THE
TENURE
OF
KINGS
And
MAGISTRATES
.
IF
Men
within
themselves
would
be
govern'd
by
reason
,
and
not
generally
give
up
their
understanding
to
a
double
tyrannie
,
of
custome
from
without
,
and
blind
affections
within
,
they
would
discerne
better
what
it
is
to
favour
and
uphold
the
Tyrant
of
a
Nation
.
But
being
slaves
within
doores
,
no
wonder
that
they
strive
so
much
to
have
the
public
State
conformably
govern'd
to
the
inward
vitious
rule
,
by
which
they
govern
themselves
.
For
indeed
none
can
love
freedom
heartilie
,
but
good
men
;
the
rest
love
not
freedom
,
but
licence
;
which
never
hath
more
scope
or
more
indulgence
then
under
Tyrants
.
Hence
is
it
that
Tyrants
are
not
oft
offended
,
nor
stand
much
in
doubt
of
bad
men
,
as
being
all
naturally
servile
;
but
in
whom
vertue
and
true
worth
most
is
eminent
,
them
they
feare
in
earnest
,
as
by
right
their
Masters
,
against
them
lies
all
their
hatred
and
suspicion
.
Consequentlie
neither
doe
bad
men
hate
Tirants
,
but
have
been
alwaies
readiest
with
the
falsifi'd
names
of
Loyalty
and
Obedience
,
to
colour
over
their
base
compliances
.
And
although
sometimes
for
shame
,
and
when
it
comes
to
their
owne
grievances
,
of
purse
especially
,
they
would
seeme
good
Patriots
,
and
side
with
the
better
cause
,
yet
when
others
for
the
deliverance
of
their
Countrie
,
endu'd
with
fortitude
and
Heroick
vertue
,
to
feare
nothing
but
the
curse
written
against
those
That
doe
the
worke
of
the
Lord
negligently
,
would
goe
on
to
remove
,
not
onely
the
calamities
and
thraldomes
of
a
people
,
but
the
roots
and
causes
whence
they
spring
,
streight
these
men
,
and
sure
helpers
at
need
,
as
if
they
hated
onely
the
miseries
but
not
the
mischiefes
,
after
they
have
juggl'd
and
palter'd
with
the
World
,
bandied
and
borne
armes
against
their
King
,
devested
him
,
disanointed
him
,
nay
curs'd
him
all
over
in
thir
Pulpits
,
and
their
Pamphlets
,
to
the
ingaging
of
sincere
and
reall
men
,
beyond
what
is
possible
or
honest
to
retreat
from
,
not
onely
turne
revolters
from
those
principles
,
which
onely
could
at
first
move
them
,
but
lay
the
staine
of
disloyaltie
,
and
worse
,
on
those
proceedings
,
which
are
the
necessarie
consequences
of
their
owne
former
actions
;
nor
disllik'd
by
themselves
,
were
they
manag'd
to
the
intire
advantages
of
their
owne
Faction
;
not
considering
the
while
that
he
toward
whom
they
boasted
their
new
fidelitie
,
counted
them
accessory
,
and
by
those
Statutes
and
Laws
which
they
so
impotently
brandish
against
others
,
would
have
doom'd
them
to
a
traytors
death
for
what
they
have
done
alreadie
.
'T
is
true
,
that
most
men
are
apt
anough
to
civill
Wars
and
commotions
as
a
noveltie
,
and
for
a
flash
,
hot
and
active
;
but
through
sloth
or
inconstancie
,
and
weakness
of
spirit
either
fainting
,
ere
their
owne
pretences
,
though
never
so
just
,
be
halfe
attain'd
,
or
through
an
inbred
falshood
and
wickednesse
,
betray
oft
times
to
destruction
with
themselves
,
men
of
noblest
temper
join'd
with
them
for
causes
which
they
in
their
rash
undertakings
were
not
capable
of
.
If
God
and
a
good
cause
give
them
Victory
,
the
prosecution
whereof
for
the
most
part
,
inevitably
drawes
after
it
the
alteration
of
Lawes
,
change
of
Government
,
downfall
of
Princes
with
their
Families
;
then
comes
the
task
to
those
Worthies
which
are
the
soule
of
that
Enterprize
,
to
bee
swett
and
labour'd
out
amidst
the
throng
and
noises
of
vulgar
and
irrationall
men
.
Some
contesting
for
Privileges
,
customes
,
formes
,
and
that
old
intanglement
of
iniquitie
,
their
gibrish
Lawes
,
though
the
badge
of
their
ancient
slavery
.
Others
who
have
been
fiercest
against
their
Prince
,
under
the
notion
of
a
Tyrant
,
and
no
meane
incendiaries
of
the
Warre
against
him
,
when
God
out
of
his
providence
and
high
disposall
hath
deliver'd
him
into
the
hand
of
their
brethren
,
on
a
suddaine
and
in
a
new
garbe
of
Allegiance
,
which
their
doings
have
long
since
cancell'd
;
they
plead
for
him
,
pity
him
,
extoll
him
,
protest
against
those
that
talke
of
bringing
him
to
the
tryall
of
Justice
,
which
is
the
Sword
of
God
,
superiour
to
all
mortall
things
,
in
whose
hand
soever
by
apparent
signes
his
testified
wil
is
to
put
it
.
But
certainely
,
if
we
consider
who
and
what
they
are
,
on
a
suddaine
growne
so
pitifull
,
wee
may
conclude
,
their
pity
can
be
no
true
and
Christian
commiseration
,
but
either
levitie
and
shallownesse
of
minde
,
or
else
a
carnall
admiring
of
that
worldly
pompe
and
greatness
,
from
whence
they
see
him
fall'n
;
or
rather
lastly
a
dissembl'd
and
seditious
pity
,
fain'd
of
industry
to
beget
new
commotions
.
As
for
mercy
,
if
it
bee
to
a
Tyrant
,
under
which
name
they
themselves
have
cited
him
so
oft
in
the
hearing
of
God
,
of
Angels
,
and
the
holy
Church
assembl'd
,
and
there
charg'd
him
with
the
spilling
of
more
innocent
blood
by
farre
,
then
ever
Nero
did
,
undoubtedly
the
mercy
which
they
pretend
,
is
the
mercy
of
wicked
men
;
and
their
mercies
,
wee
read
,
Agag
,
and
villifying
the
blood
of
many
Jonathans
that
have
sav'd
Israel
;
insisting
with
much
nicenesse
on
the
unnecessariest
clause
of
their
Covnant
;
wherein
the
feare
of
change
,
and
the
absurd
contradiction
of
a
flattering
hostilitie
had
hamperd
them
,
but
not
scrupling
to
give
away
for
complements
,
to
an
implacable
revenge
,
the
heads
of
many
thousand
Christians
more
.
Another
sort
there
is
,
who
comming
in
the
course
of
these
affaires
,
to
have
thir
share
in
great
actions
above
the
forme
of
Law
or
Custome
,
at
least
to
give
thir
voice
and
approbation
,
begin
to
swerve
and
almost
shiver
at
the
majesty
and
grandeur
of
som
noble
deed
,
as
if
they
were
newly
enter'd
into
a
great
sin
;
disputing
presidents
,
formes
,
&
circumstances
,
when
the
Common
wealth
nigh
perishes
for
want
of
deeds
in
substance
,
don
with
just
and
faithfull
expedition
.
To
these
I
wish
better
instruction
,
and
vertue
equall
to
their
calling
;
the
former
of
which
,
that
is
to
say
Instruction
,
I
shall
indeavour
,
as
my
dutie
is
,
to
bestow
on
them
;
and
exhort
them
not
to
startle
from
the
just
and
pious
resolution
of
adhering
with
all
their
assistance
to
the
present
Parlament
and
Army
,
in
the
glorious
way
wherein
Justice
and
Victorie
hath
set
them
;
the
onely
warrants
through
all
ages
,
next
under
immediate
Revelation
,
to
exercise
supreame
power
;
in
those
proceedings
which
hitherto
appeare
equall
to
what
hath
been
don
in
any
age
or
Nation
heretofore
,
justly
or
magnanimouslie
.
Nor
let
them
be
discourag'd
or
deterr'd
by
any
new
Apostate
Scar crowes
,
who
under
show
of
giving
counsell
,
send
out
their
barking
monitories
and
momento's
,
emptie
of
ought
else
but
the
spleene
of
a
frustrated
Faction
.
For
how
can
that
pretended
counsell
,
bee
either
sound
or
faithfull
,
when
they
that
give
it
,
see
not
for
madnesse
and
vexation
of
their
ends
lost
,
that
those
Statutes
and
Scriptures
which
both
falsly
and
scandalously
,
they
wrest
against
their
Friends
and
Associates
,
would
by
sentence
of
the
common
adversarie
,
fall
first
and
heaviest
upon
their
owne
heads
.
Neither
let
milde
and
tender
dispositions
be
foolishly
softn'd
from
their
dutie
and
perseverance
with
the
unmasculine
Rhetorick
of
any
puling
Priest
or
Chaplain
,
sent
as
a
friendly
Letter
of
advice
,
for
fashion
sake
in
private
,
and
forthwith
publish't
by
the
Sender
himselfe
,
that
wee
may
know
how
much
of
friend
there
was
in
it
,
to
cast
an
odious
envie
upon
them
,
to
whom
it
was
pretended
to
be
sent
in
charitie
.
Nor
let
any
man
bee
deluded
by
either
the
ignorance
or
the
notorious
hypocrisie
and
selfe-repugnance
of
our
dancing
Divines
,
who
have
the
conscience
and
the
boldnesse
,
to
come
with
Scripture
in
their
mouthes
,
gloss'd
and
fitted
for
thir
turnes
with
a
double
contradictory
sense
,
transforming
the
sacred
veritie
of
God
,
to
an
Idol
with
two
faces
,
looking
at
once
two
several
ways
;
and
with
the
same
quotations
to
charge
others
,
which
in
the
same
case
they
made
serve
to
justifie
themselves
.
For
while
the
hope
to
bee
made
Classic
and
Provinciall
Lords
led
them
on
,
while
pluralities
greas'd
them
thick
and
deepe
,
to
the
shame
and
scandall
of
Religion
,
more
then
all
the
Sects
and
Heresies
they
exclaime
against
,
then
to
fight
against
the
Kings
person
,
and
no
lesse
a
party
of
his
Lords
and
Commons
,
or
to
put
force
upon
both
the
Houses
was
good
,
was
lawfull
,
was
no
resisting
of
Superiour
powers
;
they
onely
were
powers
not
to
be
resisted
,
who
countenanc'd
the
good
and
punish't
the
evill
.
But
now
that
thir
censorious
domineering
is
not
suffer'd
to
be
universall
,
truth
and
conscience
to
be
freed
,
Tithes
and
Pluralities
to
be
no
more
,
though
competent
allowance
provided
,
and
the
warme
experience
of
large
gifts
,
and
they
so
good
at
taking
them
;
yet
now
to
exclude
and
seize
on
impeach't
Members
,
to
bring
Delinquents
without
exemption
to
a
faire
Tribunall
by
the
common
Nationall
Law
against
murder
,
is
now
to
be
no
lesse
then
Corah
,
Dathan
,
and
Abiram
.
