and
,
when
the
Amsterdammer
,
interrupting
me
,
answered
,
That
,
tho'
he
saw
me
willing
to
help
,
as
the
saying
was
,
A
lame
Dog
over
the
Stile
,
yet
if
I
would
but
look
upon
the
Author's
passage
where
the
words
,
more
in
Number
and
Quality
were
joyned
together
,
I
might
easily
find
what
his
meaning
were
,
and
that
one
was
as
extravagant
as
the
other
.
For
,
said
he
,
what
is
more
evident
to
any
judicious
Traveller
,
than
the
great
difference
there
is
betwixt
the
number
of
Republicks
in
Italy
and
betwixt
the
rest
of
Europe
.
Not
to
speak
of
the
seven
United
Provinces
,
which
are
each
of
them
a
separate
Commonwealth
,
but
joyned
by
a
mutual
Confederacy
;
are
not
the
Switz
Cantons
and
other
Commonwealths
sufficiently
known
to
out-number
all
the
Republicks
in
Italy
,
and
to
possess
great
Territories
?
What
Traveller
can
be
so
ignorant
as
not
to
have
heard
or
seen
,
that
considerable
number
of
Commonwealths
,
which
are
remaining
to
this
day
in
Germany
only
,
is
Venice
,
Genoua
,
Lucca
,
and
one
or
two
more
not
worth
mentioning
,
equal
in
number
to
all
these
.
And
if
we
should
add
that
Bologna
which
retains
somlething
of
its
Antient
Freedom
under
the
Jurisdiction
of
the
Pope
;
and
that
of
Vinzenza
under
the
Government
of
the
Venetians
;
nay
,
even
the
three
small
Leagues
of
the
Grisons
,
laying
on
the
utmost
Borders
of
Italy
,
all
these
will
not
amount
to
the
number
alone
of
the
Commonwealths
now
in
being
in
Germany
.
This
may
be
easily
computed
if
we
remember
but
the
chiefest
of
them
;
as
Hamborough
,
Bremen
,
Lubeck
,
Embden
,
Frankford
,
on
the
Mayn
,
Cologne
,
Worms
,
Ratisbon
,
Augsburgh
,
Eger
,
Nurenburg
,
Ulm
,
Oppenheimb
,
Nordlinger
,
and
the
greatest
part
of
the
two
Circles
of
Suabia
,
and
Franconia
,
besides
others
;
and
considering
that
Hamborough
Nurenburg
,
Collen
,
Frankford
and
Bremen
,
come
very
near
in
bigness
even
to
the
best
Commonwealth
in
Italy
;
that
the
Bank
of
Hamborough
comes
next
to
those
of
Venice
and
Genoua
,
and
surpasses
either
of
them
in
Trade
and
Shipping
;
that
Bremen
and
others
come
very
to
them
in
Trade
now
;
and
what
great
Territorie
some
of
them
possess
;
it
is
evident
enough
that
if
our
Author
,
instead
of
Europe
,
had
but
said
Germany
,
yet
it
would
have
been
taken
for
a
Rodomontado
by
all
Travellers
,
especially
those
who
have
made
a
due
comparison
betwixt
the
Frontier
Places
and
Garisons
of
the
Venetians
,
and
the
vast
Fortifications
and
considerable
Forces
.
which
are
maintained
by
these
abovementioned
Commonwealths
in
Germany
.
But
at
last
,
said
the
Dutchmen
,
supposing
I
should
be
willing
,
according
to
your
opinion
,
to
apply
the
Author's
word
Quality
to
the
Policy
of
the
Common-wealths
of
Italy
,
in
comparison
of
all
the
rest
in
Europe
,
who
is
so
ignorant
,
as
not
to
know
that
a
great
many
of
them
enjoy
a
much
greater
share
of
Liberty
(
as
being
democratical
)
than
any
of
his
Italian
Republicks
;
and
tho'
some
of
the
Swiz
Cantons
have
modell'd
their
Government
some
what
according
to
the
Venetians
;
yet
some
in
Germany
,
&
especially
the
Seven
United
Provinces
,
tho'
Aristocratical
do
enjoy
a
so
much
higher
Degree
of
Liberty
before
the
Venetian
Subjects
,
generally
speaking
,
that
if
in
those
parts
the
Countryman
should
be
a
Vassal
to
his
Baron
or
Lord
,
the
Gentlemen
should
be
squeez'd
continually
,
and
oppress'd
by
one
Podesta
or
another
;
and
in
general
,
the
Nobility
again
in
constant
fear
of
an
Inquisition
,
they
would
not
like
to
change
theirs
with
the
Venetians
;
and
I
believe
that
all
our
Author's
Rhetorick
would
not
be
sufficient
to
perswade
them
;
but
that
their
new
way
of
living
free
were
much
to
be
preferred
before
his
antient
Gothick
way
of
Governing
.
But
it
is
time
to
break
off
this
Dialogue
,
and
to
consider
what
our
Author
further
says
concerning
the
antient
Goths
and
Vandals
,
whom
he
makes
the
Fundators
of
that
sort
of
Government
in
Europe
,
as
is
now
,
for
the
most
part
retained
in
England
,
and
says
,
That
we
owe
the
Originals
of
Parliaments
to
them
.
I
know
not
whether
this
Assertion
have
not
more
pomp
than
truth
in
it
,
(
to
make
use
of
his
own
words
,
which
he
has
given
us
concerning
the
Romans
)
since
,
if
we
look
rightly
into
the
Matter
,
the
Government
of
these
Nations
when
they
at
first
extended
their
Conquests
over
Spain
,
Africa
and
Italy
,
as
the
Franks
did
over
France
,
and
the
Saxons
over
England
,
being
wholly
adapted
to
Military
Enterprizes
;
there
was
,
it
's
true
,
commonly
a
General
chosen
by
the
Army
,
and
the
Heads
of
the
same
were
admitted
to
all
Debates
;
yet
was
it
in
no
ways
to
be
compared
with
what
of
latter
years
has
been
called
a
Parliament
,
If
we
peruse
what
the
antient
Authors
have
left
us
concerning
their
way
of
Government
at
home
we
may
conjecture
what
it
was
abroad
.
Considering
then
the
most
antient
way
or
custom
of
these
People
(
which
were
Germans
)
It
is
manifest
enough
,
That
they
were
divided
in
a
great
number
of
Commonwealths
,
whereof
each
had
one
whom
they
called
sometimes
a
King
,
sometimes
a
Duke
;
These
being
again
subdivided
in
Petty
Governments
a
had
their
Heads
,
to
whom
they
paid
some
sort
of
Respect
at
pleasure
.
At
home
Matters
of
no
great
Concerns
were
debated
,
and
adjusted
by
the
Chief
or
Heads
b
but
those
of
moment
the
whole
Body
of
the
People
consulted
about
,
and
determined
even
as
far
as
Capital
Matters
went.
As
one
of
these
Common-wealths
was
rarely
in
a
Condition
to
undertake
any
foreign
War
;
so
the
same
was
always
begun
with
the
joynt
Consent
of
such
as
intended
to
engage
themselves
in
the
same
;
when
a
General
(
without
regard
to
his
Nobility
sometimes
)
c
was
chosen
,
who
with
the
Advice
of
the
Heads
of
those
several
Commonwealths
,
that
were
partakers
of
the
Troubles
and
Dangers
of
the
War
was
fain
to
act
rather
precariously
than
with
Authority
.
And
considering
that
Cities
,
nay
,
even
Villages
were
unknown
to
them
d
that
they
changed
their
Habitations
as
often
as
they
found
an
opportunity
,
or
dislik'd
the
former
;
that
their
Fences
were
hor
,
rible
Forests
,
and
impassable
Mountains
and
inaccessible
Moores
;
what
wonder
if
their
Custom
of
Governing
(
for
Laws
they
had
none
)
were
according
their
wild
Inclinations
,
and
Savage
Habitations
.
But
to
deduce
the
Orginals
of
Parliaments
,
used
in
the
best
regulated
,
Governments
of
Europe
from
the
Barbarous
and
Irregular
Conventions
of
a
Savage
People
;
when
we
may
have
them
from
better
Hands
,
I
must
confess
,
is
a
way
that
savours
a
little
to
much
of
a
conceit
of
unknown
Antiquity
.
I
see
no
reason
why
wemight
not
with
the
same
Right
,
or
perhaps
more
affirm
that
the
Cosarcks
upon
the
Frontiers
of
Poland
;
the
Rascians
in
Bosnia
,
and
Morlacks
in
Dalmatia
have
their
Parliaments
,
since
it
is
certain
they
are
as
free
as
ever
the
Germans
were
,
and
have
their
way
of
consulting
together
under
their
Heads
as
well
,
and
that
more
orderly
than
those
had
in
antient
times
.
Nevertheless
it
can
scarce
be
denied
,
but
that
Spain
and
France
,
which
were
the
first
places
whither
those
barbarous
Nations
extended
their
Conquests
,
have
been
very
Instrumental
in
first
shewing
to
the
other
Nations
in
Europe
the
Parliamentary
way
.
These
two
Nations
being
a
great
deal
sooner
and
more
known
to
the
Romans
than
the
Germans
,
we
have
receiv'd
a
more
perfect
and
authentick
Account
concerning
them
;
And
as
they
were
sooner
and
better
Civiliz'd
than
the
Germans
in
those
Times
,
so
their
Government
was
more
regular
,
and
coming
a
great
deal
nearer
to
these
most
excellent
Conventions
,
afterwards
called
Parliaments
.
The
Spaniards
were
,
it
's
true
,
divided
into
a
great
many
Commonwealths
,
or
separate
Governments
;
but
these
were
more
Aristocratical
than
Democratical
,
having
sometimes
their
petty
Kings
,
Princes
or
Senate
;
and
as
they
had
a
great
many
well
fortified
Cities
,
Towns
and
Sea-ports
;
so
had
the
most
Civilized
Provinces
their
Capital
Cities
,
where
the
Prince
that
governed
the
rest
,
together
with
their
Principals
did
reside
,
and
had
a
great
,
though
limited
Power
over
them
.
Of
this
is
a
very
remarkable
Instance
related
by
Livy
:
from
whence
may
be
conjectured
in
how
great
a
Veneration
the
Name
and
Authority
of
Kings
was
among
these
People
,
when
they
would
have
proclaimed
Scipio
a
King
;
which
he
refusing
,
says
the
Historian
,
they
were
surprised
how
he
could
refuse
the
highest
Degree
of
Dignity
,
which
all
the
rest
of
Mortals
were
so
covetous
of
.
The
ancient
Gauls
,
adjoining
on
one
side
to
Spain
,
as
they
were
not
unacquainted
with
the
Spaniards
,
serving
sometimes
there
under
the
Carthaginians
,
sometimes
under
the
Romans
,
and
having
even
extended
their
Conquest
thither
,
as
may
be
seen
by
the
Celtiberians
,
who
came
out
of
France
into
Spain
;
so
they
had
questionless
a
great
part
of
their
Policy
from
thence
,
it
being
evident
that
they
had
their
Kings
,
Princes
,
Senate
and
Nobility
,
who
did
Command
over
such
several
distinct
.
Commonwealths
,
as
they
were
divided
into
:
And
as
they
,
according
to
the
Method
of
the
Spaniards
,
had
their
well
regulated
Councils
,
consisting
of
their
principal
Men
,
so
they
had
their
fortified
Towns
,
where
their
Kings
,
Princes
and
Magistrates
generally
resided
,
who
had
a
Power
much
beyond
what
was
usual
then
in
Germany
,
nay
,
even
of
Life
and
Death
,
and
were
not
depending
on
the
Popularicy
,
but
some
of
them
according
to
their
Laws
and
Constitutions
,
were
Hereditary
:
How
much
more
polish'd
these
People
were
than
the
Germans
,
and
how
much
more
regular
their
Councils
;
Caesar
has
a
left
us
a
notable
Instance
concerning
the
Helvetians
in
his
Commentaries
;
Where
he
tells
us
,
That
after
the
Defeat
of
the
Helvetians
,
there
was
a
Register
found
written
in
the
Grecian
Tongue
in
their
Camp
,
wherein
was
contained
a
most
exact
Account
of
the
Names
and
Number
of
such
,
as
according
to
the
Agreement
of
the
Grand
Council
of
the
several
Helvetian
Commonwealths
,
were
come
to
settle
themselves
in
those
parts
of
France
,
where
they
were
defeated
by
Caesar.
b
And
much
to
the
same
purpose
he
speaks
afterwards
concerning
those
People
in
France
,
which
were
then
called
Belgae
,
and
inhabited
those
parts
of
the
Netherlands
,
Normandy
and
Picardy
,
which
are
opposite
to
our
shoar
,
though
at
the
same
time
he
reckons
them
the
least
civiliz'd
of
all
the
French.
Any
body
that
will
take
the
pains
duly
to
compare
what
Caesar
,
Livy
and
Tacitus
have
left
behind
them
concerning
the
ancient
Spaniards
,
French
and
Germans
,
will
soon
be
convinc'd
,
how
far
the
well
regulated
Policy
of
the
two
former
in
their
Cities
and
Councils
exceeded
those
confused
Meetings
of
the
Germans
,
without
Order
or
Command
;
and
which
of
these
may
justly
claim
that
Prerogative
of
having
been
the
Original
of
these
Conventions
of
the
States
since
called
Parliaments
.
What
some
object
,
that
these
Nations
being
subdu'd
by
the
Romans
,
had
before
the
Germans
came
thither
,
lost
together
with
their
Liberty
,
their
ancient
Constitutions
of
Government
,
is
very
insignificant
;
Since
it
may
easily
be
proved
,
that
,
as
all
of
them
did
not
lose
their
Liberty
,
so
they
retain'd
their
Constitutions
.
Who
can
be
ignorant
that
a
great
many
Commonwealths
,
both
in
Spain
and
France
,
were
not
Conquer'd
by
the
Romans
;
but
were
receiv'd
as
Allies
,
and
proved
very
instrumental
in
subduing
the
rest
?
c
And
yet
among
these
also
that
were
subdu'd
,
it
was
a
common
Custom
among
the
Romans
to
let
them
enjoy
their
Laws
,
and
even
to
confirm
their
Kings
and
Princes
.
Caesar
call'd
the
French
that
inhabited
the
Neighbouring
Provinces
of
the
Rhine
,
the
Allies
of
the
Romans
;
and
said
that
France
,
according
to
the
Decree
of
the
Senate
,
ought
to
enjoy
its
Liberty
and
Laws
d
.
And
when
he
afterwards
returned
the
second
time
out
of
Britanny
:
and
had
occasion
to
lay
his
Army
into
Winter
quarters
among
the
Belgas
or
Armoricans
,
subdu'd
by
him
before
,
he
call'd
a
general
Council
together
of
these
several
Common-wealths
,
where
he
intended
to
divide
his
Forces
into
Winter
quarters
:
e
And
that
some
of
these
Common-wealths
retain'd
their
Liberty
and
Constitutions
about
150
Years
after
Caesar's
time
;
Tacitus
has
left
as
a
particular
Observation
concerning
some
of
them
,
that
lived
near
the
Rhine
.
It
would
be
too
tedious
to
relate
all
that
the
Ancients
have
left
behind
them
in
their
Monuments
concerning
this
Point
;
out
of
what
has
been
said
,
I
think
,
it
may
easily
be
seen
,
that
,
as
the
Constitution
of
Government
among
the
ancient
Spaniards
and
French
,
(
being
composed
out
of
their
Kings
,
the
Nobility
and
principal
Men
of
the
Cities
,
)
did
come
a
great
deal
nearer
to
the
Parliamentary
way
of
consulting
in
latter
Times
,
than
the
irregular
Proceedings
of
the
Germans
in
those
times
;
So
those
that
will
throughly
peruse
the
ancient
Histories
,
will
be
sufficiently
convinc'd
,
that
the
same
Form
of
Government
was
never
extinguish'd
in
all
parts
of
those
Kingdoms
,
but
preserved
even
till
the
time
,
when
the
Goths
,
Vandals
,
Suevians
,
Franks
,
and
others
,
setled
themselves
in
those
parts
;
So
that
it
may
be
said
,
that
we
owe
the
first
Rudiments
of
Governing
by
consent
of
the
Estates
to
those
Countries
,
which
were
Conquered
afterwards
by
the
Germans
,
but
that
the
same
should
have
been
establish'd
by
them
,
when
they
were
so
many
hundred
Years
before
in
use
there
,
is
,
what
scarce
any
body
,
who
is
not
prepossessed
with
the
conceit
of
a
Gothick
and
tumultuous
sort
of
Goverment
,
will
assert
.
And
here
,
if
we
should
enquire
into
the
Originals
of
Princes
and
Kings
,
(
which
our
Author
pretends
to
have
done
in
a
few
Lines
)
at
several
Times
and
Places
,
we
should
be
obliged
to
go
much
beyond
the
design
of
these
Remarks
,
since
to
understanding
Men
it
is
apparent
enough
,
that
if
the
Author
's
whole
Book
,
had
been
employed
upon
that
Point
only
,
it
would
not
have
been
sufficient
so
much
as
to
touch
the
chief
Heads
of
so
ample
a
Subject
.
I
will
only
say
,
that
I
cannot
sufficiently
admire
,
why
this
Gentleman
is
so
mightily
taken
with
these
Times
,
when
Spain
and
England
were
divided
,
the
first
into
thirteen
,
and
the
latter
into
seven
or
more
peculiar
Governments
,
considering
that
they
were
perhaps
the
worst
of
Times
ever
these
Countries
saw
;
neither
could
any
lasting
Peace
be
setled
,
till
instead
of
the
same
,
one
Head
had
the
Management
of
the
whole
Body
.
