by the king, a proclamation for taking off the late restraint laid upon the ships of merchants and others from going to sea england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1672 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32515 wing c3434 estc r35885 15566026 ocm 15566026 103851 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32515) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103851) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1588:87) by the king, a proclamation for taking off the late restraint laid upon the ships of merchants and others from going to sea england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 broadside. printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker ..., in the savoy [i.e. london] : 1672. "given at his majesties court at whitehall, this two and twentieth day of may, in the twenty fourth year of his majesties reign." reproduction of the original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dutch war, 1672-1678. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. great britain -history, naval -stuarts, 1603-1714. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king. a proclamation for taking off the late restraint laid upon the ships of merchants and others from going to sea. charles r. his majesty by his order made in council upon the seventh day of february last , having laid a general imbargo upon all ships trading from this kingdom in such manner as is therein declared ; and having also since that time declared his further pleasure , that no passes or protections for ships , formerly granted by his royal highness , should be of any force or effect ; is now graciously pleased to take off the said restraint ; and hath therefore thought fit by advice of his privy council to publish this his royal proclamation , hereby declaring , that it shall and may be lawful to and for all and every of his majesties loving subjects , as well merchants as others , to set out any ships to sea , and to carry on their trade and commerce as fully and amply as they could or might have done , if no such restraint or imbargo had been made ; any thing in such restraint contained to the contrary notwithstanding . and his majesty is further pleased to declare , that all passes and protections for ships and mariners , formerly granted by his royal highness lord high admiral of england , or hereafter to be granted , shall be of as full force and effect , to all the intents and purposes therein contained , as the same could have been , if no such imbargo had ever happened ; any former declaration of his majesties pleasure to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . given at his majesties court at whitehall this two and twentieth day of may , in the twenty fourth year of his majesties reign . god save the king. in the savoy , printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker , printers to the kings most excellent majesty . 1672. by the king, a proclamation for a general fast throughout the realm of england england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1672 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32414 wing c3305 estc r39169 18241090 ocm 18241090 107237 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32414) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107237) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:79) by the king, a proclamation for a general fast throughout the realm of england england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 broadside. printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker ..., in the savoy [i.e. london] : 1671/2 [i.e. 1672] "given at our court at whitehall this 22d day of march 1671/2. in the 24th year of his majesties reign." reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dutch war, 1672-1678. fasts and feasts -church of england. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king. a proclamation for a general fast throughout the realm of england . charles r. the kings most excellent majesty , being necessitated , for the just defence and vindication of his own and subjects rights , to declare war against the states of the united provinces ; and having his forces now in readiness upon a present expedition , hath resolved and doth hereby command a general and publick fast to be kept throughout his whole kingdom : that so both prince and people may send up there prayers and supplications to almighty god , for imploring his blessing on his majesties naval forces : and for the more decent and vniform performance thereof , his majesty doth hereby publish and declare to all his loving subjects , and doth straitly charge and command that wednesday next being the 27 th day of this instant march , this fast be religiously and solemnly kept and observed , within the cities of london and westminster and the borough of southwark and other places adjacent within the bills of mortality : and that upon wednesday the 17 th of april next , the like fast be kept and duly observed through the rest of this whole kingdom of england , dominion of wales , and town of berwick upon tweed . and for the more orderly solemnizing thereof , his majesty hath directed that the form of prayers compos'd and published in the late war , upon the like occasion , be used in all churches and chappels , and hath given charge to the bishops for the dispersing thereof through their several diocesses in the whole kingdom . and his majesty doth expresly charge and command , that the said fasting and prayers be soberly , reverently , and decently performed by all his loving subjects , as they tender the favour of almighty god , and upon pain of such punishments as his majesty can justly inflict upon all such , as contemn or neglect so religious a work. given at the court at whitehall this 22 d day of march 1671 / 2 in the 24 th year of his majesties reign . god save the king. in the savoy , printed by the assigns of john bill and christopher barker , printers to the kings most excellent majesty . 1671 / 2. a proclamation, for publishing the peace between his majesty and the states general of the united netherlands. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii). 1674 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b02119 wing c3393 estc r225697 52612091 ocm 52612091 179373 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02119) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179373) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2786:34) a proclamation, for publishing the peace between his majesty and the states general of the united netherlands. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii). charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by his majesties printers, edinburgh : 1674. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. printed in black letter. dated at end: given at our court at whitehall, the twenty seventh day of february, one thousand six hundred and seventy four, and the six and twenty year of our reign. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dutch war, 1672-1678 -treaties -sources. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688 -sources. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands -early works to 1800. netherlands -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms a proclamation , for publishing the peace between his majesty and the states general of the vnited netherlands . charles , by the grace of god , king of great britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith : to our lyon king at armes , and his brethren heraulds , macers , pursevants , messengers at armes , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally specially constitute , greeting . whereas a peace hath been treated and concluded at westminster , between vs and the states general of the united netherlands , and the ratifications thereof exchanged , and publication thereof made at the hague , the twenty fourth day of february , one thousand six hundred and seventy four : in conformity thereunto , we have thought fit hereby to command , that the same be published throughout all our dominions ; and we do declare , that no acts of hostility or force are to be committed by any of our subjects , upon any of the subjects of the saids states general , within the several limits hereafter mentioned , from and after the several dayes and times hereby also specified , viz. after the eighth day of march , one thousand six hundred and seventy four , next ensuing , from the soundings to the naz in norway , viz. after the seventh day of april , one thousand six hundred and seventy four , from the soundings aforesaid , to the city of tanger . after the fifth day of may next following , in the ocean , mediterranean , or elsewhere , betwixt the said city of tanger , and the equinoctial line . and lastly , after the twenty fourth of october next ensuing , in any part of the world . and that whatsoever actions of hostility and force shall be committed by any of our subjects , against any the subjects of the saids states general , after the dayes aforesaid , upon color of whatsoever former commission , letters of marque , or the like , shall be deemed as illegal , and the actors oblieged to make reparation and satisfaction , and be punished as violators of the publick peace . and hereof we will and command all our subjects to take notice , and govern themselves accordingly . given at our court at whitehall , the twenty seventh day of february , one thousand six hundred and seventy four , and the six and twenty year of our reign . god save the king . edinbvrgh , printed by his majesties printers , 1674. the poor distressed people of holland their humble thanks and acknowledgement for his majesties gracious favours profer'd them in his late declaration wild, robert, 1609-1679. 1672 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a96487 wing w2147 estc r43822 42475284 ocm 42475284 151450 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a96487) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 151450) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2259:18) the poor distressed people of holland their humble thanks and acknowledgement for his majesties gracious favours profer'd them in his late declaration wild, robert, 1609-1679. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [london : 1672] in verse. reproduction of original in: lincoln's inn (london, england). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dutch war, 1672-1678 -poetry. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the poor distressed people of holland , their humble thanks and acknowledgement for his majesties gracious favours profer'd them in his late declaration . great sir , whilst you these favours do create for us , you do our thanks anticipate : there are no merits on our part , can claim the least from you , ingratitude 's our shame . what poets talk achilles spear could do , jove's threats and smiles are verified in you ; if you but say you 'l kill or cure 't is done , 'twixt charles and jove there 's no comparison : you having conquer'd by your powerful armes , straight by your kindness salve your captives harms ; making your conquests double , by these arts , you 've won the field , and gain'd your enemies hearts . had you dealt with us as th' israelites of old with the deceitful gibconites , have sold us and our families for slaves , then we had known a precedent for your clemencie . our lives and liberties to you we owe , and you to us a fathers pity show , when we'd forgot those hands that did us feed , and gave's relief in greatest time of need . yet whilst you such unheard of favours show , from guilty breasts some jealous fears do flow , and run in murm'ring streams , these whine and cry , no favour 's offer'd but there 's reason why ; but let such narrow souls repine in vain , we think your grace as boundless as your main : great princes like to gods no merits know , from pity or their will their favours flow ; since , royal sir , you 'r pleased to declare us your free subjects , it shall be our care to render double loyalty to you by our obedience , and our actions too . what our industry hath brought from foreign 〈◊〉 is ready to attend your royal commands , each active hand prepared is to bring their richest treasure to great britain's king ; no bank , or publick faith , being so secure as is the faith-defenders promise , sure . your actions are so just , it may be se'd astraea from this world to yours is fled ; so will your land e're long be stil'd the burse , and only treasury of the universe . thus you 'l by chymick policy attain what lully and old hermes ne're could gain , whilst the elixer of your favours can attract the india's to your ocean , and make the thames , influenc'd by your beams , as once pactolus , run in golden streams . our hoogen moogen's too will think it meet to prostrate themselves and ships before your fleet , and lay their treasures at your royal feet . thus with these favours you the world affright , conquering your enemies , e're they come to fight ; each monarch trembles , and of you's afraid , that with a word their countries can invade : they oft have felt the force of britains sword , but ne're the pow'r magnetick of your word ; the one at random strikes at any part , but this ne're fails to force and win the heart : so shines your virtues that the whole world must own that you 're both charles le grand , and charles le bone. nescit fama virtutis mori . at the court at whitehall, the fifteenth of may, 1672. whereas his majesty did the seventeenth of march past, upon the reading in council his declaration of war against the states general of the united provinces of the low countries ... propose the observance ... for withdrawing the persons and goods of all dutch subjects which were found here ... england. curia regis. 1672 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b03312 wing e844 estc r171949 52612144 ocm 52612144 179423 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b03312) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179423) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2788:19) at the court at whitehall, the fifteenth of may, 1672. whereas his majesty did the seventeenth of march past, upon the reading in council his declaration of war against the states general of the united provinces of the low countries ... propose the observance ... for withdrawing the persons and goods of all dutch subjects which were found here ... england. curia regis. walker, edward, sir, 1612-1677. 1 sheet ([1] p.) re-printed by evan tyler, printer to the king's most excellent majesty, edinburgh : anno dom. 1672. title from caption and first lines of text. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. list of those present follows caption. signed: edw. walker. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dutch war, 1672-1678 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1660-1688 -sources. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms at the court at whitehall , the fifteenth of may , 1672. present , the kings most excellent majesty . lord archbishop of canterbury lord keeper duke of lauderdale marquess of worcester earl of bridgwater earl of essex earl of anglesey earl of bathe earl of carlisle earl of craven earl of arlington earl of shaftsbury lord newport lord holles lord clifford mr. vice-chamberlain mr. secretary trevor sir john duncombe mr. chancellour of the dutchy sir thomas osborne whereas his majesty did the seventeenth of march past , upon the reading in council his declaration of war against the states general of the vnited provinces of the low countreys , command his grace the duke of lauderdale , and the right honourable the earl of arlington , principal secretary of state , to confer that evening with the ambassador and minister of the said states , to propose the observance of the two and thirtieth article of the treaty of breda , on his majesties part ; for the withdrawing the persons and goods of all dutch su●jects which were either found here , or at that time were voluntarily coming into his majesties ports ; pr 〈…〉 i 〈…〉 ed might have the same benefit of the said article ; vvhich overture hath been often renewed by me 〈…〉 of arlington to the said ambassador . and it appearing now at length , by paper from him of the instant ( this day read at the board ) that the states have consented to the said proposition , and will set at liberty all his majesties subjects , with their ships and goods , and that they nay return without any prohibition , when they shall see fit . his majesty hath thought fit to command and order the right honourable his principal commisioners of prizes , forthwith to cause all the ships , goods , and merchandizes that were seised in any of his majesties ports , before the declaration of the vvar , or which were voluntarily coming in to the ●●me , to be forthwith set at liberty and discharged ( they having remained still untouched , in expectaion of what the said states would do in this point . ) in like manner all persons belonging to the said ships , who are under detention by reason of the vvar , are to be forthwith set at liberty , with power to return with their ships and merchandize , when they shall see fit , according to the tenor of the said article ; and notice hereof to be given to the dutch ambassador , that it may be as ingeniously performed on his masters part as it is now promised . and his majesties commissioners for the care of prisoners , are requi●ed to take notice hereof , and to give obedience accordingly . and whereas by another paper of the 13 / 23. instant ( this day also read at the board ) from the sieur boreel , by order of the said states general of the vnited provinces , proposing to enter into some terms of agreement touching the exchange of prisoners of vvar on either side , his majesty hath thought fit to refer the consideration of this matter to the principal commissioners of prizes , that they may consider thereof , and propose to his majesty such expedients as they shall think fit . likewise all dutch merchants or others , who neither in their persons or goods are under this detention , may freely depart the kingdom , if they think fit , without any incumbrance or molestation . edw. walker . it was ordened by his majesty in council , that this be forthwith printed and published . edw. walker . edinburgh , re-printed by evan tyler , printer to the king 's most excellent majesty , anno dom. 1672. his majesties gracious declaration, for the encouraging the subjects of the united provinces of the low-countreys, to transport themselves with their estates, and to settle in this his majesties kingdom of england. / published by the advice of his privy council. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) 1672 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b02065 wing c3012 estc r171217 52614561 ocm 52614561 175795 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02065) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 175795) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2751:14) his majesties gracious declaration, for the encouraging the subjects of the united provinces of the low-countreys, to transport themselves with their estates, and to settle in this his majesties kingdom of england. / published by the advice of his privy council. england and wales. sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii) charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. 1 sheet ([1] p.) [by a. anderson], edinburgh : 16[72]. title vignette: royal seal, with initials c r. caption title. initial letter. publication data from wing (2nd ed.). imperfect: sheet creased, cropped at bottom with slight loss of text. reproduction of original in: national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dutch war, 1672-1678 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -17th century. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms his majesties gracious declaration , for the encouraging the subjects of the vnited provinces of the low-countreys , to transport themselves with their estates , and to settle in this his majesties kingdom of england . published by the advice of his privy council . charles r. whereas his majesty was graciously pleased , in his late declaration of war against the states general of the united provinces , of the 17. of march , 1671 / 2. among other things to declare , that if any of the low-countries subjects , either out of affection to his majesty , or his government , or because of the oppression they meet with at home from their governours , should come into his kingdoms , they should be by his majesty protected in their persons and estates : his majesty continuing in the same gracious inclination towards all such of the subjects of the said low-countries , as shall desire to deliver themselves from , the calamity and distress into which the ill counsels of some prevailing persons in the government of those countries have justly drawn them , hath thought fit in pursuance of his said gracious intention , hereby further to declare , i. that all such of the subjects and inhabitants of the united provinces of the low-countries , of what profession , rank , or condition soever , as shall desire to withdraw themselves out of those countries , shall have , and from henceforth they have , by vertue of these presents , full leave , licence and permission from his majesty to transport themselves , together with their families , estates , goods and merchandises into this his majesties kingdom of england , in what ships or vessels they shall think fit , without seisure , confiscation , restraint , trouble or molestation whatsoever . ii. that all such persons being arrived in this his majesties kingdom , shall be free in their estates and persons , with liberty to settle themselves and families where they please , and as they please , and shall have and enjoy full liberty of conscience , as to matters of religion and worship , together with all and singular the priviledges , immunities and advantages , enjoyed by , or belonging to , his majesties natural born subjects of this his kingdom ; and particularly not to pay , or be lyable to any customs , payments , or duties whatsoever , other then are paid by his majesties natural born subjects of this kingdom . iii. that for their greater security in this particular , his majesty will at the next meeting of the parliament pass a bill for the naturalizing such . persons , their children and servants , and that in the mean time they shall be immediately , and without delay made free denizens of this his kingdom of england , without their charge or trouble . iv. all such ships , boats , busses , and vessels whatsoever , as do or shall belong to any of the persons so transporting themselves as aforesaid , shall be held and acounted as of english built , and shall have and enjoy the same and like priviledges and immunities in matters of trade , navigation and customs , to all intents and purposes , as if they had been built in england , and did actually belong to his majesties natural born subjects of this his kingdom : and if any person or persons shall hereafter bring over to his majesty any ships of war belonging to the united provinces , every such person or persons shall forthwith have and receive to their own use one full moiety of the true value of such ships , their tackle , guns , ammunition , and provisions . v. and for the greater encouragement of all such seamen , mariners , fishermen , shipwrights , carpenters and other artificers relating to shipping or sea-affairs , as shall desire to make use of this his majesties gracious favour and compassion , his majesty is pleased further to add , and accordingly he doth hereby declare and promise , that all such persons , and every of them shall be and remain free an and exempt from any press . vi. and lastly , his majesty doth declare , and promise , that he will from time to time grant his free passports and safe conducts under his royal sign manual , for the persons , families , ships , goods and merchandises of all such as shall thus desire to transport themselves ; and if it be found necessary , will appoint even convoys to secure them and their estates in their passage , against whatsoever force , violence or molestation : further promising and declaring , that in supply of the want of such passports , where the parties might not have the conveniency of procuring them , his majesty will give effectual order , that whatsoever ships or goods shall at any time hereafter happen to be taken at sea , being bound for any port of this his majesties kingdom , and shall truly belong to any person so transporting himself and his estate into this his majesties kingdom of england , shall forthwith , and without all delay be discharged from any such seizure or detention , and be immediatly restored to the owners . edinburgh , re-printed in the year 16●● further advice to a painter, or, directions to draw the late engagement, aug. 11th, 1673 denham, john, sir, 1615-1669. 1673 approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-08 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a35651 wing d1002 estc r32783 12754400 ocm 12754400 93382 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a35651) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 93382) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1033:5) further advice to a painter, or, directions to draw the late engagement, aug. 11th, 1673 denham, john, sir, 1615-1669. [2] 6 p. printed for r. vaughan ..., london : 1673. in verse. caption title: another advice to a painter, or, directions how to draw the late engagement, august 11th 1673. attributed by wing to sir john denham. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dutch war, 1672-1678 -poetry. 2004-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-04 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-04 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion further advice to a painter . or , directions to dravv the late engagement aug. 11 th . 1673. hor. de arte poet. — pictoribus atque poetis , quidlibet audiendi semper fuit aequa potestas . london , printed for r. vaughan in the little old baily , 1673. another advice to a painter ; or , directions how to draw the late engagement , august 11 th . 1673. painter , prepare thy pencill yet once more , and taking prospect from the belgian shore , draw me two royal fleets , conjoyn'd in one , ready to part that stake that 's to be won ; cover the sea , and all their squadrons draw in such thick forrests as the sun ne're saw : thence back into the land casting thy eye , draw all the beacons flaming in the skye ; and , if thou can'st , draw the confused roare of people running to defend their shore : paint all that fear and consternation can raise in the visage of despairing man , and let the figures a proportion hold with mothers loosing sons , and misers gold. but e're these colours in the life thou lay , turn thy designing face another way ; look from the south-west coast there creeps along an adverse fleet , as numerous and as strong ; wary , yet bold , who long conceal'd had lain fenc'd in by sands , the citadels o' th main ; but griev'd to see their country thus opprest , like lyons rouz'd , come rampant from their rest , stretching for strength ; and as along they stand , refresh their men , and check their fears on land ; who heartned thus , on board in clusters crou'd to have a share in their defence grown proud , vowing to chace these objects of their fear , and make them for their insolence pay dear : " cowards will turn if you too hard pursue ; " then think what courage in despair will doe . now painter close the scenes , and shew thy skill , teaching thy pencil some hid arts to kill ; look how the royal fleets stand both prepar'd to act so much more than the assailors dar'd ; that lest they should in courage seem behind , rather then wave the fight , they 'l lose the wind. but least the blood and horrour thou must paint , in such a dismal fight , should make thee faint , spread some few dashes over like a cloake , and hide these cruel scenes in fire and smoake : only be kind to every gust that blew , and then some brave commander set in view . first draw d'estrees appointed to receive the charge that furious bankaert came to give ; bankaert who led the zealand force that day , who us'd to be the first that forc'd their way ; but with that glory they must now dispence , the white flag carried so much innocence , that maugre all opposure it could find , d'estrees 't is said charg'd through and gain'd the wind ; there bravely daring his proud foe he stayes , and all the terrour of the fight surveys ; " thus hawks by hovering o're their heads would fright " the hardy bustard which they doubt to strike . yet estivall by partial canon fell , and prov'd not like his ship invincible , bevilly , sepville , dailly , many more , gave all the marks undaunted courage wore : but see what 't is to fight 'gainst thick-skin'd dutch , they seem'd not t' have receiv'd the smallest touch : " thus fellons mark'd with a cold brand , will shout , " clap their mouth too 't , and quickly bite it out . the prince could not the like advantage find , for subtle ruyter kept too close the wind ; ruyter , who long his countreys guard has bin , piecing their lyon's tayl with his fox-skin , the fabius of the holland commonwealth , hovering in clouds and charging foes by stealth ; who making victory his only aime , judges aright , advantage is no shame ; therefore for it with setled courage waites , then acts his part , and leaves the rest to fates . so now his canon on the prince he plyes , who briskly fights , though seemingly he flyes ; and whilst de ruyter presses in his wake , 'gainst so much odds such fierce returns does make , as all th' assailors fury do's out-doe ; for who dare charge the prince and soveraigne too . " the wary on advantage fight secure , " but he is brave dare their assaults endure ; the prince do's more , he turns and canon vyes , and with his louder roarings rends the skves ; piercing the winds , de ruyter's sides he galls ; but here the brave la neve untimely falls ; and reeves greedy of honour , do's obtain it , at no less a rate , but much more pain . mean while the prince is so encompas'd round , that ecchoes subalternately rebound from either side , nor is his stern-chace free , " glory and danger still companions be . as a fierce lioness prest to a bay , surrounded by the hunters every way , eager to save her young she knows hard by , and fears to danger may exposed ly , doth with her horrid roarings fill the aire , making her tayl and sides the consort bear , with love and with disdain enraged grows , and at one onsett horse and man o'rethrow's whatever dares oppose her fury , dyes , and through all hazards to their ayd she flyes . so the brave prince having amaz'd his foe , and knowing well the care that generalls owe to their whole fleet , whose safety do's depend on vigilance , looks out whom to defend ; and first do's down to valiant chicheley steer , hard set by two vice-admirals and a rear ; soon clearing him , he forward takes his way , where all the stress of this great battail lay , where right to worlds , rather than to the flag , seem'd hard disputed between trump and spragg . " oh painter ! couldst thou find a secret art " to draw this fight to 'th life in every part , " to separate the fire from the smoake , " and clear those clouds which do great actions choak , " the fam'd apelles should thy vassal bee , " and angelo , his pencill yield to thee . all that have heard from the loud voice of fame , of mighty trumps and spragg's once greater name , been told the several hazards they have run ; the battails one has lost , and t'other won ; both bravely , both with utmost valour done ; cannot but think when they were once engag'd , the elements themselves must seem enrag'd ; " as friends , turn'd rivalls in a female suit , " make iealousie from kindness spread its root ; " rivalls in honour the same course pursue , " and love that glory which they would undoe . thus spragg and trump with equal souls endow'd , thought each to th' others glory seem'd a cloud : both hearts of proof , but with this difference , spragg could only act , trump can both act and brag . draw them then , painter , as they did engage in flames their thirsty honour to asswage , draw bullets making through each others side , harbours , where shallops might in safety ride : till trump at last a furious chain-shot flings , gives spragg the check , and cuts away his wings ; but make him still the battail to renew , by changing ship , and forcing trump to 't too . but painter , now th' unlucky pencill burn , or in unhappy sables let it mourn , curs'd be those shot so fatally did range . to force brave spragg unto a second change : and trump himself , if he 's to honour true , will execrate that hand the bullet threw ; which led by fate did through the st. george flye , and made an admiral in a cock-boat dye . trump ignorant of his rival's fate , still plyes to burn the unwing'd ship , or make it prize , briskly he do's on its defendants bear , but found , alas ! that ossory was there ; he knew his courage , and from fame had learn'd how brave he was , and yet how unconcern'd : thought it no blemish if retreat he made before that valour , honour only sway'd . yet e're he parts the henrietta yatch the last effects was of his fury taught ; this little vessel full of spirit , gay without , as any lady of the may ; within deckt with a valiant soul , whose heart could not admit him from his adm'ral part ; his love adventring past his strength , is drencht , and in the briny wave his passion quencht . poor triumph ! where the odds so mighty were ; yet amsterdam shall make 't a man of warr , kill all were sav'd , but ne're tell how the rest strove to revenge so small a thing opprest . kempthorne who in all fights has wonders wrought , sends a large ship to neptune for a draught ; whilst washbourn thinking that did not suffice to his libation adds a sacrifice ▪ but who can every single action tell , each strove in fight each other to excell ; and though describing it exceed all art , yet haward , courtney , iennings , felt the smart . in short , these did what ever men could do , but wisht in vain others had done so too . mean while the prince again renew's the fight , and holds it on till the approaching night : and now afresh were acts of horror done , till the dutch , tired with the declining sun , did by a swift retreat to their own coast confess they had but little cause to boast , acknowledging the summe of all their gain , was two brave captains and three admirals slain . but when they hear how spragg and reeves are gone , they 'l think our valour still by theirs out-done . now painter do but draw some few strokes more , but change thy fancy from the sea to shore , draw me a city coffee-house , and there let all the tattling croud in rounds appear , venting according to each several vein , the malice or the whimsey of their brain ; let one accuse our courage , t'other show how thus it might be done , or so , or so : whilst yet so dull and ignorant they bee , except in paint , they ne're saw ship nor sea ; but if those mad-brain'd fools appear in sight , who yet dare argue that the dutch won't fight , and of their folly won't convicted bee , draw me an act to send them all to sea. finis a true relation of the engagement of his majesties fleet under the command of his royal highness with the dutch fleet, may 28, 1672 in a letter from h.s. esquire, on board his royal highness, to the earl of arlington, principal secretary of state. savile, henry, 1642-1687. 1672 approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a62260 wing s775 wing t2945_cancelled estc r234801 13551560 ocm 13551560 60831 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a62260) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60831) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 227:11 or 1558:41) a true relation of the engagement of his majesties fleet under the command of his royal highness with the dutch fleet, may 28, 1672 in a letter from h.s. esquire, on board his royal highness, to the earl of arlington, principal secretary of state. savile, henry, 1642-1687. arlington, henry bennet, earl of, 1618-1685. [2], 7 p. printed by tho. newcomb, [london] in the savoy : 1672. attributed to savile by nuc pre-1956 imprints. imperfect: print show-through with slight loss of print. this item is identified at reel 1558:41 as wing t2945 (number cancelled in wing 2nd ed), and as wing (cd-rom, 1996) s775 at reel 227:12. reproduction of originals in the harvard university library and british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng solebay, battle of, 1672. dutch war, 1672-1678 -campaigns -england. great britain -history, naval -stuarts, 1603-1714. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true relation of the engagement of his majesties fleet under the command of his royal highness , with the dutch fleet , may 28. 1672. in a letter from hen : savile esq on board his royal highness , to the earl of arlington , principal secretary of state. published by authority . in the savoy : printed by tho. newcomb . 1672. a true relation of the engagement of his majesties fleet , under the command of his royal highness , with the dutch fleet , may 28. 