He
who
but
erewhile
in
the
Pulpits
was
a
cursed
Tyrant
,
an
enemie
to
God
and
Saints
,
laden
with
all
the
innocent
blood
split
in
three
Kingdomes
,
and
so
to
bee
sought
against
,
is
now
though
nothing
penitent
or
alter'd
from
his
first
principles
,
a
lawfull
Magistrate
,
a
Sovrane
Lord
,
the
Lords
Annointed
,
not
to
bee
touch'd
,
though
by
themselves
imprison'd
.
As
if
this
onely
were
obedience
,
to
preserve
the
meere
uselesse
bulke
of
his
person
,
and
that
onely
in
prison
,
not
in
the
field
,
and
to
disobey
his
commands
,
denie
him
his
dignitie
and
office
,
every where
to
resist
his
power
but
where
they
thinke
it
onely
surviving
in
thir
owne
faction
.
But
who
in
particular
is
a
Tyrant
cannot
be
determind
in
a
generall
discourse
,
otherwise
then
by
supposition
;
his
particular
charge
,
and
the
sufficient
proofe
of
it
must
determine
that
:
which
I
leave
to
Magistrates
,
at
least
to
the
uprighter
sort
of
them
,
and
of
the
people
,
though
in
number
lesse
by
many
,
in
whom
faction
least
hath
prevaild
above
the
Law
of
nature
and
right
reason
,
to
judge
as
they
finde
cause
.
But
this
I
dare
owne
as
part
of
my
faith
,
that
if
such
a
one
there
be
,
by
whose
Commission
,
whole
massacres
have
been
committed
on
his
faithfull
Subjects
,
his
Provinces
offerd
to
pawne
or
alienation
,
as
the
hire
of
those
whom
he
had
sollicited
to
come
in
and
destroy
whole
Cities
and
Countries
;
be
hee
King
,
or
Tyrant
,
or
Emperour
,
the
Sword
of
Justice
is
above
him
;
in
whose
hand
soever
is
found
sufficient
power
to
avenge
the
effusion
,
and
so
great
a
deluge
of
inuocent
blood
.
For
if
all
humane
power
to
execute
,
not
accidentally
but
intendedly
,
the
wrath
of
God
upon
evill
doers
without
exception
,
be
of
God
;
then
that
power
,
whether
ordinary
,
or
if
that
faile
,
extraordinary
so
executing
that
intent
of
God
,
is
lawfull
,
and
not
to
be
resisted
.
But
to
unfold
more
at
large
this
whole
Question
,
though
with
all
expedient
brevity
,
I
shall
here
set
downe
,
from
first
beginning
,
the
originall
of
Kings
;
how
and
wherefore
exalted
to
that
dignitie
above
their
Brethren
;
and
from
thence
shall
prove
,
that
turning
to
tyranny
they
may
bee
as
lawfully
deposd
and
punishd
,
as
they
were
at
first
elected
:
This
I
shall
doe
by
autorities
and
reasons
,
not
learnt
in
corners
among
Schismes
and
Herisies
,
as
our
doubling
Divines
are
ready
to
calumniate
,
but
fetch
't
out
of
the
midst
of
choicest
and
most
authentic
learning
,
and
no
prohibited
Authors
,
nor
many
Heathen
,
but
Mosaical
,
Christian
,
Orthodoxal
,
and
which
must
needs
be
more
convincing
to
our
Adversaries
,
Presbyterial
.
No
man
who
knows
ought
,
can
be
so
stupid
to
deny
that
all
men
naturally
were
borne
free
,
being
the
image
and
resemblance
of
God
himselfe
,
and
were
by
privilege
above
all
the
creatures
,
borne
to
command
and
not
to
obey
:
and
that
they
livd
so
,
till
from
the
root
of
Adams
transgression
,
falling
among
themselves
to
doe
wrong
and
violence
,
and
foreseeing
that
such
courses
must
needs
tend
to
the
destruction
of
them
all
,
they
agreed
by
common
league
to
bind
each
other
from
mutual
injury
,
and
joyntly
to
defend
themselves
against
any
that
gave
disturbance
or
opposition
to
such
agreement
.
Hence
came
Citties
,
Townes
and
Common-wealths
.
And
because
no
faith
in
all
was
found
sufficiently
binding
,
they
saw
it
needfull
to
ordaine
some
authoritie
,
that
might
restraine
by
force
and
punishment
what
was
violated
against
peace
and
common
right
:
This
autoritie
and
power
of
self-defence
and
preservation
being
originally
and
naturally
in
every
one
of
them
,
and
unitedly
in
them
all
,
for
ease
,
for
order
,
and
least
each
man
should
be
his
owne
partial
judge
,
they
communicated
and
deriv'd
either
to
one
,
whom
for
the
eminence
of
his
wisdom
and
integritie
they
chose
above
the
rest
,
or
to
more
then
one
whom
they
thought
of
equal
deserving
:
the
first
was
calld
a
King
;
the
other
Magistrates
.
Not
to
be
thir
Lords
and
Maisters
(
though
afterward
those
names
in
som
places
were
giv'n
voluntarily
to
such
as
had
bin
authors
of
inestimable
good
to
the
people
)
but
,
to
be
thir
Deputies
and
Commissioners
,
to
execute
,
by
vertue
of
thir
intrusted
power
,
that
justice
which
else
every
man
by
the
bond
of
nature
and
of
Cov'nant
must
have
executed
for
himselfe
,
and
for
one
another
.
And
to
him
that
shall
consider
well
why
among
free
persons
,
one
man
by
civill
right
should
beare
autority
and
jurisdiction
over
another
,
no
other
end
or
reason
can
be
imaginable
.
These
for
a
while
governd
well
,
and
with
much
equitie
decided
all
things
at
thir
owne
arbitrement
:
till
the
temptation
of
such
a
power
left
absolute
in
thir
hands
,
perverted
them
at
length
to
injustice
and
partialitie
.
Then
did
they
who
now
by
tryall
had
found
the
danger
and
inconveniences
of
committing
arbitrary
power
to
any
,
invent
Lawes
either
fram'd
or
consented
to
by
all
,
that
should
confine
and
limit
the
autority
of
whom
they
chose
to
govern
them
:
that
so
man
of
whose
failing
they
had
proof
,
might
no
more
rule
over
them
,
but
law
and
reason
abstracted
as
much
as
might
be
from
personal
errors
and
frailties
.
When
this
would
nor
serve
,
but
that
the
Law
was
either
not
executed
,
or
misapply'd
,
they
were
constraind
from
that
time
,
the
onely
remedy
left
them
,
to
put
conditions
and
take
Oaths
from
all
Kings
and
Magistrates
at
their
first
instalment
to
doe
impartial
justice
by
Law
:
who
upon
those
termes
and
no
other
,
receav'd
Allegeance
from
the
people
,
that
is
to
say
,
bond
or
Covnant
to
obey
them
in
execution
of
those
Lawes
which
they
the
people
had
themselves
made
or
assented
to
.
And
this
oft
times
with
express
warning
,
that
if
the
King
or
Magistrate
prov'd
unfaithfull
to
his
trust
,
the
people
would
be
disingag'd
.
They
added
also
Counselors
and
Parlaments
,
not
to
be
onely
at
his
beck
,
but
with
him
or
without
him
,
at
set
times
,
or
at
all
times
,
when
any
danger
threatn●d
to
have
care
of
the
public
safety
.
Therefore
saith
Claudius
Sesell
a
French
Statesman
,
The
Parlament
was
set
as
a
bridle
to
the
King
;
which
I
instance
rather
,
because
that
Monarchy
is
granted
by
all
to
be
a
farre
more
absolute
then
ours
.
That
this
and
the
rest
of
what
hath
hitherto
been
spok'n
is
most
true
,
might
be
copiously
made
appeare
throughout
all
Stories
Heathen
and
Christian
;
eev'n
of
those
Nations
where
Kings
and
Emperours
have
sought
meanes
to
abolish
all
ancient
memory
of
the
peoples
right
by
their
encroachments
and
usurpations
.
But
I
spare
long
insertions
,
appealing
to
the
German
,
French
,
Italian
,
Arragonian
,
English
,
and
not
least
the
Scottish
Histories
:
not
forgetting
this
onely
by
the
way
,
that
VVilliam
the
Norman
though
a
Conqueror
,
and
not
unsworne
at
his
Coronation
,
was
compelld
a
second
time
to
take
oath
at
S.
Albanes
,
ere
the
people
would
be
brought
to
yeild
obedience
.
It
being
thus
manifest
that
the
power
of
Kings
and
Magistrates
is
nothing
else
,
but
what
is
onely
derivative
,
transferrd
and
committed
to
them
in
trust
from
the
people
to
the
Common
good
of
them
all
,
in
whom
the
power
yet
remaines
fundamentally
,
and
cannot
be
tak'n
from
them
,
without
a
violation
of
thir
natural
birthright
,
and
seeing
that
from
hence
Aristotle
and
the
best
of
Political
writers
have
defin'd
a
King
,
him
who
governs
to
the
good
and
profit
of
his
people
,
and
not
for
his
owne
ends
,
it
follows
from
necessary
causes
that
the
titles
of
Sovran
Lord
,
naturall
Lord
,
and
the
like
,
are
either
arrogancies
,
or
flatteries
,
not
admitted
by
Emperors
and
Kings
of
best
note
,
and
dislikt
by
the
Church
both
of
Jews
,
Isai.
26.
13.
and
ancient
Christians
as
appears
by
Tertullian
and
others
.
Although
generally
the
people
of
Asia
and
with
them
the
Jews
also
,
especially
since
the
time
they
chose
a
King
,
against
the
advice
and
counsel
of
God
,
are
noted
by
wise
authors
much
inclinable
to
slavery
.
Secondly
,
that
to
say
,
as
is
usual
,
the
King
hath
as
good
right
to
his
crown
and
dignitie
,
as
any
man
to
his
inheritance
,
is
to
make
the
subject
no
better
then
the
Kings
slave
,
his
chattell
,
or
his
possession
that
may
be
bought
and
sould
,
And
doubtless
if
hereditary
title
were
sufficiently
inquir'd
,
the
best
foundation
of
it
would
be
found
but
either
in
courtesie
or
convenience
.
But
suppose
it
to
be
of
right
hereditarie
,
what
can
be
more
just
and
legal
,
if
a
subject
for
certaine
crimes
be
to
forfet
by
Law
from
himselfe
and
posterity
,
all
his
inheritance
to
the
King
,
then
that
a
King
for
crimes
proportionall
,
should
forfet
all
his
title
and
inheritance
to
the
people
:
unless
the
people
must
be
thought
created
all
for
him
,
he
not
for
them
,
and
they
all
in
one
body
inferior
to
him
single
,
which
were
a
kinde
of
treason
against
the
dignity
of
mankind
to
affirm
.
Thirdly
it
followes
,
that
to
say
Kings
are
accountable
to
none
but
God
,
is
the
overturning
of
all
Law
and
goverment
.
For
if
they
may
refuse
to
give
account
,
then
all
covnants
made
with
them
at
Coronation
;
all
Oathes
are
in
vaine
,
and
meer
mockeries
,
all
Lawes
which
they
sweare
to
keep
,
made
to
no
purpose
;
for
if
the
King
feare
not
God
,
as
how
many
of
them
doe
not
?
we
hold
then
our
lives
and
estates
,
by
the
tenure
of
his
meer
grace
and
mercy
,
as
from
a
God
,
not
a
mortall
Magistrate
,
a
position
that
none
but
Court
parasites
or
men
besotted
would
maintain
.