But
before
we
leave
this
Subject
,
we
must
say
something
concerning
Germany
and
Sweden
:
For
every
one
ought
to
know
,
says
he
,
how
great
the
Rights
of
the
People
were
very
lately
in
the
Elective
Kingdoms
of
Sweden
and
Denmark
:
If
every
one
ought
to
know
,
he
might
have
said
a
little
more
of
it
,
since
else
few
will
know
it
for
him
.
What
clear
a
Notion
this
Gentleman
has
concerning
Elective
Kingdoms
,
will
better
appear
hereafter
,
when
we
shall
have
occasion
to
treat
upon
the
Question
,
Whither
the
Kingdom
of
Denmark
has
been
Hereditary
or
Elective
;
But
as
for
the
Rights
of
the
People
in
Sweden
,
why
they
should
so
much
vary
from
the
same
,
that
they
were
lately
,
he
would
have
done
well
to
have
explained
a
little
.
I
am
not
ignorant
,
that
the
Wings
of
the
Nobility
,
that
composed
formerly
the
Senate
there
,
have
been
considerably
clipt
,
and
that
about
fifteen
or
sixteen
Years
ago
,
when
that
Kingdom
during
the
Minority
of
this
present
King
,
was
partly
through
Mismanagement
,
partly
through
the
War
with
the
Empire
and
Denmark
,
miserably
exhausted
;
the
Estates
then
,
finding
themselves
not
in
a
Capacity
to
restore
matters
without
extraordinary
Subsidies
,
which
could
not
easily
be
levied
upon
the
Subjects
,
did
then
advise
the
King
,
to
oblige
such
of
his
Subjects
as
had
by
the
Profuseness
of
some
of
his
Predecessors
,
or
other
means
,
acquired
to
themselves
vast
Estates
and
other
Advantages
belonging
to
the
Crown
,
to
restore
the
same
,
which
was
executed
accordingly
;
some
of
the
chiefest
profering
the
same
voluntarily
,
the
rest
being
obliged
to
follow
their
Example
.
As
by
these
means
the
King
was
enabled
to
restore
the
decayed
State
of
the
Militia
and
Army
;
so
it
is
not
to
be
denied
,
but
that
his
Revenues
were
greatly
encreased
,
as
well
as
his
Power
;
yet
is
from
hence
not
necessarily
to
be
concluded
,
that
the
Rights
of
the
People
are
lost
,
since
the
four
Estates
of
the
Nobility
,
Clergy
,
Citizens
and
Peasants
,
have
thereby
not
surrendred
any
thing
of
their
Native
Rights
,
tho
perhaps
some
particular
Persons
have
felt
the
smart
of
it
.
Germany
was
freer
than
any
other
part
of
Europe
,
says
our
Author
,
but
he
ought
to
have
remembred
that
this
was
in
those
days
when
every
body
being
his
own
Master
,
there
,
they
liv'd
more
like
the
Tartars
do
now
,
than
like
any
of
the
rest
of
the
Europeans
;
And
if
they
had
continued
in
that
so
much
admired
State
of
Liberty
,
I
am
apt
to
believe
Germany
would
not
have
come
into
that
flourishing
Condition
it
has
been
in
since
.
If
it
was
for
my
purpose
here
to
enlarge
me self
upon
this
matter
,
I
could
shew
easie
enough
,
that
these
,
whom
our
Author
calls
Captains
,
Princes
,
Electors
,
Bishops
,
&c.
were
the
first
Restorers
of
the
Liberty
of
Germany
;
that
they
were
the
Founders
of
its
Greatness
,
and
Upholders
of
the
same
after
this
Country
was
Conquered
by
Charles
the
Great
.
I
could
shew
him
,
that
there
were
the
Bishops
in
Germany
before
the
times
of
Charles
the
Great
,
and
that
those
instituted
by
him
,
for
all
their
double
Sword
of
Flesh
and
Spirit
,
have
not
been
armed
sufficiently
so
to
subdue
the
Germans
,
but
that
in
the
most
parts
the
ancient
Liberty
has
been
preserv'd
under
their
Jurisdiction
,
and
some
have
been
able
to
find
ways
to
free
themselves
quite
from
it
.
And
thus
much
I
will
only
say
in
the
Vindication
of
Charles
the
Great
;
As
he
has
laid
the
Foundation
of
what
Germany
is
now
(
whom
our
Author
makes
bold
to
call
bigotted
)
that
as
able
Headpieces
as
this
Gentleman
,
and
these
some
what
better
versed
in
the
German
Constitutions
than
he
can
pretend
to
,
have
so
greatly
approved
of
the
Methods
that
that
Great
Emperor
took
in
uniting
so
vast
a
Country
both
in
Laws
and
Religion
,
that
his
vain
and
confident
Assertions
will
prove
ridiculous
to
all
,
who
have
had
any
true
insight
into
the
Affairs
of
Germany
.
I
must
add
something
more
concerning
Poland
,
which
he
says
,
is
the
only
Kingdom
besides
this
Island
and
Ireland
,
where
Parliaments
are
not
lost
,
to
shew
what
sort
of
Parliament
is
to
be
found
there
,
that
so
every
body
may
be
able
to
judge
how
far
the
Polish
Parliaments
do
differ
from
the
English
,
both
in
their
Proceedings
and
fundamental
Constitutions
.
It
is
therefore
to
be
known
,
that
there
are
but
two
sorts
of
People
(
besides
the
King
)
in
Poland
,
that
can
justly
be
said
to
have
a
Share
in
the
Government
,
viz.
the
Clergy
and
Nobility
;
The
Citizens
and
Peasants
being
totally
excluded
from
the
same
,
and
being
for
the
most
part
subjected
either
to
the
Clergy
or
the
Nobility
,
the
fewest
to
the
King.
And
though
the
Cities
in
the
Regal
Prussia
enjoy
a
greater
share
of
Freedom
,
as
having
their
own
Constitutions
,
and
sending
their
Deputies
to
the
Dyet
;
yet
is
their
Number
so
inconsiderable
,
in
comparison
of
the
rest
,
that
it
scarce
comes
into
Consideration
.
The
King
's
chief
Advantage
is
,
That
he
has
a
considerable
Revenue
allow'd
him
,
and
has
the
choosing
of
all
the
Officers
,
both
Civil
and
Military
;
but
the
Great
Officers
,
especially
those
who
by
their
Places
are
Members
of
the
Senate
of
the
Kingdom
,
as
also
all
the
Senators
,
have
their
Offices
granted
them
ad
Vitam
;
so
that
when
once
put
in
Possession
of
the
same
,
they
have
not
any
Dependance
further
from
the
King.
The
two
Archbishops
,
and
other
Bishops
,
as
they
owe
their
Promotion
chiefly
to
the
Pope
,
(
though
they
are
nominated
by
the
King
)
and
are
exempted
from
the
King's
Jurisdiction
;
so
they
having
vast
Possessions
,
which
depend
only
from
them
,
have
therefore
a
great
,
if
not
the
greatest
Sway
in
the
Senate
of
the
Kingdom
.
But
both
the
Spiritual
Lords
,
as
also
the
rest
of
the
Nobles
who
compose
the
Senate
,
having
the
Places
of
the
best
Profit
in
their
Possession
,
and
maintaining
in
their
Palaces
a
great
many
of
the
poorer
sort
of
Nobility
,
become
thereby
so
powerful
,
that
it
may
justly
be
said
,
that
these
are
the
chief
Governours
of
the
Realm
,
since
the
King
cannot
do
any
Publick
Matter
of
Moment
without
them
,
as
being
by
their
Constitution
his
constant
Advisers
and
Directors
;
the
Deputies
of
the
Provinces
(
who
are
chosen
by
the
Nobility
)
being
only
called
together
when
Matters
of
the
highest
Moment
are
to
be
consulted
,
or
concluded
.
These
were
,
in
former
Times
,
never
to
meet
,
but
in
case
of
agreeing
to
a
new
Tax
,
resolved
before-hand
in
the
Senate
;
but
within
these
Hundred
Years
,
or
thereabouts
,
their
Power
is
so
much
increased
,
that
they
claim
a
Right
to
be
consulted
with
in
all
Publick
Matters
of
great
Moment
.
The
Senate
of
the
Kingdom
,
which
is
the
constant
Council
of
the
King
,
the
Members
whereof
,
as
I
have
said
,
are
constituted
by
the
King
ad
Vitam
,
consists
first
of
the
two
Archbishops
of
the
Kingdom
,
of
whom
the
Archbishop
of
Guiesen
is
Primate
of
Poland
,
having
the
Power
of
Administring
the
Kingdom
in
Absence
or
in
case
of
the
Death
of
the
King
:
After
these
are
the
Bishops
,
and
some
Abbots
,
Thirty
Four
Governours
of
Provinces
called
Palatines
,
Eighty
Three
Governours
of
Castles
,
or
Deputy-Lieutenants
of
the
Palatines
called
Castellans
,
and
Ten
of
the
Great
Officers
of
State
,
who
are
in
all
computed
to
amount
to
near
an
Hundred
and
Fifty
in
Number
.
And
are
always
chosen
out
of
the
Nobility
;
The
Clergy
among
these
,
though
the
least
in
Number
,
yet
having
more
Possessions
than
both
the
King
and
Nobility
,
and
in
no
ways
depending
on
them
,
has
the
greatest
Sway
;
and
the
two
Chancellors
and
Vicechancellors
also
a
great
Power
of
Signing
and
Dispatching
Things
without
the
King's
consent
,
and
refusing
also
his
Orders
,
if
they
do
not
think
convenient
to
obey
them
,
Three
of
these
Four
being
generally
Ecclesiasticks
.
When
with
their
Advice
,
the
King
has
resolved
to
call
together
the
Dyet
,
he
orders
a
Convention
of
all
the
Nobility
to
be
had
in
every
particular
Diocese
or
Government
,
at
a
certain
Time
and
customary
Place
;
where
being
convened
,
the
Palatine
,
Castellans
,
and
other
Senators
,
having
explained
to
them
the
Reasons
why
the
King
intended
to
call
a
Dyet
,
and
what
Time
the
same
was
to
be
held
,
the
Nobility
of
each
Diocese
,
after
Prayers
finish'd
,
choose
their
Deputies
;
to
whom
they
give
Instructions
concerning
the
Propositions
made
to
them
by
the
Senators
,
though
sometimes
they
also
allow
them
a
larger
Authority
,
which
however
expires
with
one
and
the
same
Dyet
,
which
is
not
to
last
above
Six
Weeks
,
and
seldom
continued
much
longer
.
These
particular
Conventions
being
over
,
there
are
two
more
Conventions
to
be
held
,
which
they
call
General
Conventions
,
one
whereof
is
always
in
Great
Poland
,
the
other
in
Little
Poland
;
in
which
two
Places
,
all
the
Deputies
,
and
such
of
the
Nobility
as
are
pleased
to
come
,
being
again
Convened
at
a
certain
Time
,
they
there
confer
together
concerning
the
Propositions
made
by
the
King
,
and
what
Instructions
they
have
received
thereupon
from
their
several
Provinces
.
Thus
prepared
they
come
to
the
Dyet
,
where
the
Senate
being
seated
in
a
Theatre
,
the
Deputies
and
Clerks
standing
by
,
the
Chancellor
or
Vice-Chancellor
proposes
in
the
Name
of
the
King
such
Matters
as
they
are
to
consult
upon
.
This
done
,
the
Archbishops
and
Bishops
,
and
so
all
the
rest
of
the
Senate
,
having
given
their
Votes
,
the
Deputies
ask
Leave
from
the
King
to
withdraw
,
and
to
consult
concerning
the
Propositions
made
to
them
.
Their
Consultation
being
over
,
they
repair
again
to
the
Senate
;
and
having
given
their
Opinion
concerning
the
Business
in
Agitation
,
they
also
propose
such
Matters
as
they
think
fit
to
be
consulted
about
:
Which
Matters
being
agreed
unto
by
common
Consent
of
the
Senate
and
Deputies
,
the
King
gives
his
Consent
last
of
all
;
which
done
,
it
has
the
Force
of
a
Decree
of
the
Dyet
.
But
if
one
of
the
Deputies
makes
his
Protestation
against
any
Thing
,
as
done
in
Prejudice
of
the
Liberties
and
Prerogatives
of
the
Nobility
,
or
the
Constitutions
of
the
Kingdom
,
the
whole
Proceeding
becomes
thereby
void
,
and
of
no
Force
.
From
hence
may
be
collected
,
what
Difference
there
is
betwixt
the
Dyets
in
Poland
and
our
Meeting
of
Parliaments
,
as
well
in
their
Fundamental
Constitutions
,
as
Manner
of
Proceedings
.
And
if
we
consider
how
all
the
Cities
and
Commons
in
Poland
(
except
the
City
of
Cracaw
,
and
a
few
more
in
Prussia
)
are
excluded
not
only
from
the
Dyet
,
but
also
all
Places
of
Note
,
nay
that
even
in
the
most
of
them
the
Magistracy
and
whole
Corporations
are
depending
on
either
the
Clergy
or
Nobility
;
and
what
prodigious
Prerogatives●
they
have
acquired
to
themselves
;
as
by
Example
,
That
a
Noble-man
Killing
a
Commoner
,
shall
pay
but
a
small
Fine
;
but
if
a
Commoner
Kills
a
Noble-man
,
it
shall
be
Capital
:
That
a
Malefactor
being
a
Noble-man
,
and
taken
in
the
Fact
,
shall
not
be
judged
by
the
Magistrates
of
that
City
or
Corporation
where
he
is
taken
:
That
the
Bishops
,
as
well
as
other
Noble-men
,
have
their
Strong
Castles
,
Garrison'd
by
themselves
;
and
a
great
many
the
like
,
of
dangerous
Consequence
:
These
,
I
say
,
duely
considered
by
an
English-man
,
will
,
I
am
apt
to
believe
,
put
him
very
much
out
of
Conceit
of
Polish
Parliaments
;
and
both
the
King
,
as
also
the
Cities
,
Corporations
,
and
Commons
of
England
,
will
have
but
little
Reason
to
thank
this
Gentleman
for
his
comparing
the
same
with
ours
;
especially
since
he
might
have
found
out
other
Countries
,
and
that
nearer
at
hand
,
where
the
Meeting
of
the
Estates
come
a
great
deal
nearer
to
our
Parliaments
.
But
leaving
to
our
Author
the
Advantages
of
his
Ancient
Gothick
and
New
Polish
Parliaments
,
we
must
go
on
,
to
see
what
he
says
in
this
same
Chapter
concerning
the
Form
of
Government
in
Denmark
in
particular
.
These
are
his
Words
:
Denmark
therefore
was
,
till
within
these
Thirty
Two
Years
,
govern'd
by
a
King
chosen
by
the
People
of
all
sorts
,
(
even
the
Boors
had
their
Voices
;
)
which
King
Waldemar
the
Third
acknowledged
in
that
memorable
Answer
of
his
to
the
Pope's
Nuncio
,
who
pretended
to
a
great
Power
over
him
:
Naturam
habemus
à
Deo
,
regnum
à
subditis
,
Divitias
à
parentibus
,
Religionem
à
Romana
Ecclesia
;
quam
si
nobis
invides
,
renuntiamus
per
praesentes
.
The
Estates
of
the
Realm
being
convened
to
that
Intent
,
were
to
Elect
for
their
Prince
such
a
Person
as
to
them
appeared
Personable
,
Valiant
,
Just
,
Merciful
,
Affable
,
a
Maintainer
of
the
Laws
,
a
Lover
of
the
People
,
Prudent
,
and
adorn'd
with
all
other
Vertues
fit
for
Government
,
and
requisite
for
the
great
Trust
reposed
in
him
;
yet
with
due
Regard
had
to
the
Family
of
the
preceding
Kings
.
If
within
that
Line
they
found
a
Person
thus
qualified
,
or
esteem'd
to
be
so
,
they
thought
it
but
a
piece
of
just
Gratitude
to
prefer
him
before
any
other
to
this
high
Dignity
,
and
were
pleased
,
when
they
had
reason
to
choose
the
Eldest
Son
of
their
former
King
,
rather
than
any
of
the
Younger
;
as
well
,
because
they
had
regard
to
Priority
of
Birth
,
when
all
other
Vertues
were
equal
,
as
because
the
Greatness
of
his
Paternal
Estate
might
put
him
above
the
Reach
of
Temptations
to
be
Covetous
or
Dishonest
,
and
enable
him
,
in
some
degree
,
to
support
the
Dignity
of
his
Office.
But
,
after
such
a
Choice
,
if
they
found
themselves
mistaken
,
and
that
they
had
advanced
a
Cruel
,
Vicious
,
Tyrannical
,
Covetous
,
or
Wasteful
Person
,
they
frequently
Deposed
him
,
oftentimes
Banished
,
sometimes
Destroyed
him
,
and
this
either
Formally
,
by
making
him
Answer
before
the
Representative
Body
of
the
People
;
Or
if
by
ill
Practices
,
such
as
making
of
Parties
,
Levying
of
Souldiers
,
contracting
of
Alliances
to
support
himself
in
Opposition
to
the
Peoples
Rights
,
he
was
grown
too
Powerful
to
be
legally
Contended
with
,
they
dispatched
him
without
any
more
Ceremony
the
best
way
they
could
,
and
Elected
presently
a
better
Man
in
his
Room
;
sometimes
the
next
of
Kin
to
him
,
sometimes
the
Valiant
Man
that
had
exposed
himself
so
far
as
to
undertake
the
Expulsion
,
or
the
Killing
of
the
Tyrant
;
at
other
times
a
Private
Person
of
Good
Reputation
,
who
possibly
least
dream't
of
such
an
Advancement
.