1672. my lord , the frequent commands i have received from your lordship for an account of our late engagement , exact enough to be made publick , do at last end in this following narration , which had been sent you sooner , if the weather , and many other accidents that seamen are liable to , had not hindred us from having such accounts from every flag , as were necessary to make up one fit for your lordship , and those you intend to impart it to ; whom i will suppose to be landmen , for my own excuse : for , if i were to give such a relation as would fully satisfie seamen , the terms themselves concerning tacking and wind , &c. without any thing material relating to the matter , would be too voluminous , to expect it should find a reader out of wapping or rothorith . all that i pretend to , is brevity and truth ; for the first , i must make it good as i can ; for the other , i have such witnesses as are unquestionable . our whole fleet being at anchor in southwold-bay , taking in water , on tuesday the 28 th of may , betwixt two and three a clock in the morning , the wind e. by n. a small gale , one of our scouts came in , giving the usual signals of seeing the enemy ; upon which , his royal highness immediately gave those of weighing anchor , and getting under sail , which was performed with all the speed possible , considering the short warning ; for before seven the whole blew squadron were a head of the red , and the white a stern ; in which order , and at which time , the battle began , the enemy having the wind of us . the squadron under bankaert being the van of their fleet , attacked the french , which made the rear of ours , they both separated themselves from both their fleets , and so continued engaged out of our sight almost the whole day , sailing to the southward : at first bankaert came briskly down upon monsieur d' estrees , but afterwards finding it too hot , kept at a greater distance . the earl of sandwich with the blew squadron in the van of our fleet , was attacked by van ghent , in the rear of theirs , and endeavoring to get the wind of the enemy , found so great opposition , that after having sunk a man of war which laid him on board , having above half his men killed , his ship wholly disabled , and having put off two fireships , was no longer in a condition to put off the third , which burnt her ; the onely ship we lost the whole day : his lordship , and all the officers , except capt. haddock , being lost with her ; of which some few ordinary men that were saved by swimming to our ships and boats , give us no farther account . the henry , that was one of her seconds , commanded by capt. digby , son to the earl of bristol , having put off several fireships ; most of her men , her captain , and almost all her inferior officers slain , fell into the hands of the 〈…〉 little time retaken , and sent safe into 〈…〉 capt. strickland in the plimouth . sir joseph jordan , vice admiral of the blew , pursued the design his admiral did not live to finish , and succeeded in it , getting the wind of the enemy , which he and his division kept the rest of the day . the body of their fleet commanded by monsieur de ruyter , attacked the body of ours , commanded by his royal highness ; de ruyter was accompanied by van esse , another admirall , and their seconds , which all at a convenient distance fired upon the prince , who being to windward of her own division , could receive little or no assistance from them ; the capt. sir john cox killed , the main-top-mast , flagstaff , and standard , being shot down , and the ship intirely disabled in three hours time , his royal highness thought it convenient to change his ship ; so that about ten a clock being attended by monsieur blanckfort , my self , mr. ashton , monsieur du puys , and john thompson his best pilot , he went on board the st. michael , sir robert holmes commander , and there put up a new standard , which because of the great smoak , could not be seen well enough to be attended by his division . about this time , the royal katherine newly come from the river with fresh men , and wanting many of the conveniencies necessary for her defence , was boarded and taken by the enemy , her capt. sir john chichely being carried prisoner on board their ships ; but the enemy leaving no great number of men in her , they were afterwards overpowred by ours , who carried the dutch that had taken her , prisoners , and the ship safe into harbor . his royal highness continued on his way , attended by the phenix , capt. le ne●● commander , on head of him , and the fairfax capt. leg commander , and the victory the earl of ossory commander close a stern , till afterwards capt. berry in the resolution , and sir fretchevile holles in the cambridge , came also on head of us , but were both very soon disabled , the latter having also lost her commander ; the earl of ossory in the victory took their places ; the engagement being very hot all this time . towards five in the evening his royal highness observing his ship to sail heavily , the london , and many of the vice-admirals division having overtaken the st. michael , found upon enquiry that she had six foot water in the hold ; so that with the same company he brought thither , except his pilot , who was killed there , he carried his standard on board the london , sir edward spragg commander ; where after fighting an hour or two with the ships to windward , they were forced to bear down , and gave opportunity to the duke and sir joseph jordan to joyn ; at which time de ruyter put out a signal , upon which all his fleet bore down to joyn the zealanders , who with others had engaged the french all day ; who being to leeward , did as well as it was possible for them to do with the distance , the dutch being to windward , kept from them . thus ended the battle , and the day ; the duke with about thirty sail kept to windward of the dutch all night , standing to the s. e. and found himself still so the next morning , and so continued till about six a clock ; when seeing some ships a stern , upon supposition , they were the remainders of our fleet , his royal highness tacked and stood with them , and found them to be as he guest , and the whole french squadron with them ; about seven he returned to his own ship , as well refitted as was possible by the care of captain narbrough . about ten the whole fleet were together , and about twelve we saw the dutch standing after us , upon which we tacked , having the weather-gage , and stood to them , in hopes of engaging them presently : but , when the van of our fleet was come up to the body of theirs , they tacked , and stood back towards their own coasts ; notwithstanding which we had certainly engaged them , had we not been prevented about three a clock by a sudden fogg , which lasted till six ; and though it then cleared up , it blew so fresh , and was so late , and so near their bancks , that we did not think it safe to attacke them , but continued sailing by them almost within canon shot till nine at night ; when , being within a league of the oyster-banck , off the coast of zealand , we tacked , and stood till three in the morning to the north-west , at which time we stood back till six , to see if we could perceive the enemy , which not discovering , we anchored till the afternoon , that we got under saile , and stood back to our own coast , being very stormy weather . as for our losses , besides the royal iames , there is not one ship lost , though several commanders slain ; the earl of sandwich , mr. digby captain of the henry , sir fretcheville holles captain of the cambridge , sir io. cox captain of the prince , captain pearce of the st. george , captain waterworth of the anne , captain hannam of the triumph , captain yennes of the alice and francis fireship , and monsieur de la rabiniere rear-admiral of the french , captain elliot of the york , captain ludman of the monck ; and two of the french captains , monsieur des ardans , and monsieur du mesnou are wounded ; several lieutenants and inferior officers are killed , whose names it were too tedious a business to set down . of the volonteers of note , my lord maidstone , mr. montague , mr. richard nicholls , and mr. roger vaughan , both of his royal highnesses bedchamber , mr. trevanian his gentleman-usher , sir philip cartwright , sir charles harbord , captain bromley , captain bennett , mr. cotterel , captain burgh , captain barry , mr. napier , brother to a scotch lord of that name , mr. bowles , le chevalier de serand , and le chevalier de bezy are killed ; and , if there are any others , their names are not yet come to our knowledge : mr. tufton , monsieur le comte de canaples , le chevalier de chasteaumourant , monsieur escorbiac , mr. wren , mr. hamilton , mr. howard , mr. skelton , and mr. hall are all wounded , mr. may hath lost his arme. the advantage we have over the enemy consists in a man of warr taken of 48 guns , called the steveren , commanded by one elzevir ; another taken , but afterwards sunck ( being leaky ) of 52 guns , called the iosua , commanded by iohn dyche ; a third sunck by the earl of sandwich ; a fourth by sir edward spragg , both betwixt 60 and 70 guns ; a fireship taken , and we forced them to spend most of the rest , without doing us any dammage : we have very good grounds to believe we have sunck more , and amongst the rest a flagship ; but , thinking it better to erre on the modest side , i onely write matter of fact ; and , least i should break my word in the other article , ( i mean of brevity ) i humbly kiss your hands , and am , my lord , your lordships most faithful , and most obedient servant h. savile . from on board the prince , near the middle ground , june 6. 1672. the writer of this letter could not think fit to mingle in his relation , any expressions of his royal highness's personal behavior , because it was prepared for his own sight : but it is most certain , that never any prince , or it may be as truly said , any private person , was in an action of war , exposed to more danger from the beginning to the end of it ; his conduct and presence of mind , equalling his fearless courage , and carrying him to change his ship three times , setting up the royal standard in each of them , to animate his own men , and to brave the enemy . since the writing of this letter , is brought in an account of the killed and wounded . the number killed , amounting at the most to , between seven and eight hundred ; and the wounded to about as many : besides those that were lost in the royal james . the losses on the part of the enemy , are in this particular , as in all others , kept very secret ; onely they do own from all hands , that they have had as many men killed and wounded in this engagement , as in any two battles before . finis . the interest of england in the present war with holland by the author of the dutch usurpation. de britaine, william. 1672 approx. 32 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a29595 wing b4808 estc r6810 11617451 ocm 11617451 47911 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29595) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 47911) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 484:13) the interest of england in the present war with holland by the author of the dutch usurpation. de britaine, william. [4], 26 p. ; 20 cm. printed for jonathan edwin, london : 1672. the author of the dutch usurpation was william de britaine. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dutch war, 1672-1678. 2006-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-11 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2006-11 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the interest of england in the present war with holland . by the author of the dutch usurpation . nulla potentia scelere quaesita est diuturna . london , printed for jonathan edwin , at the three roses in ludgate-street , 1672. to the king . dread sir , since heaven your righteous cause has own'd , and with success your powerful navy crown'd ; silence were now an injury as rude , as the proud hollanders ingratitude : while th' glories of your arms , and triumphs shine , not to congratulate were to repine . your enemies themselves to greatness raise , by disingenious , and inglorious ways ; by means , no vulgar spirit would endure , but such as either courage want , or power . but while your clemency proclaims aloud compassion to the miserable croud : your royal breast with love , not anger , burns , and your resentment into pity turns in christian gallantry you your self out-doe , and honour by the noblest arts pursue . the interest of england in the present war with holland . trade and commerce are the pillars of prosperity , and safety to england : but how these of late have been shaken by the artifice , and undue practices of the hollanders , every sober man may judge : for they have not only made great diminution of the merchant adventurers antient priviledges in their jurisdiction , but our trade to muscovia ( the hollanders serving the same market with our own cloth , carried thither from hamburgh ) we cannot long enjoy . we do not vend the one third part of the cloth in germany , and the low-countries , which we have formerly done : and that we have transported from north to east of late years , hath been sold to loss , being beaten out by the subtilty and cunning of these men ; they having such quantities of wool out of england and ireland ( to the exceeding damage of this nation ) that they make more cloth and stuff than we do in england , and afford it cheaper then we can do . the fishing upon the british seas ( then which nothing is more peculiar to this nation ) they have taken from us by force , and have defended and justified the same , against his majesties greatest power . and to signalize their ingratitude to his majesty , they have not only undermin'd the trade of the english in all parts , to the diminution of his majesties revenue , and prejudice to his subjects , but have laboured to soil his glory , and lessen his dignity , where the honour of the king of great britain was justly famous : although they have received greater favours and kindnesses from this nation , then all the kings and princes in europe could give them . in the molucca islands the hollanders exercised great cruelty upon the poor natives there . and when they had done , they declar'd to them , that they were english ; the natives asking them , who the english were ? the hollanders told them they were christians : thereby they did not only render the english odious , but the very name of christians abominable to the natives . but when they came to understand the kindness and behaviour of the english to them , they had a very great love for them , and did much honour the king of england : the orankies being often heard to say , that the king of england was a good king , and his god a good god ; but their tanto and the hollanders were naught . anno 1608. an english colony was planted by captain robert harcourt in caripo , situate on the banks of wiapico in guiana , the hollanders possess themselves of gomeribo on the top of a hill , near the mouth of the bay of wiapico , but soon deserted : yet they endeavoured nothing more during their short stay , then to make the natives disaffected to the english ; affronting their persons , and defaming the grandeur and power of the kings of england . but when the natives found by experience how the king of england , and his subjects were abus'd , they did ever after perfectly hate the name of a hollander . anno 1614. the hollanders planted themselves in a province or port of virginia , having purchas'd the charts and maps of hudson , and all his right which he had acquir'd by that voyage , and call'd it by the name of nieu-nederlandt . but being question'd by sir tho. argal , then governour of virginia for his majesty of great britain , were told , that they must quit the possession of that place , or else pay tribute to his majesty ; for that hudson was an englishman , and licensed to discover those northern parts by the king of england , and could not alienate or dismember it from the crown of england . complaint hereof being made to the states of holland , it was declar'd by them in a publlck instrument , that they were no ways concern'd in the action ; but 't was a private undertaking of the west-indian company of amsterdam . and though the hollanders did seem willing to be gone ; yet taking advantage of the troubles , which not long after happened in england , they have not only kept possession thereof , and built a fortress , and call'd it by the name of orang-fort , which was garrison'd , and planted with cannon , but fell in with the natives , and furnished them with arms , and taught them how to use their weapons , with design to have destroyed all the english plantation there . a most mischievous and wicked act , not only tending to the damage and discouragement of the present adventurers , but even unto the extirpation of all christians out of all those countries . but the best is , they were the first which smarted by it . the natives thus arm'd and train'd , fell foul upon them , destroy'd their houses , and forc'd them to betake themselves to their ports and fastnesses . but upon all occasions expressed their kindness and obedience to the english . ormus , an island in the entrance of the persian gulf , in the possession of the portuguez , anno 1506. was made the staple of their trade for the indian merchandizes , and so inrich'd the same , that the revenues of the kings there , though tributaries and vassals to the portugals , amounted unto 140000 shirifes yearly . in this flourishing estate it stood , till the year 1622. when abas the sultan of persia having received some affronts at the hands of the portuguez , and being desirous to remove the trade of ormus to some part of his own dominions , gave order to emangoti chares the duke of shiras , to lay siege unto it with his army . but seeing no hopes of mastering it by his land forces only , furnished himself with ships and cannon of some english merchants , and by the assistance of the english presently subdu'd it . the city was utterly destroyed , the cannons removed to lar , the wealth thereof to his own treasury of shiras , the materials of the houses to gunbroon , about nine miles from ormus , then a poor village ; but since the fall of ormus , a rich and populous place , and of vast trade . for this service , so much honour was given to the english nation by the king of persia , that he gave to the king of great britain the customs of all strangers which should traffick thither ; and by his agent which resideth at gunbroon , ought to be received . the hollanders who have a vast trade thither , they being strangers , and not trading to the gulf , till some time after , for several years paid their customs ; but since the troubles in england , refused to pay ( though all other strangers pay to the english resident there ) which may be reasonably estimated at 20000 l. per annum : and have been detained by them , from the king of great britain about 30 years . anno 1671. when the king of great britain at his own charges ( for a peaceable traffick and commerce , not only for his own subjects , but for those of other kings and princes in europe ) made a war against the pyrates of argiers , and by his naval forces were much disabled , and brought to a treaty . the hollanders writ to their good friends of argiers , that they should conclude no peace with england , for they wanted provision , and could not continue long at sea. if i should present you with all the sufferings of his majesties subjects from these men , they would make a book of martyrs ; but the image of great things are best seen contracted into small glasses . his majesty out of his princely wisdom hath left no means unattempted , for reparation of his own dignity , and for compensation of the injuries done to his good subjects , but could effect none . therefore vltima resolutio est gladius , war is the darrein resort of every wise and good prince ; unto which his majesty was necessitated , they being the first aggressors , and that upon such clear and pregnant evidence , as no king ever undertook a more just war. for , as in capital causes , wherein but one mans life is in question , in favorem vitae , the evidence ought to be clear ; so much more in the judgment of a war , which is capital to thousands . they have expos'd his majesty to contempt by their false libels and medails : the reputation of a prince ought to be as sacred , as his person , vita & fama pari passu ambulant . life and reputation are the same in judgment of law ; for , that person which has lost his reputation , he doth but survive his own funerals . contumely to a private person , is but a private injury ; but to a king , it s an affront to a whole nation ; for in the honour of the king , is wound up the safety and reputation of the people : and not only his own subjects , but all kings and princes are obliged to vindicate his majesties dignity . it s not enough for a prince to be great among his own subjects , but he must carry a grandezza amongst kings : there 's his glory ; which by the art and malice of these unmannerly libels may be much impeach'd . they have seised upon his dominions and plantations in the east-indies , and do unjustly detain them from him . they have disturbed the factories of his good subjects there . they have disputed his majesties sovereignty of the british seas here ; alledging , that by the magna charta of god almighty its free ; and that there can be no dominion or propriety in the sea : which they urg'd with much zeal against the portuguez in the east-indies . but when they had subdued them , and the kings there , they make it death , and confiscation of ships and goods for any person to pass the south and north seas there , ( the dominion of which seas is of a greater latitude , then that of all the kings and princes in europe . ) and all the arguments which they use to assert their right and dominion thereunto , are sword and cannon . i do assure you they are smart arguments . but we may see , that the unwarrantableness of an action is often hid in the glory of the success . and those men which should have been the pillars of a state , are become the caterpillers of kingdoms ; yea , and worse too : for the caterpiller as a modest and sober creature , only makes bold with the fruits of the earth , but these devour the land and people too . now they begin to be look'd upon as the pesti ducts of europe , the scorn and indignation of every good man they have supplanted the trade and commerce of his majesties subjects , which are the vena porta of the kingdom , and without which the limbs and members thereof must be feeble and weak . all which proceedings of these men , are such pregnant evidence of the justice of the war , that there are no learned doctors ( the gamaliels of the law ) but must give judgment against them . and if wars in these cases , for the vindication of rights , and repair of injur'd subjects , be not lawful , ( for wars are but suits of appeal to the tribunal of gods justice , when there are no superiours upon earth to determine the case ) we must expect nothing but rapines , injuries , and injustice here upon earth . if we set down by reason , the judgment of the learned , and the practice of all ages ; the increase of their dominions , and potency at sea , ( if we consider their ambition , avarice , and insolencies ) have given just fear to his majesty , and other the kings and princes of europe ; and so justified his proceedings against them , before god and man. for preventive wars upon just fears , are as just wars , and as truly defensive , as those that are made upon actual invasion . and therefore the greek orator compareth those who make wars , which are not preventive , to country fellows , in a fencing-school , which never ward till the blow is past . and no prince can be justly condemn'd for not staying for the first blow , or not for accepting of polyphemus courtesie , to be the last that shall be eaten up . the hollanders are always brooding of war , and there 's no firm league to be had with them , but impuissance to do hurt . and certainly its a main piece of wisdom in strong and prudent councils to be in perpetual watch , that the princes or states about them , do not too much aggrandize themselves , by new acquests , or by ruining confederates , or by the like means . and this was so exactly observ'd by that trium-virate of kings , henry the eighth of england , francis the first of france , and charles the fifth , emperor and king of spain , that scarce a palm of ground could be gotten by either of the three , but that th' other two would be sure to do their best to set the balance of europe upright again . a republick is nothing but an engine ( erected by sedition and treachery to subvert monarchy ; ) and we see that holland hath been a retreat for all rebels , and a sanctuary to the worst of men . all heresies , schisms , and anti-monarchical principles have been there hatch'd , and they fly into the dominions of kings and princes , and on their wings carry nothing but poison and contagion to infect their subjects . they are great pretenders to zeal , and religion ( you shall learn much divinity from them , but find no humanity . ) certainly such as rob god of his honour , by tolerating atheists ; and princes of their rights , by countenancing rebellion , shall never be set out for saints in my kalendar . let them plume themselves in their successes , and triumph in their grandeur ; if it be once admitted , that grandeur and successes be true signatures of heavens favour , i shall forbear ( as an ingenious gentleman said ) any longer to think mahomet an impostor , and must receive the alcoran for gospel . they are the greatest patrons of schism in the world : for my part , i 've ever had a serious abhorrency of that sin , being against a main article of my faith , ( the communion of saints ) which makes the church militant , and triumphant one parish . here they give the people liberty of conscience , ( as they call it : ) but as to their estates , they make them the greatest slaves in the world ; witness the fetters they lay upon them by their taxes . their government is ill in its original , but worse in its progress ; if god and the wisdom of princes do not prevent . and therefore i 'm confident nothing can so much establish peace in christendom , and make the belgick people happy , as to reduce them under the obedience of a good prince . but many of those men think , that a prince is as unfit a person to govern them , as caligula's horse was , to be a consul : and you may as soon convert a jew to be a christian , as perswade some of them to be loyal . and therefore it was oracularly said by a wit of theirs , that a prince will bring an eternal ruin upon them , and their posterity ; and they are to be accounted inter homines damnatae memoriae , for the scum of the earth , and to be remembred with curses and abominations , who shall but once entertain a thought of setting up a prince over them . i know ( says one ) this will displease the king of great britain ; yet his displeasure is no more to be valued by us , then his alliance : for all alliance with england is unserviceable to holland ; and even those alliances which we shall be press'd into for fear of a war with england . bravely said ! these people are like unto the middle region of the air , which maketh her thunderbolts against the earth , out of the exhalations she draws from the earth it self . england may complain as the eagle in the emblem : heu patior telis vulnera facta meis . but the wrongs and insolencies of our enemies ; more then our own discretions , may sometimes make us both wise and fortunate . is his majesties alliance unserviceable unto them ? well , we may from these men observe , that the more a prince weakneth himself by giving , the poorer he is of friends . their fishing upon the british ocean ( which is by his majesties favour ) is the only basis of their greatness . if his majesty would be pleased to assume that to himself ( as he hath right and power ) and suffer none to fish there , but such as should come with their wives and families , and live in our sea-towns here in england , that great colossus of their hogan-mogan-ship must suddenly decline : for 10000 vessels at least by them imployed in the fishery would presently decay , their mariners want imployment ; and not fewer then 300000 people thereby imployed by land would want support . and for default of the fish they take upon the british seas , to fraught their ships , they would not be able to maintain the tenth part of the ships and men they now set forth to sea ; thereby their revenues and customs would become small , their intrado would never support their ordinary charges ; their excise must fail , their trade to the east-indies , and elsewhere , must faint ; the people who now subsist by their manufactures , and contribute to the charges , must be supported by them ( which they are never able to do ) or else they must quit their country for want of maintenance , and come into england , where they will be sure to be kindly receiv'd , and grow rich its an humble address to his sacred majesty that he would be graciously pleased to set up the imployment of the fishery ; for then we should establish our security and trade upon our own foundation ; ( the art and power of our greatest enemies cannot take it from us . ) it s a treasure equal to that of both indies , in the riches , consequence , and circumstances of it : insomuch as if we do but improve that , all other trades will follow . for our fish will not only furnish us with such foreign commodities as we our selves want , but besides large returns in mony , may store us with quantities of all sorts to supply other nations . it would exceedingly increase his majesties revenues , and be of more advantage to his people then all other commodities or manufactures which they export and vend . it would be an excellent school and nursery of mariners and navigators , not only for sea-service , but for discovery of foreign parts to vend our native commodities : and thereby the nation would be much strengthned by sea , and enriched by land , both for our own safety , and terror of our enemies . and indeed wisdom of state obliges us not to let a neighbour grow too powerful at sea ; for when his majesty ceases to be absolute master of the british seas , and with his trident scepter to give laws , we must receive them from others . and how great a diminution this will be to the grandeur and prosperity of this nation , let wise men gravely consider . when england hath been the counter-balance , which time out of mind hath held the scales between the great monarchies of europe , for the safety of the rest . and i doubt not yet to behold his majesty culminant in the highest orb of glory , and his dominions fix'd upon the center of a flourishing happiness . his majesty hath an imperial name ; it was charles that brought the empire first into france ; a charles that brought it first into spain : why should not great britain have his turn ? it is a great advantage which england hath by reason of her many safe and secure harbours , and narrowness of the seas : for all ships which go from east to west , or from west to east , are compelled , because of the dangerousness of the french coasts , ( except it be exceeding fair weather ) to make use of the english harbours . his majesty being sovereign of these seas , can at pleasure command and seize all ships passing there ; especially the westerly winds of those seas lying on this side the tropick , and blowing almost continually , do give his majesty a great deal of conveniency to go to sea , when he pleaseth . so that all the voyages of the hollanders to the east and west-indies , spain , the streights , and other places upon his majesties seas ( his majesty being in hostility with them ) may be interrupted , their ships taken , and their voyages obstructed . and by consequence the ruine of that trade of the hollanders , between the east and west , must necessarily follow . and in case of a war , england may get more booty from the hollanders , then they from england . his majesty making war against them by sea and land , ruine and confusion must speedily attend them , in respect of the vast charges and expences they must necessarily be put unto . for , look upon the states , they are indigent ; they owe no less then a million of our pounds for interest , which they cannot pay , much less the principal when it shall be requir'd . consider , the east-india company by reason of their exceeding charges in enlarging their dominions there , and the vast expences which must necessarily attend the keeping of them , cannot be rich for all countries of new acquest , till they be setled , are matters rather of burthen , then of profit . and certainly the rich merchants there ( the states being now upon the disbanding ) will not bring their mony into their banks , or lend it to the states . for if they do , their security is gone , their mony lost , and that which other nations have in their banks . and therefore its prudence to get it out of their hands as soon as may be , however not to venture more in that vessel , which is ready to sink . the common people measure the bond of their obedience , by the good always which they receive . and therefore they being under such great oppressions and severities unjustly impos'd upon them by the states , will not long endure their want of trade ; and those great taxes will in a short time beget a general revolt in them all . and amsterdam will prove more formidable to them , then any army of their enemies . for that state which subsists not in fidelity , can never continue long in potency . his majesty hath at present a potent fleet at sea , a stout militia at land , and a magazine of hearts . there 's no generous english spirit , but is ready for the honour of his king , and the good of his country , to sacrifice his life , and when he hath done , will triumph in the oblation . for my part ( i thank heaven ) my veins never knew other blood , but such as i should be proud to spend in their service . and as they are ready to sacrifice their own lives , so for the vigorous prosecution of this war ( which on his majesties part is only defensive , and so most just and honourable ) they will chearfully expend their treasure , which is the life of the nation . and indeed true piety binds subjects to look upon the burthen of princes with a bended knee , rather in time so to deserve abatement , then to dispute authority . i hope in a short time , these men will understand their own interest , which is englands good alliance . for england hath always been a back of steel to holland , and hath , and yet can afford them greater donatives , riches , and advantages then all the kings in europe besides . but they have so surfeited with englands kindness , that like a bad spleen , they swell so big as makes all europe lean . i praise god , i am not of the complexion of th●se men , my genius never prompted me to the least trillo of grandeur . neither am i by my stars constellated to be rich , let me enjoy but such an estate as will serve me as a pass , to travel the world without begging , and have an honest friend for conversation , and one good book for my recreation : if heaven shall vouchsafe me these blessings , i can pity the high and mighty states . finis . books printed for jonathan edwin , at the three roses in ludgate-street . the dutch vsurpation : or , a brief view of the behaviour of the states general of the vnited provinces , towards the kings of great britain : with some of their cruelties and injustices exercised upon the subjects of the english nation . as also , a discovery of what arts they have used to arrive at their late grandeur , &c. by william de britain . the amorous travellers , or , the night adventures . written originally in spanish , by a person of honour . translated into french by the exquisite pen of the sieur de ganes : and into english by j. b. great britains glory : or , a brief description of the present state , splendor , and magnificence of the royal exchange ; with some remarkable passages relating to the present engagement . humbly presented to the several merchants of the city of london , who daily meet , traffick , and converse in the said place . by theophilus philalethes . letters , and other curious pieces , relating to the present state of europe . two letters , one from the states general to his most christian majesty ; the other from his most christian majesty to the states general . relating to the present conjuncture of affairs . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a29595-e330 trade is the pillar of safety to england . our trade to muscovia we cannot enjoy long . we vend not one third part of our cloth we formerly have done . the hollanders have taken from england the fishing trade . the hollanders have received greater favours from england then from all kings in europe . the hollanders exercised great cruelties upon the natives in india , and they told them they were english . tanto was an evil spirit , which did trouble them every new moon , and therefore they worshipped him for fear . the hollanders in guiana endeavour to render the english odious to the natives . the hollanders instruct the natives in the west-indies in the use of arms . the hollanders use to pay to his majesty customs given to him by the king of persia . the hollanders writ to the pyrates of argiers not to make peace with england . the war against the hollanders just . the hollanders the first aggressors . the hollanders expose his majesty to contempt by libels . the hollanders have seiz'd upon his majesties dominions in the east-indies . trade is the vena porta of the kingdom . wars are suits of appeal to the tribunal of gods justice . preventive wars upon just fears are just wars . it s prudence to watch , that neighbour princes do not aggrandize themselves too much . a republick is an engine erected by sedition against monarchy . the hollanders great patrons of schism . schism is against an article of faith. their government is ill in its original . nothing can make the belgick people happy , but a prince . the wrongs of our enemies sometimes make us fortunate . the more a prince giveth , the poorer he is of friends . none to fish upon the british seas , but such as come and live in england . the loss of the fishery would prove the ruine of the states . the benefit of the fishery to england . england the counter-balance of europe . the advantages england hath over other nations . a war from england must necessarily prove a ruine to holland . hollands interest in englands alliance . the hollanders are like a bad spleen . a translation of the sixth book of mr. cowley's plantarum being a poem upon the late rebellion, the happy restoration of his sacred majesty, and the dutch war ensuing. plantarum libri sex. book 6. english cowley, abraham, 1618-1667. 1680 approx. 49 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 26 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a34832 wing c6692 estc r17196 11736146 ocm 11736146 48464 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a34832) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48464) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 487:15) a translation of the sixth book of mr. cowley's plantarum being a poem upon the late rebellion, the happy restoration of his sacred majesty, and the dutch war ensuing. plantarum libri sex. book 6. english cowley, abraham, 1618-1667. [4], 45 p. printed for samuel walsall, london : 1680. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dutch war, 1672-1678 -poetry. great britain -history -restoration, 1660-1688 -poetry. 2002-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a translation of the sixth book of mr. cowley's plantarum . being a poem upon the late rebellion , the happy restoration of his sacred majesty , and the dutch war ensuing . bella per angliacos plusquam civilia campos iusque datum sceleri canimus — lucan . — crimine ab uno disce omnes — virg. london , printed for samuel walsall , at the golden frying-pan in leaden-hall-street , 1680. the preface . this little poem i have collected and translated from the sixth book of mr. cowley's plantarum , being intermix't with other matters and circumstances . i am very sensible how ill this piece represents the life , for if no copy was ever so good as the original , ( as the divine cowley himself says ) how imperfectly must the greatest master perhaps that ever the world knew ( virgil excepted ) be copied by the pencil of a dawber ? however this translation may give you a tolerable prospect of the sense of the author and the beauty of his thoughts , though divested of their ornaments , and perhaps these ill-dress't lines may at least be acceptable to those who have not the advantage of seeing them in their rich habiliments . i have avoided a servile , verbal translation , observing that noted rule of horace : non verbum verbo reddere sidus interpres . — the only way an author can be rendred perspicuous , and ( i may say ) intelligible in another language . by a verbal translation nothing almost can be rendred well , and some things not tolerably ; as mr. dryden in his excellent discourse of translations before ovid's epistles , observes . i will produce an instance out of the sixth book of mr. cowley's plantarum here translated : tergeminique eâdem fratres in morte jacentes . the greatest favourite of apollo ( i doubt ) cannot render this well into english any way , much less by a literal translation . in some places of this poem the sence is not determin'd at the end of the stanza , which ( tho improper in original poems ) i think an ill natur'd iudge may excuse in a translation , where a man ha's , at the best , but a limited , and no absolute power , being confin'd to the sence of the author ; which rather than pervert , i choose sometimes to be a little irregular in inconsiderable matters . 1. when charles the pious , son of iames the wise , in peace and plenty britain's scepter sway'd , his subjects happy ( if they knew to prize their happiness ) by his just reign were made . 2. happy above all kings , while fate permits , till the curst tempest of rebellion came , now he 'bove envy blest securely sits among the gods , crown'd with immortal fame . 3. for while the dreadful storms of cruel war did all the rest of europe rudely spoil , peace o're the ocean flew disturb'd with fear , and built her warm nest in the british isle . 4. nor did the fruitful goddess sit in vain , for strait , faith , justice , plenty , ( who 's full horn a cure for most diseases do's contain ) the golden off-springs of rich peace were born . 5. such i believe was saturn's golden reign . so smoothly pass't his quiet years away , till fortune her own weight could not sustain , envy'd by gods , by men contemn'd , she lay : 6. and rash inconstant men too happy made , tir'd with the kindness of a lovely wife , exchange her for an ugly painted jade fickle and lew'd ; o blessed change of life . 7. a seeming vigorous and luxuriant health death or disease approaching still portends , when without cause apparent , and by stealth languishing nature with it 's own weight bends : 8. such was the britans fair and sickly state , happy , if happiness they could have known . impute not yet their ignorance to fate , since it was wilful , and the crime 's their own . 9. fore-warning prodigies , alas ! in vain the fatal anger of the gods proclaim ; so is fierce thunder ( which big clouds contain ) before it breaks , known by fore-running flame . 10. i saw , ( and still , methinks ▪ the horrid sight i plainly see ) sad signs o're all the skies ; heav'n seem'd the tragic history to write of all our sad approaching miseries . 11. the heavens ( which i tremble but to tell ) which a bright fiery tempest did infold , did represent the burning face of hell , and about waves of flaming sulphur roll'd . 12. strait then appear'd within a broken cloud a horrid beauteous scene , two armies plac't and marshall'd in rare order , ready stood for fight , with shining armour nobly grac't : 13. not monck himself , that hero monck , the grace and pillar of his falling country nam'd , in better order could those armies place , monck above all in war so justly fam'd : 14. who perhaps in some figure then express't in the coelestial army fiercely rode , high mounted on a noble , fiery beast , gracing the heavens , looking like a god : 15. i heard ( unless fear did my senses cheat ) the trumpets sound the charge ; here wings of horse with bodies bended forwards fiercely meet ; the foot their spears brandish with mighty force , 16. they from aetherial guns true thunder send , involving in dark clouds the heav'nly field , which did the cloud-begotten men defend from mortal eyes , and their brave acts conceal'd . 17. yet a confused prospect of the fight and of the sky with bloody rivers swell'd we had by the armours brightness , and the light of the dire , threatning flames the guns expell'd . 18. at length the army which the better shew'd , and nobler both in men and armour , flies : but from the rest a dismal gloomy cloud and darkness of the future seal'd our eyes . 19. but nor these prodigies , nor many more , which at that time by pious men were seen , did stupid england to it's sense restore , careless , as if it had lethargic been ; 20. who then the murmurs of the foolish croud , or hidden seeds of zeal phanatic , fear'd ? or monsters of the caledonian wood ? and impious cromwell had not then appear'd . 21. first rose a cloud from caledonian ground which did the north and gentle tweed invade , forgetting once he did two kingdoms bound he thinks of one he is the center made : 22. by popular winds fiercely impuls't it flyes to frighten england with it's deadly shade , first to move terrour only scotland tries , and in cool blood a scene of war is plai'd . 23. a silver show'r soon put the foe to flight , a sort of weapon never understood by our forefathers , who alone in fight profuse , bought peace with the sole price of blood. 24. and yet this people prodigal and vain , who did so dearly a short peace create , lasting rebellion purchas 't and prophane dire civil war at a much dearer rate : 25. now peace it self with the first blood was stain'd , ( o dreadful omen of ensuing fate ! ) a purple fountain op'ning she prophan'd , and in the senate with the furies sate . 26. a great man falls by th' envy of the great , a just by th' unjust hatred of the croud , noise do's the wise and eloquent defeat : rivers of blood ( strafford ) thy sacred blood must expiate , which miseries will bring both to the guilty people and the guiltless king : 27. worcester condemn'd for the first seat of war , a mournful victor her good fate deplores , her severn's tears and murmurings declare her grief ; she rages , foams , and beats the shores ; 28. but she that now with so much grief and care the op'ning of the war do's apprehend , ( who can believe it ? ) of this fatal war with much more sorrow shall behold the end ; 29. methinks i 'me mounted high on kinton hills , the vale beneath with a red sea of blood is overflow'd , and dire bellona fills with heaps of slaughter'd men , the sanguine flood . 30. what a prodigious harvest through the field is reap't by fiery rupert's conquering sword ? what heaps are by the pious monarch kill'd ? a mourning conqu'rour : if the fates afford 31. still a propitious course , but this one day to all that kind of ills will put an end , th' o're hasty conquest stumbling in the way fell e're it had the neighbouring goal attain'd . 32. then mars through all the british empire rag'd ; from the lands-end to orkney by the sun coldly oblig'd , no place is disengag'd ; posses 't with fury all the ruine run . 33. what cruel serpent of the furies brood , unhappy england , did thy health confound ? all thy sick members flow with poison'd blood that thy whole body seems but as one wound . 34. thrice were thy fields , unlucky newberry , with slaughter and destruction cover'd o're ; and thy sad fame in horrour do's out-vie philippi's fields twice-dy'd in humane gore : 35. long was the ballance even held by fate , who did of both the nodding ruin poise vvith mutual slaughter , and alternate weight of damage ; equal were their griefs and joys . 36. first yorkshire's cruel fight severely shakes and turns the scales of vvar , and naseby's field at last a vvound profound and mortal makes never by art or fortune to be heal'd . 37. the rest ( ye gods ) permir me not to write ; but lo ! a wondrous and deformed heap of miseries at once invade my sight ; what spoiles of war the impious victors reap . 38. the king in a poor rustic habit dress't ( 't was the first time he ever us'd deceit ; though greatness still his sacred looks express't , ) flying the foe , flies to a foe as great . 39. what place will to the conquer'd help afford ? a king , a guest , a suppliant in vain of his own-country-subjects aid implor'd : ungrateful men , perfidious and prophane ! 40. so do's the self-wrack't pilot freely leap into the threatning waves he fear'd before , from out the fierce flames of his burning ship , whom cruel waves again to flames restore . 41. with prayer's and threats the conquerours demand the king as a just spoil of war , detain'd by fraud ; such seeming proofs of love they give you 'd think without their king they could not live . 42. no less the scots their zealous love declare , they to restore their royal guest deny , and stifly urge and claim their right and share he 's not so vile , but england yet must buy , 43. or not possesse him . o unheard of shame , which will in vain to future times be told ! the potent lord , of sea , and land , became a slave ; the master 's to the servant sold. 44. far be it that this great and horrid crime on your whole nation ( scotland ) should be thrown ; your virtue did the sin of part redeem ; and with much blood for crimes of few attone . 45. scarce did the arms hung up in houses rest but a long course of civil war return'd ; vvho by base tyrants saw the king oppress 't , and made a prisoner , but with anger burn'd ? 46. scotland , though late it did thy anger move , and the just rage of generous kent inflame vvhich above life it self do's freedom love ; and wales which still maintains the britains fame . 47. vvhy should i mention the unhappy fights , the trembling ribla stain'd with humane blood , or routed scots who in their hasty flights did stop the very current of the flood ? 48. vvhy should i medway swell'd with slaughter name or colchester's long cruel seige relate , vvhose courage greatest mis'ries ne're could tame and who deserv'd a more propitious fate ? 49. vvhy should i recollect the glorious fate of lords who bravely fighting dy'd in field ? or their sad ignominious death relate vvho to the cruel victors mercy yield ? 50. after such ruins , and such miseries , so many vvounds by advers fortune given , so much the pious king did life despise , that he thought death the greatest gift of heaven . 51. but oh! the impious and tremendous deed can n're be curs't enough by after-times ; it hells most sharp invention do's exceed to find a torment equal to their crimes . 52. i' th' peoples sight , the king from prison led , on a high scaffold , just before the gate of his cheif palace , bows his sacred head to the hangmans hands — 53. wounded on all sides now poor britan dyes drown'd in the blood which from her self did flow , a headless , nameless , deform'd carkass lyes , a monstrous , lifeless , trunck which none could know . 54. who would not hope ( tho there was nothing less ) in death soft quiet , and eternal rest ! lo ! numerous vile souls in tumults press , and ( ' stead of one to rule ) the limbs infest . 55. vile sons of earth by base corruption bred , worms , pois'nous insects , and black serpents croud , and cromwell , greatest of the serpents fed upon the very marrow and the blood. 56. a noisom odor's through the world diffus'd . sin and injustice justice then became , no rains impiety now reigning us'd to fury , having pass't the bounds of shame . 57. 't was counted sport to see the scaffolds fix't in every street bedew'd with noble blood ; to see in pairs hangmen and worthies mix't o gods ! as shows presented to the croud . 58. the good man's standing mansion was the gaol , th' access to which with crouds was early press't ; but weary'd cruelty at length did fail , and was compell'd a while to breath and rest ; 59. insatiate avarice no cessation makes ; no limits to it's violent rage appear ; the warriour often willingly forsakes , but the proscriber hardly quits the spear . 60. all that preceding glorious kings had heap't with a magnificent and sparing hand , the noble spoils in bloody battel reap't , and all the riches by long peace attain'd ; 61. what our forefathers generous piety , and rich religion in a splendid dress did to the sacred altar's use apply ; all the estates the nobles did possess ; 62. and those whoe're of loyalty and lands were guilty found , o wretched avarice ! not all these riches could the harpy-hands of the tyrannic sons of earth suffice . 63. nor is 't enough alone to take the spoils of gods , and the kings houses ; these unjust and impious men destroy the stately piles . of very ruin there 's a wicked lust. 64. in every place the groaning carts are fill'd with beams and stones , so busie and so loud are the proud victors , as they meant to build , but they to ruin and destruction croud : 65. timber , which had been bury'd many years under high royal towers , they invade . 't is sure that hand the living never spares which is so wicked to disturb the dead . 66. then all the woods the barbarous victors seize , ( the noble nursery of the fleet and town , the hopes of war and ornaments of peace ) which once religion did as sacred own . 67. now publick use and great convenience claims the woods from private hands inviolate ; which greedy men to less devouring flames do for sweet lucre , freely dedicate . 68. no age they spare , the tender elm and beach infants of thirty years they overthrow , nor could old age it self their pity reach , no reverence to hoary barks they know . 69. th' unhappy birds , an ever-singing quire , are driven from their antient shady seats , and a new grief do's philomel inspire with mournful notes , which she all night repeats 70. let them the woods and forrests burn and wast , there will be trees to hang the slaves at last ; and god , who such infernal men disclaims , will root 'em out and throw 'em 〈…〉 es . 71. mean while expell'd his cruel country's shores the great carolides through foreign lands wanders , and aid , alas ! in vain implores ; still cruel fate his happiness withstands . 72. how did he suffer both by sea and land , that pious son of an immortal saint ! chearful he bears the troubles fates command till they grew weary , though he ne're did faint : 73. the reverend young man made fortune yield , and in due course of time by fate design'd his scepter which so fast a tyrant held at last was gently to his hands resign'd . 74. but before fate the happy signal makes , fierce and impatient unto arms he flyes , despising life , and courting fame , he breaks through seas block't up with hostile ships and ice . 75. to a late hostile , still suspected land he goes ; the oliverian powers of hell and furies trembling and confounded stand , to see great charles to his own kingdoms sail : 74. impetuous waves and raging storms they raise , in vain to sink the sacred ship they strive , their thunder cannot violate his bays , in vain they stop the ship which fate do's drive : 77. vain is their fear , since caesar it conveys safely conducted by the almighties hand , but yet not caesars fortune ; which to raise do's other arm 's ( and yet scarce arms ) demand . 78. in vain the scots ( now chang'd ) invite the king , though they some honour for that action bore , and thence a man ( by happy stars ) did spring , who did in arms with peace the king restore . 79. in the mean time great fergus greater heir ( who 's right is from a hundred kings deriv'd , ) did to the reverend church of scone repair , and there the antient scottish crown receiv'd , 80. with an unlucky sign , though great applause , the crown not being in due manner plac't ; the insulting conquering foe did rage , and cause disturbance , and the solemn rights infest . 81. but now his royal father's murder fires charles with revenge , iust indignation stings his breast , virtue incens't a soul inspires worthy the off-spring of a hundred kings . 82. he scorns to be by an inglorious siege in the utmost limits of his kingdom shut nor shall the coming winters aids oblige him , whose great faith is not in mountains put . 83. wholly resolv'd for war , he gives the rains ▪ to fortune and his courage , distant tay as his confinement nobly he disdains , but ev'n with death to thames designs his way . 84. the amazed enemy is left behind , who of the horror of this action speak with trembling and confusion of mind ; but valour is without good fortune weak : 85. at length arrives the long , long wish't for day for which with pray'rs and tears the britains sue'd ▪ the king through thousand dangers of the way on severn's banks with a good army stood ; 86. thus far a victor , better had it prov'd if he advances to the thames had made ; the king himself this sounder counsel mov'd , but powerful votes , with counsels mixt , disswade . 87. now , warlike england , now 's the time ; to arm 's , defend the son , revenge the father kill'd , ( if piety has yet prevailing charms ) and your poor ruin'd country now rebuild . 88. england's ill genius now alarm'd with fears , who on the ruin of good men did dwell , more vigilant than cromwells self , prepares a cruel poison by the arts of hell ; 89. one of the sleepy , cold , and fearful snakes , sloaths opium , which binds the nerves with cold , poison of griping avarice he takes , which close ( torpedo-like ) the hand do's hold : 90. he drops of lethe mixes , every breast with these he sprinkles , strait moist poison came upon them , and deep lethargy posses 't england forgetting her own health and fame . 91. yet here true courage did not charles forsake , whom fortune and his people now desert ; innumerous foes surrounding could not make him yield , or conquer his heroic heart ; 92. witness , ye hills , not since call'd red in vain , and severn's waters stain'd with humane blood , and fatal worcester which did first sustain the war , and to it's course a limit stood . 93. the last unwillingly he quits the field after a cruel slaughter and the flight of th' army , last the captive town do's yeild ; and from near hills looks back with rage and spight ▪ 94. in haste he recollects his scatter'd men ( but few so great a shipwrack scap't ) to try his extream fortune , and at last regain the day he lost , or in it nobly dye : 95. the valiant derby , faithful wilmot fam'd for armes , who both the king and charles did love , and buckingham with honour always nam'd prepar'd for both , this generous vote approve . 96. buckingham valiant , beautiful and young , a benign star at home , and in the field like violent lightning , an achates strong worthy to bear his great aeneas shield . 97. ther 's no delay , with fury they return ; nor is it hope so much their minds alarms , but a brave generous despair do's burn their hearts , and drives them to unfortunate arm 98. thus do's the king with a few more , who know ( by glory taught ) that death can never prove or to the wretched or the brave a foe : the rest such noble knowledge could not move ; 99. trembling their king and leader they forsake , who in vain the deaf do's court and animate , in hasty flight they all disperse , and take , inglorious life before a glorious fate : 100. now , brave young man , alas ! in vain so brave , who can preserve thee every where beset ? what god himself can extricate and save thee ( sacred charles ) from fortunes cruel net ? 101. yes , this great miracle to charles the saint the eternal god who is omnipotent as a reward for martyrdom will grant , and ev'n his pray'rs for mortal charles prevent . 102. there stands in th' utmost limits of the east of rich salopia , a wood fair by name ; now ( though 't was once obscure and humbly blest ) no place is brighter with the beams of fame : 103. hard by , a sacred and auspicious pile , white ladies call'd , did the poor king invite to bread and refuge ( mighty gifts ! ) a while , and here his growing fate became more bright . 104. but not before he had put off the king ; here weeping he dismiss't his weeping friends , no tears do from his own misfortunes spring , upon their dangers all his grief depends . 105. the gems and gold which did so much adorn , the garter , and all objects of delight he leaves , nor is st. george's image worn , the dragon vanquishing the sacred knight . 106. his long , black , graceful curls by scissars fall , nor is 't enough his crown fell from his head. a poor cloath suit he wears , nor is that all , he acted poverty , and was poor indeed . 107. alas ! too strictly the great monarch bears th' old slav'ry of this house ; for he forsakes all worldly pomp , poor sordid cloaths he wears , he cuts his hair , of friends sad leave he takes . 108. now he 's a monk ; soon after cruel fate not ev'n a house to cover him allows ; then he 's a hermite ; in a wretched state , alone , he hides among the shady boughs ; 109. yet even this curs't fortune too denies ; from him the very earth the tyrant takes , scarce to the fugitive a tree supplies a seat , and in the air safe harbour makes . 110. under a cruel sky in wind and rain , with sordid hair and a more sordid dress he sits ; great signs of grief , but more of pain and extream labour his sad looks express ; 111. his face a little too with smutch is dy'd , yet in his looks do's sacred brightness dwell , nor can his majesty disguises hide , whose beams all darkness and vain clouds dispell . 112. some body comes , ye gods , preserve the king ; o all is well ! the gods to men are just , no traytor , but a royalist they bring , the valiant carlos , faithful in his trust ; 113. he happily with want and danger press't is on this coast by the same shipwrack cast . o happy ! o much more than cromwell bles't , on whom ill fortune so much honour plac't ! 114. he informs the king , that all the country 's fill'd with the enemies troops , in every house and grove his sacred head at a set value held they seek , and near , now very near they move ; 115. what should they do ? they from the danger ta rash , hasty counsel , yet from heav'n inspir'd . a spatious oak he did his palace make , and safely in its hollow womb retir'd . 116. the loyal tree it 's willing boughs inclin'd . well to receive the climbing royal guest , ( in trees more piety than men we find ) and it 's thick leaves into an arbour press't . 117. a rugged seat of wood became his throne , the bending boughs his canopy of state ; with bowing tops the trees their king did own , and silently ador'd him as he sate : 118. hail , heaven's care , and greatest now of kings , a horrid croud of saddest miseries from thee no undecent tears or sorrow brings , or makes thy reason captive by surprise . 119. he 's truly great , who could at such a time neither fear death , nor yet of life despair . this is a work so noble and sublime , it cheifly do's a royal soul declare . 120. if fortune did your kingdom basely seize , you fortunes kingdom from her nobly gain . a iust revenger : she will now have peace with him who conquer'd triumphs do's obtain . 121. the gods are pleas'd so great a pair to joyn but you will be discharg'd the happy birth of that fair year is nigh ; from heaven t' will shine lighting with happy stars the peaceful earth . 122. that glorious star the shining pomp do's lead than all the starry host more gay and bright , which thirty years before did wonder breed , and signaliz'd your birth with sacred light. 123. daring at noon to exert the lamp of night boldly i th' open face of day it rose , new light portending by unusual light did at mid-day phoebus himself oppose . 124. now once again with wondrous light adorn the heavens , rise at noon , auspicious star , behold ! your royal charles again is born to vital life , and to a pleasant air. 125. behold ! how gently monck's strong artful hand the labouring prince delivers , and removes all stops , he best this art do's understand , and to deliver troubled monarchs loves . 126. great generous prince , return to life again , the beauteous golden may do's now arrive and your birth-day , so long desir'd in vain ; live , generous prince ; again , great monarch , live. 127. o joyful , charming , and propitious day ! triumph of conquering peace ! when you most blest of kings , through london made your glorious way , mids't of three great heroic brothers plac't , 128. attended by a noble splendid train ; so many came this triumph to behold you 'd think the whole world london did contain ; numberless leaves in woods as soon are told . 129. first all cry out , he comes ; with one consent ▪ long live , king charles , then the vast tumult cries ; methinks their joys ( which with such noise they vent ) in whirlwinds drove , should forreign lands surprize . 130. joys make us mad ; stoics , permit our cares now to be drown'd , and let short chearful folly at length impose an end to twenty years of wretched rage , and dismal melancholy , 131. nor will the island , which all o're do's burn with festival bright flames , now suffer night succeed this great day in it's usual turn ; all the island burns , the seas a round are light . 132. i omit the peoples banquets , songs and sports their boundless laughter and their tears to write , for extreme joy , which not it self supports , vvith pleasure gently sheds tears sweet and white . 133. the wines which from the conduits freely run why should i name ? rivers themselves should pour ( since the true golden age is now begun ) god wine , far richer than iove's golden show'r . 134. now golden months , and a bright chain of years advance . behold ! from part of heav'n serene peace scattering the clouds at length appears ; long peace which had so long an exile been , 135. clapping her white wings albion she imbrac't , with her return'd shame , plenty , and good fame , and piety in decent habit dress't , and iustice , which did britain long disclaim , 136. wit , and good arts , and charming liberty which best do's flourish under pious kings . to these the royal mother do's apply as great a blessing ; for her self she brings . 137. great mary comes after a banishment in her own country long and sad , 't is strange ; love to her husband was the crime they mean't , now heav'n do's her reward , and him revenge . 138. hail , queen ! your sexes ornament and pride , and shame of ours , you both in prosperous fate and adverse decently your passions guide ; your pious tears envy in gods create , 139. your husband charles alone they envy , heav'n thinks him to highly with those offerings bless't ; you ( while the worlds wheel is a round you driven ) remain unmov'd , in virtu's center plac't . 140. now the most just of kings applies his mind to government , the gaping wounds of wars with a sure gentle hand to close and bind , and by degrees to hide the very scars . 141. to restore laws their force and majesty , to polish rusty manners , and redeem the antient faith , and sincere honesty , and the old glory of the english name : 142. such is the lately return'd masters care of his neglected garden , which he finds o're-run with ruin , he do's gently pare luxuriant plants , the loose and wandring binds : 143. he the dejected raises and sustains , much sets , and much extirpates , all 's redress't , vast is the work , but sweet ; for all his pains by growing beauties are repaid and blest . 144. great king , your gardens , towns and cities are , to these you good and artful culture give , all in fair order you dispose with care , and ev'n the woods your favour too receive : 145. you raise their kingdoms wasted and oppress 't young plants the places of the old supply , posterity beneath thy shadows bles't ( thou best protector ) will securely lye . 146. to you with chearful gratitude they 'l owe their winter fires , their summer shades and ease ; their fixed houses too , and those which flow in water , th' oceans wooden palaces . 147. you now perhaps for future ages lay of towns and fleets foundations strong and deep , living great triumphs you will reap , and may sow triumphs which posterity shall reap . 148. you forcing first your way to honour's name up the steep hill where glory do's proceed to the bright temples of exalted fame your britains , then from night exempt , shall lead . 149. you shall the watry world command , the mild and quiet loose , and bind the raging sea , by the whole world the ocean's neptune stil'd , and your three kingdoms shall your trident be . 150. what madness is it , holland , to contend with england for the watry vvorld's command ? that scepter nature did to her commend , in vain you strive to wrest it from her hand . 151. vvith vvaves by nature soveraign britain's crown'd , and amphitrite , which another place only salutes in part , do's flow around , and her beloved albion embrace . 152. can you to th' empire of the sea pretend vvho scarce with artificial banks resist th' insulting ocean's fury , and defend your towns , with his continual siege oppress 't ? 153. the high and mighty lords of bogs and fenns ( see how ambitions foolish hopes aspire ! ) would on the sea impose , but this pretence the brave carolides with rage do's fire . 154. lo ! a dutch fleet cutting the empty main triumphs o're the absent as a vanquish't foe : he 'l soon be there , ( fierce dutch ) and then in vain that you rejoyc't , you to your grief will know . 155. no sooner did swift fame the rumour raise but valiant iames to sea the navy led , ( profuse of life , and only fond of praise ) with as much hast as after fight they fled . 156. when first the english at a distance spy'd the belgic fleet , they rais'd a mighty shout , as when they long in furthest parts reside , at their return their country they salute . 157. the foremost squadron with a prosperous gale brave rupert led , ( his valour long had won renown by sea and land ) who did prevail and break the naval horns o' th' belgic moon . 158. strait iames opposes to his trembling foes the middle squadron , standing high in sight i' th' royal charles , a round his head he throws his naked sword , and opdam calls to fight ; 159. nor do's brave opdam the dire honour shun here fiercely the dutch admiral , and there the english admiral the fight begun , and horrid shows for both the fleets prepare . 160. vvhy do you , opdam , to your ruin run ? this frantic valour heav'n do's not allow , is it ambitious pride that spurs you on to 'a glorious death by such a noble foe ? 161. you by a greater hand shall suffer death , heav'n a reward for all your crimes will send , and will it self revenge your broken faith , heaven which always do's it's charles defend . 162. the great ship which of guns a hundred bore of men six hundred , free from hostile harms , blown up into the clouds , did loudly roar , scattering flames , burn't fragments , legs and arms. 163. perhaps just heav'n with true thunder strook the perjur'd wretches , with revenging hand ; amboyna's crimes , and peace so often broke no gentler expiations did demand ; 164. or else some accidental fire did move the powder with resistless fury driven ; but chance it self directed from above must be accounted as the act of heav'n . 165. a burning shipwrack in the sea do's float , terrible even to a pious foe , and to be pity'd ; but they can denote but little time to tender pity now ; 166. now in both navies nothing do's appear but horrid tumult , all confusion seems ; they board ; and the orange nothing mov'd with fear by opdam's fate , encounters conquering iames. 167. bold above all , and worthy opdam's fate did not the english bravery require the action of it's own revenge and hate ; down , down it sinks hissing with human fire . 168. three ships the fame , much by the goddess fame to be renown'd , and three the dolphin burns with a fierce show'r of sulphur and of flame , which in a moment ships to beacons turns ; 169. there seems a captive town in flames by night , so many fires from several places broke at once , such pyramids of horrid light pierc't through the clouds and darkness of the smoke 170. who would imagine fire so great a sway should in the empire of the water bear ? justly for shame conceal'd the waters lay , they hid with heaps of scatter'd ruin are . 171. with sail-yards , masts , planks , broken beaks , and sails ropes , flags , and arms , and carkasses of men , and men half dead , a purple dye prevails ( where the sea 's open ) and conceals the green. 172. it were an endless labour to relate all the ships sunk and taken in the fight , to tell the many kinds of various fate which were in that one day expos'd to sight ; 173. in various ways address , and wit appear , almost poetical variety of ways , by which chance uses mercy here to some , and there to many cruelty : 174. three young men noble both in parts and blood a brave example to the world did give , who at once fell as they together stood , and by one bullet did their death receive ; 175. all three almost but the same carkass were , three brothers lying in death's fertile womb together ; now who would not fate declare cruel , and barbarous , in this monstrous doom ? 176. but she is kind withal ; for next 'em stood ( joys so near danger trembling i declare ) the royal admiral sprinkled with their blood , as free from wounds , as he was free from fear ? 137. with greater vigour he the foe pursues burning with grief and new-excited rage , at length the dutch though truly brave , refuse the english , with just fury fir'd , to ' engage . 138. the broken remnants of the cruel fight fly scatt'ring through the sea , whom rhene admits at length , and seeing ours pursue their flight , trembles with horror , and his horns submits : finis . an erratum . page the 23d . for sloaths opium , read opium of sloath. a letter from monsieur de cros (who was an embassador at the treaty of nimeguen and a resident in england in k. ch. the second's reign) which may serve for an answer to the impostures of sir. wm. temple, heretofore ambassador from england at the hague and at nimeguen ... : together with some remarks upon his memoirs, to make appear how grosly he is mistaken in the greatest part of the most important matters he relates concerning what passed from the year 1672 until the year 1679. lettre de monsieur du cros à mylord **** afin de servir de réponse aux impostures de monsieur le chevalier temple. english du cros, simon, 17th cent. 1693 approx. 59 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a36748 wing d2436 estc r20449 12562848 ocm 12562848 63280 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a36748) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63280) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 314:5) a letter from monsieur de cros (who was an embassador at the treaty of nimeguen and a resident in england in k. ch. the second's reign) which may serve for an answer to the impostures of sir. wm. temple, heretofore ambassador from england at the hague and at nimeguen ... : together with some remarks upon his memoirs, to make appear how grosly he is mistaken in the greatest part of the most important matters he relates concerning what passed from the year 1672 until the year 1679. lettre de monsieur du cros à mylord **** afin de servir de réponse aux impostures de monsieur le chevalier temple. english du cros, simon, 17th cent. 33 [i.e. 32], [4] p. [s.n.], london : 1693. translation of: lettre de monsieur du cros à mylord **** afin de servir de réponse aux impostures de monsieur le chevalier temple. reproduction of original in newberry library. "an advertisement concerning the foregoing letter" (4 p.) at end. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng temple, william, -sir, 1628-1699. -memoirs of what past in christendom from the war begun 1672 to the peace concluded 1679. dutch war, 1672-1678. europe -history -1648-1715. 