And
no
Christian
Prince
not
drunk
with
high
mind
,
and
prouder
then
those
Pagan
Caesars
,
that
deifi'd
themselves
,
would
arrogate
so
unreasonably
above
human
condition
,
or
derogate
so
basely
from
a
whole
Nation
of
men
his
brethren
,
as
if
for
him
onely
subsisting
,
and
to
serve
his
glory
,
valuing
them
in
comparison
of
his
owne
brute
will
and
pleasure
no
more
then
so
many
beasts
,
or
vermine
under
his
feet
,
not
to
be
reasond
with
,
but
to
be
injurd
;
among
whom
there
might
be
found
so
many
thousand
men
for
wisdome
,
vertue
,
nobleness
of
mind
and
all
other
respects
,
but
the
fortune
of
his
dignity
,
farr
above
him
.
Yet
some
would
perswade
us
that
this
absurd
opinion
was
King
Davids
;
because
in
the
51
Psalm
he
cries
out
to
God
,
Against
thee
onely
have
I
sinn'd
;
as
if
David
had
imagind
that
to
murder
Uriah
and
adulterate
his
Wife
,
had
bin
no
sinne
against
his
neighbor
,
when
as
that
law
of
Moses
was
to
the
King
expresly
,
Deut.
17.
not
to
think
so
highly
of
himself
above
his
Brethren
.
David
therefore
by
those
words
could
mean
no
other
,
then
either
that
the
depth
of
his
guiltiness
was
known
to
God
onely
,
or
to
so
few
as
had
not
the
will
or
power
to
question
him
,
or
that
the
sin
against
God
was
greater
beyond
compare
then
against
Uriah
.
What
ever
his
meaning
were
,
any
wise
man
will
see
that
the
patheticall
words
of
a
Psalme
can
be
no
certaine
decision
to
a
point
that
hath
abundantly
more
certaine
rules
to
goe
by
.
How
much
more
rationally
spake
the
Heathen
King
.
Demophoon
in
a
Tragedy
of
Euripides
then
these
interpret●s
would
put
upon
King
David
,
I
rule
not
my
people
by
tyranny
,
as
if
they
were
Barbarians
,
but
am
my self
liable
,
if
I
doe
unjustly
to
suffer
justly
Not
unlike
was
the
speech
of
Traian
the
worthy
Emperor
,
to
one
whom
he
made
General
of
his
Praetorian
Forces
.
Take
this
drawne
sword
,
saith
he
,
to
use
for
me
,
if
I
reigne
well
,
if
not
,
to
use
against
me
.
Thus
Dion
relates
.
And
not
Traian
onely
,
but
Theodosius
the
younger
a
Christian
Emperor
and
one
of
the
best
,
causd
it
to
be
enacted
as
a
rule
undenyable
and
fit
to
be
acknowledgd
by
all
Kings
and
Emperors
,
that
a
Prince
is
bound
to
the
Laws
;
that
on
the
autority
of
Law
the
autority
of
a
Prince
depends
,
&
to
the
Laws
ought
submit
.
Which
Edict
of
his
remaines
yet
unrepeald
in
the
Code
of
Justinian
.
l.
1.
tit.
24.
as
a
sacred
constitution
to
all
the
succeeding
Emperors
.
How
then
can
any
King
in
Europe
maintaine
and
write
himselfe
accountable
to
none
but
God
,
when
Emperors
in
thir
owne
imperiall
Statutes
have
writt'n
and
decreed
themselves
accountable
to
Law
.
And
indeed
where
such
account
is
not
fear'd
,
he
that
bids
a
man
reigne
over
him
above
Law
,
may
bid
as
well
a
savage
beast
.
It
follows
lastly
,
that
since
the
King
or
Magistrate
holds
his
autoritie
of
the
people
,
both
originally
and
naturally
for
their
good
in
the
first
place
,
and
not
his
owne
,
then
may
the
people
as
oft
as
they
shall
judge
it
for
the
best
,
either
choose
him
or
reject
him
,
retaine
him
or
depose
him
though
no
Tyrant
,
meerly
by
the
libertie
and
right
of
free
born
men
to
be
govern'd
as
seems
to
them
best
.
This
,
though
it
cannot
but
stand
with
plaine
reason
,
shall
be
made
good
also
by
Scripture
,
Deut.
17.
14.
VVhen
thou
art
come
into
the
Land
which
the
Lord
thy
God
giveth
thee
,
and
shalt
say
I
will
set
a
King
over
mee
,
like
as
all
the
Nations
about
mee
These
words
confirme
us
that
the
right
of
choosing
,
yea
of
changing
thir
owne
goverment
is
by
the
grant
of
God
him self
in
the
people
.
And
therefore
when
they
desit'd
a
King
,
though
then
under
another
forme
of
goverment
,
and
though
thir
changing
displeasd
him
,
yet
he
that
was
himself
thir
King
,
and
rejected
by
them
,
would
not
be
a
hindrance
to
what
they
inended
,
furder
then
by
perswasion
,
but
that
they
might
doe
therein
as
they
saw
good
,
1
Sam.
8.
onely
he
reserv'd
to
himself
the
nomination
of
who
should
reigne
over
them
.
Neither
did
that
exempt
the
King
as
if
hee
were
to
God
onely
accountable
,
though
by
his
especiall
command
anointed
.
Therefore
David
first
made
a
Covnant
with
the
Elders
of
Israel
,
and
so
was
by
them
anointed
King
,
1
Chron.
11.
And
Jehoiada
the
Priest
making
Jehoash
King
,
made
a
Cov'nant
between
him
and
the
people
,
2
Kings
11.
17.
Therefore
when
Roboam
at
his
comming
to
the
Crowne
,
rejected
those
conditions
which
the
Israelites
brought
him
,
heare
what
they
answer
him
,
what
portion
have
we
in
David
,
or
inheritance
in
the
son
of
Jesse
.
See
to
thine
own
house
David
.
And
for
the
like
conditions
not
perform'd
,
all
Israel
before
that
time
deposd
Samuell
;
not
for
his
own
default
,
but
for
the
misgovement
of
his
Sons
.
But
som
will
say
to
both
these
examples
,
it
was
evilly
don
.
I
answer
,
that
not
the
latter
,
because
it
was
expressely
allow'd
them
in
the
Law
to
set
up
a
King
if
they
pleas'd
;
and
God
himself
joynd
with
them
in
the
work
;
though
in
some
sort
it
was
at
that
time
displeasing
to
him
,
in
respect
of
old
Samuell
who
had
governd
them
uprightly
.
As
Livy
praises
the
Romans
who
took
occasion
from
Tarquinius
a
wicked
Prince
to
gaine
their
libertie
,
which
to
have
extorted
,
saith
hee
,
from
Numa
or
any
of
the
good
Kings
before
,
had
not
bin
seasonable
.
Nor
was
it
in
the
former
example
don
unlawfully
;
for
when
Roboam
had
prepar'd
a
huge
Army
to
reduce
the
Israelites
,
he
was
forbidd'n
by
the
Profet
,
1
Kings
12.24
.
Thus
saith
the
Lord
yee
shall
not
goe
up
,
nor
fight
against
your
brethren
,
for
this
thing
is
from
me
.
He
calls
them
thir
brethren
,
not
Rebels
,
and
forbidds
to
be
proceeded
against
them
,
owning
the
thing
himselfe
,
not
by
single
providence
,
but
by
approbation
,
and
that
not
onely
of
the
act
,
as
in
the
former
example
,
but
of
the
fitt
season
also
;
he
had
not
otherwise
forbidd
to
molest
them
.
And
those
grave
and
wise
Counsellors
whom
Rehoboam
first
advis'd
with
,
spake
no
such
thing
,
as
our
old
gray
headed
Flatterers
now
are
wont
,
stand
upon
your
birth-right
,
scorne
to
capitulate
,
you
hold
of
God
,
and
not
of
them
;
for
they
knew
no
such
matter
,
unless
conditionally
,
but
gave
him
politic
counsel
,
as
in
a
civil
transaction
.
Therefore
Kingdom
and
Magistracy
,
whether
supreme
or
subordinat
is
calld
a
human
ordinance
,
1
Pet.
2.
13.
&c.
which
we
are
there
taught
is
the
will
of
God
wee
should
submitt
to
,
so
farr
as
for
the
punishment
of
evill
doers
,
and
the
encouragement
of
them
that
doe
well
.
Submitt
saith
he
,
as
free
men
.
And
there
is
no
power
but
of
God
,
saith
Paul
,
Rom.
13.
as
much
as
to
say
,
God
put
it
into
mans
heart
to
find
out
that
way
at
first
for
common
peace
and
preservation
,
approving
the
exercise
therof
;
els
it
contradicts
Peter
who
calls
the
same
autority
an
Ordinance
of
man
.
It
must
be
also
understood
of
lawfull
and
just
power
,
els
we
read
of
great
power
in
the
affaires
and
Kingdomes
of
the
World
permitted
to
the
Devill
:
for
saith
he
to
Christ
,
Luke
4.
6.
all
this
power
will
I
give
thee
and
the
glory
of
them
,
for
it
is
deliverd
to
me
,
and
to
whomsoever
I
will
,
I
give
it
:
neither
did
hee
ly
,
or
Christ
gainsay
what
hee
affirm'd
:
for
in
the
thirteenth
of
the
Revelation
wee
read
how
the
Dragon
gave
to
the
beast
his
power
,
his
seat
,
and
great
autority
:
which
beast
so
autoriz'd
most
expound
to
be
the
tyrannical
powers
and
Kingdomes
of
the
earth
.
Therfore
Saint
Paul
in
the
forecited
Chapter
tells
us
that
such
Magistrates
hee
meanes
'
,
as
are
,
not
a
terror
to
the
good
but
to
the
evill
,
such
as
beare
not
the
sword
in
vaine
,
but
to
punish
offenders
,
and
to
encourage
the
good
.
If
such
onely
be
mentiond
here
as
powers
to
be
obeyd
,
and
our
submission
to
them
onely
requird
,
then
doubtless
those
powers
that
doe
the
contrary
,
are
no
powers
ordaind
of
God
,
and
by
consequence
no
obligation
laid
upon
us
to
obey
or
not
to
resist
them
.
And
it
may
be
well
observd
that
both
these
Apostles
,
whenever
they
give
this
precept
,
express
it
in
termes
not
concret
but
abstract
,
as
Logicians
are
wont
to
speake
,
that
is
,
they
mention
the
ordinance
,
the
power
,
the
autoritie
before
the
persons
that
execute
it
,
and
what
that
power
is
,
lest
we
should
be
deceavd
,
they
describe
exactly
.
So
that
if
the
power
be
not
such
,
or
the
person
execute
not
such
power
,
neither
the
one
nor
the
other
is
of
God
,
but
of
the
Devill
,
and
by
consequence
to
bee
resisted
.
From
this
exposition
Chrysostome
also
on
the
same
place
dissents
not
;
explaining
that
these
words
were
not
writt'n
in
behalf
of
a
tyrant
.
And
this
is
verify'd
by
David
,
himself
a
King
,
and
likeliest
to
bee
Author
of
the
Psalm
94.
20.
which
saith
,
Shall
the
throne
of
iniquity
have
fellowship
with
thee
.