Frequent
meetings
of
the
Estates
,
was
a
part
of
the
very
Fundamental
Constitution
:
In
those
meetings
all
matters
relating
to
Good
Government
were
Transacted
:
Good
Laws
were
Enacted
,
all
Affairs
belonging
to
Peace
or
War
,
Alliances
,
disposal
of
great
Offices
,
Contracts
of
Marriages
for
the
Royal
Family
,
&c.
were
debated
,
&c.
This
was
the
Ancient
Form
of
Goverment
in
this
Kingdom
,
which
continued
with
very
little
variation
(
excepting
that
the
Power
of
the
Nobles
encreased
too
much
)
till
about
32
years
ago
,
when
at
one
instant
the
whole
Face
of
Affairs
was
changed
,
&c.
It
is
easie
for
any
considering
Person
to
guess
the
Consequences
of
this
,
which
are
Frequent
and
Arbitrary
Taxes
,
and
commonly
very
Excessive
ones
,
even
in
times
of
Peace
;
little
regard
being
had
to
the
occasion
of
them
:
So
that
the
value
of
Estates
in
most
parts
of
the
Kingdom
is
fallen
three
fourths
.
And
it
is
worse
near
the
Capital
City
,
under
the
Eye
and
Hand
of
the
Government
,
than
in
Remoter
Provinces
;
Poverty
in
the
Gentry
,
which
●ecessarily
causes
extremities
of
misery
in
the
Peasants
,
Partiality
in
the
distribution
of
Justice
,
when
Favorites
are
concerned
,
with
many
other
mischiefs
,
which
shall
be
hereafter
more
particularly
mentioned
;
being
the
constant
Effects
of
Arbitrary
Rule
in
this
and
all
other
Countries
wherein
it
has
prevailed
.
This
Description
or
Form
of
Government
it
is
likely
the
Author
has
given
us
in
imitation
of
some
old
Fashion
Romance
or
other
,
for
I
am
sure
out
of
History
he
can
bring
none
that
were
ever
like
it
;
I
must
confess
that
I
could
scarce
Read
without
some
Indignation
,
how
he
had
abused
in
a
most
unanswerable
manner
,
the
Laudable
Ancient
Constitutions
of
the
Danes
,
not
only
,
but
also
by
so
doing
had
taken
an
Opportunity
to
put
his
Fictitious
Suppositions
;
the
conceits
of
his
own
Brains
or
some
States
Mountebanks
Chimerical
Notions
for
Truth
upon
the
English
Nation
.
What
he
says
concerning
the
Election
of
their
Princes
,
How
the
Eldest
were
preferred
before
the
Younger
out
of
Courtesie
,
if
they
were
equal
in
Vertues
,
as
also
their
Adhering
to
a
Line
being
at
pleasure
,
might
be
taken
for
a
vulgar
mistake
,
such
as
does
arise
from
the
neglect
of
true
History
:
The
Qualifications
,
which
he
says
,
were
required
in
their
Princes
,
might
be
look'd
upon
,
as
an
Effect
of
a
Poetical
fancy
;
But
what
he
tells
of
frequently
Deposing
and
Banishing
,
nay
even
Destroying
their
Kings
,
either
Formally
or
without
Ceremony
,
by
some
Valiant
Hand
,
who
for
his
Meritorious
Act
of
Killing
or
Expelling
the
Tyrant
,
used
to
Succeed
in
the
Kingdom
:
Is
so
much
against
the
Practice
of
the
Ancient
Danes
described
in
True
History
,
that
these
Extravagancies
cannot
be
look'd
upon
by
Judicious
Persons
,
otherwise
than
self-invented
Notions
,
fitted
to
the
Humour
of
some
self-conceited
Politicians
;
but
always
esteemed
by
the
more
Understanding
sort
,
as
most
pernicious
to
Human
Society
.
To
make
this
appear
the
better
,
what
if
we
should
endeavour
to
show
that
the
Ancient
Government
of
the
Danes
was
so
far
from
Adhering
to
such
Barbarous
Practices
,
or
choosing
their
Kings
by
Courtesie
,
that
the
Laws
of
Succession
were
so
Sacred
with
them
,
that
that
Kingdom
ought
rather
to
be
called
Hereditary
(
if
any
one
ever
was
,
in
this
Gentleman's
Opinion
,
to
be
esteemed
as
such
in
Europe
)
than
Elective
.
Not
to
mention
here
the
times
before
Charles
the
Great
,
the
History
of
those
Countries
before
that
time
being
infected
with
many
Fabulous
Relations
,
we
will
begin
with
the
Year
804
P.
C.
N.
When
Gotricus
Brother
to
his
Predecessor
,
Sigifrid
being
declared
King
of
Denmark
,
left
that
Crown
to
his
Son
Olaus
,
from
whom
it
always
descended
in
the
same
Line
to
the
next
Heir
,
till
after
the
Death
of
Margaret
Queen
of
Denmark
,
Sweden
and
Norway
,
which
was
about
the
Year
1414.
Thus
the
Crown
of
Denmark
having
been
in
a
perpetual
Lineal
Succession
of
one
Family
for
above
600
Years
,
and
the
said
Margaret
having
no
Issue
,
she
had
in
her
Life
time
Crowned
Eric
VIII
.
her
Sisters
Son
,
who
having
left
Denmark
,
and
resigned
the
Crown
,
after
an
Anarchy
of
Six
Years
,
in
his
Place
,
was
Constituted
Christopher
III.
Eric's
Sister's
Son
,
who
's
Mother
was
also
Niece
to
the
above
named
Queen
Margaret
.
This
Christopher
dying
without
Heirs
,
as
did
also
his
Sister
before
him
;
the
most
Ancient
Race
of
the
Danish
Kings
was
then
extinguished
about
the
Year
1448.
Only
that
there
was
left
Adolph
VIII
.
Duke
of
Sleswick
,
and
Count
of
Holstein
,
being
Son
to
a
Nephew
of
Woldemar
IV.
to
whom
the
Crown
of
Denmark
being
offered
by
the
States
,
he
refused
the
same
as
having
no
Children
.
The
Crown
being
thus
fallen
into
the
Hands
of
the
States
,
yet
were
they
so
Religious
in
observing
their
Ancient
Right
of
Succession
,
that
they
chose
Christian
Count
of
Oldenburg
for
their
King
,
as
being
Son
of
Hedwig
Sister
of
Adolph
,
Duke
of
Sleswick
,
and
consequently
being
Related
to
the
Family
of
the
Ancient
Danish
Kings
;
his
Son
John
Succeeding
him
,
Constituted
with
consent
of
the
States
,
his
Son
Christian
II.
King
of
Denmark
,
who
was
afterwards
Declared
by
the
States
,
(
who
had
now
acquired
a
greater
power
)
incapable
of
the
Crown
,
as
having
Reigned
very
Tyrannically
over
them
;
and
in
his
stead
Frederick
I.
Brother
of
John
King
of
Denmark
,
and
Uncle
to
Christiern
,
was
made
their
King.
And
I
think
it
is
a
remarkable
Instance
,
that
even
at
that
time
the
States
of
Denmark
did
not
esteem
it
belonging
to
themselves
to
alter
the
Succession
of
the
Crown
,
when
they
did
not
only
choose
Frederick
I.
who
was
Son
of
John
King
of
Denmark
,
but
also
afterwards
,
in
a
publick
Convention
of
the
said
Estates
,
they
did
promise
to
John
,
Son
to
the
banished
King
Christiern
,
the
Restitution
of
his
Fathers
Kingdoms
,
not
only
,
but
also
the
immediate
Succession
after
the
Death
of
Frederick
I.
But
John
the
Son
of
Christiern
II.
dying
about
the
same
time
,
when
Frederick
I.
dyed
,
the
Crown
came
to
his
Son
Christiern
III.
whom
in
a
direct
Line
have
Succeeded
Frederick
II.
Christiern
IV.
Frederick
III.
and
Christiern
V.
the
present
King
of
Denmark
.
Out
of
these
Heads
,
which
I
have
thought
fit
to
mention
here
,
it
may
be
evident
,
whether
the
Succession
of
Denmark
was
precarious
,
as
this
Author
has
taken
a
great
deal
of
pains
to
perswade
us
.
And
whether
this
long
and
constant
Succession
in
one
Family
,
were
Anciently
depending
from
a
free
choice
or
not
,
will
be
worth
our
enquiring
into
.
a
Canute
Surnamed
the
Hardy
,
1044.
having
no
Issue
,
had
by
Compact
Resigned
the
Crown
of
Denmark
,
after
his
death
,
to
Magnus
King
of
Norwegan
,
who
by
force
of
Arms
taking
Possession
of
the
same
,
was
opposed
by
Sueno
,
Canute's
Sister
Son
,
till
Magnus
after
a
Reign
of
Eight
Years
,
coming
to
dye
of
a
fall
from
his
Horse
:
He
was
declared
King
of
Denmark
,
tho'
in
no
ways
beloved
of
the
Danish
Nobility
,
as
having
Waged
continually
War
against
them
in
the
time
of
Magnus
;
yet
being
the
only
one
that
was
left
of
the
Ancient
Race
of
the
Danish
Kings
,
was
received
as
King
of
Denmark
.
b
Afterwards
when
in
the
Year
1250.
Abel
had
caused
his
Brother
Eric
V.
King
of
Denmark
to
be
murthered
,
tho'
the
States
abominated
the
Fact
,
yet
Eric
having
left
no
Children
,
and
he
being
the
Eldest
among
the
Brothers
that
were
left
,
was
made
King
of
Denmark
,
being
Preferred
before
his
Younger
Brother
Christopher
,
who
Reigned
after
him
.
How
the
States
did
promise
the
Crown
to
John
the
deposed
Christiern
II's
.
Son
,
after
the
death
of
Frederick
I.
has
been
said
before
:
and
how
in
our
Age
the
States
of
this
Kingdom
,
set
Frederick
III.
the
present
King
of
Denmark
,
Father
upon
the
Throne
in
spite
of
a
Faction
that
were
for
Advancing
his
Younger
Brother
,
begotten
of
another
Mother
and
the
Second
Wife
of
Christiern
the
IV.
to
the
Royal
Dignity
,
cannot
be
out
of
the
Memory
of
such
as
are
acquainted
with
the
Transactions
of
these
Countries
.
Besides
,
these
undeniable
Examples
there
are
also
obvious
amongst
the
Historians
Testimonies
sufficient
to
convince
any
Body
that
is
not
prepossess'd
with
a
vain
conceit
of
his
own
opinion
,
That
the
Succession
was
not
Anciently
depending
from
the
will
of
the
States
,
but
that
their
Kings
had
,
and
did
claim
a
Right
to
the
same
for
themselves
and
their
Heirs
,
both
Males
and
Females
.
When
after
the
death
of
Waldemar
,
the
States
declared
Olaus
Haquin
and
Margarets
,
(
King
and
Queen
of
Norway
)
Son
King
of
Denmark
c
the
Danish
Historiographer
gives
this
among
others
for
a
Reason
,
because
he
was
from
his
Mothers
side
the
next
to
the
Kingdom
.
And
in
the
same
Book
he
has
given
us
an
Extract
d
out
of
the
Records
,
wherein
the
said
Margaret
Mother
to
this
Olaus
,
and
Daughter
of
King
Waldemar
is
called
Queen
of
Norway
and
Sweden
,
and
the
true
Heiress
of
Denmark
.
That
noted
Historian
Crantius
speaks
much
to
the
same
purpose
,
both
of
Olaus
and
his
Mother
Margaret
.
He
says
,
that
the
two
Kingdoms
of
Denmark
are
Hereditary
to
Olaus
,
and
that
after
the
Decease
of
him
,
there
being
no
Male
Heirs
left
,
all
was
fall'n
to
Queen
Margaret
.
d
The
same
Author
calls
Siwald
the
First
,
Heir
and
Successor
to
his
Father
King
Ungrin
,
in
the
Kingdom
of
Denmark
;
and
speaks
much
to
the
same
purpose
of
Broderick
,
Son
of
Yarmerick
King
of
Denmark
,
And
truly
the
Name
of
Heir
of
Denmark
is
so
frequent
in
the
ancient
Histories
of
Denmark
,
especially
before
the
Times
of
Charles
the
Great
,
that
it
would
be
infinite
to
mention
them
here
,
since
even
in
latter
Times
the
same
has
not
been
out
of
date
there
.
Meursius
does
not
only
call
Christiern
Son
to
Christiern
Heir
of
that
Kingdom
,
but
also
bestows
the
same
Title
upon
John
the
Son
of
the
deposed
Christiern
the
II.
And
here
I
cannot
but
insert
the
Reasons
,
which
were
alledged
by
the
States
of
Denmark
,
among
others
in
their
Proclamation
,
for
the
declaring
Frederick
I.
King
of
Denmark
,
after
they
had
renounced
all
Obedience
to
Christiern
II.
;
Their
Reasons
are
these
,
Because
he
was
the
Heir
of
Norway
,
and
had
his
Off-spring
out
of
the
most
glorious
Family
of
the
Danish
Kings
;
That
He
was
born
a
Kings
(
Christiern
I's
)
Son
,
and
that
therefore
this
Honour
did
belong
to
him
in
his
own
Right
before
any
other
Prince
,
and
that
he
ought
to
have
a
Portion
or
Patrimonial
Share
out
of
his
Fatherly
Kingdom
.
From
hence
I
think
may
be
easily
understood
,
that
the
States
of
Denmark
,
even
in
latter
Times
,
(
did
not
assume
to
themselves
the
free
disposal
of
the
Crown
,
and
that
the
Succession
was
not
precarious
,
and
as
our
Author
would
have
it
,
according
to
good
Behaviour
.
This
will
appear
more
clear
to
us
if
we
consider
,
that
the
same
Right
of
Succession
has
not
only
in
former
,
but
also
latter
Times
,
ever
since
the
Oldenburg
Family
has
sway'd
the
Scepter
in
that
Kingdom
,
been
deprived
,
not
only
to
the
next
Male
Heirs
,
though
Minors
,
but
also
to
the
Females
and
their
Off-spring
.
Of
the
Female
Succession
we
have
Two
Instances
since
the
Oldenburg
Family
came
to
the
Crown
.
The
first
is
,
That
it
was
agreed
by
Marriage
Contract
betwixt
Christiern
II.
and
Isabel
,
Sister
to
the
Emperor
Charles
V.
That
if
they
should
leave
no
Male-Heirs
behind
them
,
the
eldest
Daughter
should
suceed
in
the
Throne
of
Denmark
.
And
when
afterwards
the
same
Isabella
followed
her
Husband
in
his
Exile
,
after
he
was
deposed
,
the
States
did
not
only
recall
her
,
but
also
promis'd
her
Obedience
;
nay
,
they
did
declare
by
a
publick
Proclamation
,
That
if
she
would
return
to
the
Kingdom
,
they
would
acknowledge
her
for
their
Queen
and
Sovereign
Lady
.
Which
Proffer
however
,
though
never
so
advantageous
,
she
refused
to
accept
of
.
Of
the
Female
Succession
the
Danish
ancient
History
furnishes
us
with
a
remarkable
Example
in
Margaret
,
Daughter
to
King
Waldemar
IV.
who
being
married
to
Haquin
King
of
Norway
,
after
the
Decease
of
her
Husband
and
Son
Olaus
,
succeeded
them
in
both
the
Kingdoms
of
Denmark
and
Norway
,
and
reigned
for
about
Thirty
Years
,
about
the
Year
1400.
And
of
several
Kings
of
Denmark
,
who
came
to
that
Crown
by
Right
of
the
Female
Succession
,
there
are
several
Examples
in
their
Histories
.
Sueno
III.
about
the
Year
1155
succeeded
Canute
IV.
he
being
born
from
Margaret
,
the
Sister
of
Canute
,
surnamed
The
Great
,
and
not
much
beloved
by
the
Danes
,
as
having
to
his
Father
one
Ulpho
,
an
Englishman
;
yet
being
the
only
One
that
was
left
of
the
Royal
Family
,
was
therefore
declared
King
of
Denmark
:
So
was
Olaus
,
Son
to
Haqui●●
,
and
Margaret
,
King
and
Queen
of
Norway
,
declared
King
of
Denmark
;
because
from
his
Mother's
side
,
he
came
from
the
Race
of
the
Danish
Kings
,
she
being
Daughter
to
Waldemar
IV.
King
of
Denmark
.
This
was
about
the
Year
1340.
And
not
long
after
,
viz.
about
the
Year
1417.
Eric
,
the
same
Margaret's
Sister's
Son
,
succeeded
here
in
the
Kingdom
upon
the
same
Pretensions
,
having
been
by
her
recieved
as
a
Consort
in
the
Danish
Empire
before
.
As
for
the
Succession
of
the
next
Heirs
of
the
Royal
Family
in
their
Minority
,
several
Instances
also
may
be
found
in
the
ancient
Histories
of
Denmark
,
as
well
as
these
of
latter
times
.
Eric
,
about
the
Year
855.
succeeded
his
Father
Siward
in
the
Kingdom
of
Denmark
,
being
a
very
Child
;
from
whence
he
was
surnamed
Barn
;
which
in
the
Danish
Tongue
signifies
a
Child
.