2006-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-04 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from monsieur de cros , ( who was an embassador at the treaty of nimeguen , and a resident in england , in k. ch. the second's reign . ) which may serve for an answer to the impostures of sir w m temple , heretofore ambassador from england at the hague , and at nimeguen ; till such time as a more ample and particular relation be made of the business in hand . together with some remarks upon his memoirs , to make appear how grosly he is mistaken in the greatest part of the most important matters he relates concerning what passed from the year 1672 , until the year 1679. london , printed in the year 1693. a letter from mons . de cros , &c. my lord , i have been informed of the calumnies that sir w. t. hath caused to be printed against me . i know very well that sir w. is of great worth , and deserves well ; and that he hath been a long time employed , and that too upon important occasions ; but i am as certain , that he had but a small share in the secrecy of the late king charles's designs in the greatest part of the affairs , for which he was employed , from 72 , till 79 , which is the main subject of his work. this consideration alone might not perhaps have given me the curiosity , or at least , any great earnestness to read his memoirs ; and i might have very well judged that i could draw from them no sufficient light and insight for the discovery of so many intrigues . nay besides , i might have doubted whether or no these memoirs might not have been his own panegyrick upon himself , and the diminution and undervaluing of the real worth and glory of several persons of quality , and distinguished by their merit ; whose fortune and reputation sir w. t. hath so much envied : for i am particularly acquainted with sir w's pride . he looks upon himself to have the greatest reach , to be the wisest and ablest politician of his time ; and a man may perceive abundance of satyrical reflexions scattered here and there in his work against most illustrious persons , and that he hath stuffed his memoirs with his own praise , and the fond over-weening opinion he hath of himself . without doubt this is quite different from that sincerity and modesty which reigns throughout the memoirs of villeroy , in the negotiations and transactions of jeanin , in the letters of card. dossat , those mighty and truly eminent persons , esteemed as such by the greatest princes of their age ; and even still are to this day , by the ablest politicians , with much more justice and glory than sir w's book-seller stiles him , one of the greatest men of this age. it had been sir w's duty to have regulated himself according to their most excellent pattern . i shall at present only quote one passage , which i accidentally light on at the first opening his book , whereby one may easily guess at the greatness of his presumption ; in a shorttime , my lord , i shall give you occasion to observe many others . the negotiations , saith he , that i managed and transacted at the hague , at brussels , at aix la chapelle , which saved flanders from the french clutches , in 68. made people believe i had some credit and reputation amongst the spaniards , as well as in holland . 't was a piece of strange ingratitude of the hollanders and spaniards , as well as of his own dear country-men , so much concern'd for the preservation of flanders , not to rear him a statue , which , he saith , some-where else , mr. godolphin had promised him . could sir. w. t. have done any thing to deserve it more ; or was there any thing more worthy of triumph than to have preserved flanders , a country so important to the spaniard , and the only bulwark of holland and england ? but sir w. was apt to believe he could not find any one who was better able to hammer out his own glory than himself ; and he flattered himself with the opinion that he should erect himself as many statues , as there are places in his memoirs , crouded with intolerable and ridiculous vain-glory. it was not the negotiations , my lord , that sir w. tells us he managed at the hague , brussels , and at aix la chappelle , which saved flanders from the hands of the french , in 1668. the french published that they were beholding to the most christian kings moderation for that peace ; who was willing to put a stop to the progress and course of his victorious arms. but the truth of it is , they most justly ascribed all the merit , and all the glory of the peace , and of the triple league , to the generous resolution and stedfastness of the states-general . they made use , upon this occasion , of a minister of state far beyond sir w. in prudence , experience , and capacity , one , who was in the opinion even of his enemies , the most able manager of affairs of his age. i shall not undertake , my lord , in this place , strictly to examine sir w. temple's memoirs : i will do it shortly if god spare me with life ; nay , and i promise you a volume of remarks , at least , as large as his book . if , like him , i had the vanity to procure the printing of memoirs , during my life-time , i could now have a fair pretence so to do , and without all question i should publish more just and solid ones than his are . not , that i have the presumption to judge my self more capable to do it ; but , in several places he relates some things falsly , whereof i am much better informed . the only hero of my piece shall be truth , without complaisance or flattery ; without passion , no not so much as against him : so that i shall do him the satisfaction and kindness to instruct him better , even touching divers matters , which he performed and executed , without knowing so much as the reason why he was made to act so . it is not likewise , because i have been one of the council of the king his master ; yet i have had the happiness , during some years , to partake in the confidence of a minister of state , who was in several important , weighty occasions , as it were the primum mobile of that conduct and management that surprized all the world. you know , my lord , what credit he had , and of what nature his intelligences were . sir w. may well imagine that i did not ill improve this able ministers confidence , when sir w. tells us , that i had wholly devoted my self to him . men are not ignorant likewise , that oftentimes i have had some access to the king's ministers of state , and even near to the king himself , ; it did more especially appear , in the business for which i took my journey to nimeguen ; and it would be a great shame that a man more cunning and subtil than them all , according to the king 's own testimony , as sir w. relates it , should not have had ( considering so much freedom of access and easiness ) the address and cunning to dive into the most hidden springs of deliberations and resolutions , wherein the swede and my master had so great an interest . be therefore assured , my lord , that after my death , nay perhaps , whilst i am alive , if need require , and if i be obliged thereto , there will appear some memoirs , which will divulge some matters the truth whereof is still so carefully concealed , sir w. doth ingeniously confess that hither to he was ignorant of them ; he , who hath so much quickness of penetration , and seems to make us believe that he was the king his master 's confident . you your self , my lord , have often urged me to acquaint you with such important secrets , and of such great consequence ; and altho' i could not possibly refuse , upon the account of that honour you do me to afford me any share in your favours , to let you have a glympse of one part of what pass'd in one of the most important negotiations of that time ; yet you had so much generosity as not to take the advantage of it you might have done , to the infallible ruine , as was believed , of a minister whom you take for one of your greatest enemies ; yet on this occasion one could not well lay any thing to his charge , besides his blind obedience to the will of his master . the truth of it is , i am not obliged to have the same considerations that with held me at that time , but yet i preserve a profound respect for the memory of the late king , and also a great respect for some persons , who are even at this time of the day so much concerned , that i should hold my tongue , if it were not for that reason , it would be a very easie matter for me , to make appear without any more adoe , how basely sir w. is mistaken in what he delivers concerning divers negotiations of england ; and especially concerning my journey to nimeguen . my design is not at all , my lord , to write you a letter full of invectives against sir w. i shall not descend to the particulars of his behaviour , and shall tell you no more of them at present , than what is needful to let your self and every body else judge that i have means in my hand to be revenged for the injury he hath done me . they will be without doubt more just invectives , than those that he fills his book withal . he set upon me first . he writes out of a spirit of revenge , with a great deal of heat and passion , and like a man that believ'd himself touch'd and wrong'd to the purpose . as for my part , my lord , i protest i write to you in cold blood , i do so much scorn the injury that sir w. affects to do me , that i should but laugh at it , if my silence was not able to persuade you , and those persons whose esteem of me doth do me so much honour , that i have but small care of my reputation . sir w. hath shined a long time , 't is true ; but yet he hath borrowed all his splendour first of all from the protection of a lord , whom he betray'd at last , of whom he speaks too insolently in his memoirs , and with abundance of ingratitude ; and then again he advanced himself by the protection of certain other persons to whom he was devoted , to the prejudice of his bounden duty : he did so well insinuate himself ( that i may make use of the terms he makes use of in speaking of me ) into the favours and into the confidence of those , near to whom it was necessary for him to have access , that he might have been in a capacity to render considerable services to the king his master , and to his country , if so be he had made better use of this advantage ; but he kept it just after the same manner as he had got it ; that is to say , that he often came short of exact faithfulness and loyalty , which a minister of s tate is obliged to maintain inviolably even in the least matters , that doth plainly appear in his memoirs . the late king of england perceived it , and was so far convinced of it , that he never made use of him in the last commissions he committed to his charge , to the states-general ; but only out of consideration of the acquaintance he had there , who made people conjecture that sir w. might have some credit amongst the spaniards , as well as in holland , as he himself assures us he had . neither was he employed , but only upon some occasions , wherein one would not employ a man who was a favourite of the prince , or for whom he had any value , or in whom he might confide ; 't is a truth owned and confess'd by sir w. himself in his memoirs ; and a man may judge of it by the so opposite false steps , that he complains , they caused him to make , and by all the things that were done contrary to the measures that he had taken , just as if the court had had a mind to expose him . besides , the king slighted him after the peace at nimeguen , and laid him aside , making very little use of him ; it was not , what he would make us believe , his love for his own ease , and his indispositions of body , that made him decline his employments . never did man desire more to have an hand in affairs ; he was removed by reason of the king 's secret dissatisfaction at his services , by that conduct and management , which in executing the king's orders , when they were contrary to his opinion , and disliking to his friends , smelt very much like perfidiousness and treachery , as may principally appear in whatsoever he did for to evade and frustrate the king's orders , contained in the dispatch i left with him at the hague , to nimeguen , for the conclusion of the peace , by order of his majesty . it is concerning this business that has made so great a noise for which sir w. takes occasion to reproach me , that i am going to relate you some particulars in the reflections , that i am obliged to make upon what he says concerning my self . do not expect , my lord , that i should teach you here the true cause of so extraordinary a resolution which so much surprized sir w. with which pensioner fagel was so much astonished , and which in sirs w's opinion did entirely change the fate of christendom . i should please him very much , if i should discover so important a secret , in which many persons in the late and present reigns have been concerned . i do not doubt but sir w. extremely desires it ; he knows very well the greater knowledge of these practices would perhaps raise a great deal of trouble in the parliament to some people , whose ruine he desires at the bottom of his heart , being little concerned for the reputation of the late king , and envious of the esteem of those that protected him , and who have bestowed so many favours upou him . as for my self at this conjuncture , in which k. william endeavours the repose of christendom , and the happiness of england with so much zeal and glory , i will not stir up the envy and hatred which has too much appeared in england ; and , which may perhaps be a great obstacle to that union which is so necessary to the happy execution of the undertakings of this great monarch . there arrived , said sir w. at that time from england , one whose name was de cros. i shall not stop , my lord , upon this term of contempt , one called ; it is a very malicious expression , in respect of my self ; the late king of england himself did me the honour to treat me in passports , in his letters , in his commissions which he charged me with : it is very impudent and rude to speak so of a man , who is of a good family , who has had the honour of being employed for almost twenty years , and whom a great prince and a king have not disdain'd to use as councellor of state. he was ( continues sir w. ) a french monk who had lately quitted his frock for a petticoat . here is a reproach which ill becomes an ambassador of a monarch , who is defender of the faith , and of the protestant religion ; of one who declared so openly at nimeguen , that he would have nothing to do with the pope's nuncio . i do not know , my lord , that it is a disgrace to be a monk ; and much less , to have been one formerly : there are indeed amongst them , as well asamongst the rest of mankind , some miserable wretches , of a mean birth , and of a disorderly and infamous life ; people of no use , without honour , and without reputation : sir w. t. thought , without doubt , that i was of that number ; but there are likewise several very famous for the sanctity of their lives , of an extraordinary merit , and of the greatest quality , sons of princes and kings , and kings themselves , and popes : but if this sort of life is not now , as formerly it was , so certain a character of a good and honest man , do's sir w. think he can dishonour me , in reproaching me for leaving a profession which himself thinks so contemptible , for a petticoat ? it will not be material in this place to say how i was engaged therein in my tender years . there is nothing more usual in france , spain and italy , where ancient houses do sacrifice a good part of their families in monasteries ; 't is a maxim , to say the truth , most cruel and horrid . neither will i relate how , and after what manner i came out of it ; however , it was not for a petticoat . i have remained several years without so much as having any inclination to it ; and it hath been apparent that i have had much a-do , and was very much unresolved as to this choice . there was too great advantage to throw off my frock for the petticoat that i have taken , not to do it . it is a petticoat of a scotch stuff , and which hath been a greater ornament , and done the crown of england more good than sir w. himself ; if he do not know it , the history of england and scotland in these late times may inform him . i shall enlarge no further , that i may not engage my self to publish the misfortunes and disorders of sir w's family ; which , i suppose would not be like a gentleman . i have no reason that i know of , to complain , neither of his lady , nor his son , nor of his daughters . besides , had i even cast off the monk's habit for a petticoat , i should have done no more than a great many worthy deferving persons have done ; yea , some of the pope's nuncio's , cardinals , bishops , kings and princesses too , who have quitted the veil for the breeches , whose posterity , i make no question is highly esteemed and reverenced by sir w. i did so well insinuate my self , saith sir w. into the court of sweden , that i obtained . from thence a commission to be a kind of an agent in england . that is very dirty . i have had the management of affairs and the quality of envoy , when sir w. had no more than that of an agent or resident at brussels . i was envoy at the court of england before ever i was in sweden , or before ever i had any acquaintance there . i went the first time to sweden just at that time the late king of england sent me into sweden and denmark , about the beginning of the year 1676. the pretence was for to demand the free passage of letters ; which the king of denmark refused , for hastening the congress of nimeguen , in procuring the expedition of passports , requisite to the ministers of state who were to compose the assembly ; and also to urge the departure of the embassadors belonging to those two northern crowns . but now the true cause was quite another matter , and of greater consequence ; not for the king of england , but indeed for another potentate . — that shall be made appear some time or other in my memoirs . had i been a kind of a swedish agent , i should not have defended my self in that point ; i should have held it as a great piece of honour , since it could not chuse but be very glorious and splendid , to have the affairs of so great a king , in such important conjunctures as those were , committed to ones charge and care ; but at the very time sir w. speaks of , i was dignified with the quality of envoy extraordinary from the duke of holstein gottorv , acknowledged and received at the court of england for such . sir w. knows that very well , there was sent him divers memoirs to nimeguen whilst the mediation lasted , which i had delivered in at london , concerning the re-setling my master ; but the interest and concerns of this prince were so indifferent to him , that i was fain to beg of my lord treasurer to recommend them more particularly to sir leoline jenkyns . moreover , you may see sir w. t. mentions in his memoirs all the potentates that had any interest in the peace of nimeguen , except the duke of holstein gottorp , notwithstanding he had two ministers at the congress , and although france had stipulated for his re-establishment in the second article or condition of the peace , such who shall peruse the memoirs of sir w. might be apt to think that the duke of holstein was reckoned as no body in the world , and that he had no part at all in what pass'd in christendoom , from the commencing of the war in 1672 , until the conclusion of the peace 1679 ▪ but thanks be to god sir w. is not the steward of glory and immortality . sir w. therefore must have often read my name and character in the letters , and orders of the court , and cannot have forgot that he came to render me a visit at my lodgings , at such time as he , by the king's order , was to confer with me upon what account monsieur olivencrantz might be obliged to pass from nimeguen into england : that swedish embassador lodg'd at that time in my house . 't is true indeed , as the interests of my master were inseparable from those of sweden , i found my self engaged to be very much concerned in the interests of that crown in whatsoever might depend on my care : there was an envoy extraordinary from sweden at london ; and yet for all that , the swedish ambassadors did me the honour to maintain a very regular correspondence by letters with me : the king of england was also graciously pleased to hear me in what concerned the affairs of the swede , although i was no otherwise authorized for it . monsieur olivencrantz , his voyage to london was contrived first of all by the king and my self , without the least medling or intervention of any one of his ministers ; and then again in the negotiation , whereof my voyage to nimeguen was a consequence , the restitution of sweden was especially insisted upon . all this made many men believe , that i was intrusted with the management of the affairs of this crown ; and monsieur van beuninguen believed it so to be , in the letter he writ to the lords states-general , which hath since been printed ; where he speaks with so much uncertainty concerning the voyage i was about to make to nimeguen , and about this negotiation , that it was evident it was a very great secret. since his being at london , saith sir w. speaking of me , he hath wholly devoted himself to monsieur barillon , the french ambassador , under pretence to act for the interests of sweden . monsieur barillon was not at that time in london , when i was sent thither , he came not thither till a long time after ; i found monsieur le marquis de ruvigni there , whom monsieur courtin succeeded ; and after that monsieur barillon came to take the place of monsieur courtin . i never devoted my self to this ambassador , and i never had any correspondence or was in league with him prejudicial to my duty . nay , it happened the king of england one day , having a design more especially to take into consideration the swedish interests , monsieur de barillon diverted him from it ; whether for fear lest a particular peace should be clapp'd up between the northern crowns , or else out of jealousie , that he might leave the glory of the restitution of this crown to the king his master ; and depriving it of all other relief , might keep it in the mean time in a greater dependance . i was so much put to it , and fell out with mr. ba●illon so much thereupon , that i did not so much as ●peak to him in 3 or 4 months ; nay , one day as the king was at dinner i cast in his teeth what had past ●n the presence of monsieur wachmeister , envoy-ex●raordinary from the king of sweden . i do not question but monsieur wachmeister remembers it well enough ; he is no less worthy to be believed , than he ●s brave and undaunted . and now after this manner i became all one with ●he ambassador of france . but yet i must confess ●hat at such time as he stickled for my master's in●erest and that of the swede , i was intirely devoted ●o him , thinking my self most happy that i was ●nabled to pay my most humble services to such a ●reat monarch , whose subject i have the honour to ●e , without failing in my loyalty and allegiance , ●hichlought to pay him before all others whatsoever whereupon , my lord , i shall tell you one thing , in ●hich monsieur de revigni , at present lord gallo●ay , cannot but agree with me , no , nor monsieur ●livencrantz neither . the departure of this am●assador for england , occasioned shrewd suspicions both at nimeguen and london to the french ambassadors . monsieur barillon was much alarm'd at it , especially when he saw that monsieur olivencrantz lodged at my house , and when he knew that i had offered a project , upon which i had the honour sometimes to be in debate with my lord treasurer , monsieur barillon put all in practice to sift him to the bottom ; nevertheless all the offers of this french embassador proved ineffectual , and wrought thing upon this man ; who , if a man would give credit to sir w. t. was intirely devoted to mons . barillon , and yet mons . barillon found him not to be corrupted or bribed . one would think , my lord , that sir w ▪ t. has a mind to make men believe , that i was only sent into holland to carry him a dispatch from the court ; for he is always harping upon this string , when he mentions my voyage : yet please to take notice , my lord , that he confesseth that it was i , who procured this dispatch . what means the king then , when he says , that i had been too cunning for them all ? there is not so much prudence and great abilities required in a courier ; it is sufficient that he be expeditious . but this message must needs have been honourable , to employ an envoy extraordinary of one of the greatest princes of the empire , except it be what sir w. hath been pleased to say , that i was so much devoted to the king ; yea , and to monsieur barillon too , and so little tender of my master's dignity , that i would comply with any offices . if i were a courier or messenger , monsieur t. hath at least done me a good office , in representing me to be , what i would not have the confidence to believe my self ; namely , that i was an able messenger , a courier of the cabinet , and very deep in the king's trust and confidence . for before ever monsieur t. spoke of this dispatch , which as he says , the court sent him , to be kept as a mighty secret , pensioner fagel , says he , knew all the contents , and was quite stun'd at it . d● cross had industriously informed the deputies of the town , ( i copy from monsieur t. ) and had told them that the two kings were intirely agreed an the conditions of peace ; that he had carried orders to monsieur t. to go to nimeguen , and that at his arrival there he would find the letters of my lord sunderland , the english ambassador , at paris , with all the articles as they are concluded between the two crowns . here is , i acknowledge , a very expert messenger , very knowing in the secret , and very forward in the work , in 4 or 5 hours time , that i had been at the hague . monsieur t. will be much more stun'd than monsieur fagel was , when he shall know hereafter what past at the hague , in that little time that i was there , not having discovered what it really was , neither then , nor since . it was most certainly , something of greater importance than to tell the deputies of the towns the contents of the dispatch , with which i was intrusted . and monsieur t. will see cleerly one day , how far this only incident did change the fate of christendome . i pretend not , adds monsieur t. to determine by whose means , and how du cross , obtained this dispatch . and a little lower ▪ all that i could learn at court , about this matter , was , that his orders were made up one morning , in an hours time , at the dutchess of portsmouths apartment , by the interven●i n of monsieur barillon . it 's pity , that an english ambassadour , that all the king his master's council ( if one can believe it ) that a man , who if he had pleased himself , might have been several times secretary of state , should be so little informed , i will not say during his absence , while he remained at the hague , and at nimeguin , but even since his return into england , of what past there , and chiefly in that very affair , wherein monsieur t. was more exercised than in any other business that he ever undertook . but how he could be know it , since neither the duke of york . nor my lord treasurer , not hardly the king himself ( if we may believe monsieur t. ) knew any thing of it ; and that these orders were made in one morning , in an hours time , at the dutchess of portsmouths apartment , by the interception of monsieur barillon . observe now , if you please , my lord , the malice of monsieur t. in relation to monsieur williamson ▪ on whom he would give in this place , the character of perfidy , as he hath done in diverse other parts of his memoirs . monsieur t. ought to have had at least , some respect for the king , whose orders monsieur williamson did execute . i never talkt of it ▪ says monsieur t. to the secretary of state williamson , as if he would say that he was sufficiently perswaded that monsieur williamson was a man altogether for france , and that he was intirely devoted ▪ as well as my self , to monsieur barillon , and that he was the author of this dispatch . is it not clear that monsieur t. would make us imagine that monsieur the chevalier williamson , secretary of state , the french ambassador , and the dutchess of portsmouth promised these orders . as for me , tho' i had the dispatch given me , yet he does not accuse me openly in this place of bearing any other part in this affair , than only as a messenger entrusted with the conveyance . and not only so , but i never went to the dutchess of portsmouths lodgings , she having an irreconcilable aversion for me , and i for her . can there be a greater absurdity than this ? to endeavour to perswade his readers that the most important affair of that time on which depended ( says monsieur t. ) the fate of christendom was concluded and made up , in one hours time , in the apartment of the dutchess of portsmouth , by the intervention of monsieur barillon . monsieur t. is accustomed so little to spare the king's reputation , that he fears not on this occasion , to prostitute it , in a strange manner . he does not only charge him with partiality and connivance , in suffering valentiennes , cambray , st. omer , and several other places in flanders ▪ to be taken , without murmur or opposition ; but the king of england obliged as much as could be , in the quality of a mediator , and more through the interest of his kingdoms to procure the repose of christendom , yet corrupted by the french ambassadours , and by the charms of a mistress , sacrifices all europe , and his own estate , to a power that is naturally an enemy to england . and this without ceremony , in an hours time , without the advice of his council , and hides himself in the apartment of a woman , as if he was sensible that he went about an action the most unworthy of the majesty of a prince , and the most opposite to the felicity of his people that could be . for what other construction can any one make of what monsieur t. says , and can any man conclude , otherwise when he reads this worthy passage in his memoirs ? certain it is , that this dispatch was made up by monsieur williamson , and by the kings order . and since the king was pleased to avoid opening his mind hereon to monsi●ur t. giving him no other answer , but that i had been more cunning than all of 'em ; monsieur t. might possibly address himself to monsieur williamson , who , it may be , might tell him , by whose means , and how du cross had obtained this dispatch . 't is plain that monsieur t. despairs of penetrating into this affair ; that he knows not where about he is when he speaks of it ; and that he only seeks to blacken the reputation of the king and his ministers . if the peace of aix la chapelle is his favourite , because he hath the vanity to believe it to be intirely his own work ; 't is easie seen that the peace of nimiguen is his aversion , because he is ashamed to have had so small a part in it as he had , and that the most glorious part of his life is not to be sound in that negotiation . i would have this complaisance for monsieur t. though he treats me so ill ; i would , at least , in some part , draw him out of this great incertainty , on the subject of the dispatch which i brought him . he is deceived , when he imputes this resolution to the intrigues and perswasions of france . it was neither managed , nor taken , nor dispatcht , at the dutchess of portsmouth's ; nor was it by the means or intervention of monsieur barillon . the ambassadour had no part in it , but on the very instant when the affair was concluding . he was not so much as present at the expedition , as he had not been at any time at the deliberations . the marquiss of ruvigny , the son , carryed the first news to the king , his master , the same day that i parted for nimeguen . monsieur williamson knew well what was contained in the dispatch to monsieur t. in which there was nothing very mysterious . but he was never privy to the secret of the negotiation ▪ and tho' he was present when i took my leave of the king in secretary coventry's office , yet he was then ignorant of the true subject of my voyage , and perhaps he never knew it . the king was not at all precipitate , and the affair was not concluded and dispatcht in an hours time . it was treated on , and deliberately considered near three weeks . there was time given to the ambassadours of swedeland to resolve themselves , and make their answer . the king's design was doubtless aimed for the good of europe , and the publick tranquility ▪ but in truth , he had not in his eye , nor did he certainly believe that happy fate of christendome , for which monsieur t. labours so earnestly in consort with some particular persons , enemies to the state , seditious , and disturbers of the publick repose . but the king said pleasantly , adds monsieur t. that the rogue ( coquin ) du cross had outwitted them all . if monsieur t. had not made the king say this , and had said it himself , i might have applied to him , with as much justice as any man in the world , these verses which i have read somewhere , coquin , he calls me , with mighty disdain . doubtless , i should answer monsieur t. thus , seek your coquins elsewhere , you 're one your self . but the person of kings is sacred . besides , can that be an abuse , which is spoken pleasantly , without the least design perhaps of offending . for coquin is a word which the late king of england often used , when he spoke of people for whom he had notwithstanding respect and consideration . 't is true , he used the word also very familiarly , when he was angry , but at such times he spoke with indignation , and not pleasantly . the parliament presented an address to the king ( as monsieur t. reports ) in which they represented the progress of the french arms , and desired him to stop it before it became more dangerous to england , and the other neighbouring countries . den bernard de salinas ( continues monsieur t. ) said to certain members of the commons , that this address had so exasperated the king , that he said those who were the authors of it were a company of coquins . i remembred at my arrival in england , in 1675. before i was to go into france in quality of an envoy , whither i acknowledge his most christian majesty would not permit me to come , either because they had informed him that i had embraced the protestant religion , or it may be because the king of france would not receive his own subjects , in the quality of ministers of other princes . it happened , i say , that the king of england ( to whom also i had a commission ) bid the marquiss of ruvigni , one evening , bring me to his cabinet , and himself come in with me . the king enquired of me , at the first , what news i could tell him of the condition of the swedes army in pomerania , through which i past , and exprest much concern that the constable wrangle , not minding to pass forward into the empire ( as monsieur t. says ) had thereby different pretences , had attacked the elector of branderburg as vigorously and with as much success as he could . i told the king the reason , which concerns not my present subject to report here . afterwards , i having informed the king of the state of germany , the king believing that i was to pass into france , spoke to me in these very words . monsieur , tell the king , my brother , that it is much against my mind that i have made peace with these coquins , the hollanders , monsieur the marquiss of ruvigny , who stands here , knows it well . sometime before the making of this peace , the king talking with monsieur de shrenborn envoy from mayence , told him also , in relation to the hollanders , in a little time , monsieur , i will bring these coquins to reason . monsieur de barillon writ to the count d' auaux , the french ambassadour at the hague , certain discourses which the king had concerning the hollanders . the count d' auaux made use of this to encrease the just suspicions of the esttates . he carried the letters of monsieur barillon , to monsieur fagel . whereupon , the states made a terrible complaint , and the king of england said on this occasion to the duke of lauderdale , that monsieur barillon , and the count d' avaux were coquins . had the king called me coquin , seriously , i ought not to think it any very strange thing ; since he hath treated in the same manner the most powerful and wisest republick of the world , to whom he had so great obligations ; two ambassadours of his most christian majesty , of extraordinary merit , and as honest men as france ever had ; and also the greatest lords of his own kingdom who were authors of the address which the commons presented him . there is also this difference , that the king , speaking of those lords , those ambassadours , and the hollanders , he called them coquins in anger , but when he spoke of me , he said it pleasantly ( according to monsieur t. ) and that i was a cunning coquin , more cunning than the duke of york , my lord treasurer , the secretary of state williamson , and even the king himself . either i am much deceived , or all the ministers of the consederates that were then at london , would have been all coquins at this rate , and monsieur temple himself , and would have deceived those who abused and deceived them . for besides , there is more credit methinks on such like occasions , to be a cunning rogue , and to pass for a more able man than the most able ministers of state , than to be the laughing-stock , and the fool of a monk and a sort of agent ; sir william temple , and some others , were truly so on this occasion . but i would acquaint sir w. temple of what he has not perhaps heard of , as he has done the like to me , i do not invent it to revenge my self , and ●f i would make use of falshoods , i might make recourse to more heinous affronts ; the truth of my remarks upon his memoirs , shall be my full satisfaction . what i shall relate may be found in my letters upon that account to the prince my master , and his ministers : i took no particular care to divulge it immediately to mounsieur barillon , to whom i was so much devoted ; were he alive he might witness that as well as the aversion the king of england always bore to sir w. temple ; and the little esteem he had of him at bottom . upon my return from nimeguen to london , i went immediately to court , as soon as i came there i meet prince rupert , who askt me with a sterne countenance if the peace was concluded , i answered him in the affirmative , upon which he cryed out and said , o dissimulation . after having had the honour to give his majesty an account of what was past , i told him of the ill humour i perceived sir w. t. to be in , and what i knew of his neglect of his majesties orders ; the king seemed very angry with sir w's . proceedings , and said , he was a very impertinent r — to find fault with my commands . but if the late k. of england , did not approve of my conduct in the affairs of nimeguen , which in effect he declared at first in publick not to be pleased with , in which he play'd his part to admiration : if against his will , i had truly inform'd the several deputies at the hague , how that the two kings of england and france were intirely agreed upon conditions of peace ; 〈◊〉 this accident changed the destiny of christendom ▪ and what endeavours soever the english court had made , there were no ways to repair the breach . if i was a fool , a piece of an agent , o● a knave , how comes it that the king suffer'd me to stay in england near a year ? nay , as long as my master thought fit . why was the king so civil to me ? why did he recompence me for my voyage from nimeguen ? upon what account did the king bestow several other favours upon me ? how comes it , that i haveing made a great entertainment and fireworks , to shew my joy for the re-establishment of the duke my master to his teritories , that the