And
it
were
worth
the
knowing
,
since
Kings
,
and
that
by
Scripture
boast
the
justness
of
thir
title
,
by
holding
it
immediately
of
God
,
yet
cannot
show
the
t●me
when
God
ever
set
on
the
throne
them
or
thir
forefathers
,
but
onely
when
the
people
chose
them
;
why
by
the
same
reason
,
since
God
ascribes
as
oft
to
himself
the
casting
down
of
Princes
from
the
throne
,
it
should
not
be
thought
as
lawful
,
and
as
much
from
God
when
none
are
seen
to
do
it
but
the
people
,
and
that
for
just
causes
.
For
if
it
needs
must
be
a
sin
in
them
to
depose
,
it
may
as
likely
be
a
sin
to
have
elected
.
And
contrary
if
the
peoples
act
in
election
be
pleaded
by
a
King
,
as
the
act
of
God
,
and
the
most
just
title
to
enthrone
him
,
why
may
not
the
peoples
act
of
rejection
,
be
as
well
pleaded
by
the
people
as
the
act
of
God
,
and
the
most
just
reason
to
depose
him
?
So
that
we
see
the
title
and
just
right
of
reigning
or
deposing
in
reference
to
God
,
is
found
in
Scripture
to
be
all
one
;
visible
onely
in
the
people
,
and
depending
meerly
upon
justice
and
demerit
.
Thus
farr
hath
bin
considerd
briefly
the
power
of
Kings
and
Magistrates
;
how
it
was
,
and
is
originally
the
peoples
,
and
by
them
conferrd
in
trust
onely
to
bee
imployd
to
the
common
peace
and
benefit
;
with
libertie
therfore
and
right
remaining
in
them
to
reassume
it
to
themselves
,
if
by
Kings
or
Magistrats
it
be
abus'd
;
or
to
dispose
of
it
by
any
alteration
,
as
they
shall
judge
most
conducing
to
the
public
good
.
Wee
may
from
hence
with
more
ease
,
and
force
of
argument
determin
what
a
Tyrant
is
,
and
what
the
people
may
doe
against
him
.
A
Tyrant
whether
by
wrong
or
by
right
comming
to
the
Crowne
,
is
he
who
regarding
neither
Law
nor
the
common
good
,
reigns
onely
for
himself
and
his
faction
:
Thus
St.
Basil
among
others
defines
him
.
And
because
his
power
is
great
,
his
will
boundless
and
exorbitant
,
the
fulfilling
whereof
is
for
the
most
part
accompanied
with
innumerable
wrongs
and
oppressions
of
the
people
,
murders
,
massacres
,
rapes
,
adulteries
,
desolation
,
and
subversion
of
Citties
and
whole
provinces
;
look
how
great
a
good
and
happiness
a
just
King
is
,
so
great
a
mischeife
is
a
Tyrant
;
as
hee
the
public
Father
of
his
Countrie
,
so
this
the
common
enemie
.
Against
whom
what
the
people
lawfully
may
doe
,
as
against
a
common
pest
,
and
destroyer
of
mankinde
,
I
suppose
no
man
of
cleare
judgement
need
goe
surder
to
be
guided
then
by
the
very
principles
of
nature
in
him
.
But
because
it
is
the
vulgar
folly
of
men
to
desert
thir
owne
reason
,
and
shutting
thir
eyes
to
think
they
see
best
with
other
mens
,
I
shall
shew
by
such
examples
as
ought
to
have
most
waight
with
us
,
what
hath
bin
don
is
this
case
heretofore
.
The
Greeks
and
Romans
as
thir
prime
Authors
witness
held
it
not
onely
lawfull
,
but
a
glorious
and
Heroic
deed
,
rewarded
publicly
with
Statues
and
Garlands
,
to
kill
an
infamous
Tyrant
at
any
time
without
tryal
;
and
but
reason
,
that
he
who
trod
down
all
Law
,
should
not
bee
voutsaf'd
the
benefit
of
Law
.
Insomuch
that
Seneca
the
Tragedian
brings
in
Hercules
the
grand
suppressor
of
Tyrants
,
thus
speaking
,
—
Victima
haud
ulla
amplior
Potest
,
magisque
opima
mactari
Jovi
Quam
Rex
iniquus
—
—
There
can
be
slaine
No
sacrifice
to
God
more
accetable
Then
an
unjust
and
wicked
King
—
But
of
these
I
name
no
more
,
lest
it
bee
objected
they
were
Heathen
;
and
come
to
produce
another
sort
of
men
that
had
the
knowledge
of
true
Religion
.
Among
the
Jews
this
custome
of
tyrant-killing
was
not
unusual
.
First
Ehud
,
a
man
whom
God
had
raysd
to
deliver
Israel
from
Eglon
King
of
Moab
,
who
had
conquerd
and
rul'd
over
them
eighteene
yeares
,
being
sent
to
him
as
an
Ambassador
with
a
present
slew
him
in
his
owne
house
.
But
hee
was
a
forren
Prince
,
an
enemie
,
and
Ehud
besides
had
special
warrant
from
God
.
To
the
first
I
answer
,
it
imports
not
whether
forren
or
native
:
For
no
Prince
so
native
but
professes
to
hold
by
Law
;
which
when
he
himselfe
overturnes
,
breaking
all
the
Covnants
and
Oaths
that
gave
him
title
to
his
dignity
,
and
were
the
bond
and
alliance
between
him
and
his
people
,
what
differs
he
from
an
outlandish
King
or
from
an
enemie
?
For
looke
how
much
right
the
King
of
Spaine
hath
to
govern
us
at
all
,
so
much
right
hath
the
King
of
England
to
govern
us
tyrannically
.
If
he
,
though
not
bound
to
us
by
any
league
,
comming
from
Spaine
in
person
to
subdue
us
or
to
destroy
us
,
might
lawfully
by
the
people
of
England
either
bee
slaine
in
fight
,
or
put
to
death
in
captivity
,
what
hath
a
native
King
to
plead
,
bound
by
so
many
Covnants
,
benefits
and
honours
to
the
welfare
of
his
people
,
why
he
through
the
contempt
of
all
Laws
and
Parlaments
,
the
onely
tie
of
our
obedience
to
him
,
for
his
owne
wills
sake
,
and
a
boasted
praerogative
unaccountable
,
after
sev'n
years
warring
and
destroying
of
his
best
subjects
,
overcom
,
and
yeilded
prisoner
,
should
think
to
scape
unquestionable
,
as
a
thing
divine
,
in
respect
of
whom
so
many
thousand
Christians
destroy'd
should
lye
unaccounted
for
,
polluting
with
thir
slaughterd
carcasses
all
the
Land
over
,
and
crying
for
vengeance
against
the
living
that
should
have
righted
them
.
Who
knows
not
that
there
is
a
mutual
bond
of
amity
and
brotherhood
between
man
and
man
over
all
the
World
,
neither
is
it
the
English
Sea
that
can
sever
us
from
that
duty
and
relation
:
a
straiter
bond
yet
there
is
between
fellow-subjects
,
neighbours
,
and
friends
;
But
when
any
of
these
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
to
another
so
as
hostility
〈…〉
doth
the
Law
decree
less
against
them
,
then
oepn
enemies
and
invaders
?
or
if
the
Law
be
not
present
,
or
too
weake
,
what
doth
it
warrant
us
to
less
then
single
defence
or
civil
warr
?
and
from
that
time
forward
the
Law
of
civill
defensive
Warr
differs
nothing
from
the
Law
of
forren
hostility
.
Nor
is
it
distance
of
place
that
makes
enmitie
,
but
enmity
that
makes
distance
.
He
therefore
that
keeps
peace
with
me
neer
or
remote
of
whatsoever
Nation
,
is
to
mee
as
farr
as
all
civil
and
human
offices
an
Englishman
and
a
nighbour
:
but
if
an
Englishman
forgetting
all
Laws
,
human
,
civil
and
religious
offend
against
life
and
libertie
,
to
him
offended
and
to
the
Law
in
his
behalf
,
though
born
in
the
same
womb
,
he
is
no
better
then
a
Turk
,
a
Sarasin
,
a
Heathen
.
This
is
Gospel
,
and
this
was
ever
Law
among
equals
;
how
much
rather
then
in
force
against
any
King
whatsoever
,
who
in
respect
of
the
people
is
coufessd
inferior
and
not
equal
:
to
distinguish
therfore
of
a
Tyrant
by
outlandish
,
or
domestic
is
a
weak
evasion
.
To
the
second
that
he
was
an
enemie
,
I
answer
,
what
Tyrant
is
not
?
yet
Eglon
by
the
Jewes
had
bin
acknowledgd
as
thir
Sovran
,
they
had
servd
him
eighteen
yeares
,
as
long
almost
as
wee
our
VVilliam
the
Conqueror
,
in
all
which
time
he
could
not
be
so
unwise
a
Statesman
but
to
have
tak'n
of
them
Oaths
of
Fealty
and
Allegeance
by
which
they
made
themselves
his
proper
subjects
,
as
thir
homage
and
present
sent
by
Ehud
testifyd
.
To
the
third
,
that
he
had
special
warrant
to
kill
Eglon
in
that
manner
,
it
cannot
bee
granted
,
because
not
expressd
;
t
is
plain
that
he
was
raysd
by
God
to
be
a
Deliverer
,
and
went
on
just
principles
,
such
as
were
then
and
ever
held
allowable
,
to
deale
so
by
a
Tyrant
that
could
no
otherwise
be
dealt
with
.
Neither
did
Samuell
though
a
Profet
,
with
his
owne
hand
abstain
from
Agag
;
a
forren
enemie
no
doubt
;
but
mark
the
reason
,
As
thy
Sword
hath
made
women
childless
;
a
cause
that
by
the
sentence
of
Law
it selfe
nullifies
all
relations
.
And
as
the
Law
is
between
Brother
and
Brother
,
Father
and
Son
,
Maister
and
Servant
,
wherfore
not
between
King
or
rather
Tyrant
and
People
?
And
whereas
Jehu
had
special
command
to
slay
Jehoram
a
successive
and
hereditarie
Tyrant
,
it
seemes
not
the
less
imitable
for
that
;
for
where
a
thing
grounded
so
much
on
naturall
reason
hath
the
addition
of
a
command
from
God
,
what
does
it
but
establish
the
lawfulness
of
such
an
act
.
Nor
is
it
likely
that
God
who
had
so
many
wayes
of
punishing
the
house
of
Ahab
would
have
sent
a
subject
against
his
Prince
,
if
the
fact
in
it selfe
as
don
to
a
Tyrant
had
bin
of
bad
example
.
And
if
David
refus'd
to
lift
his
hand
against
the
Lords
anointed
,
the
matter
between
them
was
not
tyranny
,
but
private
enmity
,
and
David
as
a
private
person
had
bin
his
own
revenger
,
not
so
much
the
peoples
;
but
when
any
tyrant
at
this
day
can
shew
to
be
the
Lords
anointed
,
the
onely
mention'd
reason
why
David
with
held
his
hand
,
he
may
then
but
not
till
then
presume
on
the
same
privilege
.
We
may
pass
therfore
hence
to
Christian
times
.
And
first
our
Saviour
himself
,
how
much
he
favourd
tyrants
and
how
much
intended
they
should
be
found
or
honourd
among
Christians
,
declares
his
minde
not
obscurely
;
accounting
thir
absolute
autoritie
no
better
then
Gentilisme
,
yea
though
they
flourishd
it
over
with
the
splendid
name
of
Benefactors
;
charging
those
that
would
be
his
Disciples
to
usurp
no
such
dominion
;
but
that
they
who
were
to
bee
of
most
autoritie
among
them
,
should
esteem
themselves
Ministers
and
Servants
to
the
public
.