Waldemar
I.
being
constituted
King
of
Denmark
about
the
Year
1157.
when
he
was
scarce
nine
Years
of
Age
,
is
another
instance
in
this
kind
.
Eric
VII
.
also
Son
of
King
Christopher
I.
and
Olaus
Son
of
Queen
Margaret
,
were
both
declared
and
crowned
Kings
of
Denmark
,
before
they
were
come
to
the
Age
of
Eleven
;
the
first
about
the
Year
1260.
the
second
about
the
Year
1340.
And
Eric
,
Queen
Margaret's
Sister's
Son
,
was
by
her
made
Consort
in
the
Government
,
when
he
was
a
Child
.
Neither
has
the
Succession
and
Declaration
of
the
next
Heirs
,
though
Minors
,
ceased
since
the
Oldenburg
Family
had
the
Government
of
this
Kingdom
.
Christiern
I.
had
his
Son
John
declared
King
in
his
Life
time
,
when
he
was
about
the
Age
of
Twelve
:
Likewise
had
King
John
his
Son
Christiern
declared
his
Successor
when
he
was
not
above
Six
Years
of
Age.
And
Christiern
IV.
was
at
the
Age
of
Seven
declared
Successor
to
his
Father
,
King
Frederick
,
then
living
;
and
having
received
Homage
from
the
States
,
actually
succeeded
him
after
his
Death
before
he
was
quite
Eleven
.
Out
of
the
History
of
the
continual
Succession
of
the
next
Heirs
,
belonging
to
the
Royal
Family
of
Denmark
,
both
Males
and
Females
,
and
that
also
in
their
Minority
,
it
will
be
no
difficult
matter
to
judge
,
how
great
the
Rights
were
of
the
Danish
Royal
Family
in
the
Succession
of
the
Crown
;
but
when
I
shall
have
demonstrated
that
they
also
had
a
right
of
adopting
not
only
,
but
also
by
Testament
to
appoint
their
Successor
,
and
even
dividing
the
Kingdom
among
their
Heirs
,
it
will
then
,
I
think
,
be
evident
,
that
scarce
ever
any
Kings
in
these
very
Kingdoms
,
which
have
been
esteemed
ways
heredittry
,
could
pretend
to
a
greater
prerogative
.
An
Example
of
Adoption
for
the
Danish
Crown
,
we
have
in
the
often
before
mentioned
Queen
Margaret
;
who
after
the
Death
of
her
Son
Olaus
,
being
without
Heirs
,
did
not
only
constitute
Eric
her
Sisters
Son
her
Consort
and
Successor
in
the
Danish
Empire
;
but
also
to
make
his
Title
the
more
firm
,
did
adopt
him
;
and
he
was
as
such
,
receive●
after
her
Death
by
the
Estates
of
Denmark
.
An
Example
of
disposing
of
th●
Crown
,
by
Testament
,
Albert
Krant●
that
Ancient
and
Celebrated
Historian
has
given
us
in
the
Danish
King
Haldan
,
who
left
by
his
last
Will
the
Kingdom
to
Unguin
,
which
being
confirmed
by
the
Estates
,
is
mentioned
by
this
Author
as
an
Act
without
a
Precedent
in
Denmark
at
that
time
.
As
for
the
Division
of
the
Kingdom
of
Denmark
,
there
are
several
Examples
extant
in
their
Histories
.
Canute
I.
sirnamed
the
great
,
being
King
of
England
,
Denmark
and
Norway
,
divided
in
his
Life-time
,
about
the
Year
1030
,
the
three
Kingdoms
,
without
consulting
the
Estates
,
between
his
three
Sons
,
giving
to
the
Eldest
Harald
,
England
;
to
Canute
,
Denmark
;
and
Norway
to
Sueno
.
And
having
the
two
Crowns
of
England
and
Norway
in
his
Possession
by
right
of
Conquest
;
yet
he
used
the
same
Power
in
appointing
his
Successor
in
the
Kingdom
of
Denmark
.
The
second
Instance
of
dividing
the
Kingdom
,
is
in
the
Reign
of
Waldemar
,
about
the
Year
1170
,
Who
having
called
together
the
Estates
at
Samso●
,
he
had
his
Son
Waldemar
crowned
King
of
Denmark
.
After
which
another
Son
being
born
to
him
,
who
's
Name
was
Eric
.
he
declared
him
Duke
of
Sleswick
,
and
to
Canute
another
Son
of
his
he
assigned
Laland
.
But
Waldemar
the
younger
,
not
long
after
his
Coronation
happening
to
die
by
a
Mischance
which
he
got
in
Hunting
;
King
Waldemar
made
a
new
Division
among
the
rest
of
his
Sons
,
and
before
he
died
exhorted
them
to
Unity
;
alledging
that
to
the
best
of
his
Power
,
he
had
equitably
divided
the
Kingdom
among
them
.
And
the
several
Provinces
so
,
assigned
by
King
Waldemar
,
to
his
Son
,
were
afterwards
devolved
to
their
Children
,
and
Grandchildren
before
they
were
reunited
into
one
Kingdom
.
There
is
one
remarkable
Instance
more
in
the
Danish
History
of
this
Kingdom
being
divided
into
three
Parts
,
betwixt
Waldemar
,
Canute
,
and
Sueno
.
For
aftere
the
Death
of
Eric
sirnamed
the
Lamb
,
during
the
Minority
of
Waldemar
I.
who
was
declared
King
before
,
contended
for
the
Crown
of
Denmark
Sueno
and
Canute
,
the
first
having
on
his
side
the
Zealanders
,
and
Inhabitants
of
Schonen
,
the
latter
the
Jutlanders
;
being
at
last
tired
by
the
Wars
,
the
Decision
was
referred
to
Waldemar
I.
who
dividing
the
Kingdom
into
three
Parts
,
assigned
to
himself
Jutland
,
to
Canute
Zealand
and
Funen
,
and
to
Sueno
,
Schonen
,
Halland
and
Blekingen
,
and
that
all
three
should
be
called
Kings
.
And
even
since
that
time
that
the
Family
of
Oldenburg
has
ruled
in
Denmark
,
Christiern
I
,
dying
Anno
1482.
at
Copenhagen
,
divided
the
Kingdom
,
and
that
by
Testament
,
betwixt
his
two
Sons
John
and
Frederick
;
giving
to
the
Eldest
the
Kingdoms
,
and
to
the
Youngest
the
Dukedoms
.
And
it
is
remarkable
,
that
when
afterwards
both
Frederick
and
the
Holsteiners
urged
the
Execution
of
Christiern
I's
Will
,
it
was
alledged
for
a
reason
by
them
,
that
since
John
the
Eldest
had
for
his
share
two
Kingdoms
,
it
was
no
more
than
reason
that
the
Dukedom
should
come
to
Frederick
,
in
recompensation
of
what
John
had
obtained
.
Truly
,
if
the
Succession
of
Denmark
had
been
precarious
,
Sweedland
being
then
already
faln
off
from
Denmark
,
this
would
have
been
a
foolish
reason
,
since
,
the
Dukedoms
being
hereditary
,
and
very
considerable
in
themselves
,
the
Younger
would
have
had
much
the
better
share
.
And
that
the
said
Christiern
I
,
had
a
right
of
disposing
the
same
among
his
Children
,
the
States
afterwards
did
confess
themselves
in
their
Proclamation
,
wherein
having
published
their
reasons
for
refusing
to
obey
Christiern
II
,
and
receiving
Frederick
I.
for
their
King
,
they
alledged
as
one
main
reason
for
Frederick
,
that
there
was
due
unto
him
his
patrimonial
share
out
of
his
Father's
Kingdom
.
As
out
of
what
I
have
related
here
,
it
will
easily
appear
,
how
ill
grounded
our
Author's
Assertions
are
concerning
the
Danish
Government
;
so
,
he
that
will
be
so
curious
as
to
make
a
thorough
search
into
the
Danish
History
will
be
the
better
convinced
,
that
the
Ancient
Kings
enjoyed
,
and
exercised
the
same
Prerogatives
,
which
are
acknowledged
to
appertain
to
other
hereditary
Kingdoms
in
Europe
.
It
is
not
to
be
denied
,
that
in
this
as
well
as
other
Kingdoms
,
either
during
the
Minority
of
some
Kings
,
or
else
by
the
Division
of
the
Kingdom
betwixt
several
Heirs
,
and
other
Accidents
,
many
Irregularities
,
Contests
,
Wars
and
Slaughters
have
happened
;
but
to
draw
these
into
Consequence
,
and
to
attribute
the
villanous
Acts
of
exasperated
Parties
to
the
whole
Government
,
is
to
overturn
the
whole
frame
of
History
,
and
at
once
to
charge
all
Governments
with
the
blackest
Villanies
that
can
be
imagined
,
since
none
have
been
free
of
them
:
And
I
verily
believe
,
if
a
due
Comparison
were
made
,
there
would
be
as
few
to
be
found
of
this
Kind
in
the
Danish
History
as
in
any
in
Christendom
.
Let
but
any
Body
,
who
is
not
byass'd
by
his
own
Opinions
,
look
into
the
Reign
of
Woldemar
I.
and
consider
with
what
severity
he
did
punish
those
who
had
laid
hands
on
Canute
his
Predecessor
;
How
afterwards
Eric
VII
,
in
his
Minority
,
with
consent
of
the
Estates
of
Denmark
,
pursued
the
Murtherers
of
his
Father
,
and
their
Adherents
,
and
when
fled
into
Norway
,
waged
War
with
that
King
,
partly
upon
that
Score
;
With
how
much
reluctancy
the
Estates
received
Abel
for
their
King
,
who
had
caused
his
Brother
to
be
murthered
!
and
I
say
,
let
but
any
Body
consider
the
Succession
of
these
Kings
,
and
what
severities
have
been
used
in
that
Kingdom
against
such
as
did
attempt
the
like
;
he
will
questionless
be
convinced
how
little
their
Histories
do
agree
with
what
our
Author
has
been
pleased
to
tell
us
of
the
Ancient
Form
of
Government
of
the
Danes
,
viz.
That
if
they
found
themselves
mistaken
in
their
choice
,
they
used
sometimes
to
destroy
him
(
meaning
their
King
)
either
formally
,
or
if
he
was
grown
too
powerful
,
by
dispatching
him
without
any
more
Ceremony
,
the
best
way
they
could
;
And
to
elect
presently
a
better
Man
in
his
room
,
sometimes
the
next
of
Kin
to
him
,
sometimes
the
valiant
Man
that
had
undertaken
the
killing
of
the
Tyrant
,
at
other
times
a
private
Person
,
who
least
dreamt
of
it
,
&c.
If
these
were
not
his
own
Inventions
,
he
would
have
much
obliged
the
Publick
in
only
naming
his
Authors
,
out
of
whom
he
had
his
secret
History
of
Denmark
since
the
same
has
been
never
known
before
to
the
World.
What
he
says
,
That
all
Affairs
belonging
to
Peace
or
War
,
Alliances
,
Disposals
of
great
Offices
,
Contracts
of
Marriages
,
&c.
were
debated
in
the
Meeting
of
the
Estates
:
I
will
not
absolutely
deny
,
but
that
the
like
instances
may
be
given
in
the
Danish
History
;
but
I
could
also
easily
shew
,
That
the
most
of
these
have
been
frequently
debated
without
them
;
as
also
that
the
ancient
Form
of
Government
was
very
much
altered
before
the
whole
Face
of
Affairs
(
as
he
says
)
was
changed
about
32
Years
ago
:
But
that
the
first
would
be
too
long
for
these
Animadversions
;
and
of
the
second
we
shall
be
obliged
to
say
something
hereafter
upon
the
Chapter
,
How
the
Kingdom
of
Denmark
became
Hereditary
and
Absolute
.
In
the
mean
time
we
must
not
let
quite
pass
by
in
silence
,
what
he
tells
of
the
Consequence
of
this
Change
,
and
their
Effects
,
viz.
frequent
and
arbitrary
Taxes
,
and
commonly
very
excessive
ones
,
even
in
times
of
Peace
;
little
regard
being
had
to
the
occasion
of
them
:
The
fal●ng
of
the
value
of
Estates
,
Poverty
in
the
Gentry
,
extremity
of
Misery
in
the
Peasants
,
&c.
That
the
Taxes
are
now
more
frequent
in
Denmark
than
they
used
to
be
formerly
in
times
of
Peace
,
is
what
scarce
any
body
of
Sense
will
deny
;
but
that
the
same
should
be
the
Consequences
of
the
late
Change
in
Denmark
,
is
not
so
easie
to
guess
for
a
considering
Person
,
as
this
Gentleman
fancies
:
and
I
am
apt
to
think
,
that
those
who
are
thoroughly
acquainted
with
the
State
of
Denmark
will
rather
say
,
That
the
Author
has
laid
the
Saddle
upon
the
wrong
Horse
,
as
the
Saying
is
,
since
these
Taxes
are
the
Consequences
and
Effects
of
that
so
unprosperous
War
betwixt
Denmark●
and
Sweden
,
which
did
end
in
the
Year
1660.
The
chief
Calamities
of
which
were
partly
occasioned
by
the
mismanagement
and
miscarriages
of
these
Times
,
which
preceded
this
Change.
For
who
,
that
is
not
ignorant
in
Foreign
Affairs
,
but
knows
how
considerable
a
Loser
Denmark
was
by
this
War
,
as
Swedeland
got
most
prodigiously
,
not
only
in
Denmark
but
also
in
Germany
.
It
is
then
to
this
encrease
of
the
Swedes
,
and
other
neighbouring
Princes
,
whose
Territories
surround
Denmark
,
that
these
more
frequent
Taxes
are
to
be
attributed
;
since
he
that
will
duly
consider
the
antient
Contest
betwixt
the
Northern
Crowns
;
what
great
Power
and
Strength
Swedeland
has
acquired
to
it self
within
these
Fifty
Years
;
and
how
the
Swedish
Territories
joyn
to
the
King
of
Denmark's
in
Norway
;
how
they
are
only
parted
in
Denmark
by
that
narrow
Streight
,
called
the
Sound
;
as
the
Dukedoms
of
Bremen
and
Verden
are
only
separated
from
Holstein
by
the
River
Elbe
,
may
easily
be
convinced
,
That
the
King
of
Denmark
,
though
his
Territories
are
considerably
diminished
,
yet
is
obliged
to
keep
a
much
greater
Army
constantly
on
Foot
than
formerly
,
if
he
will
not
run
the
hazard
of
being
suprized
and
put
to
the
utmost
Extremity
,
as
his
Father
was
in
the
War
with
the
Swedes
.
Besides
this
,
the
House
of
Lunenburgh
,
being
grown
more
Potent
,
and
keeping
greater
Forces
on
Foot
than
they
used
to
do
formerly
;
as
also
the
Duke
of
Holstein
Gottorp
,
whose
Territories
in
a
great
many
places
are
intermingled
with
those
of
Denmark
,
having
of
late
Years
been
in
the
Interest
of
Sweden
,
puts
the
King
of
Demark
to
a
vast
charge
,
of
keeping
a
considerable
Force
constantly
on
that
side
.
'T
is
then
from
the
circumstances
of
the
Affairs
of
Denmark
,
and
their
Neighbours
that
the
effects
of
these
Taxes
(
now
usual
in
Denmark
)
do
proceed
;
which
in
a
Kingdom
less
powerful
than
formerly
,
and
yet
forced
to
maintain
a
much
greater
Force
both
by
Sea
and
Land
,
must
needs
now
much
exceed
those
in
former
Times
.
If
the
Author
had
not
forgot
what
he
himself
had
remark'd
at
the
end
of
his
first
Chapter
,
concerning
the
Danish
Dominions
;
That
they
had
this
Inconveniency
,
that
they
were
disjoyned
and
separated
from
each
other
,
and
therefore
exposed
to
many
dangers
,
and
requiring
a
more
than
ordinary
expence
to
preserve
them
entire
,
he
might
from
thence
alone
,
considering
the
State
of
Affairs
now
in
Europe
,
have
reasonably
concluded
,
That
the●
Taxes
levied
in
the
Kingdom
of
Denmark
,
were
rather
the
Consequences
of
their
Situation
now
,
than
the
Effects
of
the
late
Change
;
and
that
therefore
it
could
with
no
Justice
be
asserted
,
what
he
has
told
us
here
,
That
in
imposing
the
same
upon
the
Subjects
,
little
regard
was
commonly
had
(
in
Denmark
now
)
to
the
occasion
of
them
.
The
Author
also
ought
to
have
taken
into
Consideration
,
when
he
made
this
malicious
Assertion
,
how
this
would
agree
with
what
he
has
endeavoured
to
perswade
us
in
several
Passages
in
this
Treatise
,
about
the
Meanness
of
the
Danish
Court
,
and
the
continual
want
of
Money
there
;
as
also
,
what
a
great
number
of
Fortresses
he
gives
us
an
Account
of
;
all
which
being
necessarily
to
be
maintained
by
Garrisons
,
and
otherwise
,
he
might
easily
have
found
out
,
that
these
things
contradict
one
another
;
since
,
if
it
be
true
,
that
the
Court
has
so
small
a
share
for
its
Use
in
these
Taxes
that
are
paid
in
Denmark
,
it
is
from
thence
evident
,
that
a
necessity
of
maintaining
so
considerable
Forces
and
Fortresses
,
but
not
an
Arbitrary
Will
,
without
having
a
regard
to
the
Occasion
,
enforces
the
paying
of
greater
Taxes
now
in
Denmark
than
formerly
.