whole court should do me that honour as to be present thereat ? it was not my quality of envoy extraordinary of the duke de gottorp , that hindred the king to express some kind of resentment against me , and thereupon to bid me avoid the kingdom . i do well remember the king was just npon the point of making mounsieur van beuningen ambassador to the states general , to withdraw and get him out of the land , because he had got the word connivance , to be foisted into a memorial he presented to the king , for the recalling of the english forces , which bore armes in france . don barnard de salinas was the spanish envoy ; the king made much of him , yea and loved him for the particular care he had in flanders of the education of the e. of plym . one of the ks. sons , he did nothing but report up and down , that the king gave the authors of the address , presented to his majesty , by the house of commons no better name than rogues . the king had his liberty to reject this address , as indeed he did , and no ways apprehended the consequences of it at that time ; yet for all that , he banished don bern. de salinas , not in the least considering his character , nor the kindness wherewith he had always honoured this minister ; yea and be banished him too , without any respect to the king of spain . but , for me who had abused and deceived the d. of york , my lord treasurer , ay , and the k. himself , who had overthrown all those fair and vast projects , which the confederates had contrived at london and nimega●n● ▪ and sir w. t. at the hague , which had disclosed the kings dispatches , a master piece of s●●r●●ry who was the cause of quite changing the 〈◊〉 of christendom : for me , i say , against whom the 〈◊〉 orange had written , and caused to be written so many thundering letters , against whom all the ministers of the confederates called for vengeance ; against whom sir w. t. levelled more of his endeavours to destroy me than the court did to repair this breach , and patch up the business , it lets me alone , it does not make the least complaint to the duke my master ; the k. does me a great many favours , and laughs in his sleeve at the surprise , at the sorrow , and complaints of the confederates , and sir w. t. after all that , can any body reasonably believe that the k. of england might have lookt upon me as a rogue : and when he told sir w. t. after a droleing manner that i was a rogue and had o● : 〈◊〉 th●● all , may it not be probable , that he had a mind to jeer him , and to make him sensible that he was taken but for fool ? i● was very like so to he . i have not gone about , my lord , to say i● this place what i might say , to wipe of all those scandalous impressions that sir w. t. hath such a desire to fasten upon me ; i suppose i have given your lordship sufficiently to understand , that what he hath been pleased to say upon this theme of me , proceeds from inveterate spite and malice . but , what way is there to get clear of one of the most haughty , and most revengeful of men , who in his memoires falls foul upon the reputation even of the greatest minister , who casts aspersions on the duke of lauderdale , that most zealous , and most faithful minister , that ever the king was master of ; on my lord arlington whom sir w. is bound to respect as his master , who was his benefactor , that raised him from his sordid obscurity , and as it were from the dunghill , to bring him into play , this ingreatful person forsooke him , that he might catch at the shadow and appearance of mending his fortune ; he would not have stuck to ruin my lord arlington , by base indirect means : this is no hard matter to make out , even by sir w. t. his own memoirs , but yet i am acquainted with some particulars upon this subject that make my hair stand an end , nay , and i have not only learnt them from my lord arlingtons own mouth , but also from a noted minister of those times . what a piece of impudence to call in question and tax the principal ministers , and the soberest magistrates of holland , viz. monsieur de ●everning , monsieur valknier and others , generally esteemed by every body . to arraign them , i say , some for a varice , others for partiality , i had almost said for betraying their trust . but above all , to give such disad antagious representations of the e. of rochester , and of sir leoline jenkyns ; that , it would have been all one if he had said , that sir leoline , was a man of the other world , a plain downright ideot , void of insight and experience : and that law. hyde , now e. of rochester , was a lord altogether unacquainted with , and no ways fit for the imployment the king gave him at nimeguen ; neverthetheless , sir leoline was made secretary of state , and no notice at all taken of sir w. as for laurence hyde , sir w. speaks first of him , as if he were a youth , that should have been sent to the university , i plainly perceive , saith he , that the chief design of that commission was to introduce mr. hyde into this sort of employment , and to let him understand the manner how the men behave themselves in the same , then he adds , he excused himself out of modesty , to have any thing to do with any conference , and compiling dispatches . was it out of the respect he owed to sir w. t. or for want of capacity , that my lord shewed so much modesty , that he would neither make dispatches , nor meddle with conferences , what , he who had been ingaged already , as he was afterwards in very important affairs ; who had been embassadour in the principal courts of europe , who was chosen as chief of the embasie at nimegnen , one who in all respects , is so far above sir w. t. for all these great qualities ; yet my lord ▪ affords sir w. just as much difference , as a petty scholar does a famous pedant . and to reward him , sir ▪ w. t. would make him pass in the world , for an embassadour that was but at best his scholar . i make account to tell you , what sir ▪ w. dare not acknowledge . mr. hyde , being more subtile , and of greater ▪ abilities than sir w ▪ and of that quality too , that was not to be exposed , would not intermeddle in a mediation , which was like to suffer so gross indignities , as the mediation of england suffered at the treaty of nimeguen . one time or other i shall publish those indignities in my memoires , together with the weakness , and tameness wherewith they were content to suffer them . but now , if sir w. t. hath not spared such illustrious persons as these : no , not so much as my lord treasurer , at present marquis of caermarthen , laying something to his charge , whom also he does not do that right and justice , which is due to so great a minister of state , one of the greatest wits of the age , for business ; a person so loyal to the king his master , that he sacrificed himself for his sake ; and after all , so full of zeal for his country , that he hath bethought himself of all expedients , and hath not feared to expose himself to peril and utter undoing , that he might deliver it from the mischiefs that throaten it ; if sir will. hath not spared the kings person , whose dignity and reputation he so often sacrifices , can i hope to escape his foul mouthed language . peradventure he had better have done something else , & something wiser ; great confident of princes and ks. the sole preserver of flanders , as he is , than to have entred the l●st with a monk , with a kind of an agent , and with a cunning knave . but his desire of revenge hath prevailed , he believes himself cruelly wrong'd ▪ and he is in the right on 't , for that at the hague and at nimeguen , which he was confident would be the theatre of his glory , they made him act a disgraceful ridiculous part . he imagines i am partly the cause of it , either because that my voyage to nimeguen might have been the effect of my negotiation , which he might have gathered by the kings answer , or , because i might have done nothing in holland , but administer cause of suspicions and umbrages , that hasten'd on the peace , in spite of his teeth , and reverst the treaty he had but lately concluded at the hague . my lord , if i be not mistaken , here is another occasion of sir w. t. being vext at me . there was a treaty a foot between england and spain , for which purpose sir w. was employ'd without any other design in reference to england , but to abase the parliament , and no other on the spaniards side , but only to add a little more reputation to their affairs . now the parliament got nothing by it , and the greatest advantage accrued to the spaniard , who upon this occasion made him really believe it , and so took him for a cully . a sad acknowledgment for having alone saved flanders for spain ! i ridiculed this treaty , i made observations thereon , that were published in holland , and men judged that the observations were well grounded : after that , and after the business of nimeguen , i was not to expec● any encomiums from so unjust a person as sir w. t. but still he might have writ more like a gentleman , and have spoken of me without ever loosing the respect which he owed to my master , without doing so great an injury in my person , both to my name , and family out of a merry humour , for in whatsoever past , i performed the duty of a minister , both zealous and most faithful ; nay , and i did nothing but even by concurrance and good likeing of the king of england . i beseech you , my lord , conserve for me the honour of your gracious favour , and be fully perswaded , that i shall be all my life long , with much respect . your most humble , &c. finis . an advertisement , concerning the foregoing letter . it is now , some months ago since the foreign journals gave us to understand , that monsieur de cross , the ingenious author of the foregoing treatise , was meditating an answer to sir william temple's memoirs . as nothing more sensibly touches us , than to have our reputation wounded by those persons whom we never injured . we are not to admire that our author who thought himself unjustly attacked in these memoirs , took the first opportunity to justifie his proceedings to the world : and if he sometimes falls out into severe or indecent language , it is to be remembred that he was not the first agressor , but that his adversary taught him the way . how well m. de cross has acquitted himself in this affair , i will by no means take upon me to determine . let the reader , without prejudice or partiality , confider what both parties say , and then let him judge for himself . when these memoirs first appeared in publick , i remember the criticks in town were much divided in their sentiments about them ; some found fault with the stile , as too iuscious and affected ; others censured the digressions , as foreign to the business in hand , and particularly the story of prince maurice's parrot , that ( to use sir william's own expression , p. 58. ) spoke , and asked , and answered common questions , ●ike a reasonable creature . lastly , ●he graver sort of people were scandalized to see several persons eminent both for their station and quality , and some of them still living , treated with so much freedom , and with so little ceremony ; adding , that the author every where appeared too full of himself , which i find is the very character , which the french relator of the negotiation at nimeguen , has been pleased to bestow upon him . indeed , as for the language of the memoirs , a man needs but turn over half a dozen pages to be convinced that the first objection is just and reasonable . every leaf almost stands charged with gallicisms , more or less ; and indeed 't is odd enough to see a man of sir william temples's constitution , who all along declares such an invincible aversion to the french nation , so fondly doting upon their expressions , even where he had no necessity to use them . but at the same time , i confess , i am of opinion , that his digressions are not so faulty , it being not amiss in a just history , but especially in memoirs , to relieve a serious scene , now and then , with something that is diverting and agreeable . as for the last objection , i have nothing to say to it at present , since it is not improbable but that the following book of monsieur de cross may prevail with him to attempt his own justification . finis . two letters the one from a dutchman to his correspondent in england, the other an answer from the said correspondent : in which most things of note (that relate to, or have been transacted in this in this hostility) are very fully handled : with the present condition of both countries. f. c. 1673 approx. 60 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a32293 wing c31 estc r17116 12102398 ocm 12102398 54135 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32293) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54135) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 57:13) two letters the one from a dutchman to his correspondent in england, the other an answer from the said correspondent : in which most things of note (that relate to, or have been transacted in this in this hostility) are very fully handled : with the present condition of both countries. f. c. j. g. [2], 21 p. s.n.], [london : 1673. first letter signed: f.c.; second letter signed: j.g. place of publication from wing. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dutch war, 1672-1678 -personal narratives. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 celeste ng sampled and proofread 2007-01 celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion two letters : the one from a dutch man to his correspondent in england ; the other an answer from the said correspondent . in which most things of note ( that relate to , or have been transacted in this hostility ) are very fully handled . with the present condition of both countries . printed in the year 1673. letter i ; yours of the 4th , instant ( which supposes me here at hamborough , and congratulates my arrival ) came a day before me ; for i left not amsterdam so soon by a fortnight as you imagined . your accounts i have sleightly perused , but shall nothing to them till our correspondents at bruges and antwerp send me theirs : nor can i stir from hence these seven months ; for ( besides the business i told you of ) i must expect the phoenix , which will not arrive till april ; and in it i hope to find as much of 1. b's effects , as will near satisfie the debt he owed me . whilst i was at home ( knowing the vain suspitions of the rabble ) i neither sent nor asked you any news ; but now i am here , i by no means blame the desire you have to understand the posture of our affairs , & how they have been managed ; especially since you pretend to no further an information ( were i capable of more ) than what any stranger that passes through the countrey gives his acquaintance : i say i cannot blame this request , having now the same favour also to ask of you , for the relations i heretofore saw , were often very false and uncertain ; nor can this freedom i hope , be any prejudice to our respective governours , for what may be great satisfaction and news to those in our sphere , is none to them , who have spies ( we are sure ) abroad , informing them at another rate of all occurrencies . but before i acquaint you with our misfortunes ( too well known to the world ) i must beg pardon , if for my ease ( my letter being long ) i write in dutch , which wants , i confess the comprehensive harmony of your smooth and gentle language . that john de witt was a man of parts , is held by not a few of our wise ones ▪ yet either his ignorance in the state of your kingdom ( which has hidden mysteries in it not to be fathom'd , i think , by forreign polititians ) or god almighties particular judgment on those that glory too much in the strength of their understanding , brought him to that dismal end , and with this misfortune also , as to be now esteemed a fool and a traitor by the generality of his countrey-men . two irreconcileable piques he had to england : first , because from ▪ thence he imagined , that the prince of orange would have a perpetual support , and be at length the ruine of him and his cabal : and secondly . by reason of its strength , its ships , its convenient ports , & inclination to trade , 't would at one time or other ingross all negotiation to it self . these thoughts prompted him , and the rest of them , instead of courting you in forrain countries after the peace , to countenance under hand all kind of private affronts & libels that could be invented , to lessen you as well in our own esteem , as among our neighbours and allies , and well m●ght we and our friends think , we had been your match in the late war , when we often saw some of your country men seem to yield , ( by the hanging down of their heads ) that we had had the better of you . though out sea-men and factors were thus a gog , our embassadours with you were sufficiently submiss and pliant , calling it the drunken mirth of some private subjects , and assuring your chief ministers , that our states valued your monarch above all things ; nor was it hard for them to believe this , seeing that he alone forced his christian majesty , in the height of his conquest , to the peace of aqui●grane , and was the only defence we had against our being invaded by him . every body was satisfied therefore that the great king of fraence had no equal ; but the great king of england , and that he thirsted for nothing more , than liberty of salling upon us , who had broken ) as he said ) our faith with him . he could never forgive us our underhand opposing his designs upon flanders , which obliged our governors , in spight o● all in-bred animosity , to court you unto the triple alliance , that would have preserved us ( had it continued as 't was once happily begun ) in our old prosperous and flourishing condition . england was not ignorant , to be sure , how much we wanted it's assistance , and that it could never have a fairer occasion to oblige us to do justice ( as you termed it ) to the prince of orange ; who now was of a fit age to receive those honours , which the merits of his family had as 't were entailed upon him . but the ru●ing party , that feared nothing like this , resolved to obstruct it , though with the utter ruine of their countrey . & therefore when all imaginable intrigues of theirs , could not make your ki●● desert the interest of his flesh & blood , they privately offered his chri●tian maj●sty what conditions he pleased , so he would but joyn his powerful army , with their fleet , and immediately fall upon you . having done this , and not doubting of the acceptance of their proposals ▪ they sent to our admirals , who were cruising with several men of war , to strike flag to no single ship of yours ; nor feared they any inconvenience , because yo● had no number abroad . this they knew would force you by degrees to a q●arrel , and yet not without some plausibility of reason on their side ▪ it being a thing harsh in the general opinion of the world ▪ that a fleet in all its glory and strength should do obeysance to every cock-boat , that owned it self of the navy-royal your king soon resented this affront , and demanded reparation with that warmth and vigour as was imagin'd , but whilst agents were passing to and fro , h●s christian majesty either distrusting us , or thinking his game surer by having you his friend , not only refus'd our conditions , but sends them to your king , who ( as he thought ) out of interest or revenge would now joyn tooth and nail with him . your willingness nevertheless to accomodate all things with us , was not so pleasing , as one would imagine , to de wit and his party ; because they knew that your terms would be much worse as to their own interest than formerly ; and therefore resolving to give you no satisfaction , they buzz'd in every bodies ears , that your king had not a penny of money ; that most of your parliament being our pentioners , would give him none ; that the whole nation hated the french , that not a seaman of yours would fight ; that your non-conformists would be up in arms : and in fine after a thousand such lessening allegations , they declared it to be an unpardonable folly , to value or league with a people , that wanted both fidelity and power to help their friends : all which noise spent not it self in vain , but caused thousands to believe you could do us neither harm nor good . the first unlook't for accident that touched our politico to the quick , and made him tear his hair , was your king's postponing the bankers ▪ and converting the receipts of the exchequer to his own use ; for now contrary to all expectation , he saw his majesty might put out a fleet of himself , & that your subjects ( who love not we know an overtopping rival ) would even for their own interest prosecute the war once a foot , let them be never so averse to it in the beginning . but the thunder clap that gave him his mortal wound , was the liberty of conscience so universally granted to the people ; this brought the devil a thousand times into his mouth , saying that nothing but he , who owed holland a shame , could put it into your heads , and that shortly you would be as united as our selves , so that ever hereafter the kings enemies must become the common enemy of the nation : and i must tell you , 't was not so in the last war. the effects of the toleration were soon perceived by every body ; for many of your country men at rotterdam , delf , leyden , and else where in this land , frighted heretofore out of england , upon the score of religion , have now not only longings homewards , but are also generally lookt upon by our people as so many spies to betray us , whereas formerly no dutchman was thought more faithful than they , to the wel●are and interest of this government ; nay if this be not a wonder tell me one , that a quaker of yours at rotterdam , should be so transported at the news , as to throw his hat which had been naild at least ten years to his head ) into the fire , and to drink the kings health with a vive le roy in his mouth . for my own part , though two descents have not , i think , washed away all my english blood , yet upon the account of my mothers kindred , and my own business , who knows whether ever with convenience i can quit holland or no , but this i must tell you , that my two uncles & their good-wives talk much of london , and therefore i shall desire you to inform me what real foundation this indulgence has , that i may accordingly advise my scrupulous friends , for there has been no question more ventilated at any time in these quarters . i do not , i 'le assure you , ask this of you upon my own score , but theirs ; for had my grand-mother had so digestive or rather charitable a stomack as mine , i should have at present a greater interest in mark-lane than now i am ever like to have . yet to speak to you with my old frankness , i am not able to conceive how a people so wedded to persecution , as you were thought in the general opinion of the world ▪ can so suddainly forget it , as not to be grasping ▪ at it again upon every slight pretence and humour ; and thus having finished my request ; let us if you please return to our fac-totum , who had so groslly reckoned without his host . he was , you may easily imagine much surprised at what had happened , yet outwardly no man seemed less , for in that way of disguise he was esteemed a great master : never wanting some plausible gloss or other to lessen the dread that suddain accidents brought along with them . for as to the stopping of the treasury , he pretended it the greatest advantage to us in the world , since no private man would hereafter trust the crown let emergencies be never so great , and yet every monarch must often borrow of his subjects . and , as concerning the toleration , he was not ignorant , he said , of the zeal and self love of your clergy ; who one time or other would get it repealed , and that then all dissenters would be ten times more disobliged and implacable than before . these and the former reasons strangely satisfied the multitude , yet many an honest man cryed that we had been mistaken in our measures last war , that kings find expedients when others little dream of them : that your kingdom was a place whose maxims and secrets were not to be guessed at ; for when we thought our selves wholly sure , & that you wanted either mony or men , allies abroad , or uuity at home , and the like , still some accident or other happened to deceive and ruine us . but nothing can save them whom god infatuates ; nor could this macchiavel keep himself ( as he imagined ) above board without the rash attempt of neglecting your friendship ; and having thus made a false step , he was forced in desperation to contrive ( as they say ) this following treason . he had for a long time kept fair with france , and was as much in the kings books , as a forreign minister could well be ; and this he did for a support in case his enemies ( the prince beginning to be the joy of the people ) should be able to contend , and if they absolutely got the better , then here should be a sure refuge and asylum for him . he continued ( even after the treaty at breda ) still in favour with that monarch , who presently after daily more and more shewed his hatred to us : nor did the faction fail to insinuate to the people , as if the prince encouraged the king to a quarrel , to become thereby his tributary , if he worsted us ; or at least to be restored by the states to the dignity of his ancestors , since an army and a general must be in vogue in a war ; and every body knows how much the souldiers loved and adored him . they had been ( as i should have told you before ) busie to lessen also the princes esteem in england , when they were forced in the year 70 to let him come over to you ; for they fancied , that because his grandfather had by the assistance of our established ministry ( whom he protected ▪ agrandized himself , and so crushed the potent arminian faction , that they were all hated for a time by us ; therefore by the same rule ; if your church men could be put out of conceit with him ( i mean the present prince ) your people by their insinuation and power might be easily made averse and irreconcilable to his person , let the king be never so kind . hereupon , to make him seem a phanatick ( which is the grand bug-bear of your episcopal government ) they expresly ordered him never to receive in any of your churches kneeling , but that the minister should bring him the bread & wine , as he sate in his pew or seat ; for we called it an arrogant institution of your divines , as pretending to be wiser , forsooth , than all the reformed world , seeing there is not one protestant congregation that ever knelt at the communion besides your selves . here they were again unfortunate , and the plot vanished in sumo ; for it seems your spiritual leaders ( had they been disgusted ) have not that influence over you as we once imagined . our juncto were now in no little perplexity ( you may be assured ) nothing being able to hinder the encrease of his highness's esteem in all our provinces ; or to put any stop to the french preparations , whilst on the other side your king called aloud for satisfaction by his embassadors , who gave them also many a secret bite for their perfidious dealing with you , as he would have it . but their private resolution was ( as i said before ) to give you no reparation , and to sink sooner than to have your protection , assuring one another that no demand of france ( though victorious ) could be so destructive to their particular interest as yours ; nor is this kind of self ends any news to christendom , since we daily see there are men in authority that will rather submit to the turk himself than miss of their aimes , or fall into the hand of a neighbour , whom they hate or envy . 't was therefore decreed to treat you with all possible fair promises , on purpose to make the french jealous , or thereby at least to puzzel their measures : and if they could by these artifices keep you a neuter , till spring , you would not have time to set out your fleet , so that by compounding with his christian majesty ( who missing your assistance would be far more tractable ) we should make you contemptible to both of us , and to the whole world also . this was the design , but it failed , for you presently shewed us you would not be amused , and therefore began about christmas to equippe , and when they delayed you satisfaction , you became your own carvers , setting on our smyrna fleet , which i must tell you , seemed a happy omen to some pretenders to wit ; and a presage to them of our future success , because you did not take them all . 't was now plain you were in earnest , yet there wanted not real good patriots ( though it seems they were deceived ) that cheered both themselves and people , with a fancy that your parliament , ( which was without fail they said , to sit in october . ) would question this war , and never contribute to it ; for 't was in all our mouths , that the whole english nation was perswaded , that the whole protestant cause lay now at stake , and that the pope was the contriver of this difference . many also would have it advantagious to us , that the french ships were to be joyned with you ; because your own fleet , ( which you too well know we all dread ) would not be so great now , as were you left to your selves ; besides , they said that auxiliaries sometimes by private orders must not fight , at other times perchance they would not fight , at best there was to be a deference and winking at their faults , it being impossible for you to command them like your own subjects : nay , some envious men rejoyced , that should you now be successful ▪ and do all your selves , yet these allies would certainly rob you of ( at least ) half the g●ory ▪ spring being now come , and the great force both by sea & land almost ready to fall upon us , the juncto agreed to play their cards thus , that is to say , they would put 10 or 12 thousand men at least into mastricht , as the place the enemy would first attaque , and therefore the towns on the rhine , being left unprovided , they must soon become a prey to his christian majestie , on whom they resolved ( if the worst came to the worst ) to depend , nay , rather on the devil , than to be at the mercy of the prince , and his party , into whose hands they knew also they should at last fall , if the war were but procrastinated ; for in times of action , souldiers will alwayes over-top gownmen ; besides , there being very little hopes by force to resist two such monarchs ( which is the best excuse the world generally makes for them ) they thought fit to be thus before-hand , that their own conditions and terms might be the better . but though they determined in this manner , as to france , yet they thought fit to try one experiment first , which would be an advantage to them , what way soever it succeeded , viz. to put out their fleet with all the hast and privacy imaginable to intercept yours , before you joyned d'estres ; so that if you happened to beat us , they had a fair pretence of having done their indeavours for their countrey , & then the french in our consternation might over-run us at pleasure : but on the other side , if by surprize or chance we should overthrow you at sea , it would be easy to clap store of men into these towns which ( we now say ) were designed to be lost , and no hard thing in the height of our victory & joy to make some agreement with the rest of our enemies ; and so to your loss alone , all things should be here just as they were before . 't is certain , one part of the project was well carryed , for our fleet weighed anchor when few of our own news mongers thought it half ready ; but what the success was , when we came to blows , you know , i am sure as well as my self ; only this i must add , that de ruyter , after the fight , could not refrain saying to this purpose , that now he saw you were invincible , and more than men ; for whether we caught you a sleep , or awake , divided , or together , we still returned with loss : and truly , who could imagine that a little squadron , nay rather 6 or 7 ships , should so long resist our whole navy ; and that your duke should engage with so much valour and fury , as to change ships ( when refitting lost time ) oftner than great generals at land have done their horses . we lost not above four sail ( or six as some say ) but certainly we never had so many men destroyed , & our fleet so torn before ; & therefore not a few question whether we could have repaired , and been fit to fight again last summer , supposing we had had no other enemy to distract us . but the french inundation that presently followed , put it out of dispute ; for the great sennacheri● ( as some of our devout women called him ) having taken 24 places in 22 dayes , we durst not being our ships into their usual harbours , being fully assured , that not a sea-man would stay in them ; for besides the fear of you , there was none but had in this publick calamity concerns enough at home . this was our case , sir , and now were we ready to yield up every thing , when it pleased god that vtreicht ( like another capua ) or at least the strange rains , & ill weather , should put a stop to the victorious french by land , as also to the ruine your proud triumphant navy was drawing on us , for what could have saved our east-india ships , having no allies , nor fleet of our own to protect us , but a three months storm , which for the most part hastened them forward , and put you into a continual disorder , not permitting you to watch your prey , as otherwise you would have done : nay , some on board have assured me , that had not the wind chopt about the same day , we got into embden ; we must nevertheless have fallen into the very midst of you . but our tumultuous people made no other use of this respite , which god almighty had sent us , but to embrue their hands in the blood of the two de witts , after that strange and horrid manner you have heard of . i cannot ( because of the consequences of it ) justifie this violence , though many an impartial man thinks them to have been really guilty by their treason of all our misery ; as also of contriving the princes death , who now by the ill success of their government , had got ( as they ever feared ) all authority into his hands ; yet there want not others , who will have it , that the orange party hired the barber to accuse the eldest brother of having intentions of poysoning his highness ; and that the rest of the cryes against them are but meer calumnies . for my part , i will not possitively affirm what is laid to their charge , only this i must say , that i have many more reasons against them both , than for them ; but whether the accusations be true or false , the arminians have now lost their head , and being hereby depressed , are so full of malice and hatred , that they care not who masters us , so those in power , share in the misery : and therefore a villanous minister or preacher of theirs ( when even the catholicks of all holland , and particularly of that quarter , would by no means assist or joyn with the french ) brought them by a secret pass to the relief of woerden ; by the taking of which , we should , as many affirm , have regained half our losses . these good actions have made many zealous protestants much esteem our papists ( who you know are numerous ) and to reckon them very true and faithful to their countrey . but who could have thought that the house of austria , those super-refined sons of rome , should be our only supporters against a popish king , whom the pope himself has ( i warrant you ) blessed and congratulated for his zeal in advancing of the gospel . but in earnest sir , let me tell you , the itch of propagating opinions , and idle notions is ( unless in your countrey ) quite out of fashion in christendom ; and i believe no body thinks that france in its intentions of conquering us , ever thought of the church ; or that the emperour troubled his head about religion , when he designed our assistance : this was a frequent pretence about a hundred years ago ; but time and experience has taught us all wit. the powerfull entreaties of the spaniards ( who fear the loss of flanders ) were his imperial majesties principal motive in taking up arms , though naturally , you may imagine , he is troubled to see the strength of one daily encrease , who has an eye upon the empire , and hopes to succeed at the next vacancy . nor does the surprize of lorrain lightly stick in caesar's stomack , which is both a member of the empire , and appertains also truly to prince charles , whose protection he has long taken upon him : neither are his great officers ignorant , that there 's much profit and advantage in helping a rich and plentifull nation . brandenburgh too has his ends , you may swear ▪ and it encourages him not a little , that his great master leopold is concerned in our affairs . the princesse dowager of orange has also a mighty influence over him , and it may be you i think it strange if she had rather have him our patron , than her grand-child ; for she cannot forget ( as her back-friends say ) that he is son to your princess royal , whose great birth she could never brook , but envy . if we prosper , this electour is to have , not only his own upon the rhine free , which hitherto in a manner we kept from him ; but also many other by-emoluments ; and nothing encourages both prince and peasant like gain . our only hopes then at present , are in these auxiliary forces ; and this advantage we have already got , that they have diverted turene , and the main of the french army , which would have undone us before this ; and without all doubt , had not the bishop of munster been by their approach obliged to retire , we had not only lost groningen , but with the whole province , that of westfriezland also : nevertheless he has done us mischief enough , and sayes , he 'l teach us to paint him in a pontifical and military habit , riding on a hog but who would have thought expressing him to be master of the best westphalia-bacon , had been so great a crime ? the prince , who is all in all among us , went lately , with the whole strength he could make , towards liege countrey , in hopes of some great exploit , to repair his ill fortune at woerden : how he will prosper , god knows ; only this i am sure of , that our peop'e will judge of the conduct according to the success ; and therefore his friends do very much pity the strange hard game he has to play ; for he must , as i said , have alwaies good luck if he hopes to please ; nor is he wholly to disoblige you , whom he has so near a relation to , and yet he must remember how easie it is for his enemies to make him suspected by the people , who by nature are alwaies jealous and violent . besides , if he stands in perpetual defiance of the late ruling party , he 'l find many inconveniencies by it , both as to his own , and to the publick good ; but if he protects or joyns with them ( for many of them have made him great promises ▪ ) the commonalty may chance to forsake him , and think of another ; and if that should happen , what assurance or relyance can he have on them , that have alwaies kept him under , and perchance design this way for his final ruine and destruction ? if his condition be ticklish and ill , ours ( i mean the nations ) is worse ; nay , as bad as it can almost be wished by you ; for there 's scarce any village that fears not to be burnt , or at least pillag'd before morning by the enemy . our sluces and damms are most of them pull'd up ; our draining mills destroyed , and that water which protected many places in the summer , endangers them now if it should freeze ; so that towns of consequence are in perpetual dread and terrour . our traffique is ceased , and little coming in , and less going out ; and , which is yet stranger , most of our sea-men are forced for a livelihood to run a privateering ; and when they get somthing , they must sell it at half the worth , seeing our very home-trade is quite gone by the loss of the mose and rhine , which heretofore brought us still so much gain and profit . no wonder then if the poor cry for meat , when the rich can hardly live ; and what artizan can maintain his family , when scarce any body will set him on work ? these are causes of insurrections in our cities , and perpetual tumults among the bores ; nor have we had any comfortable news this long while ; but the fond exaggerations of our gazetts , or sometimes the taking of a prize from you , which to me i confess brings little joy , since it shows you are still busie in commerce , whilst our merchants sit idle at home ; and though perchance sally and algiers may weary you this way , 't is not to be done by a people whose whole glory and advantage depends upon negotiation . peace is the thing i cry for ; and peradvanture god will at length hear us , since we begin to make good use of this affliction and chastisement ; for with admiration i say it , there was never a greater change in any countrey , and mercy alwaies attends a sorrowful and contrite people . one thing i had almost forgot to tell you , which makes the whole world stand amaz'd , and wonder how they have been thus long deceived concerning you ; for all men of all countries have ever cryed , that 't was your parliament that in truth governed ; your king being no body , or at most but half a prince . this therefore made them generally conclude you an insignificant people either to friend or foe ; especially seeing there must be continual application in all business to both these powers , which ( as 't was thought ) instead of agreeing , strove to circumvent each other . but now the scene is quite chaned ; for since they have seen your king raise an army , proclaim war , set out his fleet , threaten newters , assist friends , pay every body , and all this of himself ; they confess you are a potent nation , fit to be courted , and that the ballance of christendome is in your hands . in short , take it upon the word of an honest man , this unexpected way of proceeding has done you over all europe more real honour ( and the honour of a countrey is the best part of its strength ) than any thing that has happened to you in this age . having thus fulfilled your commands in my plain and inartificial manner , which i am sure your goodness will pardon , though your admirable judgement cannot ; i say , having thus shewed my obedience , you must excuse my longing to hear from you , and i doubt not but you will as frankly inform me how things stand with you . i desire no intrigues of state ( as i hinted in the beginning ) but such an account , as , were i at london ( and 't is by your king's favour lawfull ) every body there would give me . when you write , direct your letters to our correspondent at antwerp , who grows rich by the great business that runs through his hands in these troubles : for many merchants of note ( and now you may see how the world is changed with us ) are compelled to such shifts , being scarce able to vent one penny-worth of goods , without being beholden to others . farewell , and god send us peace , which is the incessant prayer of hamburgh decemb. 