Matt.
20.
25.
The
Princes
of
the
Gentiles
exercise
Lordship
over
them
,
and
Mark
10.
42.
They
that
seem
to
rule
,
saith
he
,
either
slighting
or
accounting
them
no
lawful
rulers
,
but
yee
shall
not
be
so
,
but
the
greatest
among
you
shall
be
your
servant
.
And
although
hee
himself
were
the
meekest
,
and
came
on
earth
to
be
so
,
yet
to
a
tyrant
we
hear
him
not
voutsafe
an
humble
word
:
but
Tell
that
Fox
,
Luc.
13.
And
wherfore
did
his
mother
the
Virgin
Mary
give
such
praise
to
God
in
her
profetic
song
,
that
he
had
now
by
the
comming
of
Christ
Cutt
down
Dynasta's
or
proud
Monarchs
from
the
throne
,
if
the
Church
,
when
God
manifests
his
power
in
them
to
doe
so
,
should
rather
choose
all
miserie
and
vassalage
to
serve
them
,
and
let
them
still
sit
on
thir
potent
seats
to
bee
ador'd
for
doing
mischiefe
.
Surely
it
is
not
for
nothing
that
tyrants
by
a
kind
of
natural
instinct
both
hate
and
feare
none
more
then
the
true
Church
and
Saints
of
God
,
as
the
most
dangerous
enemies
and
subverters
of
Monarchy
,
though
indeed
of
tyranny
;
hath
not
this
bin
the
perpetual
cry
of
Courtiers
,
and
Court
Prelates
?
whereof
no
likelier
cause
can
be
alleg'd
,
but
that
they
well
discern'd
the
mind
and
principles
of
most
devout
and
zealous
men
,
and
indeed
the
very
discipline
of
Church
,
tending
to
the
dissolution
of
all
tyranny
.
No
marvel
then
if
since
the
faith
of
Christ
receav'd
,
in
purer
or
impurer
times
,
to
depose
a
King
and
put
him
to
death
for
tyranny
hath
bin
accounted
so
just
and
requisit
,
that
neighbour
Kings
have
both
upheld
and
tak'n
part
with
subjects
in
the
action
.
And
Ludovicus
Pius
,
himself
an
Emperor
,
and
sonne
of
Charles
the
great
,
being
made
Judge
,
Du
Haillan
is
my
author
,
between
Milegast
King
of
the
Vul●zes
and
his
subjects
who
had
depos'd
him
,
gave
his
verdit
for
the
subjects
,
and
for
him
whom
they
had
chos'n
in
his
room
.
Note
here
that
the
right
of
electing
whom
they
please
is
by
the
impartial
testimony
of
an
Emperor
in
the
people
.
For
,
said
he
,
A
just
Prince
ought
to
be
prefer'd
before
an
unjust
,
and
the
end
of
government
before
the
prerogative
.
And
Constantinus
Leo
,
another
Emperor
in
the
Byzantine
Laws
saith
,
that
the
end
of
a
King
is
for
the
general
good
,
which
he
not
performing
is
but
the
counterfet
of
a
King
.
And
to
prove
that
some
of
our
owne
Monarchs
have
acknowledg'd
that
thir
high
office
exempted
them
not
from
punishment
,
they
had
the
Sword
of
St.
Edward
born
before
them
by
an
Officer
who
was
calld
Earle
of
the
palace
eev'n
at
the
times
of
thir
highest
pomp
and
solemnitie
,
to
mind
them
,
saith
Matthew
Paris
,
the
best
of
our
Historians
,
that
if
they
errd
,
the
Sword
had
power
to
restraine
them
.
And
what
restraint
the
Sword
comes
to
at
length
,
having
both
edge
and
point
,
if
any
Sceptic
will
needs
doubt
,
let
him
feel
.
It
is
also
affirm'd
from
diligent
search
made
in
our
ancient
books
of
Law
,
that
the
Peers
and
Barons
of
England
had
a
legall
right
to
judge
the
King
:
which
was
the
cause
most
likely
,
for
it
could
be
no
slight
cause
,
that
they
were
call'd
his
Peers
,
or
equals
.
This
however
may
stand
immovable
,
so
long
as
man
hath
to
deale
with
no
better
then
man
;
that
if
our
Law
judge
all
men
to
the
lowest
by
thir
Peers
,
it
should
in
all
equity
ascend
also
,
and
judge
the
highest
.
And
so
much
I
find
both
in
our
own
and
forren
Storie
,
that
Dukes
,
Earles
,
and
Marqueses
were
at
first
not
hereditary
,
not
empty
and
vain
titles
,
but
names
of
trust
and
office
,
and
with
the
office
ceasing
,
as
induces
me
to
be
of
opinion
,
that
every
worthy
man
in
Parlament
,
for
the
word
Baron
imports
no
more
,
might
for
the
public
good
be
thought
a
fit
Peer
and
judge
of
the
King
;
without
regard
had
to
petty
caveats
,
and
circumstances
,
the
chief
impediment
in
high
affaires
,
and
ever
stood
upon
most
by
circumstantial
men
.
Whence
doubtless
our
Ancestors
who
were
not
ignorant
with
what
rights
either
Nature
or
ancient
Constitution
had
endowd
them
,
when
Oaths
both
at
Coronation
,
and
renewd
in
Parlament
would
not
serve
,
thought
it
no
way
illegal
to
depose
and
put
to
death
thir
tyrannous
Kings
.
Insomuch
that
the
Parlament
drew
up
a
charge
against
Richard
the
second
,
and
the
Commons
requested
to
have
judgement
decree'd
against
him
,
that
the
realme
might
not
bee
endangerd
.
And
Peter
Martyr
a
Divine
of
formost
rank
,
on
the
third
of
Judges
approves
thir
doings
.
Sir
Thomas
Smith
also
a
Protestant
and
a
Statesman
in
his
Commonwealth
of
England
putting
the
question
whether
it
be
lawful
to
rise
against
a
Tyrant
,
answers
that
the
vulgar
judge
of
it
according
to
the
event
,
and
the
learned
according
to
the
purpose
of
them
that
do
it
.
But
far
before
those
days
Gildas
the
most
ancient
of
all
our
Historians
,
speaking
of
those
times
wherein
the
Roman
Empire
decaying
quitted
and
relinquishd
what
right
they
had
by
Conquest
to
this
Iland
,
and
resign'd
it
all
into
the
peoples
hands
,
testifies
that
the
people
thus
re-invested
with
thir
own
original
right
,
about
the
year
446
,
both
elected
them
Kings
,
whō
they
thought
best
(
the
first
Christian
Brittish
Kings
that
ever
raign'd
heer
since
the
Romans
)
and
by
the
same
right
,
when
they
apprehended
cause
,
usually
deposd
and
put
them
to
death
.
This
is
the
most
fundamental
and
ancient
tenure
that
any
King
of
England
can
produce
or
pretend
to
;
in
comparison
of
which
,
all
other
titles
and
pleas
are
but
of
yesterday
.
If
any
object
that
Gildas
condemns
the
Britanes
for
so
doing
,
the
answer
is
as
ready
;
that
he
condemns
them
no
more
for
so
doing
,
then
hee
did
before
for
choosing
such
,
for
saith
he
,
They
anointed
them
Kings
,
not
of
God
,
but
such
as
were
more
bloody
then
therest
.
Next
hee
condemns
them
not
at
all
for
deposing
or
putting
them
to
death
,
but
for
doing
it
over
hastily
,
without
tryal
or
well
examining
the
cause
,
and
for
electing
others
worse
in
thir
room
.
Thus
we
have
here
both
Domestic
and
most
ancient
examples
that
the
people
of
Britain
have
deposd
and
put
to
death
thir
Kings
in
those
primitive
Christian
times
.
And
to
couple
reason
with
example
,
if
the
Church
in
all
ages
,
Primitive
,
Romish
,
or
Protestant
held
it
ever
no
less
thir
duty
then
the
power
of
thir
Keyes
,
though
without
express
warrant
of
Scripture
,
to
bring
indifferently
both
King
and
Peasant
under
the
utmost
rigor
of
thir
Canons
and
Censures
Ecclesiastical
,
eev'n
to
the
smiting
him
with
a
final
excommunion
,
if
he
persist
impenitent
,
what
hinders
but
that
the
temporal
Law
both
may
and
ought
,
though
without
a
special
Text
or
president
,
extend
with
like
indifference
the
civil
Sword
,
to
the
cutting
off
without
exemption
him
that
capitally
offends
.
Seeing
that
justice
and
Religion
are
from
the
same
God
,
and
works
of
justice
ofttimes
more
acceptable
.
Yet
because
that
some
lately
with
the
tongues
and
arguments
of
Malignant
backsliders
have
writt'n
that
the
proceedings
now
in
Parlament
against
the
King
,
are
without
president
from
any
Protestant
State
or
Kingdom
,
the
examples
which
follow
shall
be
all
Protestant
and
chiefly
Presbyterian
.
In
the
yeare
1546.
The
Duke
of
Saxonie
,
Lantgrave
of
Hessen
,
and
the
whole
Protestant
league
raysd
open
Warr
against
Charles
the
fifth
thir
Emperor
,
sent
him
a
defiance
,
renounc'd
all
faith
and
allegeance
toward
him
,
and
debated
long
in
Counsell
whether
they
should
give
him
so
much
as
the
title
of
Caesar
.
Sleidan
.
l.
17.
Let
all
men
judge
what
this
wanted
of
deposing
or
of
killing
,
but
the
power
to
doe
it
.
In
the
yeare
1559.
the
Scotch
Protestants
claiming
promise
of
thir
Queen
Regent
for
libertie
of
conscience
,
she
answering
that
promises
were
not
to
be
claim'd
of
Princes
beyond
what
was
commodious
for
them
to
grant
,
told
her
to
her
face
in
the
Parlament
then
at
Sterling
,
that
if
it
were
so
,
they
renounc'd
thir
obedience
;
and
soone
after
betooke
them
to
Armes
.
Buchanan
Hist.
l.
16.
certainely
when
allegeance
is
renounc'd
,
that
very
hour
the
King
or
Queen
is
in
effect
depos'd
.
In
the
yeare
1564.
John
Kn●x
a
most
famous
Divine
and
the
reformer
of
Scotland
to
the
Presbyterian
discipline
,
at
a
generall
Assembly
maintaind
op'nly
in
a
dispute
against
Lethington
the
Secretary
of
State
,
that
Subjects
might
and
ought
execute
Gods
judgements
upon
thir
King
;
that
the
fact
of
Jehu
and
others
against
thir
King
having
the
ground
of
Gods
ordinary
command
to
put
such
and
such
offenders
to
death
was
not
extraordinary
,
but
to
bee
imitated
of
all
that
prefer'd
the
honour
of
God
to
the
affection
of
flesh
and
wicked
Princes
,
that
Kings
,
if
they
offend
,
have
no
privilege
to
be
exempted
from
the
punishments
of
Law
more
then
any
other
subject
;
so
that
if
the
King
be
a
Murderer
,
Adulterer
,
or
Idolater
,
he
should
suffer
not
as
a
King
,
but
as
an
offender
;
and
this
position
hee
repeates
againe
and
againe
before
them
.