As
to
what
he
says
of
the
Value
of
the
Land
being
fallen
,
of
the
Poverty
of
the
Gentry
,
and
Misery
of
the
Peasants
,
every
body
can
easily
guess
,
That
in
this
,
as
in
all
other
Matters
of
that
Nature
some
Grains
of
Allowance
must
be
given
to
this
Gentleman
's
Romantick
Expressions
,
wherewith
he
has
all
along
endeavoured
to
ensnare
the
ignorant
sort
of
People
into
a
belief
of
his
own
Suppositions
.
Yet
is
it
not
to
be
wondred
at
,
that
the
value
of
the
Estates
should
be
less
now
,
when
so
considerable
Taxes
are
paid
out
of
them
.
than
they
were
formerly
,
when
the
Gentry
,
being
the
sole
Possessors
of
Lands
,
and
having
the
chief
Sway
in
the
Kingdom
,
used
to
be
sure
to
exempt
themselves
as
much
as
was
possible
.
The
same
Reason
may
be
given
why
the
Gentry
or
Nobility
in
Denmark
in
general
,
do
not
live
up
to
that
Splendor
as
they
did
in
former
times
;
since
having
in
those
Days
all
plaecs
of
Profit
and
Trust
in
their
Hands
,
and
paying
very
small
Taxes
,
it
is
evident
,
that
at
this
time
,
when
to
these
Places
others
are
admitted
as
well
as
they
,
and
are
also
obliged
to
bear
a
proportionable
share
in
all
Taxes
,
their
Revenues
cannot
be
so
great
now
as
they
were
formerly
.
Of
the
Peasants
we
shall
be
obliged
to
say
something
hereafter
:
wherefore
we
will
go
to
the
next
Chapter
,
which
describes
the
manner
how
the
Kingdom
of
Denmark
became
Hereditary
and
absolute
.
After
the
Conclusion
of
the
Peace
,
saysthe
Author
,
between
the
Two
Northern
Crowns
,
Anno
1660
,
Some
considerable
care
and
time
was
necessary
to
redress
the
Disorders
occasioned
by
so
terrible
a
War.
Denmark
had
been
most
violently
shaken
;
and
although
the
Fury
of
the
Tempest
was
over●
the
Agitation
caused
by
it
still
continued
:
The
Army
was
not
yet
disbanded
,
nor
could
be
,
for
want
of
Money
to
discharge
Arrears
:
This
caused
frequent
Insolencies
in
the
Soldiers
,
with
a
further
Oppression
of
the
Burghers
and
poor
Country
People
,
who
had
been
in
a
manner
already
ruined
by
the
Miseries
attendingthe
War
,
the
Nobility
,
and
Gentry
,
tho'
Lords
and
Masters
were
full
of
Discontents
,
and
the
Clergy
not
in
the
condition
they
wished
,
&c.
Here
the
Author
gives
us
some
hints
rather
than
reasons
,
which
induced
the
Estates
of
Denmark
to
make
so
remarkable
a
Change
in
the
Government
.
But
,
since
from
hence
does
depend
the
understanding
of
the
true
nature
of
this
Change
,
he
ought
,
I
think
,
to
have
been
a
little
more
circumstantial
in
this
Point
,
if
he
intended
to
prove
to
us
what
he
said
in
the
conclusion
of
the
last
Chapter
;
That
it
was
astonishing
to
consider
how
a
free
and
rich
People
should
be
perswaded
intirely
to
part
with
their
Liberties
.
Astonishing
indeed
;
But
if
this
Gentleman
,
by
the
People
does
understand
all
the
Estates
of
the
Kingdom
,
as
he
ought
to
do
,
and
has
done
so
in
other
places
,
when
he
alledged
that
famous
Law
of
the
Romans
,
Salus
populi
supremae
Lex
esto
,
he
has
not
hit
the
mark
right
in
this
assertion
,
since
,
by
his
own
words
it
may
be
proved
,
that
the
Nobility
mere
Lords
and
Masters
,
and
all
the
rest
depending
on
them
.
It
will
not
be
a
very
difficult
task
,
to
find
out
by
what
steps
the
Nobility
in
Denmark
,
did
acquire
this
Power
over
all
the
rest
;
if
we
consider
how
the
Nobility
first
clipt
the
Royal
Prerogatives
,
after
that
Crown
was
transferred
to
the
Oldenburg
Family
;
and
more
especially
,
after
the
deposing
of
Christiern
the
II.
How
after
the
Reformation
the
Power
of
the
Bishops
and
Prelates
,
(
who
were
,
chosen
commonly
out
of
the
Citizens
)
being
fall'n
together
with
their
Revenues
,
the
Nobility
made
thereby
the
greatest
step
,
that
could
be
,
towards
the
advancing
their
own
Power
above
the
Citizens
and
Peasants
not
only
,
but
also
the
Clergy
;
who
now
were
no
more
in
a
capacity
to
keep
up
the
ballance
,
as
they
used
to
do
formerly
.
The
King's
Prerogatives
being
thus
brought
into
narrow
bounds
,
and
the
Clergy's
Authority
and
Power
quite
abolished
,
the
Citizens
alone
were
not
able
to
resist
long
against
those
,
who
,
sitting
at
the
Helm
,
had
the
chief
management
of
all
affairs
of
moment
;
and
the
Peasants
,
being
most
of
them
depending
from
the
Nobility
,
by
being
partly
their
Tenants
,
partly
their
Vassals
,
were
not
in
a
condition
of
making
,
so
much
as
a
shew
,
of
resistance
,
against
the
Power
of
their
Lords
and
Masters
.
Thus
the
name
of
the
four
ancient
Estates
of
Denmark
,
viz.
the
Nobility
,
Clergy
,
Citizens
and
Peasants
remaining
,
the
Power
was
effectually
lodged
in
the
first
,
which
from
time
to
time
did
encrease
to
that
degree
,
that
not
only
the
whole
Senate
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
all
the
great
Offices
of
the
Court
were
in
their
possession
,
but
also
they
did
claim
a
right
to
all
the
rest
of
any
moment
,
and
a
priviledge
to
be
consulted
withall
in
the
disposing
of
any
Office
of
moment
,
even
to
be
given
to
a
Nobleman
.
They
did
claim
a
Prerogative
,
and
actually
exercised
the
same
of
nominating
the
Magistrates
in
the
Cities
,
and
had
so
eneroached
upon
the
rest
of
the
Estates
that
neither
Clergyman
,
Citizen
or
Peasant
could
purchase
any
Lands
;
and
if
by
Mortgaging
or
other
wise
any
Lands
happened
to
fall
into
their
hands
,
they
were
obliged
by
a
yearly
,
publick
Proclamation
to
proffer
the
same
to
sale
to
the
Nobility
,
upon
the
same
condition
as
they
were
possessed
of
it
.
From
hence
came
the
dependancy
of
the
Citizens
from
them
,
and
the
entire
subjection
of
the
Peasants
to
their
Will
,
and
by
possessing
most
all
the
Lands
in
the
Kingdom
,
and
thereby
having
the
Rights
of
Patronages
,
in
a
great
measure
,
in
their
own
hands
;
the
Clergy
was
also
,
for
the
most
part
,
fain
to
dance
after
their
Pipe.
It
is
easie
,
I
think
,
to
imagine
,
the
natural
consequence
of
this
to
have
been
,
That
they
exempting
themselves
,
as
much
as
could
be
done
,
from
Taxes
,
and
other
burdens
,
the
same
did
fall
more
heavy
upon
the
rest
;
and
these
not
being
able
alone
,
to
provide
sufficiently
for
the
security
of
the
Kingdom
,
this
was
one
main
reason
,
why
the
Kingdom
was
so
surprized
by
the
Swedes
,
and
did
contribute
as
much
as
any
thing
towards
the
Miseries
,
which
these
Countries
endured
in
this
War.
There
was
another
great
reason
yet
,
which
,
as
it
contributed
greatly
to
the
miseries
and
misfortunes
this
Kingdom
was
fain
to
undergo
in
this
War
;
so
questionless
was
it
partly
the
Occasion
of
the
great
Change
afterwards
made
by
the
States
.
After
the
Death
of
Christiern
IV.
a
certain
Party
of
the
Nobility
were
for
excluding
Frederick
III.
second
Son
of
the
said
King
Christiern
IV.
after
the
death
of
Christiern
his
elder
brother
,
and
for
setting
up
Wolmar
his
younger
Son
by
a
second
Wife
,
whose
Sisters
were
married
to
several
noble
Men
,
which
,
though
they
could
not
effect
,
yet
were
(
before
Frederick
III.
this
present
King
of
Denmark's
Father
was
received
by
them
as
King
)
the
royal
prerogatives
more
streightned
than
ever
,
and
thereby
the
power
of
some
of
the
Nobility
mightily
increased
;
which
did
give
occasion
to
a
great
many
Dissensions
in
that
Kingdom
afterwards
:
And
it
is
very
remarkable
,
that
when
Charles
the
King
of
Sweden
surprised
the
Kingdom
of
Denmark
the
second
time
,
viz.
Anno
1658.
He
used
it
for
a
Pretence
,
that
he
came
to
compose
the
Differences
arisen
betwixt
the
King
and
the
Nobility
.
Besides
this
,
the
Commons
did
lay
their
Calamities
,
sustained
in
the
late
Wars
,
in
a
great
measure
,
at
the
door
of
the
Nobility
;
for
,
that
,
by
having
excluded
all
the
the
rest
even
from
military
Employments
(
so
that
it
was
a
rarity
to
find
a
Commoner
above
the
station
of
a
Captain
)
and
a
great
many
of
these
not
having
done
their
Duty
in
defending
some
Places
of
the
greatest
moment
,
they
had
been
the
cheif
Occasion
of
these
great
Progresses
which
were
made
at
that
time
by
the
Swedes
in
Denmark
.
There
was
a
manifest
Instance
of
this
in
the
Siege
of
that
almost
impregnable
Castle
of
Cronenburg
,
the
most
considerable
Fortress
of
all
Denmark
;
as
being
built
with
incredible
Charges
,
upon
Oaken
Piles
fastend
in
the
very
bottom
of
the
Sea
;
which
being
defended
by
a
sufficient
Garrison
,
and
abounding
in
ammunition
and
provision
,
under
the
Conduct
and
Command
of
three
Governours
,
was
surrendred
to
Wrangel
the
Swedish
General
meerly
out
of
Fear
;
he
having
,
by
discharging
of
his
Cannon
and
other
Demonstrations
of
Joy
,
deceived
the
Governours
into
a
belief
that
Copenhagen
was
taken
by
the
Swedes
.
The
woful
Experience
then
the
Danes
had
had
of
these
and
such
like
Miscarriages
were
the
true
Cause
of
finding
a
Necessity
of
Changing
the
Constitution
of
their
Government
.
With
out
which
,
they
saw
it
was
impossible
to
avoid
the
same
Dangers
and
Calamities
which
they
had
so
lately
undergone
.
It
would
be
too
tedious
to
insert
here
other
Reasons
that
might
be
alledg'd
for
this
Change
;
as
also
the
whole
Narrative
of
our
Authors
concerning
the
manner
of
this
Change
,
wherein
he
has
been
more
taken
up
with
the
Formalities
than
the
true
Causes
;
yet
,
out
of
what
he
has
said
,
it
may
appear
,
that
he
contrdicts
here
,
what
he
had
said
before
,
that
they
were
a
free
People
;
wherefore
we
must
insert
some
of
them
to
make
the
Case
the
plainer
out
of
the
Treatise
it self
.
Thus
he
says
;
After
some
few
days
Session
,
speaking
of
that
Session
when
the
Change
was
made
in
Denmark
,
during
which
the
Nobility
,
according
to
their
usual
practice
,
debated
,
how
the
sums
of
Money
requisite
might
with
greatest
ease
and
conveniency
be
levied
upon
the
Commons
without
the
least
Intention
ef
bearing
any
proportionable
Share
themselves
,
several
Disputes
arose
,
and
many
sharp
Expressions
passed
between
them
and
the
Commons
.
The
Nobility
were
for
maintaining
their
ancient
Prerogative
of
paying
nothing
by
way
of
Tax
,
but
only
by
voluntary
Contribution
;
and
shewing
themselves
too
stiff
at
a
time
when
the
Country
was
exhausted
,
and
most
of
the
remaining
Riches
lodged
in
their
hands
:
They
seemed
to
make
use
of
this
Occasion
,
not
only
to
vindicate
,
but
even
to
widen
and
enlarge
their
Privileges
above
the
other
two
Estates
,
by
laying
Impositions
on
them
at
pleasure
,
which
Weight
they
themselves
woold
not
touch
with
one
of
their
Fingers
any
further
than
as
they
thought
fitting
,
On
the
other
hand
,
the
Clergy
for
their
late
adherence
to
the
Interest
of
their
Country
,
and
the
Burghers
for
the
vigorous
defence
of
their
City
thought
they
might
justly
pretend
to
new
merit
,
and
be
considered
at
least
as
good
Subjects
in
a
State
,
which
they
themselves
had
so
valiantly
defended
.
They
remembred
the
great
Promises
made
to
them
when
dangerous
Enterprises
were
to
be
taken
in
hand
,
and
how
successfully
they
had
executed
them
,
thereby
saving
from
a
foreign
Yoke
not
only
the
City
of
Copenhagen
,
but
the
whole
Kingdom
,
the
Royal
Family
,
nay
those
very
Nobles
that
now
dealt
so
hardly
with
them
:
They
judged
it
therefore
reasonable
that
the
sums
of
money
necessary
should
be
levied
proportionably
,
and
that
the
Nobility
who
enjoyed
all
the
Land
,
should
at
least
pay
their
share
of
the
Taxes
,
since
they
had
suffered
less
in
the
common
Calamity
as
well
as
done
less
to
prevent
the
Progress
of
it
.
These
Words
,
I
think
,
do
not
want
any
further
Observations
,
since
they
are
sufficiently
explained
by
what
I
have
said
before
concerning
the
Causes
of
this
Change
of
Government
,
and
mayrather
serve
as
a
Confirmation
of
what
has
been
alledged
there
concerning
this
point
.
I
wil
only
add
,
that
passage
(
also
related
by
the
Author
)
between
Otto
Craeg
one
of
the
chief
Senators
then
,
and
Nanson
the
then
President
of
the
City
of
Copenhagen
and
Speaker
of
the
Commons
.
For
Otto
Craeg
did
not
stick
to
tell
the
President
,
That
the
Commons
neither
understood
nor
considered
the
Priviledges
of
the
Nobility
,
who
at
all
times
had
been
exempted
from
Taxes
,
nor
the
true
Condition
of
themselves
who
were
no
other
than
Slaves
,
(
the
Word
in
the
Danish
is
Unfree
)
so
that
their
best
way
was
to
keep
within
their
Bounds
,
&c.
To
which
the
President
replied
,
That
the
Commons
were
no
Slaves
,
nor
would
from
thence
forth
called
so
by
the
Nobility
,
which
they
should
soon
prove
to
their
Cost
.
These
passages
alone
are
convincing
Arguments
how
Free
a
People
the
Danes
were
at
that
time
,
and
that
it
is
more
like
a
Romance
than
a
Truth
,
what
he
says
,
in
the
Conclusion
of
this
Chapter
,
That
the
Commons
have
since
experienced
,
that
the
little
Finger
of
an
absolute
Prince
can
be
heavier
than
the
Loins
of
many
Nobles
.
It
being
apparent
enough
,
out
of
what
has
been
said
upon
this
Subject
,
that
the
Estates
of
Denmark
were
not
only
treated
by
the
Nobles
as
Slaves
,
but
that
they
also
esteemed
them
as
such
;
and
that
things
were
come
to
that
pass
,
that
they
must
either
be
in
continual
Slavery
to
the
Nobility
at
home
,
and
in
fear
of
a
foreign
Yoak
from
their
Neighbours
,
or
else
strive
,
by
a
Change
in
the
Government
,
to
meliorate
in
some
measure
their
Condition
.
What
he
says
concerning
the
Citizens
of
Copenhagen
;
that
they
have
only
obtained
the
insignificant
Privilege
of
wearing
Swords
,
in
this
his
,
grav●
and
sensible
men
have
grossly
abused
him
.
For
not
to
mention
here
,
that
this
as
well
as
other
Priviledges
were
granted
to
them
before
the
change
of
Government
,
to
encourage
them
to
a
vigorous
Defence
at
the
time
of
the
Siege
of
Copenhagen
,
the
some
were
not
so
insignificant
:
For
besides
a
great
many
Privileges
for
the
benefit
of
Trade
,
a
Vote
was
allowed
them
in
all
publick
Consultations
;
a
Privilege
was
given
them
to
purchase
any
Lands
and
Lordships
whatsoever
,
and
to
enjoy
them
with
the
same
Right
as
the
Nobles
:
They
were
not
to
be
burthened
with
any
Impositions
,
but
such
as
the
Nobles
did
bear
;
and
not
that
,
but
by
publick
Consent
:
They
were
to
be
free
from
all
Contributions
or
Inquarterings
whatsoever
in
times
of
Peace
;
and
their
Children
were
to
be
admitted
to
all
Honours
and
publick
Offices
equally
with
Noble-Mens
Children
.