26. 1672. your faithfull friend and servant , f. c. reader , i hope you 'l pardon this translation , though it comes short of the dutch original : i put it in the nearest english i could , to express the author's sense , and therefore take it in good part i beseech you . letter ii. i will not trouble you now with the private affaires betwixt us , since to thank you for your excellent and most satisfactory letter , of the 26 th . past is task enough , and far too much , were i to do it as it deserves : but how could i expect less , from one who had leyden for a mistress so many years , and ( after the death of your father ) so much experience in the world , leaving then the muses , and your dedication to theo ogie , for this so profi able a study . yet for all i owe you many obligations , you must pardon me if i express my mind freely in every thing , and complain , even in the beginning , of your writing in dutch , which ( though i understand it ) shews in you methinks that aversion to us , you ever profest against ; nor can you have any pretence for this our unusual way of corresponding , unless resolving altogether to be critical , you prefer your mother-tongue before one which you have acquired half by art. this excuse is sufficient to me , who so well know your gentle disposition , and cannot but rejoyce at the profession you make , that you have not yet lost all your english blood ; and therefore , i must again and again , repeat my entreaties . that you would come hither , and except of the invitation of a nation that exceeds ( when 't is confided in ) even it s own frank and generous promises . as for holland , i pitty its condition , i 'le assure you ; but if god almighti'es particular judgement ( as you your self intimate ) brought de wi●t to that lamentable end , for glorying too much in the strength of his understanding , what could you in just ce otherwise expect , than some strange unparalleld disastre , their being no neighbour whom you have not in your vanity affronted , and above all , england it self so kind and friendly to you . one maxime , i remember , you had ever in your mouths , that money was omnipotent , and therefore abounding in it ; you could not possibly need or fear any thing ; but now you see the fallacy of that opinion ; and that you may want necessaries , though your coffers are full , which ( pardon me if i yet tell you ) have been ever much emptier than you your selves pretended : and besides , none are sooner reduced to extremity , than atrading people once out of their method and bias . i must acknowledge as to my particular concerns , i was extreamly glad at the peace of breda , and believed also you would remember the danger you risqued in that war , having nothing in the least to satisfie your losses , but the accident at chatham , when we were wholly unprovided ; and which you know we could have quickly redressed by a new fleet , had not we then concluded with you . i say , i was glad of this peace , but little dreamed to hear complaints on our exchange immediately upon it ; that you durst vaunt in your gazetts to have forced several princes in the east-indies to forbid us their trade ; and that in the west-indies our colonies at surinam were still detained , and not suffered to come home according to our late and solemn treaty . several other of your injuries and scorns were dayly told me , but none moved me inwardly more , i confess , than bracke's his publick affront ( who pretending to have broken the chain at shereness , and done all the other exploits in that enterprise ) did in many places in the streights ( and especially at genoa , legorn and zant ) invite the dutch factory aboard him , clapping alwaies in the height of their jo●lity t●e english colours under the dutch ones , in token of our being conquered , and that now we must tru●kle under you ; but as for your denying to strike sail , i was not in the least concerned , looking upon it as a madness , and that the devil ( as your politico , you say , confessed ) owed you a shame ; otherwise you could never be incited to deny us a right ( which for its infinite consequences , we value beyond expression ) even at that very time , when no body did or could defend you from the fury of france , but our selves . nothing 't is true is more visible than the strange animosity and hatred , which your fac totum ( as you call him ) and his friends bore us ; yet i am so candid to his memory as to be half perswaded , that the greatest part of his treason , was the neglecting of the advice , which the old prince of orange left the state on his death-bed : viz. to keep friendship with england upon any terms , and that your standing army should ever consist for the far greatest part of mercenary neighbours , and not of your own subjects and countreymen : for what could be expected but the surrendring of towns as fast as summoned , when the souldiers minded trade more than their business , and when their officers were both ignorant what an enemy was , and disheartned by the cryes of their wives and children ? but this councel was contrary to the designs of your democratical and self-interested party , who know , souldiers of fortune will depend on their general , and that they should never domineer at the helm , whilst this great commander had such power . i think no man ought to wonder at our kings inclination and zeal , for the establishment of his nephew ; which , let me tell you , we english look upon in a manner as his right ; for , was it fit , do you imagine , that so mighty a monarch as the king of great brittain , should marry his daughter to that prince , were it not by a kind of custome of nations ( as we see in poland , hungary , the empire &c. or by the private promises of your states assured , that their children should enjoy the honours of their ancestors ; and if you once come to gratitude , what people was ever more obliged , than you by this great and princely family . i dare beleive you , that your rulers were afraid of our engrossing all trade , since it has often with envy been repeated , that from 4 or 5 rich merchants in the last century , we have now an exchange even crowded with such , that do , or at least are able to keep their coach , and all things else proportionable . let me also add ( to what i have already urged ) this one advantage more we have over you : viz. a plentiful countrey by nature , so that we depend not wholly upon trade , whereas , you that are altogether its slaves , must by any ill accident , undergo great molestation and disturbance . and herein also you are extreamly unfortunate , that though you know you are ever to be beholden to your neighbours , yet that pride of yours which riches create , will still make you recalcitrate and disoblige your best and surest friends . your present miseries , i am sure , convince you sufficiently of your base usage of us from time to time ; and that you have now forced us ( contrary to the natural inclination of either prince or people ) to be as well your destroyers as founders ; and yet we would have defended you ( had you but deserved it ) with the same ease from this present attaque of france , as formerly we did from the fury of the powerful spaniards . england you think has some particular mysteries in it , which often deceive forreign ministers ; and truly i am much of your sentiment , for i never heard more extravagancies and wronger observations in my life , than by strangers concerning our government and policy : nay they have been so wedded to their opinion , and especially about the power of the parliament , that all the assurances that knowing men of our countrey could give them to the contrary , served only to confirm and harden them , and among this sect of polititians , tell me i beseech you , who was more obstinate than your self ? for how often have i told you ( though to little purpose ) that this great councel , this epitome of all england , had no life but what it received from its prince ; that it met only when he would , and again dissolved at the least motion of his lips ; that being congregated from all parts of the kingdome , it must needs know our several maladies , and having humby proposed the remedy , leaves alwayes the fall determination to the wisdome of their soveraign ; that our monarchs having received from their people the greatest free demesne and revenue of any potentate in christendom , had graciously promised thereupon never to take any mony from us without our own tendering of it , and yet it was never known when publick necessities call'd ( though the royal exchequer has also its own rivers of plenty ) but that this auguste assembly was ever more liberal in its offerings , than our princes could be in their demands . in short , sir , you now know what the kings of england can do , and confess that the world at length acknowledges its errour . but why do i repeat the mistakes of you strangers in our more difficult and speculative matters , since you daily contradict even your external senses : for to this very moment shew me one traveller in ten thousand , that calls london any more than one long street ; whenas there 's hardly in the world a rounder and compacter city within its walls : and as for the suburbs , do you but consider whether from the thames to southampton-house be so contemptible a bredth ; and yet i might add to this ( as they do in other places ) the river , and whatsoever lies on the other side of it . 't was therefore not ill observ'd by those among you , [ who cry'd ( as you say ) you had been always mistaken in your measures concerning us , even when you thought your selves most sure : and doubtless de witt himself would have been of that opinion , had it not diametrically thwarted his interest ; and we see that an earnest and passionate inclination to a thing , often vitiates the greatest understanding and capacity : for how could he imagine ( had he been in his seuses ) that any little pique between us and the french ( which for these several years has had no other grounds but their vain humour in over-valuing themselves ) could make us rather submit to the continual and real injuries we sustained by you , than joyn with them for reparation ? if in this our conjunction you are conquered , we shall certainly have a share and proportion of the booty ; nor will such an addition do us any harm . but , by the way , suppose france should alone , and to its own use subjugate your country yet i look not , i confess , upon such an incorporation and union ( though it seem a paradox ) half so able to offend england , as were you only bona fide , confederated against us : and we know in part by the last war , what such a league can do . for first , the discipline of the french ( who are so volatile by nature ) will be ten times more lax by the extent of their dominions , than at present ; and if they should chance to have a careless , or less active prince , they 'l presently full into intestine disorder & confusion : nor was there ever since the creation of the world , a potent people in a continent ( which is the true seat for an empire ) that can show fewer marks of their bravery than they ; for though they have been alwaies in war , and a most powerfull monarchy time out of minde , yet have they not one foot of land out of france it self , except what they have got within these few years ; and which in truth is not yet worth the speaking of . in the next place , no body must imagine that the shipping of holland will be the sixt part so considerable after the conquest , as now it is ; for the domineering temper of french governours , and the obstinate self-will'd genius of your people ( that have been so long free as they call it ) are so different , that most will rather beg than stay at home ; and they that do chance to remain , will presently change in a manner their whole course of living : and thus it hath fared with dunkirk , which formerly bred up as able sea-men as any were in europe ; yet now it has nothing in it considerable , though this present excellent king be a greater encourager of all maritime affairs than will sit , i dare say , on his throne these many and many ages . but all this is but a fancy , as i said before , and though false , yet as true as some of the whimsies of your transcendent states-men , who were pleased to imagine england so foolish as to think the joyning with his christian majesty would prejudice the protestant cause ; and yet your selves might innocently forsooth league with this very monarch against us : besides , every body saw that neither we , nor you , nor any reformed state in christendom apprehended then the least detriment to our religion by it ▪ and therefore , why i pray should it be otherwise now ? as for the postponing the bankers , i never doubted but it would surprize your grandees ; and it was well reflected upon by some of you , that kings find still expedients when others little dream of them : nor was yet this a far-fetch't one , since there have been few monarchies or states that have not done at one time or other the very same thing ; nay , were your bank at amsterdam call'd upon , 't will be found that in our memory it never had enough in specie to satisfie half its credit . and as your wise ones erred in the thing it self , so they may also well do it in their conjectural consequences ; for ( believe me ) the crown will never want lenders when it really stands in need of them ; nor , can any man that has thus put out his money ( except a few that may have had perchance some present occasion ) be the least inconvenienced thereby , having for security the word of this king , the interest of his successors , and the reputation even of the kingdom it self , which will never let so many good subjects suffer , when their money ( or what should have reimburs'd them ) was spent in a necessary war for the honour and safety of us all . 't is the sea , which surrounding us , keeps us from danger ; and 't is therefore the dominion of it which al our princes have so c●refully lookt after ; for if to shew our jurisdiction 't was ever lawful to oblige your single ships to strike to our least man of war , we have stil the same reason and justice to require it from your fleet ; since your whole navy has no more right in these seas , then any one of your vessels when it is alone ; and if number and strength may pretend ( as you say ) to exemptions , that plainly declares war , and by it you own your selves aggressors . this was the cause that we set on your smirna fleet , w●hch absolutely denied to pay us this duty : and if five of our frigats were not able to take 50 ▪ merchant ships mounted with 20 and 30 guns apiece , yet they suffic'd , with three more that came afterwards in , to sink your reer admiral , and to bring home some of the richest as prizes , in spight of eight men of war that convey'd them : and pray remember , you were here again breakers of the peace , seeing he that denies a prince his usual priviledges , declares ipso facto war against him , let them be before never so strictly leagued together . these extravagant and accumulative injuries have at length caus'd a breach , the effects of which ( as was expected ) you already with sorrow feel , not daring now to put to sea any men of war , if there be the least probability of meeting ours : and truly for my part , though i commend alwayes the ingenuity and artifice of an enemy , yet i can by no means think your late setting upon us at sould bay , deserves the name of contrivance , because all fleets must be at anchor if they take in necessaries ; and when they are so , any enemy ( the wind blowing fair ) may have this so frequent and ordinary advantage . there 's no fence against this accident but scouts , and ours gave us the alarm two hours before your arrival , and you soon found what resistance our very vantguard could make ; and had not we lost the most noble and famoms earl of sandwich ( whom nothing but a fire-ship could master ) this rencounter had been to us nothing but a pass-time , in which notwithstanding you lost i dare affirm , neer double the number of what has been very publickly owned by you . but , though you had even then a strange mist , and other happy hitts to stand between you and utter ruin , as also afterwards a three months storm ( as you justly call it ) for the protection of your east-india fleet , yet i know the proudest of you are now convinc'd that there 's no dealing with us ; and truly when i consider our ships , our men , our commanders , and above all , our great admiral ( who has given the world such proofs of his prodigious valour and patience , virtues that at last will conquer even fortune it self ) i may without vanity , i think , and with all the justice maginable say , we need never fear any thing here in england but our sins . as for liberty of conscience , 't is no marvel if it were de witts nicking blow ; for doubtless no one thing ever setled a distracted country in so much unity as this . his majesty for 12 years together suffered the laws to be often severely executed against all dissenters without exceptions , which had no other effect , but to incense most of them so far against the government , that they had no manner of regard or tenderness for it , nay many ( like sick men that vainly expect ease by change ) rejoyc'd at ill news , and seemed earnestly to wish our ruine ; and doubtless were not great brittain an island , we had been over-run long ago . but now on the contrary , no people speak more reverently of the king than they ; nor do i know any one sect here among us ( though i am surrounded with their meeting-houses ) that has committed the least scandal since this his royal grace and freedom . and now whilst it is in my head , let me tell you , that if the rotterdam quaker turn'd hector upon notice of this indulgence , it had such efficacy over his brethren here , that whilst it was but in projection they suddainly became wits , and ventured to jeer the players themselves , their piquant and sworn enemies . for the king's theatre hapening to be fir'd , with many hundred pounds loss to the single share of mr. hart , an actor ; one of these spiritual drolls being ask't at their assembly next day , what news was stiring ? none friend , ( said he ) that i know ▪ but that the king's meeting-house is burnt ; and so gave the joyful auditory a full account of all particulars : nay then ( replyed the demandant ) we need no longer fear those blasphemers of the saints ; for now without doubt their heart is broken . but to come to your qu●re concerning the duration of this grace , be pleas'd to understand , that though there be among our wise and learned clergy some demetrius's that value their diana , and private concerns before the tranquility and settlement of the nation , yet these ( which is the happiness of it ) are so inconsiderable in every respect , that you may assure your friends , 't will never be in their power to perswade his majesty to recall his declaration , which all men of parts do now aknowledge to be the bond of peace and unity among us . nor need you fear that any congregation will be excluded , because it frustrates the very intention of the favour , by affrighting all dissenters whatsoever ; for if any party be excepted , it must be because they are not considerable enough to be apprehended by the government ; and then will the weakest of the tolerated take the alarm , and so from one to another 't will presently infect the whole body in general . for which sect can assure themselves but that from a numerous party ( since religion also has its ebbings and flowings ) they may soon become christ's little flock ; and if so , they are certain beforehand to find no mercy . such an exclusion also is wholly opposite to the king's honour and interest , his merciful disposition and temper having gain'd him the affection of the non-conformists , and is the grand thing on which they all rely ; for political indulgence ( they say ) may change with every wind , but what nature has established ought to be look'd upon as fixed and permanent . but how comes it to pass unless you continue overvaluing your selves , and taking wrong informations of us , that you think we are the only wranglers in christendom about religion . i must again assure you , you have very ill intelligence ; for we now understand , as well as the rest of the world , that true protestant doctrine , viz. that all well-living christians may be saved , and therefore with reason defie those that persecute for conscience , which the judicious also find to be the true cause of the spawning and growth of sects . for be pleased to know , that though we have abounded in all other opinions imaginable , yet no man ever heard of an english lutheran ; and truly could i have notice of such a wonder , i would ( as old as i am ) go 20 miles afoot to see him . now i hope you do not believe that henry the 8th's book against that patriarch , did so absolutely convince the nation , that it could never since digest his tenets ; for , were this the cause , what would have become of us all , had calvin received a broad-side also ? no sir , the reason is evident , to wit , he never drew blood from the one , or made the least law against him , whereas he so worried the disciples of the other with his 2 leash of articles , that the doctrine became as fixed as tyburn , the post they were so often baited at . thus dealt also queen elizabeth and her brother with our anabaptists and the then sectaries , drawing from them that blood which might have endangered their suffocation . nay , in the like manner served she our jesuites , for having caught campian ( who , together with his companion , were the two first , as cambden tells us , that ever came into england ) he was no sooner quartered , but from a few wandring scholars without stock , without houses , without patrons , and absolutely beholden to other provinces , they became presently ( even by assistance of parsons , who was he that escaped ) not only to be a body of their own , but masters also of colledges in spain , rome , flanders , and where not ? and courted ever after by several great princes of christendom . and now that our papists come in my way , who have i must tell you , ( for you cannot outdo us in any thing ) shewed as much loyalty here , as your own at home ; i say , now that we speak of these papists , they also demonstrate not a little methinks , that religions gain force by persecution , especially seeing holborn ( the grand road of those they stile martyrs ) hath with its inletts more of that perswsion , than any ten streets , pick them where you will , throughout the city . therefore ( as a corollary from this theoreme ) when i hear any man earnestly talk of suppressing of sects , and that all decency and ecclesiastical order will otherwise fall ( fancies which his little private concerns prompt him to ) i presently advise him to get two or three sir johns of his party hang'd , and that i 'le hang afterwards if ever then we want either tippet , rochet , cope , organ , or any other such like weighty and fundamental parts of religion . in short , sir , our eyes are opened , and we find that all opinions in power have still used severities against their adversaries , and therefore none ought to blame his fellow , seeing we have all erred and strayed , and followed too much the devices and desires of our own hearts ; for thus did henry the eight , thus did edward the sixth , thus did queen mary , thus did queen elizabeth , thus did king james , thus did king charles the first , thus did the long parliament , thus did the rump , but thus will not king charles the second do any more , who knows by experience as well as inclination what a virtue mercy is ; and really it vexes me to see even papists themselves call us into the list , and offer to shew , that we have executed more of theirs for religion , than they of ours ; adding as an alleviation on their side , that it is less cruelty in any man to destroy egs in their hatching , than a covey that is pen-feathered , and at its full growth : but now , as i said , our eyes are opened , and both they and you shall find we english understand good nature , and that non saremo sempre polachi , we will not alwaies be polanders , who ( besides their innate folly proverbially said to their charge by italians ) could yet lately quarrel with one another even when the turk himself was in the midst of them . 't is your countrymen that are , in truth , our turks , and perchance as faithless as they , yet this difference is betwixt you , that they have got as many provinces , as you have now lost , though both happened by the same means , that is , by breaking solemn oaths and promises . one command more i am to obey you in , and then i have done ; and that is in giving you an account of the present state of the country , which in gross i assure you is the same as formerly , but in affection and concord much better ; nor has any one prophesy or prediction of your partial juncto even yet happened to us . some merchants of ours have lost , 't is true ; yet yours , though they durst not venture out to sea , have felt the fury at home , not only of water , but of fire also ; as you will find by your letters , which ( like job's several messengers ) have , i question not , brought you worse and worse tydings , since the writing of your last . nor will your people ( i 'le be bound ) ever hereafter boast of the gain or advantage had by capers , it being so like to that of our carters and porters , whilst the city was on fire , who got for the present sufficient for brandy , but were ready to starve the following week , when not only their new but their old employment also ceased . god send you a good peace , & give you grace to accept it , if it be offered , which may perchance hinder your utter ruine ; for otherwise there will be an army , i can assure you , of above an hundred thousand fresh men within your bowels next summer , and a greater fleet of ours than ever , blocking up your havens under his royal command , who has already twice defeated you . i have tyred you , sir , sufficiently , though with truth , and therefore i will now stop here , after i have assured you , that nothing shall ever lessen my kindness and respects for you ; and that upon all occasions i will be , your most faithfull friend and servant , j. g. london , january 16. 1672 / 3. the emperour and the empire betray'd by whom and how written by a minister of state residing at that court to one of the protestant princes of the empire. empereur et l'empire trahis, et par qui & comment. english. 1682 cerdan, jean-paul, comte de. 1682 approx. 115 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 68 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a39387 wing e716 estc r27323 09811643 ocm 09811643 44145 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39387) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 44145) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1355:28) the emperour and the empire betray'd by whom and how written by a minister of state residing at that court to one of the protestant princes of the empire. empereur et l'empire trahis, et par qui & comment. english. 1682 cerdan, jean-paul, comte de. [2], 128 p. printed for b.m., london : 1682. "published for the satisfaction of all good protestants." attributed to jean paul cerdan--nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -france. protestants -france -early works to 1800. dutch war, 1672-1678 -early works to 1800. 2006-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-06 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the emperour and the empire betray'd : by whom and how. written by a minister of state residing at that court , to one of the protestant princes of the empire . published for the satisfaction of all good protestants . london , printed for b. m. at the duke of lorrain's head in westminster . 1682. to the reader . the extraordinary conduct of the imperial court and council for some years past , having rais'd the curiosity of a great prince of the empire , to find out at any rate the true causes and grounds of counsels and actions that had so much surprized him , he made choice of a minister whom he judged best capable to execute this design , and having given him instructions for the purpose , dispatched him privately under other pretences to the emperours court at prague the minister acquitted himself well , and gave his master an ample account of his business by letter , of the 13. of february 1680. the master ( a right german , and truly generous prince ) laid his commands on me to publish those important secrets , the value whereof will soon appear by the reading , from which i will no longer detain you . farewell . the emperour ahd the empire betrayed . and by whom , and how. in a letter . my lord , 't is the duty of a servant not to conceal any thing from his prince and master , especially when he is pleased to honour him with his confidence , as your higness hath done in sending me to this court : to clear my self from the guilt and reproach of having been wanting to this duty , i take the liberty to give your highness a faithful and candid account in writing ; what i have discovered most pertinent and essential to the business , you were pleased to employ me in . i shall do it with the less scruple and reserve , having sent this letter by an express , in whom i have entire confidence , and doubt not but he will , according to my order , deliver it into your hands . to begin with the best part of what i have to deliver , i am to inform your highness , that his imperial majesty is , in my opinion , a pious prince , good natured , and of a sweet and gentle disposition , and not at all inclined to contend with the princes his neighbours , or make war on his inferiors : that , pursuant to this natural inclination for repose and for peace , this prince hath an antipathy against any thing that disturbs or opposes his quiet disposition , and hath eased himself wholly of the management and direction of his affairs of state , and of war , by committing all to the conduct of his principal ministers . 