Answerable
was
the
opinion
of
John
Craig
another
learned
Divine
,
and
that
Lawes
made
by
the
tyranny
of
Princes
,
or
the
negligence
of
people
,
thir
posterity
might
abrogate
,
and
reform
all
things
according
to
the
original
institution
of
Common-wealths
,
And
Knox
being
commanded
by
the
Nobilitie
to
write
to
Calvin
and
other
learned
men
for
thir
judgements
in
that
question
refus'd
;
alleging
that
both
himselfe
was
fully
resolv'd
in
conscience
,
and
had
heard
thir
judgements
,
and
had
the
same
opinion
under
hand-writing
of
many
the
most
godly
and
most
learned
that
he
knew
in
Europe
;
that
if
he
should
move
the
question
to
them
againe
,
what
should
he
doe
but
shew
his
owne
forgetfulness
or
inconstancy
.
All
this
is
farr
more
largely
in
the
Ecclesiastic
History
of
Scotland
l.
4.
with
many
other
passages
to
this
effect
all
the
book
over
;
set
out
with
diligence
by
Scotchmen
of
best
repute
among
them
at
the
beginning
of
these
troubles
,
as
if
they
labourd
to
inform
us
what
wee
were
to
doe
and
what
they
intended
upon
the
like
occasion
.
And
to
let
the
world
know
that
the
whole
Church
and
Protestant
State
of
Scotland
in
those
purest
times
of
reformation
were
of
the
same
belief
,
three
years
after
,
they
met
in
the
feild
Mary
thir
lawful
and
hereditary
Queen
,
took
her
prisoner
yeilding
before
fight
,
kept
her
in
prison
and
the
same
yeare
deposd
her
.
Buchan
.
Hist.
l.
18.
And
four
years
after
that
,
the
Scots
in
justification
of
thir
deposing
Queen
Mary
,
sent
Embassadors
to
Queen
Elizabeth
,
and
in
a
writt'n
Declaration
alleag'd
that
they
had
us'd
towards
her
more
lenity
then
shee
deservd
;
that
thir
Ancestors
had
heretofore
punishd
thir
Kings
by
death
or
banishment
;
that
the
Scots
were
a
free
Nation
,
made
King
whom
they
freely
chose
,
and
with
the
same
freedome
un-Kingd
him
if
they
saw
cause
,
by
right
of
ancient
laws
and
Ceremonies
yet
remaining
,
and
old
customers
yet
among
the
High-landers
in
choosing
the
head
of
thir
Clanns
,
or
Families
;
all
which
with
many
other
arguments
bore
witness
that
regal
power
was
nothing
else
but
a
mutuall
Covnant
or
stipulation
between
King
and
people
.
Buch.
Hist.
l.
20.
These
were
Scotchmen
and
Presbyterians
;
but
what
measure
then
have
they
lately
offerd
,
to
think
such
liberty
less
beseeming
us
then
themselves
,
presuming
to
put
him
upon
us
for
a
Maister
whom
thir
Law
scarce
allows
to
be
thir
own
equall
?
If
now
then
we
heare
them
in
another
straine
then
heretofore
in
the
purest
times
of
thir
Church
,
we
may
be
confident
it
is
the
voice
of
Faction
speaking
in
them
,
not
of
truth
and
Reformation
.
In
the
yeare
1581.
the
States
of
Holland
in
a
general
Assembly
at
the
Hague
,
abjur'd
all
obedience
and
subjection
to
Philip
King
of
Spaine
;
and
in
a
Declaration
justifie
thir
so
doing
;
for
that
by
his
tyrannous
goverment
against
faith
so
oft'n
giv'n
and
brok'n
he
had
lost
his
right
to
all
the
Belgic
Provinces
;
that
therfore
they
deposd
him
and
declar'd
it
lawful
to
choose
another
in
his
stead
.
Thuan.
l.
74.
From
that
time
,
to
this
no
State
or
Kingdom
in
the
World
hath
equally
prosperd
:
But
let
them
remember
not
to
look
with
an
evil
and
prejudicial
eye
upon
thir
neighbours
walking
by
the
same
rule
.
But
what
need
these
examples
to
Presbyterians
,
I
meane
to
those
who
now
of
late
would
seem
so
much
to
abhorr
deposing
,
whenas
they
to
all
Christendom
have
giv'n
the
latest
and
the
liveliest
example
of
doing
it
themselves
.
I
question
not
the
lawfulness
of
raising
Warr
against
a
Tyrant
in
defence
of
Religion
,
or
civil
libertie
;
for
no
Protestant
Church
from
the
first
Waldenses
of
Lyons
,
and
Languedoc
to
this
day
but
have
don
it
round
,
and
maintaind
it
lawfull
.
But
this
I
doubt
not
to
affirme
,
that
the
Presbyterians
,
who
now
so
much
condemn
deposing
,
were
the
men
themselves
that
deposd
the
King
,
and
cannot
with
all
thir
shifting
and
relapsing
,
wash
off
the
guiltiness
from
thir
owne
hands
.
For
they
themselves
,
by
these
thir
late
doings
have
made
it
guiltiness
,
and
turnd
thir
owne
warrantable
actions
into
Rebellion
.
There
is
nothing
that
so
actually
makes
a
King
of
England
,
as
righful
possession
and
Supremacy
in
all
causes
both
civil
and
Ecclesiastical
:
and
nothing
that
so
actually
makes
a
Subject
of
England
,
as
those
two
Oaths
of
Allegeance
and
Supremacy
observd
without
equivocating
,
or
any
mental
reservation
.
Out
of
doubt
then
when
the
King
shall
command
things
already
constituted
in
Church
,
or
State
,
obedience
is
the
true
essence
of
a
subject
,
either
to
doe
,
if
it
be
lawful
,
or
if
he
hold
the
thing
unlawful
,
to
submit
to
that
penaltie
which
the
Law
imposes
,
so
long
as
he
intends
to
remaine
a
subject
.
Therefore
when
the
people
or
any
part
of
them
shall
rise
against
the
King
and
his
autority
executing
the
Law
in
any
thing
establishd
civil
or
Ecclesiastical
,
I
doe
nor
say
it
is
rebellion
,
if
the
thing
commanded
though
establishd
be
unlawfull
,
and
that
they
sought
first
all
due
means
of
redress
(
and
no
man
is
furder
bound
to
Law
)
but
I
say
it
is
an
absolute
renouncing
both
of
Supremacy
and
Allegeance
,
which
in
one
word
is
an
actual
and
total
deposing
of
the
King
,
and
the
setting
up
of
another
supreme
autority
over
them
.
And
whether
the
Presbyterians
have
not
don
all
this
and
much
more
,
they
will
not
put
mee
,
I
suppose
,
to
reck'n
up
a
seven
yeares
story
fresh
in
the
memory
of
all
men
.
Have
they
not
utterly
broke
the
Oath
of
Allegeance
,
rejecting
the
Kings
command
and
autority
sent
them
from
any
part
of
the
Kingdom
whether
in
things
lawful
or
unlawful
?
Have
they
not
abjur'd
the
Oath
of
Supremacy
by
setting
up
the
Parlament
without
the
King
,
supreme
to
all
thir
obedience
,
and
though
thir
Vow
and
Covnant
bound
them
in
general
to
the
Parlament
,
yet
somtimes
adhering
to
the
lesser
part
of
Lords
and
Commons
that
remaind
faithful
as
they
terme
it
,
and
eev'n
of
them
,
one
while
to
the
Commons
without
the
Lords
,
another
while
to
the
Lords
without
the
Commons
?
Have
they
not
still
declar'd
thir
meaning
,
whatever
their
Oath
were
,
to
hold
them
onely
for
supreme
whom
they
found
at
any
time
most
yeilding
to
what
they
petitiond
?
Both
these
Oaths
which
were
the
straitest
bond
of
an
English
subject
in
reference
to
the
King
,
being
thus
broke
and
made
voide
,
it
follows
undeniably
that
the
King
from
that
time
was
by
them
in
fact
absolutely
deposd
,
and
they
no
longer
in
reality
to
be
thought
his
subjects
,
notwithstanding
thir
fine
clause
in
the
Covnant
to
preserve
his
person
,
Crown
,
and
dignitie
,
set
there
by
som
dodging
Casuist
with
more
craft
then
sinceritie
to
mitigate
the
matter
in
case
of
ill
success
,
and
not
tak'n
I
suppose
by
any
honest
man
,
but
as
a
condition
subordinate
to
every
the
least
particle
that
might
more
concern
Religion
,
liberty
,
or
the
public
peace
.
To
prove
it
yet
more
plainly
that
they
are
the
men
who
have
deposd
the
King
,
I
thus
argue
.
We
know
that
King
and
Subject
are
relatives
,
and
relatives
have
no
longer
being
then
in
the
relation
;
the
relatiō
between
King
and
Subject
can
be
no
other
then
regal
autority
and
subjection
.
Hence
I
inferr
past
their
defending
,
that
if
the
Subject
who
is
one
relative
,
takes
away
the
relation
,
of
force
he
takes
away
also
the
other
relative
;
but
the
Presbyterians
who
were
one
relative
,
that
is
to
say
Subjects
,
have
for
this
sev'n
years
tak'n
away
the
relation
,
that
is
to
say
the
Kings
autoritie
,
and
thir
subjection
to
it
,
therfore
the
Presbyterians
for
these
sev'n
yeares
have
removd
and
extinguish
the
other
relative
,
that
is
to
say
the
King
,
or
to
speake
more
in
brief
have
depos'd
him
;
not
onely
by
depriving
him
the
execution
of
his
autoritie
,
but
by
conferring
it
upon
others
.
If
then
thir
Oathes
of
subjection
brok'n
,
new
`
Supremacy
obey'd
,
new
Oaths
and
Covnants
tak'n
,
notwitstanding
frivolous
evasions
,
have
in
plaine
tearmes
unking'd
the
King
,
much
more
then
hath
thir
sev'n
yeares
Warr
not
depos'd
him
onely
,
but
outlawd
him
,
and
defi'd
him
as
an
alien
,
a
rebell
to
Law
,
and
enemie
to
the
State
.
It
must
needs
be
cleare
to
any
man
not
averse
from
reason
,
that
hostilitie
and
subjection
are
two
direct
and
positive
contraries
;
and
can
no
more
in
one
subject
stand
together
in
respect
of
the
same
King
,
then
one
person
at
the
same
time
can
be
in
two
remote
places
.
Against
whom
therfore
the
Subject
is
in
act
of
hostility
we
may
be
confident
that
to
him
he
is
in
no
subjection
:
and
in
whom
hostility
takes
place
of
subjection
,
for
they
can
by
no
meanes
consist
together
,
to
him
the
King
can
bee
not
onely
no
King
,
but
an
enemie
.
So
that
from
hence
wee
shall
not
need
dispute
whether
they
have
depos'd
him
,
or
what
they
have
defaulted
towards
him
as
no
King
,
but
shew
manifestly
how
much
they
have
don
toward
the
killing
him
.
Have
they
not
levied
all
these
Warrs
against
him
whether
offensive
or
defensive
(
for
defence
in
Warr
equally
offends
,
and
most
prudently
before
hand
)
and
giv'n
Commission
to
slay
where
they
knew
his
person
could
not
bee
exempt
from
danger
?