These
were
no
insignificant
Privileges
at
that
time
,
when
most
of
the
same
were
only
challenged
by
the
Nobility
;
and
since
the
purchasing
and
enjoying
of
Lands
,
as
also
their
being
capable
of
publick
Offices
and
Honours
,
have
also
after
the
Change
of
the
Government
been
communicated
to
the
rest
of
the
Subjects
in
Denmark
;
and
that
the
Nobles
bear
their
proportionable
Share
in
such
Taxes
as
the
Necessity
of
their
Affairs
obliges
them
to
pay
.
it
is
evident
that
the
Nobility
have
been
the
chief
Loosers
by
that
Change
,
and
that
the
other
Estates
,
by
being
very
near
made
equal
to
them
in
a
great
many
Respects
,
are
Gainers
and
not
Losers
by
it
.
I
might
take
here
an
Opportunity
to
enlarge
my self
upon
some
Rules
of
Policy
which
were
mentioned
by
our
Authour
upon
this
Subject
in
his
Preface
,
viz.
That
no
People
in
their
right
Wits
can
be
supposed
to
confer
an
absolute
Dominion
;
That
such
a
Donation
ought
to
be
esteemed
of
no
greater
Validity
than
the
Gift
made
by
a
Mad-man
,
or
a
Child
,
from
his
lawful
Successours
.
That
nothing
which
even
the
representative
Body
of
the
People
does
,
which
shall
afterward
tend
to
the
detriment
of
the
Universality
,
can
then
be
obligatory
,
&c.
But
that
these
are
Matters
of
too
nice
a
Nature
to
be
transitorily
treated
of
;
as
also
what
might
be
said
considering
the
manner
of
the
Proceedings
of
the
Commons
of
Denmark
(
related
by
the
Authour
at
large
)
when
they
obliged
the
Nobility
to
concurr
with
them
in
the
Change
of
the
Government
.
But
thus
much
may
be
said
according
to
this
Gentleman
's
own
Suppositions
,
that
if
even
some
Matters
,
which
the
representative
Body
of
the
People
does
,
may
be
invalid
,
I
see
no
Reason
why
it
should
not
be
justifiable
in
the
Commons
of
Denmark
to
have
taken
an
Opportunity
to
free
themselves
of
these
Incroachments
,
which
were
made
upon
them
by
the
Nobility
;
and
the
Matter
duely
weighed
,
will
,
I
believe
,
to
the
most
Judicious
,
appear
not
so
much
to
be
transacted
like
Children
or
Madmen
,
but
like
People
in
their
right
Wits
.
What
he
has
added
,
That
the
Clergy
were
the
only
Gainers
,
in
the
Point
,
is
,
I
am
sure
,
what
no
man
that
knows
Denmark
can
comprehend
,
they
having
not
gained
any
thing
by
it
,
what
they
had
not
before
,
but
what
all
the
rest
also
have
obtained
at
the
same
time
.
As
to
his
Passive
Obedience-Principle
riding
Triumphant
,
there
has
been
so
much
said
of
it
in
the
Preface
,
that
it
would
be
superfluous
to
repeat
it
here
.
In
the
next
Chapter
being
the
VIII
.
where
he
speaks
concerning
the
Condition
,
Customs
,
and
Temper
of
the
People
,
he
talks
of
such
appearances
of
Slavery
,
Laziness
,
and
idle
despondency
,
of
carelessness
and
insensibility
,
all
which
he
has
interwoven
with
his
own
Tragical
Inventions
,
that
one
would
rather
believe
the
whole
to
be
fitted
for
a
piece
of
Tragedy
,
than
History
;
it
would
be
ridiculous
therefore
to
answer
every
particular
Whimsical
Conceit
,
of
which
this
Chapter
is
almost
as
full
as
Hudibras
;
it
will
suffice
to
hint
at
two
or
three
passages
,
from
whence
may
be
guessed
,
with
what
candor
he
has
related
to
us
the
rest
.
One
instance
of
this
is
what
he
relates
,
That
there
is
no
buying
or
selling
of
Lands
here
,
and
tells
it
as
a
Miracle
,
That
some
Lands
were
sold
to
one
Monsieur
Taxera
a
rich
Jew
,
at
Hamburg
,
and
one
Monsieur
Marseilles
a
Dutch
Merchant
,
but
that
they
were
fain
to
take
these
Lands
for
Money
owing
to
them
from
the
King
:
As
what
concerns
the
first
,
I
am
apt
to
believe
,
I
have
it
from
as
Grave
and
Sensible
Men
as
his
could
be
,
and
besides
of
such
as
were
very
understanding
and
not
ignorant
in
this
matter
,
who
have
assured
me
,
that
this
Money
was
not
owing
to
Texera
from
the
King
,
neither
had
he
his
Lands
from
him
,
but
being
a
very
considerable
Debt
due
to
him
from
particulor
persons
in
Denmark
,
(
whom
I
could
name
if
I
thought
it
convenient
)
he
took
these
Lands
for
the
Payment
of
the
same
.
The
second
,
it
is
true
,
had
his
Lands
from
the
King
in
lieu
of
Money
owing
to
him
,
but
it
is
also
to
be
observed
,
that
he
having
been
Danish
Factor
at
Amsterdam
,
and
having
left
a
very
great
Estate
behind
him
,
it
is
supposed
he
had
got
the
greatest
part
of
it
by
his
Factorship
;
so
,
that
if
he
paid
somewhat
extraordinary
for
those
Lands
,
he
had
questionless
got
so
considerably
by
the
King
,
that
he
might
afford
to
buy
it
at
a
better
rate
than
another
would
do
.
And
truly
a
great
many
the
like
instances
might
be
given
in
other
Countries
also
,
and
if
they
were
represented
so
maliciously
as
these
have
been
,
they
would
perhaps
appear
worse
than
these
;
since
in
most
Countries
,
there
are
without
doubt
to
be
found
,
who
would
take
Lands
,
tho'
at
an
extraordinary
rate
,
where
Money
is
not
to
be
had
.
But
,
what
he
says
in
this
Chapter
concerning
the
Prodigality
not
only
of
the
Gentry
,
but
also
of
the
Burgers
and
Peasants
,
of
their
expensiveness
in
Coaches
,
Retinue
,
Cloathes
,
&c.
we
must
take
a
little
notice
of
,
and
put
him
in
mind
of
what
he
said
before
,
That
they
lived
very
miserably
;
but
these
contradictions
are
with
him
so
common
,
that
it
was
impossible
to
remember
them
all
;
I
will
only
add
,
that
it
is
to
their
too
free
and
expensive
way
of
living
,
and
the
Sumptuousness
especially
of
their
Weddings
,
Christnings
and
Burials
,
that
ought
to
be
ascribed
to
what
has
been
observed
;
That
the
People
in
general
,
are
not
so
rich
here
as
in
some
other
places
.
A
great
many
more
Observations
might
be
made
upon
his
malicious
way
of
representing
matters
in
this
Chapter
,
of
which
scarce
any
one
is
related
without
Passion
;
but
we
will
add
but
one
more
upon
what
he
says
concerning
the
Peasants
:
In
Zealand
,
says
he
,
they
are
all
as
absolute
Slaves
as
the
Negroes
are
in
Barbadoes
;
neither
they
,
nor
their
Posterity
,
to
all
Generations
,
can
leave
the
Land
,
to
which
they
belong
.
There
is
no
computing
there
by
number
of
Acres
,
but
by
number
of
Boors
,
who
with
all
that
belong
to
them
,
appertain
to
the
Proprietors
of
the
Land.
Yeamontry
,
which
is
the
strength
of
England
,
is
a
state
not
known
or
heard
of
in
Denmark
.
If
any
of
these
Wretches
prove
to
be
of
a
diligent
and
improving
temper
,
who
endeavours
to
live
a
little
better
than
his
Fellows
,
and
to
that
end
has
repaired
his
Farm-House
,
making
it
convenient
,
neat
,
or
pleasant
,
it
is
forty
to
one
,
but
he
is
presently
transplanted
from
thence
to
a
naked
and
uncomfortable
habitation
,
&c.
Here
is
the
full
and
true
account
of
the
Peasantry
in
Denmark
wherein
he
has
again
been
most
miserably
deceived
by
his
grave
and
sensible
men
,
that
instructed
him
.
For
that
they
are
as
aboluute
slaves
as
the
Negroes
,
in
this
as
well
as
in
the
rest
,
he
has
been
strangely
misinformed
:
The
Vassals
then
in
the
Islands
of
Zealand
,
Laland
,
Falster
,
and
Moenen
,
(
for
in
the
other
parts
of
Denmark
few
of
them
are
to
be
found
)
are
such
as
either
they
themselves
,
or
their
Fore-Fathers
,
have
by
paying
a
certain
Fine
to
Landlords
,
purchased
to
themselves
certain
Farm-Houses
and
Grounds
thereunto
belonging
,
under
Conditions
of
paying
certain
yearly
proportions
of
the
Product
of
the
Land
,
and
doing
some
other
petty
Services
to
the
Landlord
.
Now
it
being
sufficiently
known
to
all
that
understand
the
Rights
of
Vassalage
in
this
and
some
other
Countries
,
that
these
yearly
Contributions
out
of
the
Product
of
the
Lands
,
and
Services
to
be
done
to
the
Landlords
,
are
determined
by
most
antient
Laws
;
I
will
give
any
Man
leave
to
judge
,
with
what
sincerity
the
Author
has
described
to
us
the
State
of
the
Peasantry
:
He
might
as
well
say
,
that
these
in
England
and
all
their
Posterities
,
who
possess
Copy-holds
,
cannot
leave
the
Land
which
belongs
to
them
;
since
it
is
all
the
same
Case
,
only
that
here
we
have
power
to
sell
,
and
transfer
our
Right
to
another
,
which
cannot
be
done
there
,
without
the
consent
of
the
Landlord
;
but
for
the
rest
it
is
rather
esteemed
among
them
a
Priviledge
,
That
they
cannot
be
put
out
of
a
Farm
at
pleasure
,
which
Tye
is
by
the
Laws
of
these
Countries
made
reciprocal
,
betwixt
the
Landlord
and
Vassal
.
And
this
Tye
is
so
insignificant
in
this
Country
,
that
you
meet
with
frequent
Examples
,
not
only
of
such
as
for
the
value
of
three
pound
Sterling
,
buy
their
freedom
from
their
Landlords
,
but
also
a
great
many
Peasants
out
of
Jutland
,
Funen
and
other
Islands
,
where
they
are
not
Vassals
,
transplant
themselves
into
the
other
parts
,
and
by
paying
a
Fine
make
themselves
Vassals
;
they
finding
it
more
commodious
to
live
in
that
State
,
than
with
the
Title
of
Freeman
to
be
incontinual
fear
of
being
ruin'd
by
their
Landlords
,
if
they
do
not
pay
their
yearly
Rent
.
And
since
all
these
Peasants
are
possess'd
of
some
Lands
,
less
or
more
;
nothing
can
be
more
more
vain
than
what
he
endeavours
to
perswade
us
,
that
there
is
no
computing
there
by
Acres
,
but
by
Boors
.
And
as
it
is
not
in
the
Power
of
any
Landlord
to
remove
a
Peasant
from
his
Farm-house
,
without
his
consent
,
so
he
has
no
propriety
in
his
Goods
;
and
a
Peasant
now
,
that
has
got
any
thing
by
his
Industry
,
may
purchase
Lands
as
well
as
the
best
Nobleman
.
What
he
says
,
that
no
Yeomantry
is
there
,
is
also
of
the
same
Stamp
with
the
rest
;
since
in
those
parts
of
Denmark
,
where
the
Peasants
are
not
Vassals
(
as
it
is
not
in
the
most
part
of
that
Kingdom
)
there
are
to
this
day
Peasants
who
possess
Lands
by
right
of
Inheritance
,
and
the
rest
are
Tenants
by
paying
yearly
Rents
,
as
we
do
here
in
England
.
Another
Grievance
he
tells
us
of
Quartering
of
Souldiers
;
but
,
if
in
a
Country
where
Necessity
obliges
to
keep
a
Standing
Army
,
Souldiers
should
not
be
quartered
in
the
houses
of
the
Subjects
,
the
Souldiers
would
be
in
a
very
bad
Case
;
and
since
no
body
is
exempted
from
that
burthen
in
Denmark
,
and
that
by
paying
a
small
matter
you
may
keep
the
Inmate
from
your
Door
,
and
House
,
this
is
not
esteemed
so
burthensom
as
it
doth
appear
at
first
Sight
.
He
says
that
the
Tables
of
the
better
sort
are
well
furnished
with
Dishes
,
but
he
does
not
like
the
Cheer
:
Truly
it
is
no
new
thing
that
People
used
to
their
own
Country
Diet
,
do
not
like
that
of
other
Countries
:
Like
the
Kentish
Esquire
,
who
being
treated
in
France
with
such
Dainties
as
are
frequent
there
,
could
not
be
perswaded
to
stay
above
three
days
,
because
he
long'd
for
such
Apple-Dumplings
as
he
used
to
eat
at
his
Father's
House
;
and
yet
the
Cheer
may
be
nothing
the
worse
for
it
.
But
I
perceive
the
chief
want
was
in
Denmark
,
that
they
had
no
cramm'd
Capons
:
to
this
may
be
answer'd
,
that
in
Denmark
where
Corn
is
extraordinary
cheap
,
the
same
are
rather
fed
in
the
Houses
out
of
hand
as
they
call
it
;
and
it
is
also
notorious
,
that
the
same
,
as
well
in
other
,
as
this
Countrey
,
are
preferred
before
cramm'd
Fowl
,
except
by
some
that
are
particularly
fond
of
a
large
fat
London
Rump
.
In
the
mean
time
,
the
Danes
,
to
my
Knowledge
,
loving
a
dainty
Bit
as
well
as
any
body
,
would
have
been
very
much
obliged
to
this
Gentleman
if
he
would
have
vouehsafed
to
have
set
his
Name
to
this
Treatise
,
that
,
sometimes
over
a
Glass
of
Wine
and
fat
Capon
,
they
might
have
celebrated
in
after
Ages
(
as
they
do
with
their
Geese
on
Martin's
Eve
)
the
Memory
of
him
in
whose
days
the
Mystery
of
Cramming
tame
Fowl
was
first
reveal'd
and
establish'd
at
Copenhagen
.
The
next
relation
he
makes
of
a
Country
woman
that
would
not
sell
him
Green-Geese
to
his
Company
,
he
gives
us
as
an
instance
of
their
simplicity
and
superstition
;
for
a
Week
after
she
brought
four
to
them
,
saying
,
That
she
had
had
no
luck
with
them
,
since
the
Kite
had
eat
Eight
of
them
.
A
most
remarkable
History
to
prove
the
simplicity
of
a
whole
,
or
at
least
the
greatest
part
of
a
Nation
;
it
being
evident
that
in
the
most
civilized
Nations
,
some
Country
People
are
soon
surprized
at
any
thing
that
is
new
to
them
,
and
generally
addicted
to
their
little
superstitious
Fancies
.
And
yet
,
I
can
affirm
it
,
that
I
have
eat
about
the
beginning
of
June
,
in
the
King
of
Denmark●
Territories
(
though
not
in
Copenhagen
)
as
delicious
Green
Geese
at
a
Gentleman's
Seat
,
as
ever
I
eat
any
where
else
.
And
I
remember
a
certain
Frenchman
living
in
these
parts
,
who
having
a
particular
way
of
feeding
Capons
,
used
to
sell
them
at
10s
.
Sterling
a
piece
.
But
leaving
these
Tri●les
;
we
must
return
to
other
more
serious
Matters
.
The
two
next
following
Chapters
containing
a
particular
Recital
of
the
King's
Revenue
,
and
of
the
Army
,
Fleet
and
Fortresses
;
little
can
be
added
to
it
of
any
Moment
,
but
only
to
put
the
Reader
in
mind
,
that
if
an
equitable
Ballance
be
made
betwixt
the
said
Revenue
,
and
the
Number
of
Land
and
Sea-forces
;
as
also
of
the
Fortresses
and
their
Charge
:
It
will
from
thence
be
evident
,
how
unjustly
the
Author
has
dealt
with
us
,
when
he
endeavoured
to
perswade
us
,
that
the
Taxes
in
Denmark
were
the
Effects
of
an
absolute
Government
,
and
that
little
regard
was
had
there
in
the
occasion
of
them
.
The
eleventh
Chapter
treat
,
of
the
Court
,
wherein
you
may
meet
with
so
many
Extravagancies
,
that
it
would
be
endless
to
pretend
to
refute
them
.
He
make
bold
with
the
King
and
Royal
Family
;
he
pretends
to
tell
you
what
is
commendable
or
not
in
them
:
As
for
the
Ministers
of
State
,
he
describes
their
H●mors
,
Capacities●
and
other
Qualifications
to
a
hair
;
as
if
he
(
like
the
Turkish-Spy
)
had
dived
into
the
most
obstruse
Secrets
of
them
.
I
know
,
that
boldness
(
like
action
in
an
Orator
)
takes
often-times
much
more
with
the
vulgar
Sort
of
People
,
than
true
Sense
;
but
when
it
transcends
all
the
Rules
of
Decency
,
and
Reason
it self
,
it
cannot
but
be
odious
to
all
,
who
are
lovers
of
Moderation
and
Truth
.
This
Gentleman
must
have
a
very
mean
Opinion
of
the
Capacity
of
the
English
(
though
questionless
he
has
a
very
calm
ordinary
one
of
his
own
)
to
perswade
himself
,
that
his
vain
and
confident
Assertions
could
ensnare
the
more
judicious
Sort
into
a
belief
,
that
a
nameless
Romantick
Politician
,
who
has
committed
so
many
Errors
,
(
and
some
of
them
very
obvio●s
,
even
to
Men
of
indifferent
parts
and
knowledge
)
in
this
Treatise
,
ought
to
be
taken
for
a
proper
Judge
of
the
Qualifications
and
Conditions
of
a
whole
Court.