't is hard for a prince to intrust a minister with affairs of this mighty importance , without opening to him all his mind , and imparting the greatest and deepest of his secrets : and from hence , i believe it hath unhappily followed that this prince , having by degrees accustomed himself to leave the greatest part of his affairs to the conduct of his ministers , hath reserved to himself only the title and pomp , the splendour and name of the dignities and grandeur proper to his character . in a word , had his imperial majesty never so little minded his great affairs , he would never have yielded to sign that shameful and ignominious peace with france , subscribed by the imperial embassadours at the congress ad nimiguen ; the unhappy effects whereof we have seen in seven particulars of great importance . first , his imperial majesty , by those few strokes of his pen , hath in all probability , lost for ever the esteem , the friendship and confidence of the princes his friends and allyes ; who would have generously defended and preserved him from ruine , by the force of their arms. seconldy , that his own troops have been shamefully forced to quit all the countries of the empire , while those of france have been actually there , and continue to this day insulting and domineering as they please over the princes , the cities , the countries and provinces of the empire . thirdly , that by the execution of this peace , the estates , the persons and the courts of the three ecclesiastical electors of the empire , and of the elector palatine of the rhine , stand in a manner expos'd every hour to the violences and irruptions of the arms of france ; and consequently , in case of an election of a king of the romans , we may probably find by their suffrages what may be expected from slaves to that proud and ambitious crown . fourthly , that his imperial majesty having by that peace tacitely consented to the late cession on made by spain of the county of burgundy to the crown of france : it follows , that if his imperial majesty , ( in case of failure of issue in the house of spain ) should in his own right , or in the right of the arch-dutchess his daughter , the heir to the estates of that monarchy , he hath by that article of the county of burgundy , released his right to it , and deprived his successors , and the empire of the convenience that country might upon a favourable revolution have afforded them to lead an army without opposition into the heart of france : and should lorrain be ever restored to the empire , yet this article will be an infallible means for france to maintain continually an army on the frontiers of germany , and invade it as often as it shall appear to be for the interest and grandeur of the french to attack the germans . fifthly , that though swizzerland be throughly convinced by the building the fortress of hunninges , of the ambitious designs of france , and consequently concerned and inclined to make a league with all , or part of the princes of the empire , in defence of the common liberty ; yet the unfortunate session of the county of burgundy hath furnished the pensioners of france , ( whom no counsel or caution of that republick is free from ) with a plausible argument , to perswade that republick not to stir in its own defence , till it be perhaps too late , and out of its power to help it self : for , say they , what shall we do ? the cantons of bern , fribourgh and sollurre cannot subsist without the salt of that province : besides the forces his most christian majesty keeps actually on foot there , may justly alarm us to be cautious to the utmost , what measures we take , and consider all things before we ingage in any : by such discourses as these ( though groundless if we suppose an union of the forces of the empire with the swisse , which would infallibly draw in many more ) it may fall out that this republick ( if the lowest party prevail not against those traytors to their country ) may to its own mischief , and the ruin of others , lye still and look on , as unconcerned , and consequently be a member wholly useless to the publick , for defence of the common liberty , which would be in the present conjuncture of more mischievous consequence han most are aware of . sixthly , that by this peace the duke of lorrain , who hath had the honour to marry a great queen eldest sister to his imperial majesty , hath found as little respect in this peace , as if he had married the daughter of a burgo-master of colmar ; and hath been violently robb'd , and intirely dispossest of his dukedoms of lorrain and bar , and several other lands he held in soveraignty , being his hereditary estates , and descended to him by unquestionable right of succession : which others looked on with so little concern , as if this prince ( stript of all he could call his own ) had lost no more than a ring , or a farm of a thousand crowns value . seventhly , that his imperial majesty , and the empire by signing a peace ( to give it its right name ) so unbecoming and unworthy , have raised the courage and hopes of the most christian king to that height , that he looks on both with so much indifference and scorn , that he hath openly undertaken at once three things , which ( i believe ) were ever heard of in the empire , at least when it had the advantage of a head that had the least jealousie and care for its glory . the first , that without any lawful mission , the emperor being young , and in perfect health , he solicites vigorously the two electors of the north side of the empire , for their suffrage at the next election of a king of the romans . i mention only these two electors , for as for the others , he makes no doubt by fair means or by force to dispose of them as he shall think fit . the second , that , as if he were dealing only with the farmers of his revenues , or the poysoners of paris , he hath by a declaration erected at metz ( as formerly at brisak ) a court compos'd according to the course of that kingdom , of a dozen hangm — where though the smallest duke and peer of france , is not obliged to appear ; his most christian majesty , as judge and party , cites by some catchpole of that clandestine jurisdiction , princes of the most ancient illustrious houses of the empire ( which he hath nothing to do withall ) to make their appearance , to give him account by what right they possess what their predecessors have for three or four hundred years peaceably enjoyed . this invention , with the help of the knight of the post , and a map of the country drawn out at pleasure , ( but of the old fashion , the better to colour the business ) is the ground of his pretensions , that the greatest part of lorrain , the whole dukedom of deuxpents , and the best part of alsatia , as far as lauterbourgh , are ancient dependencies of the bishopricks of metz , toul and verdun , and must consequently be re-united to the demeans of that crown with as much ease , as the lands of some wretched treasurers of france have been resumed by his majesty . the third is , that to the end his new paper-pretences , may be as effectual as the right of devolution of the low countries in 1667 and 1668. he hath upon the frontiers on this side considerable forces in readiness to execute the reunion , or rather , under that pretence , to do what he shall think fit in the empire ; when all this while , neithe his imperial majesty , nor any prince of the empire dares openly stir . as if what hath already been done to the duke of lorrain , and other princes and cities of the empire in alsatia , were not only a certain presage , but an unquestionable president , whereby all other princes and states of the empire of what quality and degree soever , may clearly see the fortune of those princes and states , who have the misfortune to hold of that crown , or be neighbours to its dominions : the consequences that naturally follow so untoward , and so unhappy a state of affairs will oblige us to conclude ; woe to his imperial majesty , if he do not wholly alter his conduct , and god grant i speak not prophetically and truly , as micajah when i say his imperial majesty will dearly rue his trusting his council with the direction and management of affairs of this nature : and wo to his imperial majesty and the empire , they ever signed that false and fatal peace , whereby both will naturally fall ( unless god by special interposition prevent it ) under the slavery of that absolute and despotical dominion . yet i would not be thought to be of opinion , that if all his imperial majesty's council were such as it ought to be , affairs would be in that ill condition we find them ; but the greater part of that council being weak or corrupted , as i dare say it is , we are not to doubt , but if it continues , things will still grow worse and worse : i have been bold to say , the greater part of the imperial council is weak or corrupt : and to make my words good , i will proceed by degrees from smaller matters to those of greatest importance , to prove what i affirm by unquestionable instances . the first instance . commissary general capellier surpriz'd the steward of his house in the very act of traiterous correspondence with the minister of france , to whom he gave an exact account of all he could discover at his master's house . the letters he sent to the french minister and those he received from him were seized at the imperial post office at frankfort : and though this happened in the heat of the war between the two nations , and the traitor upon discovery of the matter was arrested , and carried to philipsbourgh , & from thence to vienna , yet he ( a fellow worth nothing ) found at court such powerful support , that he was set at liberty , and cleared as a gallant person . the second instance . the siege of phillipsbourg , being form'd by the imperial troops and those of the circles , and the place so much straitned that they began to want powder in the town , two brothers , burgesses of franckfort , corrupted by a french minister , undertook to buy several waggon loads of powder in the empire , and to conveigh them into phillipsbourg with other ammunition . but the convoy for executing the design having been surprized by the imperialists , and one of the rogues taken and sent to vienna , he was not long there but he was set at liberty as a very honest fellow . the third instance . he that commanded in fribourgh , when taken by marshal crequi , could not deny himself notoriously guilty of cowardice , or treason ; being arrested for his crimes , and carried first to inspruck , and thence to vienna : he was look'd upon as a sacrifice necessary to be offer'd to expiate so hainous an offence against equity , policy , and the discipline of war ; but because he was related to a principal minister , or rather because a great one was afraid he might ( if put hard to it ) make some discoveries : he was fully acquitted , and cleared from all that was laid to his charge ; and in such a manner , that he retired home as confident , and unconcerned , as ever the french governour of phillipsbourgh could have done , after the generous defence he made of the post he commanded . the fourth instance . the duke of saxe eisnach having had the command of a little army on the rnine , being an active and brave prince , neglected not any thing that might conduce to the worthy discharging the duty of his place ; those of the imperial council , who took part with france , having designs contrary to those of that prince , were as active on the other side , by close and sudden wayes to bring two things to pass : the first was to raise and establish a mis-understanding between this prince , and his highness of lorrain ; commander in chief of the great army of the empire : the second was , to order the distribution of ammunition necessary for the army in such a manner , that when it was provided of one sort , it should certainly want another : when it had cannon , it wanted carriages ; and when it had both these it should have neither powder nor bullet : and to give those of the council their due , their designs took effect to admiration , for the whole story of that campaign is ( in short ) no more but a misunderstanding between these princes , and want of ammunition . but this was not enough , for the malice of these emissaries , they poceeded further to hire one under the name of dela magdelaine , who having been instructed by the major domo of the abbot s. gall ( of whom we shall have occasion to speak hereafter ) was set on to seduce and surprize this prince : in a word , he came to the duke of saxe eysenach to propose to him the surprizal of a fortress belonging to france in the higher alsatia : the proposal was guilded over with so much probability of success , that the duke animated with zeal to do something great for the glory of his imperial majesty , and the interest of his country , greedily hearkned , and quickly embraced the proposal . after some necessary precautions for the enterprise , duneewald was commanded to undertake the execution , and having in the action discovered the cheat , the duke us'd his endeavours to have the criminal arrested : but all to no purpose ; for the major domo had already secured him in a place of safety : i make no doubt but every one will grant me , this rogue deserved death , and had not any colour of pretence , to find esteem or safety in the empire : but it proved quite otherwise upon his capitulation , ( i mean that with the major domo ) for the rogue , having play'd this excellent trick , had the impudence to go to the emperours court , where he was very well received , and highly treated , and sent thence to breslaw , where count shaftkutsch , president of the imperial chamber in silesia , pays him constantly , by order from above , annually a considerable pension : this arrant cheat goes now as formerly under the name of cygale , and gives out he is a-kin to the grand signior : but it hath been made appear in france and england , that he is a native of maldavia , and was groom to a prince of that country : this is the true character of him , the rest that is said of him are but inventions of jesuits and monks , who go snips with him in the presents he receives on his lying pretences . i have been more particular in my account to your highness of this fellow , to arm you the better against a surprize , by his fictions and artifices , which he continues to practise every day in hope to get something from those he can impose upon . the fifth instance . by what i have said formerly of swizzerland , it may appear of what importance it may be to the emperor and empire to make that republick sensible of their true interest , and treat with them for a league and union of forces in defence of the common liberty ; and ( to bring this about ) to employ in the negotiation , persons not only capable and faithful , but acceptable to those they are to treat with : yet as if the emperor's council made it their business to do in this as other particulars , only what may gain them the favour , or the gold of his most christian majesty . 't is fit to know the person the emperor's council employs in all those important negotiations they have with that republick . it is no other than the abbot s. gall's major domo , above mentioned , called monsieur fidelle , ( mr. faithful , ) but by the same figure of speech our divines call the prince of darkness an angel of light : for this fellow is notoriously known and confest to be the falsest of men. yet being a person of a very ready wit , a lively fancy , and naturally active in what he undertakes , sometimes he openly acts on the part of france , and publickly solicits suffrages in this republick in favour of that crown ; sometimes he turns his coat , and is on the sudden all for the house of austria : this man from a petty pedler of italy , is become excessive rich , which i mention as a circumstance whereby it may be the better known what a man he is , how fit to negotiate the interests of his imperial majesty , and to be the confident and councellor of the ministers of state ; his council sends into these parts : and to make appear their wisdom or collution in this particular , i must acquaint your highness with a matter generally known throughout the swisse cantons . that this man is owner of a moity of two swisse companies , now actually in the service of the french , under the command of his son in law : ( an ordinary traffick among the swisses ) that his most christian majesty hath within these three years bestowed on him a rich canonry , in the higher alsatia , or brisgow , which one of his sons is invested in : that 't is this faithful minister of the imperial court , hath since the beginning of the last war , bought all the horses his christian majesty had need of for his armies , and caused them to be transported from the port of wasserbourgh in germany ( where his master hath a bayliff , and no small power ) to the port of rochas , in swizzerland , which is a place whereof his master is soveraign prince : that this man being the principal incendiary and fomenter of all the troubles and broils hapned in swisserland , these last twenty years ; is so generally hated by all good people of that nation , that to procure the miscarriages of any affair of the dyets of baden , there is no surer means than to make the assembly suspect this man hath a hand , or is any way concerned in it . this appeared clearly in the affair of the county of burgundy , for count cazatti , the spanish embassadour , having very unadvisedly resolved to make use of this mans counsel and conduct in a matter of that importance , that mighty affair was utterly ruin'd by that very means : notwithstanding all , this man is the confident and privy councellour of all the ministers his imperial majesty sends to that nation ; and their first business , when arrived there , is to visit him , to consult him and communicate to him all their instructions : this about three years since , occasion'd a pleasant passage at the dyet of baden : an envoy of his imperial majesty , ( whom i purposely forbear to name ) according to the custom of his predecessors in that employ , and the orders establisht , went presently after his arrival to consult this oracle ; going afterward to baden , the envoy was strangely surprized to find that gravelle the french embassadour had already communicated to the assembly all the private instructions the envoy had received from the council at vienna : thus that envoy's nogotiations came to nothing , and so will all others his imperial majesty shall permit to be managed by the false and corrupt conduct of a man so base , and altogether unworthy the honour of that employment . the sixth instance . 't is an infallible maxim , that every prince dispossest of his estate , may hold for certain , there will be nothing omitted on the part of the usurper , or a conquerour in possession to ruin him , if possible , and all his generation . therefore 't is not strange , that the ministers of france ( though perhaps in this particular against the intention and without the order of his most christian majesty ) leave no stone unturned for the destruction of his highness of lorrain : but it may surprize any man to find that the imperial governour of phillipsbourgh , should ( so openly and notoriously , as he did ) have attempted the destruction of that prince , by the trap he caused cunningly to be made in the bridge of that place , for that purpose , through which the good prince fell headlong to the bottom of the ditch : may we not justly infer , this governor had capitulated and agreed with some minister of the enemy to commit so vile a treason ? may we not conclude so black an attempt against a soveraign prince , brother in law to the emperor , and at that time representing the person of his imperial majesty , under the character of generalissimo of his armies , unquestionably merited exemplary punishment ? no honest man but expected the criminal should have been made a sacrifice to justice and vengeance , when he was taken and carried under a strong guard to vienna . but all that was meer shew , for the favourers of france had that influence over the council at vienna , that this villain , as the former , past altogether unpunished . the seventh instance . it appears publickly his most christian majesty since the peace arms by sea and land more powerfully than before ; and france being not sufficient for the levies he makes , he is come by his ambassadour to the center of the empire , to frankford and to prague to compleat them . he causes fortresses and places of strength to be every day built on saar , the rhine , and all the frontiers of germany , i think there needs no better evidence of his having a design to reduce almayn into a condition of disability of help it self , when he thinks fit to attacque it ; if we consider farther , that he causes his commissaries to buy up all the corn in swabe and franconia , which is daily carried away into his magazins in lorrain , alsatia , and the county of burgundy . let us examine on the other side the conduct of the head and natural defender of the empire , or rather of his unhappy council : this prince hath since the peace reformed all his troops ; and in particular the garrison of rhinefeld , which is of principal consequence : let us weigh the matter without prejudice : he hath disbanded most of his old regiments , and kept on foot only part of the new . a man must be blind , and void of common sense , who comprehends not that the imperial council hath in this particular acted by inteligence with the council of france , and by their direction , to deprive the emperor of the only officers and soldiers capable to defend him , and to make them immediately go over into the service of france : the matter hath fallen out according to their design , and i leave it to any man versed in matters of state or of war , to judge what a conduct so extraordinary as this doth naturally signifie . i should be too tedious to give you all the instances i know whereby to prove the emperour is certainly betray'd by the greater part of his council . but to be short , let it be observed , that the same council that cleared the steward of commissary capelliers , the traytors of frankfort who would have furnished philipsbourgh with powder in the siege , and the governour of fribourgh : the same council that hath protected at brestaw the villain who abused the duke of saxe eisnach , and procur'd a pension to be setled on him ; the same council that hath setled the major domo of the abbot s. gall. to be the imperial minister in switzerland , and prevented the exemplary punishment of the governour of phillipsbourgh ; the same council that advised his imperial majesty to reforme the greatest part of his troops , and in the manner i have told you ; this is the very council hath clearly acquitted and approved of all the conduct and publick robberies and insolencies of commissary capelliers , and others : and by causing his imperial majesty , to sign the late shameful peace , have reduced the too good prince into such a condition , that ( without a special providence of god to the : contrary ) no prince will henceforth without much difficulty and caution relye on his word or his signet : so that considering the activity , the power and interest of his enemy , with the credit and influence he hath in the emperor's council , his imperial majesty , as to his elective imperial crown ( and i know not what to say of his hereditary dominions and estates ) seems reduced to the condition of a chilperic , or a charles in france ; for he hath more than one pepin , or one hugh capet to deal with . nor do i see he hath any greater authority than had those two unfortunate kings , who were violently thrust out of their thrones ; which neither they , nor any of their posterity ever regained . the better to convince the world how foully his imperial majesty is betrayed by his council , and in him all the princes and states of the empire , and that there hath been of a long time a horrid and villainous plot carried on against them with great cunning and caution , give me leave to observe that it proceeds from the secret engines of this plot , that his imperial majesty's two sisters were married to princes , both robbed of their dominions and estates : as to the duke of lorrain , husband of the elder , he continues to this day stript of all his estates , and if the late peace hold , i see little hopes of his re-establishment . and it cannot be deny'd but that the duke of newbourgh , though restored by the peace to the dukedoms of juliers and berg , was out of possession of both at the time of the marriage of his son to the emperor's younger sister . the reasons of these marriages were , that the princesses being married ( as they are ) to princes uncapable to afford his imperial majesty any succour at need , neither his majesty nor his allies might have any benfit by the marriages . and that when ever france should be desirous of peace , there might be those in the imperial councils and court , whose interest would oblige them to desire and procure it , in order to their restoration and re-establishment in their estates , and to free themselves from the necessity of begging their bread elsewhere . it hath happened accordingly as to the duke of newburgh at least , for having not wherewith to bear the charge of the marriage of his son with the emperor's sister , without being restored to the dutchies of juliers and berg , which could not ( at least so speedily ) be effected without a peace , what wonder is it , that this prince hath for the time past ( being forced by his necessities ) joyned with that part of the emperor's council that was for peace , and assisted them in perswading his imperial majesty to sign it on any condition : nor can it appear strange , if this prince for the suture joyn with the same council , and use all his credit and interest with his imperial majesty , never to enter into a war with france , though he have never so great reason for it . for when wants and necessities enter in at the door , honour and friendship flyeth out at the windows . his highness of lorrain ( to give him his due ) hath done bravely on his occasion , having generously chosen to run the risque of losing all , rather than sign so shameful and unjust a peace , as that proposed to him by france : and i shall be very much deceived , if he or his recover not their estates rather by this than any other conduct : for revolutions are common to all , and i have particular reasons to believe it may one day happen so in the affairs of his highness . this i think is more than sufficient to evince that his imperial majesty hath been basely betrayed by his council . my next business is to shew by what sort of people he hath been chiefly betrayed , and with what covers they have guilded those pills , which they have made this good and august prince swallow from time to time . to find the bottom of this business , we must look a great way back , as far as the beginning of the war , which france by concert with england , the elector of cologne , the duke of newburgh , and the bishop of munster , made against the united provinces in 1672. after several alliances with the deceased elector of bavaria , and duke of hanover , and others , which were but too visible during that war. several pretences have been made use of to colour that rupture , but the truth is , it was fomented only by the court of rome and the jesuits : to give your highness full and clear satisfaction in this particular , be pleased to permit me to put you in mind , that a little before the breaking out of that war , his royal highness of savoy deceased , having taken his measures with the court and council of france , made open war against the republick of genoa . the court of rome wisely judging the duke of savoy would not have engaged in that enterprize without assurance before hand of succour and protection from france , if needful ; and that those petty sparks might raise a general conflagration in italy , which in time might draw over thither all the french forces , and consequently expose that country to inevitable ruin ; that subtil and cunning court , to save themselves from the storm , applied themselves seriously , in the first place , to put an end upon any terms to the war between the duke and the republick , which monsieur gaumont soon after effected . in the next place , being sensible what formidable forces his most christian majesty had then on foot , and that that monarch could not forbear breaking out into a new war ; the court of rome resolved to use all their endeavours to divert from themselves and their neighbours , the effects of the french arms , and cause them to fall on some other country of europe , the most remote that might be from italy , and where it might be most convenient for the interest of the pope : the jesuits having given directions to this purpose , the affair was manag'd with that subtilty , the storm fell altogether on the united provinces , the court of rome assuring it self , that if that republique were once destroy'd , the whole protestant party would naturally come to ruin , and the papal authority in a short time recover it's primitive grandeur and glory . great obstacles were quickly discovered against the carrying on this mighty project : the most christian king who clearly saw what the court of rome aim'd at , was , or pretended to be , unwilling to engage in open war against the united provinces , but on two conditions . first , that the court of rome should secretly consent and give way that he might , if he could , joyn the provinces of the spanish netherlands and lorrain , with what he could conquer from the states of the united provinces , to form or restore the ancient kingdom of austrasia . secondly , that the court of rome should assure him , to their power , to procure his majesty and the dauphin , ( who was designed the new king of austrasia , ) the imperial crown . as to the point of the spanish netherlands , it must be observ'd , that to bring about the design , it was absolutely necessary to manage his majesty of great brittain , ( whose interests there were very considerable ) and there could be no hopes to give him satisfaction without sacrificing to him something very considerable of what belong'd to the spaniard . it would have been almost impossible for any but the jesuits interests , so different , to reconcile and overcome so great and numerous difficulties . the two branches of the most august house of austria , had heap'd most considerable favours , and showed their bounties , on the society of jesuits : but when they are concerned for the grandeur of the pope , and the interests of the miter ( which ( by the way ) the society looks on with the same ardour a young prince in love would eye the advantages , the glory and interests of a beautiful and rich queen , whom he made no doubt but he should one day enjoy ) all thoughts and memory of the favours received from the august family , are wholly laid aside on that occasion ; the jesuits fell immdiately to find out expedients for two reasons , full of justice and equity , according to the politick maxims of that blessed society . the first was that whereas the house of austria in the present conjuncture was notoriously unable to raise the roman bishops to their former estate of grandeur and glory , and that there was not any but his most christian majesty , who by his forces and interests could work this kind of miracle it was absolutely necessary to remove all difficulties and obstacles that might hinder the effecting an enterprise so profitable and glorious . the second , that in case the design should take effect , the society was assured of having in recompence of their pains , two great abbies , heads of their orders , the one in the ancient kingdom of france , the other in the new conquests : which abbys were to be added to the vast patrimony of this society , besides the assurances they had by the protection of france , to obtain a settlement in amsterdam , and elsewhere . upon these grounds they procur'd the treaties to be privately sign'd between france and rome , and between france and england , by vertue whereof the war was quickly begun against the united provinces . i pass over in silence the satisfaction his majesty of great brittain was to have , as impertinent to my present business : it may be observed , that as under the reign of philip the second france was to have been made ( as far as it lay in the power of rome ) a sacrifice to the interests of the papal miter , and the monarch of spain , 't is now become the turn of the most august house of austria , ( according to this project ) to be sacrificed to the interests of the papacy , the jesuits and his most christian majesty . and that as the principal design of the jesuits , and of france , was the absolute destruction of the protestant party , it was from hence it proceeded , that a league was form'd and sign'd by most of the catholick princes of germany , and incorporated into the treaties above mention'd , wherein every of the confederates had , or at least thought to have had his design , and compass'd his ends , as afterwards appear'd : hence also it proceeded that france , having anciently had very strict alliances with the protestant princes of germany , conceal'd very carefully the present design from all its ancient allyes of that communion . the court of rome , and the society as carefully conceal'd it from both branches of the house of austria ; and all this for reasons , than which nothing is more easily apprehended : for the same reason it was , that in the beginning of this war , nothing was omitted by the popes nuncio , the jesuits , and their emissaries , to lull asleep the councils of vienna and madrid ; and that afterwards they did with all possible diligence reveal to the ministers of france , all they could discover of the deliberations of the imperial council , or the spanish . for the same reason it was , that his imperial majesty by the clear remonstrances of the elector of brandenbourgh being made sensible of the trap cunningly laid for him by the french , and having commanded an army to joyn with that elector on the rhine , those emissaries of rome laid all their heads together , and for their master-piece to carry on the design , effected two things . the first was the rebellion of the male contents in hungary , not yet suppressed , whereby they endeavour'd , if possible , to give the emperour so strong a diversion , that it might not be in his power to assist his allies . the second , i have from an anonimous author of an essay of the interest of the protestant princes and states , printed in the year , 1676. and treating of several things , in this respect very considerable : the author in my opinion deserves the more credit , in that he hath lash'd the society to some purpose in his discourse , yet not one of it's patrons or partisans hath undertook to refute him : the account he gives of the first campaign , i will repeat word for word from the original , as very sutable to my purpose . in the year 1672. when the arms of france were so prosperous , that all europe looked on the states of the united provinces as very near destruction , his electoral highness of brandenbourgh wisely foreseeing the consequences to be expected from the ambitious enterprizes of france , if not stopped in time , gained himself the reputation , not only of having been the first prince of christendom who drew his sword in protection of that broken state , but by vigorous remonstrances to the court of vienna , was the cause that his imperial majesty , awaking out of the lethargy some corrupt counsellors had cast him into , resolved to arm vigorously , and joyn with his electoral highness in defence of that republique : his electoral highness in pursuance of this resolution being advanc'd towards the rhine , with a considerable army , and count montecuculi being on his way thither in the head of an imperial army , with design to act jointly , and to do something considerable in favour of the republique . france , allarm'd by the march of the two german armies , had detach'd marshal turenne , with a body of an army to observe the motions of the other two : but by the several marches and counter-marches these two armies had made , especially that of brandenbourgh , sometimes making as if they would pass the rhine in several places , sometimes in being ready to fall upon the allies of france beyond the rhine , turennes army was so tyr'd out and harassed , that about the end of the campaign it was almost quite dissipated , and found it self in so miserable a condition , that 't is certain all turenne was able to do , was to be on the defensive against one of those armies , and that if both armies had join'd , turenne had been inevitably lost , as was publickly confest . his electoral highness of brandenburgh knowing how easie it was to destroy turenne , and the consequence of his defeat , caused a vigorous remonstrance of all to be made to the council of vienna ; it was so effectual , that positive orders were sent montecuculi to join his electoral highness and fight turenne , without further loss of time ; which would have broken all the open and hidden measures of france , and by one blow freed the empire and holland from oppression . but other matters were in hand for the interest of rome . his majesty of great brittain had permitted himself to be perswaded to publish about that time , a declaration ( whereof he made report to his parliament , ) whereby a tolleration and indulgence was granted in favour of the nonconformists of his kingdom . though it may be thought it was not so much for favouring the particular conventicles of the sectaries of the protestant party , as , under the name of non-conformists , to introduce popery again into that estate , though contrary to the designs and intentions of his majesty , who granted it only in favour of the tender consciences of his protestant subjects : this step towards popery being the first fruits the court of rome had promised it self from the ruin of the states of the united provinces , 't is no wonder that court set all hands at work to effect that ruin. the then principal obstacles of the design , was the resolution of his electoral highness against turenne , the destruction of his army being capable to re-establish the states of the united provinces , and that re-establishment would have destroyed all the projects of the jesuits in england . here it was the jesuits plaid their part to prevent the blow from fallin on turenne , and they acted it too well for the general good of europe : for montecuculi instead of receiving express order to joyn brandenbourgh's army , and fight turenne , received orders quite contrary ; whereby he was absolutely forbidden to do the one or the other . to drive this nail to the head ; the venerable society ( whose impudence nothing can parallel ) made it their business several ways to infuse into his electoral highness a jealousie of the emperour , as insincere in his intentions : this was effected with the greater facility , for that his e. h. of brandenbourgh , having received from the court of vienna , a formal letter , which gave him an exact account of the true order his imperial majesty had sent montecuculi to join him and fight the french , and his e. h. having summoned montecuculi to execute that order , montecuculi , who knew he had orders quite contrary , but knew nothing of the former , of which the elector had account , could do no less than refuse the one and the other , nor could his electoral highness choose upon the refusal , but suspect the sincerity of the emperor's intentions . this was not enough for those masters of mischief , for at the same time those emissaries omitted nothing that might instill into montecuculi , a suspicion of the sincerity of the elector's intentions . these jealousies being but too deeply established , especially on this last side , 't is no wonder his electoral highness was at last perswaded ( as these emissaries had by a third hand infinuated to him ) that the house of austria treated under-hand a separate peace with france : which appeared the more probable , by the daily advice he had of the miserable estate of turenne's army , growing every hour worse and worse , and the obstinacy of montecuculi , neither to joyn him , nor fight . the emissaries foreseeing this misunderstanding would vanish intime time , when the truth should appear , made use of that conjuncture to set on the duke of newbourgh to manage a particular peace between his electoral highness and france ; which the electoral , jealous of the imperialists , and vext at their proceedings , was at last perswaded to accept , and with so much the more reason , that as to holland he pretended they had not satisfied their engagements to him , and as to the interests of the empire he reserved himself intire liberty to arm in its defence , if france should attacque it . the elector was concerned in reputation to make the emperour sensible of his just resentments of montecuculi's proceeding : montecuculi was strangely surprized , when at his return to vienna his master called him to a strict account of his conduct , and the reasons why he had neither joined brandenbourgh's army , nor fought turenne , when express orders had been sent him for both . but if montecuculi was surprized at the question , his imperial majesty was no less at the answer , when his sage general produced for his discharge an order of his imperial majesty , in very good form , expresly forbidding him either to joyn with brandenbourgh or fight turenne : and 't is certain , this general found all the justice of his cause , and the assurance his master had of his fidelity , little enough to clear him of this unhappy affair . i know this business is one of those riddles never to be decypher'd , unless the author will voluntarily give us the key . i know 't is from hence it proceeds , that one of the principal wretches of this court hath been formerly charged