And
if
chance
or
flight
had
not
sav'd
him
,
how
oft'n
had
they
killd
him
,
directing
thir
Artillery
without
blame
or
prohibition
to
the
very
place
where
they
saw
him
stand
?
Have
they
not
converted
his
revenue
to
other
uses
,
and
detain'd
from
him
all
meanes
of
livelyhood
,
so
that
for
them
long
since
he
might
have
perisht
,
or
have
starv'd
?
Have
they
not
hunted
and
pursu'd
him
round
about
the
Kingdom
with
sword
and
fire
?
Have
they
not
formerly
deny'd
to
Treat
with
him
,
and
thir
now
recanting
Ministers
preach'd
against
him
,
as
a
reprobate
incurable
,
an
enemy
to
God
and
his
Church
markt
for
destruction
,
and
therfore
not
to
bee
treated
with
?
Have
they
not
beseig'd
him
and
to
thir
power
forbid
him
Water
and
Fire
,
save
what
they
shot
against
him
to
the
hazard
of
his
life
?
Yet
while
they
thus
assaulted
and
endangerd
it
with
hostile
deeds
,
they
swore
in
words
to
defend
it
with
his
Crown
and
dignity
;
not
in
order
,
as
it
seems
now
,
to
a
firm
and
lasting
peace
,
or
to
his
repentance
after
all
this
blood
;
but
simply
,
without
regard
,
without
remorse
or
any
comparable
value
of
all
the
miseries
and
calamities
sufferd
by
the
poore
people
,
or
to
suffer
hereafter
through
his
obstinacy
or
impenitence
.
No
understanding
man
can
bee
ignorant
that
Covnants
are
ever
made
according
to
the
present
state
of
persons
and
of
things
;
and
have
ever
the
more
general
laws
of
nature
and
of
reason
included
in
them
,
though
not
express'd
.
If
I
make
a
voluntary
Covnant
as
with
a
man
to
doe
him
good
,
and
hee
prove
afterward
a
monster
to
me
,
I
should
conceave
a
disobligement
.
If
I
covnant
,
not
to
hurt
an
enemie
,
in
favor
of
him
and
forbearance
,
and
hope
of
his
amendment
,
and
he
,
after
that
,
shall
doe
me
tenfould
injury
and
mischief
to
what
hee
had
don
when
I
so
Covnanted
,
and
stil
be
plotting
what
may
tend
to
my
destruction
,
I
question
not
but
that
his
after
actions
release
me
;
nor
know
I
Covnant
so
sacred
that
withholds
mee
from
demanding
Justice
on
him
.
Howbeit
,
had
not
thir
distrust
in
a
good
cause
,
and
the
fast
and
loos
of
our
prevaricating
Divines
oversway'd
,
it
had
bin
doubtless
better
,
not
to
have
inserted
in
a
Covnant
unnecessary
obligations
,
and
words
not
works
of
a
supererogating
Allegeance
to
thir
enemy
;
no
way
advantageous
to
themselves
,
had
the
King
prevail'd
,
as
to
thir
cost
many
would
have
felt
;
but
full
of
snare
and
distraction
to
our
friends
,
usefull
onely
,
as
we
now
find
,
to
our
adversaries
,
who
under
such
a
latitude
and
shelter
of
ambiguous
interpretation
have
ever
since
been
plotting
and
contriving
new
opportunities
to
trouble
all
againe
.
How
much
better
had
it
bin
,
and
more
becomming
an
undaunted
vertue
to
have
declard
op'nly
and
boldly
whom
and
what
power
the
people
were
to
hold
Supreme
,
as
on
the
like
occasion
Protestants
have
don
before
,
and
many
conscientious
men
now
in
these
times
have
more
then
once
besought
the
Parlament
to
doe
,
that
they
might
go
on
upon
a
sure
foundation
,
and
not
with
a
ridling
Covnant
in
thir
mouthes
,
seeming
to
sweare
counter
almost
in
the
same
breath
Allegeance
and
no
Allegeance
;
which
doubtless
had
drawn
off
all
the
minds
of
sincere
men
from
siding
with
them
,
had
they
not
discern'd
thir
actions
farr
more
deposing
him
then
thir
words
upholding
him
;
which
words
made
now
the
subject
of
cavillous
interpretations
,
stood
ever
in
the
Covnant
by
judgement
of
the
more
discerning
sort
an
evidence
of
thir
feare
not
of
thir
fidelity
.
What
should
I
return
to
speak
on
,
of
those
attempts
for
which
the
King
himself
hath
oft'n
charg'd
the
Presbyterians
of
seeking
his
life
,
whenas
in
the
due
estimation
of
things
they
might
without
a
fallacy
be
sayd
to
have
don
the
deed
outright
.
Who
knows
not
that
the
King
is
a
name
of
dignity
and
office
,
not
of
person
:
Who
therfore
kils
a
King
,
must
kill
him
while
he
is
a
King
.
Then
they
certainly
who
by
deposing
him
have
long
since
tak'n
from
him
the
life
of
a
King
,
his
office
and
his
dignity
,
they
in
the
truest
sence
may
bee
said
to
have
killd
the
King
:
nor
onely
by
thir
deposing
and
waging
Warr
against
him
,
which
besides
the
danger
to
his
personal
life
,
set
him
in
the
fardest
opposite
point
from
any
vital
function
of
a
King
,
but
by
thir
holding
him
in
prison
vanquishd
and
yeilded
into
thir
absolute
and
despotic
power
,
which
brought
him
to
the
lowest
degradement
and
incapacity
of
the
regal
name
.
I
say
not
whose
matchless
valour
next
under
God
,
lest
the
story
of
thir
ingratitude
thereupon
carry
me
from
the
purpose
in
hand
,
which
is
to
convince
them
that
they
,
which
I
repeat
againe
,
were
the
men
who
in
the
truest
sense
killd
the
King
,
not
onely
as
is
provd
before
,
but
by
depressing
him
thir
King
farr
below
the
rank
of
a
subject
to
the
condition
of
a
Captive
,
without
intention
to
restore
him
,
as
the
Chancellour
of
Scotland
in
a
speech
told
him
plainly
at
Newcastle
,
unless
hee
granted
fully
all
thir
demands
,
which
they
knew
he
never
meant
.
Nor
did
they
Treat
or
think
of
Treating
with
him
,
till
thir
hatred
to
the
Army
that
deliverd
them
,
not
thir
love
or
duty
to
the
King
,
joyn'd
them
secretly
with
men
sentencd
so
oft
for
Reprobates
in
thir
owne
mouthes
,
by
whose
suttle
inspiring
they
grew
madd
upon
a
most
tardy
and
improper
Treaty
.
Whereas
if
the
whole
bent
of
thir
actions
had
not
bin
against
the
King
himselfe
,
but
against
his
evill
Councel
,
as
they
faind
,
and
publishd
,
wherefore
did
they
not
restore
him
all
that
while
to
the
true
life
of
a
King
,
his
Office
,
Crown
,
and
Dignity
,
when
he
was
in
thir
power
,
and
they
themselves
his
neerest
Counselers
.
The
truth
therefore
is
,
both
that
they
would
not
,
and
that
indeed
they
could
not
without
thir
own
certaine
destruction
,
having
reduc'd
him
to
such
a
final
pass
,
as
was
the
very
death
and
burial
of
all
in
him
rhat
was
regal
,
and
from
whence
never
King
of
England
yet
revivd
,
but
by
the
new
re
inforcement
of
his
own
party
,
which
was
a
kind
of
resurrection
to
him
.
Thus
having
quitc
extinguisht
all
that
could
be
in
him
of
a
King
,
and
from
a
total
privation
clad
him
over
like
another
specifical
thing
with
formes
and
habitudes
destructive
to
the
former
,
they
left
in
his
person
dead
as
to
Law
and
all
the
civil
right
either
of
King
or
Subject
the
life
onely
of
a
Prilner
,
a
Captive
and
a
Malefactor
.
Whom
the
equal
and
impartial
hand
of
justice
finding
,
was
no
more
to
spare
then
another
ordnary
man
;
not
onely
made
obnoxious
to
the
doome
of
Law
by
a
charge
more
then
once
drawn
up
against
him
,
and
his
owne
confession
to
the
first
Article
at
Newport
,
but
summond
and
arraignd
in
the
sight
of
God
and
his
people
,
cutst
and
devoted
to
perdition
worse
then
any
Ahab
,
or
Antiochus
,
with
exhortation
to
curse
all
those
in
the
name
of
God
that
made
not
Warr
against
him
,
as
bitterly
as
Meroz
was
to
be
curs'd
,
that
went
not
out
against
a
Canaanitish
King
,
almost
in
all
the
Sermons
,
Prayers
,
and
Fulminations
that
have
bin
utterd
this
sev'n
yeares
by
those
clov'n
tongues
of
falshood
and
dissention
,
who
now
,
to
the
stirring
up
of
new
discord
,
acquitt
him
;
and
against
thir
owne
discipline
,
which
they
boast
to
be
the
throne
and
scepter
of
Christ
,
absolve
him
,
unconfound
him
,
though
unconverted
,
unrepentant
,
unsensible
of
all
thir
pretious
Saints
and
Martyrs
whose
blood
they
have
so
oft
layd
upon
his
head
:
and
now
againe
with
a
new
sovran
anointment
can
wash
it
all
off
,
as
if
it
were
as
vile
,
and
no
more
to
be
reckn'd
for
then
the
blood
of
so
many
Dogs
in
a
time
of
Pestilence
:
giving
the
most
opprobrious
lye
to
all
the
acted
zeale
that
for
these
many
yeares
hath
filld
thir
bellies
,
and
fed
them
fatt
upon
the
foolish
people
.
Ministers
of
sedition
,
not
of
the
Gospell
,
who
while
they
saw
it
manifestly
tend
to
civil
Warr
and
bloodshed
,
never
ceasd
exasperating
the
people
against
him
;
and
now
that
they
see
it
likely
to
breed
new
commotion
,
cease
not
to
incite
others
against
the
people
that
have
savd
them
from
him
,
as
if
sedition
were
thir
onely
aime
whether
against
him
or
for
him
.
But
God
as
we
have
cause
to
trust
,
wil
put
other
thoughts
into
the
people
,
and
turn
them
from
looking
after
these
firebrands
,
of
whose
fury
,
and
sals
prophecies
we
have
anough
experience
;
and
from
the
murmurs
of
new
discord
will
incline
them
to
heark'n
rather
with
erected
minds
to
the
voice
of
our
supreme
Magistracy
,
calling
us
to
liberty
and
the
flourishing
deeds
of
a
reformed
Common-wealth
;
with
this
hope
that
as
God
was
heretofore
angry
with
the
Jews
who
rejected
him
and
his
forme
of
Government
to
choose
a
King
,
so
that
he
will
bless
us
,
and
be
propitious
to
us
who
reject
a
King
to
make
him
onely
our
leader
,
and
supreme
governour
in
the
conformity
as
neer
as
may
be
of
his
own
ancient
government
;
if
we
have
at
least
but
so
much
worth
in
us
to
entertaine
the
sense
of
our
future
happiness
,
and
the
courage
to
receave
what
God
voutsafes
us
:
wherin
we
have
the
honour
to
precede
other
Nations
who
are
now
labouring
to
be
our
followers
.
For
as
to
this
question
in
hand
what
the
people
by
thir
just
right
may
doe
in
change
of
government
,
or
of
governour
,
we
see
it
cleerd
sufsiciently
;
besides
other
ample
autority
eev'n
from
the
mouths
of
Princes
themselves
.