What
he
lays
concerning
his
Majesty
,
the
present
King
of
Denmark
,
that
he
neither
loves
,
nor
has
a
Genius
for
business
,
must
needs
seem
the
oddest
Assertion
that
can
be
to
those
,
who
have
seen
and
known
,
with
what
Activity
that
King
appears
everywhere
,
how
seldom
he
is
absent
from
his
Council
,
when
any
matter
of
Moment
is
in
debate
,
and
how
he
in
Person
assists
frequently
in
the
highest
Court
of
Justice
,
and
there
takes
particular
notice
of
the
matters
in
Controversie
.
Of
his
Excellency
Guldinlieu
,
he
speaks
much
to
the
same
purpose
,
as
that
he
loves
his
Divertisements
rather
than
to
embark
himself
deep
in
the
publick
Affairs
,
when
it
is
known
to
all
who
understand
the
Danish
Court
;
that
,
as
it
cannot
be
denied
,
but
that
this
great
Person
understands
the
enjoyment
of
pleasures
,
so
he
never
addicts
himself
to
them
,
so
much
as
to
neglect
the
publick
Business
;
What
he
has
also
said
of
his
having
burnt
his
Fingers
en●
some
occurrences
,
and
that
King
Frederick
his
Father
thought
once
of
making
him
King
of
Norway
,
cannot
be
look'd
upon
by
unbiass'd
Persons
,
who
are
acquainted
with
the
Affairs
of
Denmark
,
otherwise
than
an
unanswerable
Slander
forged
by
his
grave
and
sensible
Men.
If
we
should
take
notice
of
all
particulars
of
this
kind
,
which
according
to
his
whimsical
fancies
he
has
related
of
the
Ministers
of
State
,
it
would
exceed
the
compass
of
these
Remarks
.
One
thing
I
cannot
but
hint
at
,
which
is
the
too
much
reservedness
of
Mons
:
Ehrenshild
,
so
much
ridiculed
by
this
Gentleman
,
in
calling
him
patrem
difficultatum
and
alledging
his
celapeut
estre
,
as
a
great
Infirmity
,
when
by
all
refined
Politicians
reservedness
has
been
always
look'd
upon
in
a
States
Man
,
much
preferable
before
a
forward
Confidence
;
the
first
being
commonly
the
product
of
a
far
seeing
prudence
with
the
latter
,
the
effect
of
a
conceited
Vanity
.
There
is
another
pretty
Notion
in
this
Chapter
,
which
we
must
not
pass
by
in
silence
,
viz.
That
he
compares
the
Court
of
Denmark
rather
to
some
of
our
Noblemen's
in
England
than
White-Hall
;
and
,
that
upon
a
Sunday
an
hour
before
Dinner
(
being
the
rightest
Court
Time
)
the
number
of
such
as
appear
in
the
Antichambre
and
Bedchambre
seldom
amount
to
above
20
or
30.
I
will
put
it
to
the
Judgmnnt
of
any
sensible
Body
,
that
will
compute
only
these
Officers
of
the
Court
by
him
named
;
(
besides
others
,
as
Lords
of
the
Bed-Chamber
,
Gentlemen
of
the
Privy-Chamber
;
The
Queens
Attendance
,
and
others
not
mentioned
)
the
considerable
Number
of
Superiour
Officers
in
the
Army
and
Fleet
;
And
more
especially
.
if
any
one
will
take
the
pains
so
peruse
the
Proclamation
of
the
King
of
Denmark
,
inserted
by
the
Author
,
concerning
Precedency
of
the
several
Officers
both
Civil
and
Military
,
as
also
what
this
Author
ha●
said
before
,
concerning
their
Sumptuousness
of
Apparel
and
Equipage
;
and
compare
all
this
with
what
he
says
now
concerning
the
Court
,
whether
it
have
as
much
as
a
Probability
of
Truth
in
it
.
Much
the
same
Allowance
must
be
given
to
what
he
says
,
concerning
that
most
sumptuous
and
magnificent
Palace
of
the
K.
of
Denmark
,
called
Fredericksburg
,
which
being
computed
to
have
cost
at
least
a
Million
Sterl
.
he
says
,
falls
short
of
many
Noblemens
Country
Houses
in
England
.
It
is
hard
,
that
,
to
verifie
his
Assertion
,
he
would
not
name
one
of
them
;
since
all
that
ever
I
could
meet
with
,
who
knew
Fredericksburg
,
and
have
also
been
in
a
great
many
Noblemen's
Seats
in
England
,
do
unanimously
take
this
for
a
most
unaccountable
Rodomontado
.
But
these
Remarks
having
increased
in
bulk
beyond
our
Intention
,
we
will
not
insist
upon
what
he
says
in
the
12th
and
14th
Chapters
,
concerning
the
Inclinations
of
the
King
of
Denmark
towards
his
Neighbours
,
as
also
of
his
Interests
in
relation
to
other
Princes
,
since
a
great
deal
may
easily
be
said
,
but
scarce
any
thing
be
determined
,
in
matters
of
this
nature
:
But
in
Chap.
13th
,
where
he
treats
of
the
Differences
which
some
years
ago
were
betwixt
Denmark
and
the
Duke
of
Holstein
Gottorp
;
he
has
shown
himself
very
partial
in
not
mentioning
the
true
Cause
of
these
proceedings
.
One
of
the
chiefest
was
(
not
to
mention
others
)
that
the
Duke
of
Holstein
Gottorp
,
holding
that
part
of
Sleswick
which
he
possesses
as
a
Feef
of
Denmark
;
notwithstanding
this
,
having
been
assisting
to
the
Swedes
in
the
subduing
of
the
greatest
part
of
Denmark
,
at
the
Treaty
at
Roschild
,
1658.
had
forced
the
K.
of
Denmark
to
declare
him
independent
of
that
Crown
,
to
maintain
which
he
had
ever
since
been
in
the
Interest
of
Swedeland
.
I
do
not
therefore
see
,
how
the
King
of
Denmark
,
with
Justice
could
be
blamed
to
recover
his
Just
Right
.
And
when
he
saw
a
fair
Prospect
of
being
even
with
Swedeland
,
for
what
they
taken
from
his
Crown
,
to
begin
with
drawing
out
first
that
Thorn
which
stuck
so
close
to
him
,
that
without
being
freed
from
it
,
he
could
not
have
promised
to
himself
the
same
Success
as
he
afterwards
had
against
the
Swedes
.
In
the
Fifteenth
Chapt.
treating
of
the
Laws
and
Courts
of
Justice
,
as
things
are
indifferently
well
related
;
so
we
will
go
on
to
the
Sixteenth
Chapter
,
where
the
State
of
Religion
,
of
the
Clergy
,
and
Learning
is
represented
;
the
greatest
part
of
this
being
taken
up
with
railing
against
the
Clergy
;
upon
which
Point
we
have
said
enough
in
the
Preface
;
we
only
will
only
put
him
in
mind
,
That
Learning
is
not
at
so
low
an
Ebb
,
but
that
lately
Denmark
has
had
its
Puffendorf
,
a
Man
to
be
compared
to
the
best
of
our
Age
;
and
that
if
I
had
a
mind
to
speak
of
the
Living
,
I
could
name
him
some
,
who
would
be
able
to
give
other
Proofs
of
their
Learning
,
than
our
Author
has
done
in
this
Treatise
,
though
he
pretends
to
be
much
beyond
the
common
Sort
:
I
will
add
but
a
few
Words
concerning
what
he
says
,
That
a
Popish
Chappel
,
permitted
to
be
built
at
Gluckstadt
,
has
been
the
first
there
since
the
Reformation
;
that
to
my
Knowledge
at
least
twenty
Years
ago
,
not
only
Popish
Chapels
,
but
also
of
most
other
Religions
;
as
of
Calvinists
,
Independents
,
Anabaptists
,
&c.
have
been
erected
at
Altena
,
a
place
near
Hamburgh
,
where
these
several
Sorts
of
Religions
are
tolerated
;
but
no
religious
service
allow'd
them
.
At
Fredericia
also
a
free
Exercise
of
Religion
has
been
allowed
a
great
many
Years
ago
,
which
are
two
convincing
Instances
;
that
this
Gentleman
having
been
deceived
by
his
grave
and
sensible
Men
,
has
given
us
a
great
many
things
for
a
confessed
Truth
,
which
he
had
not
sufficiently
been
instructed
in
.
But
to
come
to
the
Conclusion
:
The
Author
in
this
whole
Book
having
been
so
abounding
every
where
with
his
own
Fancies
,
and
new
Model'd
Opinions
has
been
the
Occasion
,
that
these
Remarks
are
increased
beyond
intention
;
if
every
thing
should
have
been
but
touched
upon
,
there
would
have
been
matter
sufficient
for
a
very
large
Book
;
But
to
have
examined
in
particular
,
all
his
speculative
Assertions
,
would
have
required
whole
Volumes
.
'T
is
for
this
reason
that
I
have
been
obliged
to
let
a
great
many
of
less
moment
slip
by
untouched
;
and
as
to
these
of
more
consequence
,
I
have
treated
of
them
with
as
much
brevity
as
the
nature
matter
would
permit
:
Since
by
hinting
only
the
Heads
,
and
referring
my
Reader
to
the
true
Ancient
History
it self
.
I
did
not
question
but
the
more
curious
would
take
an
opportunity
to
compare
the
same
,
both
with
the
Author's
Suppositions
,
and
the
historical
Account
it self
.
What
he
has
related
of
such
matters
as
are
not
extant
in
Histories
;
wherein
the
sacred
Laws
of
History
have
obliged
me
to
contradict
his
ill-grounded
Relation
,
I
will
only
say
thus
much
:
That
as
the
Kingdom
of
Denmark
is
very
well
known
to
me
,
so
I
am
sure
I
have
related
nothing
,
but
what
I
not
only
very
well
know
,
but
also
can
easily
prove
,
by
unquestionable
Witnesses
who
are
not
ashamed
to
own
their
Names
.
And
if
this
Gentleman's
Friends
,
who
instructed
him
had
had
a
little
less
Gravity
,
but
somewhat
more
Knowledge
in
these
Affairs
,
which
they
pretended
to
understand
,
we
might
questionless
have
expected
a
more
fair
Account
of
Denmark
.
FINIS
.
Notes, typically marginal, from the original text
Notes for div A35311-e710
Symb.
CAROLI
IV.
Imp
,
Optimum
est
alienâ
insaniâ
frui
.
Liv.
Hist
Rom.
lib.
44.
c.
22.
Dialogue
betwixt
Whigg
and
Tory.
p.
258
,
260
,
261
,
262.
Concilia
Theologica
Witten●errica
Francofurt
ad
Moenum
.
Pag.
94
Vid.
Georgii
Dedekennii
Thesaurum
consilior
.
Theol
.
&
jurid
.
Edit
.
per
Job
.
Ernest.
Gerhard
.
Jen.
1671.
Hector
.
Gothofred
.
Masii
Theol
.
D.
&
Prof.
P.
in
acad.
Hafn.
Interesse
Principum
circa
religionem
Evangelicam
ad
sereniss
.
ac
potentiss
Daniae
Regem
.
Hafniae
.
1687
Formal
,
Exorcism
,
Leave
this
Child
,
thou
unclean
Spirit
,
and
give
place
to
the
Holy
Ghost
!
1674.
2.
Supplicat
.
Fas
non
est
vel
publicum
religionis
exercitium
,
lege●
,
aut
constitutiones
Ecclesiasticas
hactenus
ibi
receptas
,
templa
,
scholas
,
hospitalia
aut
eo
per●inentes
reditus
,
pensione
,
stipendia
prioribus
adimere
,
suorumque
Sacrorum
hominibus
applicare
,
vel
juris
territorialis
.
Episcopalis
,
patronatus
,
aliove
quocunque
praetextu
subditis
ministros
alterins
confessionis
obtrudere
,
ullumve
aliud
impedimentum
aut
praejudicium
directe●
vel
indirecte
alterius
sacris
afferre
.
Pac.
Osnabrug
.
Instrument
.
§.
7.
*
Hamburgh
.
Perdam
Babylonis
homen
.
Grammon
●
Hist.
Ga●
,
lib.
xv
.
An.
167●
.
Important
Considerations
writien
by
the
Secular
Priests
,
p.
4
Vertumnus
Romanus
.
Jesuites
Reasons
unreasonable
.
Letters
Card.
d'●fs●
.
p.
2.
lib.
7.
8.
n.
162.
Letter
of
Father
Peter
Walsh
of
the
Order
of
St.
Francis
1674.
Hamborrough
.
Dicd
.
l.
1.
sect
2.
Cic.
l.
1.
Divinat
.
Puffendorff
.
de
habit
.
relig
.
ad
vit
.
civil
Quam
ob
causam
populus
Judaicas
salva
sua
religione
cum
alia
civitate
plene
coalescere
non
potuit
,
unde
sicut
religio
Judaica
statue
fuit
coaeva
,
codem
tempore
ac
volumine
sancitis
legibus
,
circa
sacra
&
civilia
.
Ita
&
religio
Judaica
implicita
fuit
,
ut
illa
huic
superstes
esse
non
posset
.
Sicut
destructio
templi
&
eversio
Reip●
certissimum
indicium
sit
abolitae
religionis
Judaicae
.
Cic.
de
Orator
.
l.
1.
Magno
conatu
magnas
nugas
agere
.
Diod.
lib.
1.
●
.
2.
Herodot
.
lib.
2.
Plat.
in
Tim.
a
Cic.
pro
L.
Flacc.
Tribuo
Graecis
literas
,
do
multarum
artium
disciplinam
,
non
adimo
sermonis
leporem
,
ingeniorum
acumen
,
dicendi
copiam
:
denique
etiam
,
si
quae
alia
sibi
sumunt
,
non
repugno
:
testimoniorum
religionem
&
fidem
nunquam
ista
natio
coluit
:
to●iusque
bujus
rei
,
quae
sit
vis
,
quae
auctoritas
,
quod
pondus
,
ignorant
.
Ibid
b
Qu●m
in
the
atro
imperiti
komines
rerum
●●nnium
rudes
ignarique
consederant
,
tum
bella
inutilia
suscipiebant
,
tum
sediticsos
homines
Reip.
praeficiebant
,
tum
optime
meritos
cives
è
civitate
ejiciebant
.
c
Cic.
de
Orator
.
lib.
1.
Quantum
praestiterint
majores
nostri
prudentia
caeteris
gentibus
,
tumfacillime
quisque
intelliget
,
si
cum
Graecoruni
Lycurgo
&
Dracone
&
Solone
nostras
leges
conferre
voluerit
.
Incredibile
est
enim
,
quam
sit
omne
jus
civile
,
praeter
nostrum
,
inconditum
ac
pene
ridiculum
.
Cic.
Tuscul.
quaest
.
l.
1.
Omnia
Romani
aut
invenere
per
se
sapientius
,
quam
Graeci
,
aut
accepta
ab
iliis
fecere
meliora
,
quae
quidem
digna
statuissent
,
in
quibus
elaborarent
.
Remp.
nostri
majores
certe
melioribus
tempera●verunt
&
institutis
&
legibus
quam
Graect
.
d
De
orat
.
l.
2.
Seculis
multis
ante
Gymnasia
inven●a
sunt
,
quam
in
his
Philosophi
garrire
●●perunt
.
e
De
orat
.
lib.
3.
Graeci
aliqui
doctores
pervulgata
praecepta
decantant
,
quum
ipsi
nunquam
forum
,
nunquam
ullum
judicium
aspexerint
.
f
Cic
,
de
legib
.
lib.
1.
Gellius
,
quum
proconsul
,
expraetura
in
Graeciam
venisset
,
Athenis
Philosophos
,
qui
tum
erant
,
in
locum
unum
convocaevit
,
ipsisque
magnopere
author
fuit
,
ut
aliquando
controversiarum
aliquem
facerent
modum
;
quod
si
essent
co-animo
ut
nollent
aetatem
in
litibus
conter●re
,
posse
rem
convenire
,
&
.
simul
operam
suam
illis
est
pollicitus
,
si
posset
,
inter
eos
,
aliquid
convenire
.
Cic.
de
sini●
.
l.
5.
Cic.
l.
offic
.
1.
Lacedaemonios
,
classe
ill●
a
rissa
,
aliam
ptrare
posse
,
se
fugere
sine
de●ocere
non
posse
.
Des
Cartes
.
a
Cic.
lib.
1.
de
Orat.
Romae
profecto
nulla
unquam
vehementius
,
quam
eloquentiae
studia
viguerunt
.
Nam
posteaquam
imperio
omnium
gentium
constituto
,
diuturnitas
pacis
otium
confirmavi●
:
nemo
fere
laudis
cupidus
adolescens
,
non
sibi
ad
dicendum
studio
omni
enitendum
putavit
.
Ac
primo
quidem
totius
rei
ignari
,
qui
neque
exercitationis
ullam
viam
,
neque
aliquod
praeceptum
artis
esse
arbitrarentur
,
tantum
,
quantum
ingenio
&
coginatione
poterant
,
consequebantur
.
Post
autem
audicis
oratoribus
Graecis
,
cognitisque
torum
literis
adhibitisque
doctoribus
,
incredibili
quodam
dicendi
studio
,
●ostri
homines
flagraverunt
.
b
lib.