And
surely
they
that
shall
boast
,
as
we
doe
,
to
be
a
free
Nation
,
and
not
have
in
themselves
the
power
to
remove
,
or
to
abolish
any
governour
supreme
,
or
subordinate
with
the
government
it self
upon
urgent
causes
,
may
please
thir
fancy
with
a
ridiculous
and
painted
freedom
,
fit
to
coz'n
babies
;
but
are
indeed
under
tyranny
and
servitude
;
as
wanting
that
power
,
which
is
the
root
and
sourse
of
all
liberty
,
to
dispose
and
oeconomize
in
the
Land
which
God
hath
giv'n
them
,
as
Maisters
of
Family
in
thir
own
house
and
free
inheritance
.
Without
which
natural
and
essential
power
of
a
free
Nation
,
though
bearing
high
thir
heads
,
they
can
in
due
esteem
be
thought
no
better
then
slaves
and
vassals
born
,
in
the
tenure
and
occupation
of
another
inheriting
Lord
.
Whose
government
,
though
not
illegal
,
or
intolerable
,
hangs
over
them
as
a
Lotdly
scourge
,
not
as
a
free
goverment
;
and
therfore
to
be
abrogated
.
How
much
more
justly
then
may
they
fling
off
tyranny
,
or
tyrants
?
who
being
once
depos'd
can
be
no
more
then
privat
men
,
as
subject
to
the
reach
of
Justice
and
arraignment
as
any
other
transgressors
.
And
certainly
if
men
,
not
to
speak
of
Heathen
,
both
wise
and
Religious
have
don
justice
upon
Tyrants
what
way
they
could
soonest
,
how
much
more
mild
and
human
then
is
it
to
give
them
faire
and
op'n
tryall
?
To
teach
lawless
Kings
and
all
that
so
much
adore
them
,
that
not
mortal
man
,
or
his
imperious
will
,
but
Justice
is
the
onely
true
sovran
and
supreme
Majesty
upon
earth
.
Let
men
cease
therfore
out
of
faction
and
hypocrisie
to
make
outcrys
&
horrid
things
of
things
so
just
and
honorable
.
And
if
the
Parlament
and
Military
Councel
do
what
they
doe
without
president
,
if
it
appeare
thir
duty
,
it
argues
the
more
wisdom
,
vertue
,
and
magnanimity
,
that
they
know
themselves
able
to
be
a
president
to
others
.
Who
perhaps
in
future
ages
,
if
they
prove
not
too
degenerat
,
will
look
up
with
honour
and
aspire
toward
these
exemplary
,
and
matchless
deeds
of
thir
Ancestors
,
as
to
the
highest
top
of
thir
civil
glory
and
emulation
.
Which
heretofore
in
the
persuance
of
fame
and
forren
dominion
spent
it self
vain-gloriously
abroad
;
but
henceforth
may
learn
a
better
fortitude
to
dare
execute
highest
Justice
on
them
that
shall
by
force
of
Armes
endeavour
the
oppressing
and
bereaving
ofReligion
and
thir
liberty
at
home
:
that
no
unbridl'd
Potentate
or
Tyrant
,
but
to
his
sorrow
for
the
future
,
may
presume
such
high
and
irresponsible
licence
over
mankind
to
havock
and
turn
upside-down
whole
Kingdoms
of
men
as
though
they
were
no
more
in
respect
of
his
perverse
will
then
a
Nation
of
Pismires
.
As
for
the
party
calld
Presbyterian
,
of
whom
I
beleive
very
many
to
be
good
&
faithful
Christians
,
though
misled
by
som
of
turbulent
spirit
,
I
wish
them
earnestly
and
calmly
not
to
fall
off
from
thir
first
principles
;
nor
to
affect
rigor
and
superiority
over
men
not
under
them
;
not
to
compell
unforcible
things
in
Religion
especially
,
which
if
not
voluntary
,
becomes
a
sin
;
nor
to
assist
the
clamor
and
malicious
drifts
of
men
whom
they
themselves
have
judg'd
to
be
the
worst
of
men
,
the
obdurat
enemies
of
God
and
his
Church
:
nor
to
dart
against
the
actions
of
thir
brethren
,
for
want
of
other
argument
those
wrested
Lawes
and
Scriptures
thrown
by
Prelats
and
Malignants
against
thir
own
sides
,
which
though
they
hurt
not
otherwise
,
yet
tak'n
up
by
them
to
the
condemnation
of
thir
owne
doings
give
scandal
to
all
men
and
discover
in
themselves
either
extreame
passion
or
apostacy
.
Let
them
not
oppose
thir
best
friends
and
associats
who
molest
them
not
at
all
,
infringe
not
the
least
of
thir
liberties
;
unless
they
call
it
thir
liberty
to
bind
other
mens
consciences
,
but
are
still
secking
to
live
at
peace
with
them
and
brotherly
accord
.
Let
them
beware
an
old
and
perfet
enemy
,
who
though
he
hope
by
sowing
discord
to
make
them
his
instruments
,
yet
cannot
forbeare
a
minute
the
op'n
threatning
of
his
destind
revenge
upon
them
when
they
have
servd
his
purposes
.
Let
them
feare
therefore
,
if
they
bee
wise
,
rather
what
they
have
don
already
,
then
what
remaines
to
doe
,
and
be
warn'd
in
time
they
put
no
confidence
in
Princes
whom
they
have
provokd
,
lest
they
be
added
to
the
examples
of
those
that
miserably
have
tasted
the
event
.
Stories
can
inform
them
how
Christiern
the
second
,
King
of
Denmark
not
much
above
a
hundred
yeares
past
,
driv'n
out
by
his
Subjects
,
and
receavd
againe
upon
new
Oaths
and
conditions
,
broke
through
them
all
to
his
most
bloody
revenge
;
slaying
his
chief
opposers
when
he
saw
his
time
,
both
them
and
thir
children
invited
to
a
feast
for
that
purpose
.
How
Maximilian
dealt
with
those
of
Bruges
,
though
by
mediation
of
the
German
Princes
reconcil'd
to
them
by
solem
and
public
writings
drawn
and
seald
.
How
the
massacre
at
Paris
was
the
effect
of
that
credulous
peace
which
the
French
Protestants
made
with
Charles
the
ninth
thir
King
:
and
that
the
main
visible
cause
which
to
this
day
hath
sav'd
the
Netherlands
from
utter
ruine
,
was
thir
finall
not
belei●ing
the
perfidious
cruelty
which
as
a
constant
maxim
of
State
hath
bin
us'd
by
the
Spanish
Kings
on
thir
Subjects
that
have
tak'n
armes
and
after
trusted
them
;
as
no
later
age
but
can
testifie
,
heretofore
in
Belgia
it self
,
and
this
very
yeare
in
Naples
.
And
to
conclude
with
one
past
exception
,
though
farr
more
ancient
,
David
after
once
hee
had
tak'n
armes
,
never
after
that
trusted
Saul
,
though
with
tears
and
much
relenting
he
twise
promis'd
not
to
hurt
him
.
These
instances
,
few
of
many
,
might
admonish
them
both
English
and
Scotch
not
to
let
thir
owne
ends
,
and
the
driving
on
of
a
faction
betray
them
blindly
into
the
snare
of
those
enemies
whose
revenge
looks
on
them
as
the
men
who
first
begun
,
fomented
and
carri'd
on
beyond
the
cure
of
any
sonnd
or
safe
accommodation
all
the
evil
which
hath
since
unavoidably
befall'n
them
and
thir
King
.
I
have
something
also
to
the
Divines
,
though
brief
to
what
were
needfull
;
not
to
be
disturbers
of
the
civil
affairs
,
being
in
hands
better
able
and
more
belonging
to
manage
them
;
but
to
study
harder
and
to
attend
the
office
of
good
Pastors
,
knowing
that
he
whose
flock
is
least
among
them
hath
a
dreadfull
charge
,
not
performd
by
mounting
twise
into
the
chair
with
a
formal
preachment
huddl'd
up
at
the
od
hours
of
a
whole
lazy
week
,
but
by
incessant
pains
and
watching
in
season
and
out
of
season
,
from
house
to
house
over
the
soules
of
whom
they
have
to
feed
.
Which
if
they
ever
well
considerd
,
how
little
leasure
would
they
find
to
be
the
most
pragmatical
Sidesmen
of
every
popular
tumult
and
Sedition
?
And
all
this
while
are
to
learne
what
the
true
end
and
reason
is
of
the
Gospel
which
they
teach
;
and
what
a
world
it
differs
from
the
censorious
and
supercilious
lording
over
conscience
.
It
would
be
good
also
they
liv'd
so
as
might
perswade
the
people
they
hated
covetousness
,
which
worse
then
heresie
,
is
idolatry
;
hated
pluralities
and
all
kind
of
Simony
;
left
rambling
from
Benefice
to
Benefice
,
iike
ravnous
Wolves
seeking
where
they
may
devour
the
biggest
.
Of
which
if
som
,
well
and
warmely
seated
from
the
beginning
,
be
not
guilty
,
t
were
good
they
held
not
conversation
with
such
as
are
:
let
them
be
sorry
that
being
call'd
to
assemble
about
reforming
the
Church
,
they
fell
to
progging
and
solliciting
the
Parlament
,
though
they
had
renouncd
the
name
of
Priests
,
for
a
new
setling
of
thir
Tithes
and
Oblations
;
and
double
lin'd
themselves
with
spiritual
places
of
commoditie
beyond
the
possible
discharge
of
thir
duty
.
Let
them
assemble
in
Consistory
with
thir
Elders
and
Deacons
,
according
to
ancient
Ecclesiastical
rule
,
to
the
preserving
of
Church
discipline
each
in
his
several
charge
,
and
not
a
pack
of
Clergie
men
by
themselves
to
belly
cheare
in
thir
presumptuous
Sion
,
or
to
promote
designes
,
abuse
and
gull
the
simple
Laity
,
and
stirr
up
tumult
,
as
the
Prelats
did
,
for
the
maintenance
of
thir
pride
and
avarice
.
These
things
if
they
observe
and
waite
with
patience
,
no
doubt
but
all
things
will
goe
well
without
their
importunities
or
exclamations
:
and
the
Printed
letters
which
they
send
subscrib'd
with
the
ostentation
of
great
Characters
and
little
moment
,
would
be
more
considerable
then
now
they
are
.
But
if
they
be
the
Ministers
of
Mammon
instead
of
Christ
,
and
scandalize
his
Church
with
the
filty
love
of
gaine
,
aspiring
also
to
sit
the
closest
and
the
heaviest
of
all
Tyrants
,
upon
the
conscience
,
and
fall
notoriously
into
the
same
sins
,
whereof
so
lately
and
so
loud
they
accus'd
the
Prelates
,
as
God
rooted
out
those
immediately
before
,
so
will
he
root
out
them
thir
imitators
:
and
to
vindicate
his
own
glory
and
Religion
,
will
uncover
thir
hypocrisie
to
the
open
world
;
and
visit
upon
thir
own
heads
that
curse
ye
Meroz
,
the
very
Motto
of
thir
Pulpits
,
wherwith
so
frequently
,
not
as
Meroz
,
but
more
like
Atheists
they
have
mock'd
the
vengeance
of
God
,
and
the
zeale
of
his
people
.
The
End
.