1.
offic
.
Quorum
patres
aut
majores
aliqua
gloria
praestiverunt
,
corum
plerique
in
eo
genere
laudis
student
excellere
;
Ut
Q.
Decius
Publii
silius
,
in
jure
civili
:
Pauli
filius
Africanus
in
re
militari
.
c
Pro
P.
Sext.
Imitemur
nostros
Brutos
,
Camillos
,
Decios
,
Curios
,
F●bilcios
,
Maximos
,
Scipiones
,
Lentulos
,
AEmilios
,
innumerabilesq
alios
,
qu
:
Romanam
Remp.
Stabiliverunt
.
●●●●
Philip.
p.
5.
Legibus
●●●●●●
,
cum
grandiorem
●●●●●●
ad
consulatum
Rom●●●●●uebant
,
adolescentiae
●●●●●●rem
verebantur
.
d
Cic.
lib.
1.
Offic.
Carneades
dicebat
,
eos
qui
Rhetores
nominarentur
,
&
qui
dicendi
praecepta
traderent
,
nihil●
plane
tenere
.
Mnesarchus
hos
,
quos
nos
oratores
votaremas
,
nihil
esse
dicebat
,
nisi
quosdam
operarios
,
lingua
celeri
&
exercitata
,
oratorem
autem
,
nisi
qui
sapiens
esset
,
esse
neminem
.
O
Urbem
venalen
.
●●
si
modo
emptorem
invenisset
.
Cic.
Catilinar
.
2.
e
Cic.
pro
leg
.
Manil.
Quemenim
poss●mus
imperatorem
aliquo
in
numero
putare
,
cujus
inexe●rcitu
veneant
centuriatus
,
atque
venierint
?
Quid
hunc
hominem
magnum
aut
amplum
cogitare
de
rep
.
qui
pecuniam
ex
aerario
deprompt●m
ad
bellum
administrandum
,
a●t
propter
cupiditatem
provinciae
magistratibus
diviserit
,
a●t
propter
avaritiam
Romae
in
quaestu
reliquerit
?
Vestra
admurmuratio
facit
,
Quirites
,
ut
agnoscere
videamini
qui
haec
fecerint
.
Ego
autem
neminem
nomino
.
Quare
mihi
irasci
nemo
poterit
,
nisi
qui
ante
de
se
voluerit
confiteri
.
Itaque
propter
hanc
avaritiam
imperatorum
quantas
calamitates
,
quocunque
ventum
sit
,
nostri
exercitus
ferant
,
quis
ignorat
?
Itinera
quae
per
hosce
annos
in
Italia
per
agros
atque
oppida
civium
Romanorum
imperatores
fecerunt
,
recordamini
:
tum
facilius
statuetis
,
quid
apud
exteras
nationes
fieri
existimetis
.
Utinam
plures
arbitramini
per
hosces
annos
militum
vestrorum
armis
hostium
urbe
,
an
hibernis
,
sociorum
civitates
esse
deletas
?
Negue
enim
exercitum
potest
is
continere
imperator
,
qui
seipsum
non
continet
;
neque
severus
esse
in
judicando
,
qui
alios
in
se
severos
esse
judices
non
vult
.
a
Lib.
3.
dooffic
.
Pythius
,
&
omnes
aliud
agentes
,
aliud
simulantos
,
persidiimprobi
,
molitiosi
sunt
.
Nullum
igitur
eorum
factum
potest
esse
utile
,
cu
●
sit
tot
vitiis
inquinatum
.
b
Cic.
lib.
2.
Divinat
.
Vetus
illud
Catonis
admodum
scitum
est
,
qui
mirari
se
aiebat
,
quod
non
rideret
aruspex
,
aruspicem
cum
vi
diss
.
Rex
Prusias
cum
apud
eum
Annibali
exulanti
pugnore
placeret
,
negaba●
se
audere
,
quod
exta
prohiberent
.
An
tu
,
inquit
,
●●
unculae
vitulinae
mavis
quam
veteri
Imperatori
credere
?
a
Err●s
,
mi
Lucili
,
si
existima
;
nostri
seculi
esse
vitium
luxuriam
&
negligentiam
boni
moris
&
alia
quae
objicit
suis
quisque
temporibus
.
Hominum
suns
ista
non
tempor●m
:
Nulla
aetas
v●cavit
à
culpa
;
Et
si
aestimare
licentiam
cujusque
seculi
incipi●s
,
pudet
dicere
,
nunquam
●pertius
,
quam
coram
Catione
peccatum
est
.
Cic.
ad
Attic.
l.
Ep.
1.
Cato
optimo
animo
utens
&
summa
side
,
nocet
incerdum
Reip.
Dicit
enim
●anquam
in
Platonis
politia
,
non
tanquam
in
Romuli
faece
,
sententi●●●
.
b
Cic
,
lib.
2.
de
inven●
.
Dex
Graecorum
:
Qui
tyranum
occiderit
,
Olympionicorum
praemium
capito
,
&
quam
voldt
sibi
rem
à
mag●stratu
deposcito
,
&
magistratus
ei
concedito
.
b
Cic
,
lib.
2.
de
inven●
.
Dex
Graecorum
:
Qui
tyranum
occiderit
,
Olympionicorum
praemium
capito
,
&
quam
voldt
sibi
rem
à
mag●stratu
deposcito
,
&
magistratus
ei
concedito
.
c
Senec.
Hercul
Fur.
Victima
haud
ulla
amplior
potest
magisque
opima
mact●ri
Jovi
,
quam
R●n
iniquus
.
Notes for div A35311-e8580
a
Caesar.
lib.
4.
De
Bello
Galico
Sueviorum
Gens
bellico
sissima
Germano●●
omnium
;
Iri
centum
pagos
baber
dicuntur
:
Ex
quibus
quotannis
singuli
miliae
armatorum
bellandi
causae
,
suis
ex
finibus
educunt
.
eliqui
domi
manent
.
Pro
se
atque
illis
Colunt
.
sed
privati
&
separati
agri
apud
eos
nihil
est
:
Neque
longius
an●o
remanere
uno
in
loco
incole●dicausa
,
licet
.
Neque
multum
frumento
,
sed
maxim●●
partem
lacte
atque
pecore
vivunt
multumque
sunt
in
v●nationnibus
.
Que
res
&
cibi
genere
&
quotidiana
exercitatione
&
libertate
visa●
(
quod
a
pueris
nullo
officio
●●●
disciplina
assue
facti
nihil
o●●
nino
contra
voluntatem
faciant
)
&
vires
alit
&
immani
corporum
magnitudine
efficit
.
b
Corn
Tacit.
de
morib
.
Germ.
De
minoribusrebus
principes
consultant
,
de
majoribus
omnes
,
ita
tamen
ut
ea
quoque
,
quorum
penes
plebem
arbitrium
est
,
apud
principes
pertractentur
.
Illud
ex
libertate
vitium
,
quod
non
semel
nec
just
conveniunt
,
sed
&
alter
&
tertius
dies
cunctatione
coeuntium
absumitur
.
Ut
turba
placuit
,
considunt
armati
.
Mox
Rex
vel
Princeps
,
prout
aetas
cuique
,
prout
nobilitas
,
●prout
decus
bettorum
,
prout
facundia
est
,
audiuntur
austoritate
seadenda
magis
,
quamjubendi
potestate
.
Si
displicuit
sententia
,
fremit●
aspernatur
,
sin
placuit
frame
as
asconcutiunt
.
Licet
apud
concilium
accusare
quoque
&
discrimen
capitis
intendere
.
c
Ibid.
(
c.
)
Reges
ex
nobilitate
,
duces
ex
virtute
sumunt
.
Et
duces
exemplo
quotius
,
quam
imperio
,
si
prompti
sint
,
si
comspicui
,
si
ant●aciem
agant
,
admiratione
praesunt
.
Caeterum
neque
animadvertere
,
neque
vincire
,
neque
verberare
quidem
,
nisi
Sacerdotibus
,
permissum
.
d
ibid.
Nullus
Germanorum
populis
urbes
habitari
,
satis
notum
est
,
ne
pati
quidem
inter
se
junctas
sedes
.
Colunt
discreti
ac
divers●
ut
fons
,
nt
campus
,
ut
nemus
,
placuit
.
Vicos
locant
non
in
nostrum
morem
,
connexis
&
cobaerentibus
aedificiis
.
Suam
qnifque
domum
spatiocirsumdat
.
Liv.
Hists
Rom.
lib.
21.
24
,
28.
Caes.
lib.
do
bell
.
Hisp.
Liv.
Hist.
Rom.
Lib.
27.
C.
19.
Cricumfusa
inde
multitudo
Hispanorum
&
ante
deditorum
&
pridie
captorum
Regem
eum
ingenti
consensu
appellavi●
Tum
Scipo
,
silent
to
per
praeconem
facto
,
sibi
maximum
nomen
Imperatoris
esse
,
dixit
,
quo
se
milites
sui
appellassent
.
Regium
nomen
alibi
magnum
,
Ramae
intolerabile
ad
esse
.
Regalem
animum
in
seesse
;
si
id
in
hominis
ingenio
amplissimum
ducerent
,
tacitè
judicarent
;
Vocisusurpatione
abstinerent
.
Sensere
etiam
barbari
magnitudinem
animi
:
Cujus
miraculo
nominis
alii
mortaleos
stuperent
,
tam
alto
fast
igio
aspernantis
.
Dona
inde
Regulis
principibusque
Hispanor●●
divisa
,
&
ex
magna
copia
captorum
equorum
trecentos
.
equos
el●gere
judibilem
jussit
.
Caes.
de
bell
.
Gall.
Lib.
1.
2.
3.
Caes.
bell
,
Gall.
lib.
1.
2.
a
Caes.
bell
.
Gall.
lib.
1.
In
castris
Helvetiorum
tabule
repertae
sunt
liter
is
Graeeis
confectae
&
ad
Caesarem
perlatae
,
quibus
in
tabulis
nominatim
ratio
confecta
erat
,
qui
numerus
domo
exisset
eorum
,
qui
arma
ferre
possent
,
&
item
separatim
pueri
,
senes
,
mulieresque
,
&c.
b
Caes.
lib.
2.
bell
.
Gall.
De
numero
corum
omniase
habere
explorata
Rhemi
dicebant
,
propter●à
quod
propinquitatibus
affinitatibusque
conjuncti
,
quantam
,
quisque
multitudinem
in
Belgarum
communi
concilio
ad
id
bellum
,
pollicitus
sit
,
cognoverint
.
Suessones
suos
esse
finitimos
latissimos
;
feracissimosque
agros
possidere
.
Apud
eos
fuisse
regem
nostra
etiam
memoria
Divitiacum
totius
Galli●e
Potentissimum
,
qui
qu●●
magnae
parti●
harum
Region●m
,
tum
etiam
Britanniae
Imperium
obtinuer●t●
nune
esse
Regem
Galbam
:
Ad
hunc
proter
justitiam
prudentiam
que
summani
totius
●e●i●
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
voluntate
doferri
.
c
Caesar.
lib.
1.
bell●
Gall.
Orat.
ad
Ariovist●
Multa
à
Caesare
in
cam
sententiam
dicta
sunt
,
quare
negotio
desistere
non
posset
,
&
neque
suam
neque
Populi
Rom.
consuetudinem
pati
,
ut
optime
meritos
socios
desereret
;
neque
se
putare
Galliam
esse
potius
Ariouisti
quam
Populi
Rom.
bello
superatos
esse
Arvernos
&
Rutenos
à
Q●
Fabio
Maximo
,
quibus
Populus
Rom.
ignovisset
,
neque
in
provinciam
redegisset
,
neque
stipendium
imposuisset
.
Quod
si
antiquissimum
quodque
tempus
spectare
oporteret
,
Populi
Rom.
justissimum
esse
in
Gallia
Imperium
;
si
judicium
Senatus
ser●ari
aporteret
,
liberam
esse
debere
Galliam
,
quam
bello
victam
suis
legibus
uti
vol●isset
.
d
Caes.
lib.
5.
bell
,
Gall.
Concilio
Gallorum
Sambrigiae
peracto
quod
eo
anno
frumentum
in
Gallia
,
propter
sic●itates
angustius
provenerat
,
coactus
est
aliter
acsuperioribus
annis
,
excrcitum
in
hybernis
collocare
,
legionesque
in
plures
Civitates
distribuere
,
&c.
Unam
legionem
,
quam
proximè
trans
Padum
conscripserat
,
&
Cohortes
V.
in
Eburones
,
quorum
pars
maxima
est
inter
Mosam
&
Rhenum
,
qui
suo
Imperio
.
Ambiorigis
&
Catavulci
erant
,
misit
.
e
Tacitus
de
moribus
Germanor
.
(
e
)
Ubii
transgressi
olim
&
experimento
fidei
super
ipsam
Rheni
ripam
collocati
,
ut
arcerent
,
non
ut
custodir●ntur
.
Omnium
harum
gentium
praecipue
Bata●●
non
multum
ex
ripa
,
sed
insulam
Rheni
amnis
colunt
.
Manet
honos
&
antiquae
societatis
insigne
;
Nam
nec
tributis
contemnuntur
,
nec
publicanus
atterit
,
&c.
a
Meurs
.
hist.
Dan.
part
1.
lib.
3.
Factus
igitur
Rex
Sueno
,
quem
Canuti
M.
nepotem
Dant
non
amore
aliquo
ducti
,
sed
necessitate
coacti
,
quià
è
prosapia
Regia
nemo
alius
superesset
,
Regem
sibi
elegerunt
.
Pontan
Rer.
Dan.
Hist.
Lib.
5.
sed
Sueno
ex
sorore
,
ut
indicavimus
,
Canuti
M.
genitus
,
solus
se
Magni
conatibus
objecit
,
fretus
non
tam
amicorum
praesidiis
,
quam
sua
virtute
&
natalibus
,
quibus
id
quod
poscebat
,
omni
ratione
deberi
existinabat
.
b
Pont.
Rer.
Dan.
lib.
7.
Abelem
qui
parricidio
meruerat
ab
omni
non
modo
successionis
,
sed
haeredii
quoque
●ure
excludi
,
Regem
creant
.
(
1.
)
Quod
nimirum
frater
ejus
Ericus
filios
sibi
superstites
nullos
reliquisset
.
(
2.
)
Et
Abel
inter
fratres
,
qui
superstites
erant
,
natus
esset
maximus
.
(
3.
)
Quod
metus
alias
foret
,
ne
Slesvicensem
Ducatum
,
quo
potiebatur
,
a
Regno
separaret
.
Meurs
.
Hist.
Dan.
Part.
2.
Lib.
2.
Abelus
igitur
,
fratre
Erico
per
infandum
scelus
caeso
,
Regnum
occupat
;
quippe
ille
nullos
liberos
reliquerat
:
Et
hic
fratrum
natu
maximus
Regno
proximus
censebatur
,
&c.
Ille
datis
ad
Senatum
literis
causam
suam
agere
,
&
de
multis
fratrem
accusare
,
tum
testari
,
illum
nullo
suo
scelere
,
verum
casu
,
pluribus
in
scapham
defilientibus
,
periisse
.
Haec
cum
reputarent
proceres
,
Regem
sibi
necessarium
potius
quam
dignum
creant
ipsis
Kalend.
Novembris
.
c
Pontan
.
Rer.
Dan.
Histor
.
Libr.
VIII
.
Olaum
Hacquini
Norvagiae
&
Margaretae
filium
Regem
declarant
,
utpote
qui
matris
aspectu
non
modo
regni
proximus
esset
,
&c.
Pont.
Lib.
9.
Rer.
Dan.
Pag.
516.
Albert.
Crantzius
Histor.
Norvag
.
Lib.
VII
.
d
Crantz
.
hist.
Dan.
2.
cap.
XVII
.
Broderus
filius
Jarmerici
quem
ille
destinatum
supplicio
priusquam
interiret
morte
jussit
revocare
.
Ne
omnino
Regnum
haerede
careret
.
d
Crantz
.
hist.
Dan.
2.
cap.
XVII
.
Broderus
filius
Jarmerici
quem
ille
destinatum
supplicio
priusquam
interiret
morte
jussit
revocare
.
Ne
omnino
Regnum
haerede
careret
.
Meurs
.
Lib.
1.
Chytr
.
Saxon.
Chytr
.
in
Saxon
,
ad
an
.
1522●
Meurs
.
hist
Dan.
Part
1.
lib.
3.
Pontan
.
Rer.
Dan.
●ist
.
lib
5.
Crantz
.
Chron.
Dan
lib.
3.
Pontan
.
Rer.
Dan
,
Hist.
lib.
1.
Meurs
.
hist.
Dan.
lib.
3.
Pontan
.
hist.
Dan.
lib.
5●
Meurs
.
lib.
1.
de
gest
.
Christian
II
Meurs
.
lib.
2.
de
g●●
.
Joh.
Crantz
.
Chron.
Dan.
l.
8.
Pontan
.
lib.
9.
Meurs
.
Hist.
Dan.
lib.
5.
Lib.
2.
c.
4.
Chron.
Dan.
Meurs
.
Hist.
Dan.
lib.
3.
Meurs
.
Hist.
Dan.
C●nt
.
l.
1.
Pontan
.
l.
6
,
7
,
8.
Meurs
.
Hist.
Dan.
lib.
5●
Meurs
de
gest
.
Joh.
Reg.
l●●
.
Chytr
.
Saxon
.
lib.
10.
Pontan
.
lib.
6.
Pontan
.
lib.
7.