with this forgery : but to speak the truth , the whole guilt of this affair lies at the doors of the emissaries of rome in this court , who by secret contrivances with those of france , found the means to intercept the true original order , and in the same dispatch to transmit a false one , but very well counterfeit both the hand and seal : and that by people who are not now to learn that trade . it being certain we should not have seen so many troubles in hungary , as daily are there , had these emissaries less credit in the emperours court. his imperial majesty , the elector of brandenbourgh , and count montecuculi know the truth of all that concerns them in this affair : but i am well assur'd not one of the three knows the secret engines set at work in the business . what i know thereof comes not from them , but from a place where every particular of this negotiation was known , and by whom it was animated . certain it is , if the point of the catholicon in england had not been found ; the ministers of france could not have so easily compassed this forgery ; but by that every thing became feasible , the directors of the society having voluntarily undertaken to master all difficulties . by the ingenious deduction of this relation , where the author speaks plainly , as a man well instructed and acquainted with the fineness , and superfineness of the management , and by what i have said before , on the same subject , and every one may of himself apprehend it appears that it proceeds from a principle of a papal , or jesuitical ambition , the council of vienna , from the beginning of the war , hath been so well penetrated , directed , or altered , that all the expeditions of the imperial army ( except with convenient distinctions , the considerable important taking of bonne , the long and langushing siege of phillipsbourgh , and the taking it at last , and the death of turenne , which was meerly accidental ) i say all the expeditions , these three points excepted , have been from the beginnings of the campaigns to the end of them , but so many processions and pilgrimages of shame and of misery , of disorder and confusion , as the subjects of the empire know too well , who have been flay'd to the bone , and had their marrow suckedout by winter quarters , without consideration , or mercy , but especially the protestant states and people , and other princes , lords , magistrates , countries and towns , who have felt the smart of that fiery tryal . from the same principle it is , that when by the expulsion of the swedes out of the patrimony of the empire , his electoral highness of brandenbourgh , and his highness of zell and osnabourgh were in a condition ( notwithstanding the particular peace of the united provinces and spain ) to transport the chief of their forces upon the frontiers of france , and by so glorious an action , to oblige france infallibly to make a peace with the empire in general and particular , according to justice and equity , then were the emissaries of rome , so powerful in the council at vienna , that they obliged his imperial majesty , to the prejudice of all his treaties , to seal privately such a peace with france , as we have mentioned before ; which hath been manag'd with so much dexterity , that that good ( but for that time too credulous ) prince did believe , and perhaps is still of the same mind , that he acted according to the most judicious maxims of religion and prudence : and because it may concern your highness to be inform'd what artifices were used by the jesuits and ministers of france , who went hand in hand , acting by concert in all this affair , to engage his imperial majesty to sign that fatal peace , there were sent from france under other pretences the dutchess of meclenbourgh to the court of zell , and the count of d' epause to that of brandenbourgh , and at the same time the jesuits labour'd so effectually , that his imperial majesty was made believe ( though certainly without just ground ) that the houses of brandenbourgh and lunenbourgh had already agreed , or were just upon agreeing , to a separate peace with france ; whereby his imperial majesty would be left alone a prey to the french ambition . true it is , if those princes were in that conjuncture ( as is very probable ) very willing to keep what they had conquer'd from the swede : i think they had done well to have dismist those envoys from their courts , which had they done , it would at least have taken away from the emperours corrupt council , all pretence of rendring them suspitious to his imperial majesty , and hastening him in pursuance of that suspition to sign the peace under consideration . to sum up all , we may from what hath been said , reasonably infer these three particulars . first , that his imperial majesty hath been basely betrayed by the greater part of his council ; for i am not so malicious and unjust to confound the innocent with the guilty , and not to make an exception ( out of the general clause ) in favour of those of his council , who are men of integrity and honour , who in truth i think are very few , and not much in credit . secondly , that his imperial majesty being so villanously betray'd by his council , the empire in general and particular , through the indissoluble union of the head and members cannot but miserably participate the misfortune and sufferings of its soveraign , as is very well known by a fatal , and too long experience . thirdly , that 't is easie for his imperial majesty , and the empire , to know whom they have equallly cause to complain of , and from what principle not only this treason is derived , but all the mischiefs that have afflicted christendom , for above an age , but especially the empire since the beginning of the late war : i say for above an age , as to the general ; because that which his most christian majesty , instigated by the jesuits , undertakes in our days , is but the same , which , by instigation of their predecessors , charles the first , the emperour fardinand the second , and philip the second of spain , did in their days . as to the empire in particular i say , since the beginning of the last war ; because 't is certain his imperial majesty hath been since that time by the means i have mentioned , so closely beset , and so strictly observed , that 't is not in his power to speak , to advise , to wish , or do any thing , but the society knows , and absolutely destroys it , if not suitable to their particular interests and designs : there is not a person in the emperor's court , but knows , that no man without certain ruin dare oppose in that court that cabal in any matter though never so little : to conclude this point , his imperial majesty , as a slave to the society , as things stand at present , serves only to authorize his own ruin , the ruin of his august family , and of the empire in general and particular : for the very moment i write , france publickly solicits in the empire , ( as i said before ) the nomination of a king of the romans in favour of the dauphin , which in all probability will be managed with so much dexterity and subtilty , that his imperial majesty , if he follow the advice of his council , spiritual or temporal , will think himself obliged in conscience voluntarily to give way to it . this , my lord , is the true state of his imperial majesty , and his council since the last peace . three things remain to be considered . first , the particular advantages the court of rome , and the jesuits procured themselves by the late war. secondly , what advantages they design'd themselves by the late peace , and its consequences . thirdly , what the empire in general and particular may expect from the present state of affairs . the advantages the court of rome and the jesuits procured themselves , by the late war , have not been so great as they promised themselves , for god having preserved the united provinces , whose utter destruction they had projected ; 't is certain , most of their projects in england , and elsewhere , were defeated : yet the advantages of the papacy over the protestant party , in the late war , are very considerable ; and consist in five particulars . 1. that by the fire of war , kindled by the artifices of rome , and the jesuits , between england and the united provinces ; those two protestant powers have unhappily consumed very considerable forces in men , money , ships , ammunition , and loss of trade , the soul and substance of the riches of both countries . 2. that the united provinces have in defence of themselves against france and its allies in germany , been forced to spend their men and their money , besides loss of trade during the war. 3. that swede , denmark , brandenbourgh , and zell , have consumed their forces during all this war , kindled by the artifices of the same party , between swede , and the three princes of denmark , brandenbourgh , and lunenbourgh , both by sea and land. 4. that under pretence of this war , the protestant states of the empire , as well during the campaignes as by winter-quarters , have been miserably harrassed and exhausted with exactions , burnings , contributions to that degree , that most of the protestant imperial towns are almost ruined ; and several of them as well as the palatinate , and other countries , out of hopes of recovery in an age ; while the hereditary countries , and bavaria , and many other places of the roman communion in the empire , have been preserved as the apple of an eye , or so little opprest they scarce feel it . 5. that france by this war , having conquered the county of burgundy , and kept it by the peace free from condition of exchange , it is to be observ'd , that whereas this province , belonging heretofore to spain , was , by reason of its distance from the heart of that kingdom , not in a condition to hurt the protestant cantons of the swisses ; now that it belongs to france , we art not to flatter our selves , but it belongs to a power which may every hour make a sudden irruption into the canton of bern , and under the specious pretence of religion put the protestant and roman cantons in disorder , and by degrees work their inevitable ruine ; unless that republick have the courage and judgment to enter into confederacy with those that ought to preserve it from destruction , which the building the fortress of hunningen , may sufficiently instruct them , is certainly intended them . i reckon all these to be real advantages the court of rome and the jesuits have by the last war procur'd themselves against the protestant party : for where resolution is taken to ruine an enemy under several heads , the best way to effect it , is to divide the powers , and engage them as much as may be in war , one against another , to the consumption of their forces ; and to fortifie your self on their frontiers , that you may make sudden inroads into their countries when you please : the court of rome , and the jesuits , by the access they have had to the council of france , and the house of austria , and by the help of the counsellors there , and in the protestant courts , have with great dexterity put these maxims in practice during the late war : for his majesty of swedland , managed by france , his majesty of denmark , his electoral highness of brandenbourgh , and his highness of zell , managed by the imperial court , will take the pains to search to the bottom , by what motives and artifices they have been all four engaged in a war , which hath ruined their estates for more than ten years . i doubt not ( with the respect and submission that is due to them ) but they will find that the modern romans have with great insolence and perfidiousness practised upon them what the ancient romans did for divertisement to their gladiators : for when these men had by bloody , and oftentimes mortal combats , sufficiently diverted the spectators , and the magistrate made them a sign to give out , they were bound to do it , and in what condition soever they were to go every one home , as these four princes were in the end forced to do . this may serve for an excellent and important instruction for england , holland , swede and denmark , and all the protestant states and princes of germany , to avoid effectually the snares the court of rome every day lays for them the ways i have observed , with a setled design to destroy not only their religion but their temporal estates . the second point . the advantages the court of of rome and the jesuits proposed to themselves by the conclusion of the peace between his imperial majesty and france , may be reduced to three principal heads . 1. by the maxims observed in the first part of my letter , to fix ( without danger of any probable variation ) the designs of france , and the efforts of their arms , against the empire and northern countries , as most remote from italy , and most convenient by the progress of those arms to ruine the prorestant party and consequently to advance the re-establishment of the papal grandeur and authority , the fall of the one producing naturally the exaltation of the other . and for attaining this end , to procure this peace to be so made , that his most christian majesty might be fully perswaded the court of rome and the jesuits ( in prejudice to all other powers of christendom ) studied nothing more than his exaltation , and an effectual setling and establishing in time an absolute monarchick authority over europe : and that this project might be made appear so facil and easie to this prince that he might be the better tempted to undertake it : in order to these ends , the court of rome and the jesuits could not have done any thing whereby more effectually to demonstrate their zeal and close adherence to the grandeur and exaltation of the most christian king , than by making ( as they have done with so much craft and perfidiousness ) a sacrifice of the emperour and empire ( with all that concerned the glory and interest of both ) the better to carry on the designs of the french : their project in this particular hath proved so effectual , and discover'd so many divisions , so much ignorance , weakness , and baseness , in the empire , that his most christian majesty may by these appearances rationally judge he may probably succeed in whatever he shall attempt against the empire ( though i am not of opinion he will find it so easie a matter as he hath been made believe ' t is . ) but we are to believe this prince is perswaded , that to attain all his ends , the empire being the natural obstacle against an universal monarchy , it must be his business to attempt the empire in the first place . nor can it be doubted , but the court of rome and the jesuits , making full account the most christian king will be very well able by his forces to master the empire , have hastened with all diligence possible the signing the peace between his imperial majesty and france , upon design that his most christian majesty being by this expedient of the peace free from war , in case the perpetual plots of the court of rome , and the jesuits in england , or elsewhere , should be so prosperous , as , with the help of forreign aid , to effect the re-establishment of the popes authority there , they might make use of the french forces to invade that kingdom , or other countries , for the ends i have mentioned : and if by gods providence the perfidious and damnable conspiracy of the jesuits against the king the religion and state of england had not been discovered the last year , i believe england had e're this felt the effects of what i observe . be pleased to allow me leave on this occcasion to say , that unless his majesty of great brittain be willing to fall , with all his people , under the slavery of the pope , the jesuits , and france , he hath great cause to take heed left the warlike preparations of all sorts made by the french in all their ports , and on the coasts of the ocean , be not made upon some such design ; for by the scheme of the plot ireland is looked upon as a country which may unquestionably procure france the absolute dominion of the sea , and of trade , and the conquests of the west indies , according to their ancient and primitive project . 3. the court of rome and the jesuits having that influence over the imperial council , that it was in their power to do what they pleased there , there is no doubt but the signing of the peace was prest on this farther design , that his imperial majesty ( the peace concluded ) finding himself in a condition to dispose of the greatest part of his forces , they might easily perswade him to employ them to root out the protestant party in hungary , and perfect the pretended reformation in silesia : and it was well for that people that god provided for their safety by very extraordinary means , i mean the plague ; for had not that broken out , it is not credible but dunewald the apostate , now a formal creature of the jesuits , had been sent thither with an army to do something . happy would it be for his imperial majesty , if by just and solid reflections on the disasters successively fallen upon his august family , for having too much espoused the violent and cruel passions of the court of rome and the jesuits , and by considering this scourge of god which hath forced him to quit his capital city , and in a manner follows him visibly wherever he goes , he would be sensible the hand of god is not stretched out against him , as heretofore against david , for his sin , but because he hath stretched out his hand to oppress the only congregations of christians in his dominions , whose worship is not infected with idolatry , and who according to the precepts of the gospel adore the soveraign and supreme creator in spirit and in truth . but far happier should his imperial majesty be , if by such reflections god would give him the grace , as he did to the emperor charles the fifth before de died , to acknowledge and own the truth he persecutes ; and ( setting aside policy ) embrace generously the profession of it . god almighty would then certainly bless him , and 't is credible he would not deny him the power to humble the proud , and those who by their enormous . ambition , put all europe into combustion . i beg your highnesses pardon for this digression ; which the matter i treat of , and my zeal for the faith and salvation of others naturally led me to . the third point . to make some solid prognostick , in a matter so dilicate , i say , as to what the empire in general and particular is no expect from the present state of affairs ; we are to believe his most christian majesty ( unless notably changed in his dispositions ) would boldly and couragiously carry on his business , i mean his pretension to make his son , the dauphin , king of the romans : his marriage with the princess of bavaria , the envoys and magnificent presents he sends to the electoral courts of saxony and brandenbourgh , and his arming so furiously , signifie sufficiently two things . first , his contempt of the alliances and oppositions his imperial majesty may make against him . secondly , that he will certainly pursue his pretension . 't is of extream importance for the empire in general and particular to know , whether it be for the interest of the empire to favour this pretension , or to oppose it . this with your highnesses leave , i intend briefly to examine ; and to observe some order : it is to be considered , 1. whether it be better for the empire in general , and every member of it in particular , to live according to the ancient customs , rights and priviledges , under which they have lived for many ages ; or that the empire , without striking a blow , submit voluntarily to the yoke of a government which acknowledges no law , but that of a power purely despotical and absolute ? 2. as a dependent on the former point , whether it be better , as to the revolutions since the wars for religion , that the empire live occording to the concordats and agreements in the peace of munster , or osnabrug , and the last capitulations with his imperial majesty since his election : or without regard to the one , or the other , that the empire engage anew in a civil war , which by a final victory may decide the quarrel in favour of one of the parties , concerning the concordats , and those two treaties of peace , or the late capitulations , as if never agreed or capitulated ? i think it the more necessary to examine before hand these points , for that we may hold it for certain . as to the first point . in case the dauphin be ever elected king of the romans , that from the days of that election , whatever capitulations shall be signed to the contrary , the german empire will be annexed to , and made an hereditary province of the crown of france . to justifie this , you need only read several french authors , who have treated of the rights and pretensions of france , upon the empire , particularly that of the advocate awbrey ; for though he hath with good reason been laughed at for his writings , yet if that election take effect , we shall find his discourse solid and well grounded . besides , you may soberly weigh what france hath already practised upon that part of the empire which hath fallen to its share , and the neighbouring parts , both in temporals and spirituals : as to the temporal concerns , france seizes all boldly and openly in the face of the sun , without pretence of other law , or right , but that of convenience , with as much freedom and confidence , as it would take possession of any ancient patrimony of that crown : the dukes of lorrain and deuxponts , mentbeleuard , and the ten free towns of alsatia , sufficiently prove this ; as to spiritual matters you need only read the publick ordinance of the bishop of metz against the lutherans of those countries . for the clergy in general , all the free chapters of the empire , whether arch-bishops , bishops , abbots , deans , or priors , may assure themselves , if this election take place , they must go to france e're they come to those dignities ; for to imagine the free suffrages of the chapters shall be continued , is sortishness and folly . the bishopricks of metz , toul and verdun , and ( i doubt not for the future ) cambray , which were heretofore principalities of the empire , may teach us that under a french government the only way to those dignities is by a writ of presentation by the kings , and consequently all that seek or depend on those bishopricks must be courtiers and slaves . not but that i believe if the dauphin be chosen king of the romans , his council is too cunning not to make him promise expresly to maintain the privileges and ecclesiastical benefices of the empire : and that till he be fully setled they may be content to write letters to the chapters to chuse the person the court shall recommend , but in such a manner there will be no fear of refusal : yet this course is not to be expected to hold ten years to an end : which i believe the rather for that france pretends ( as hath been declared at large by several politick treatises ) that most of the great benefices in germany have been founded by emperors , kings of france , and that consequently the court of france is the true patron of them . the princes of the empire , ecclesiastical and temporal , of what rank or degree soever , may from the day of that election , provide for three things which will certainly follow . first they shall be reduced to the natural rents and revenues of their ancient patrimonies , which cannot with probability be denied to depend upon the ancient kingdom of austrasia , ( which the ministers of france suppose to be part of the french monarchy ) and consequently all natural rights there being subject to the law salique , admit neither of alienation nor prescription . for as to the taxes and contributions now paid these lords by their vassals and subjects , there is no doubt but they will be obliged to disclaim them , and consent with a very good will , that the head of the empire shall in this case order what taxes and exactions he please to be levied , and all for his use : to pretend capitulations or reasons to the contrary , will be to insist on trifles , or commence suits to be decided only by military execution . secondly , they will be disarmed , it being against the honour of the policy of france , to permit any prince , or lord , under their dominion , to have the power to defend himself by force , be his right to do so never so ancient and authentick . thirdly , to gain the favour of the head of the empire , the head of every house of the secular princes must actually wait on his imperial majesty at an excessive expence , or send in his stead his brothers or sons to make his court , or to receive orders and caresses , and sometimes repulses and checks : and the empire being full of divisions and jealousies , there is cause enough to fear the princes will strive who shall be most officious , as the princes and other great men of france have done , to their utter ruin , and total consumption of their estates . as for the counts , and barons , and all gentlemen of the empire , who are vassals to electors and particular princes , my heart bleeds to think how certainly and strangely their condition will be chang'd , if ever a french king be made emperour . is it probable the ministers of france will have more pity of the german nobility and gentry , than the dukes , marquesses , counts , barons and particular nobility of their own country have found at their hands ? there is no doubt but the day they change their master , they must bid an eternal adieu to all their rights of soveraign justice and free-hold : the great men and private gentry of france , several of whom have the honour to be descended in a right line from soveraign princes , had no less courage , nor were heretofore less priviledged , nor less jealous of their rights , than many of the body of the empire are at this present . yet have they been forc'd one after another to submit to the yoke , and lose all their ancient priviledges : nor must they think any more ( though they have right ) to lay any imposition on their subjects . for ( as i said before in the article of the princes ; ) this is a sweet bit , which the absolute and despotical dominion of france always reserves for it's own tooth . they must never think more by offices and imployments under particular princes , or the head of the empire , to render themselves considerable , make their fortunes , or recover their spent estates , as they could have done heretofore : at least but few of them shall be ever able to do it . for as to particular princes , they will in case of a french emperour be absolutely ruin'd , and forc'd to retrench themselves and their families to a very low condition ; and as to the head of the empire , whoever will have office or imployment in his house or courts of justice , must think of buying it with ready money , there being not an office or imployment in the french kings house , from the steward of his house to the scullion in his kitchen , nor in his courts of justice , from that of chief president to the meanest serjeant , but is sold for ready money . so that there remains not for the nobility and gentry of the empire , any office or employ , but what must be bought , save only the military : but the nobility and gentry of the empire are too judicious , ( at least , unless ( as the french proverb is ) they are willing to be taken for fools , ) not to know they have no reason to promise themselves in this particular of military employment , any greater priviledge than is allow'd the ancient nobility of france , and consequently , that to procure the favour of the prince or his principal ministers , they must serve in the wars at their own charge , as the french nobility have done . the necessary expences of every office exceeding yearly , by three fourths , the pay of the prince : that is , they most resolve to consume the bulk of their estates to be known at court , and frequently spend a real patrimony in pursuit of vain and chimerical hopes , which will infallibly ruin their families ; and bring most of those who take these courses to end their lives in languishing griefs and cruel repentings : for thus it is , all the nobility of france serve in the wars , and such is the end most of them make . if we have heard of a schomberg or a ransan that became considerable in france by the wars . let the nobility of the empire be assur'd it was but a lure which the ministers of france ( who have long since plotted the conquest of the empire ) thought fit to hold out to delude and cheat the german nobility : they are like the fires in the night that lead them into precipices , who are indiscreet enough to follow them : all this i know to be true , grounded on very authentick memoirs , and certain knowledge of the matters i mention . as for the imperial towns and free cities of the empire , colmar , schlestat , and haguenau , and the rest of that rank , situate in alsatia , may teach their magistrates and councils , what value the ministers of france put upon their ancient rights and priviledges , for those are the things the ministers there , or their envoys under the name of commissaries or intendants , call in derision stories to make one sleep , illusions , and old wives tales , that is , things nothing worth . if ever france come to the empire , all the cities of that order are with metz , toul , and verdun , and ( last of all ) bezanson to denounce and disclaim all rights of justice , magazines , garrisons and impositions , and to prepare themselves ( at least all those that cannot , will be kept under otherwise ) to see built in the highest place in the town a strong citadel at their charge , and a garrison put into it , which they must maintain , and consequently by degrees undergo , as well as all the subjects of princes , earls , barons , and particular lords ; and all counts , barons , and private lords for their estates in land and all necessaries for life , with very little exception , all the impositions following . first upon estates in land , money , and trade . ayde , octroy , preciput , equivalent , crue , taille , estaste , subsistence de quartier d'hyver , garinzons , mortpayes , appointments des governeurs , debtes & affaires du roy , gratifications extraordinaries , den gratuit , frais de recoua usemens & contabilite . more upon drinks . aydes sur le vin , bieres , & cidres , plus le huitieme denier , le souquet , le patae , imposts & billets . [ instead of censuring the translation imperfect , in giving the names of these impositions ( as in the original ) in french , let the reader congratulate his happiness , that very few of these most christian impositions have been christened in england , and therefor they want names in our language . ] more upon things eatable . the gabelle on corn and meal , which is taken in markets or at the mill , in several places , under the name of mesure coupee , or octroy . the toll called pied forchu , taken for all sorts of beasts sold in fairs and markets . the toll taken by weight for every pound of meat sold in the shambles . the gabelle on salt , which will raise the price of salt so high , that what is now sold for a florin , will then cost fourteen crowns . more upon all necessaries for life . the mark of paper , the mark of silver , the mark of tin , the mark of hats , the mark on all silk stockins and woollen , the mark of shoes , the gabella on perukes , the gabelle on tobacco , the mark on all stuffs of wooll or silk , the mark on linnen , the gabelle on ice , the control of exploits . more upon noble estates , from five years , to five years . the tax of free fifes , the tax of new purchases , the fifths and refifths , amortissements . more upon the offices of judicature and the treasury . the price of valuation , the mark of gold , the two sols in the pound , the seal duty , the duty of control , the registers duty , the duty for oaths ; the prest for being admited to the annual , the annual or paulette . besides many other taxes to be paid from time to time , and many retrenchments of wages to be yearly undergone ; for the soveraign courts have but three quarters wages , the subordinate but two , and the base or lowest courts frequently but one . add to all these the reunion to the king's demesnes , newly executed throughout france on all commonalties or corporations of the empire , that is , all that belongs in common to any commonalty , as fewel and pasture in woods and forests , rivers , ponds , and all other common rights of what nature soever . more on all sorts of merchandises imported or exported . the custom , the custom for the value , the foreign . besides the custom of lions , burdeaux and roan , which take their names from the places , and are levied with all rigour imaginable , not only upon importation into the realm , or exportation out of it into foreign countries , but in most of the frontiers of the provinces , upon passing out of one into another , within the kingdom . and we may expect the like exactions to be established in the several provinces of the empire , on several pretences . all these subsidies , and many others , ( which , to avoid prolixity , i pass over in silence ) are one way or other punctually paid , where-ever any subjects of the french monarchy live , with no other distinction , but that the lords and gentlemen have right to hold free from imposition so many acres of land , for their maintenance , as may be husbanded with two yoke of oxen , ( provided the owner hold that estate in demean ) for as to what is let out to farmers , as they pay the king taxes for the profit of the farms , they pay so much the less rent to the landlord ; so that in effect the nobleman in france pays taxes as well as the boor : which the princes , the nobles , the magistrates , and subjects of the empire , of what degree soever , have reason seriously to consider . for , 't is folly to fancy they can make their capitulations so advantageous as to exempt them from paying these intollerable subsidies . the provinces of guienne , languedoc , provence , dauphine , bourgundy , and britain , and most of the other provinces of france , had herefore their particular princes , as most of the provinces of the empire now have ; and the principal cities and towns in these provinces of france , had then as great priviledges and immunities as any free towns of the empire : but the kings of france having invaded all these principalities , and seized the liberties of the cities , have , since the taking of rochel , reduced them into so absolute slavery , that the citizens and inhabitants have quite lost the resolution and generosity to endeavour a recovery of their liberties , and are so bridled with strong garrisons and citadels ( and we may expect the like in all countries of the empire , if ever under a french government ) that they are not in a condition to stir , at least to any considerable purpose . this may suffice for the first point : i pass to the second . the second point . this deserves the more exact consideration , for that if ever the dauphin be chosen king of the romans , since the court of rome and the jesuits , by the important services these have done the crown of france of late , and promise to do for the future , and the cardinalships they flatter the nephews and relations of the principal ministers of france with the hopes of , do what they please in the council of france ; and what is published to the contrary , on the account of regalities , now in controversie , is but cheat and illusion ; the cruel persecution raised and carried on some years last past against the protestants of that kingdom , the disgrace of pompone , being not of their cabal , and of theatin the princess of brvaria's confessor , intimating sufficiently the extraordinary credit that society hath in the court of france : i say , if ever the dauphin be elected king of the romans , the empire is to expect two things . first , to see him at the head of the best forces of france , ( upon the specious pretence of religion , and restoring the estates belonging to the church ) undertaking in the empire aganst the protestant party what charles the fifth , and ferdinand the second attempted to execute . secondly , that this affair will be so obstinately fomented & protected by the court of rome , that the empire will be in danger to be involved in a war more cruel , more bloody , and dangerous , than any the former wars raised for that cause . and there is reason enough to believe , that the late war , as well as the peace since made , were hatched and carried on by the court of rome , in hopes of being able , by the power of the french forces , to work the entire ruin of the protestant party of europe , which we see every day decay by degrees : and i am much mistaken if the money sent by the pope into poland was not design'd for a project of this nature . prince william of furstenberg might , if he pleased , furnish us with clear evidence of authentick memoirs to this purpose ; but we are not to expect it from him , lest by such a discovery he lose the recompence the court of rome designs him for the pains he hath taken , and continues , to bring to effect this popish project in the empire , and consequently in all europe . by what hath been said , your highness may see the fortune of the empire , if ever it fall ( by any means whatever ) under the intolerable yoke of the despotical government of france : and i think i need say no more to convince every member of the empire , and all the states of it in general , ( without any great depth of policy , or knowledge of war ) what their duty to religion , their glory and interest oblige them to do , for preserving themselves from falling under a yoke of that nature . but to preserve themselves effectually from this yoke , i conceive it extremely considerable to enquire first , whence all this mischief proceeds ? which known , will give us light what must further be done : and particularly , from what part the first attack may be expected , and what defence is to be made . the mischiefs i have mentioned unquestionably have their rise from the designs and fomentations of the court of rome and the jesuits , who ( at present at least ) direct and dispose of the french projects and forces , and without any mercy or respect , pretend , with the assistance of those forces , and their own secret managements of affairs , to sacrifice all to the re-establishment of the papal grandeur . i conceive in right and justice two things are to be done ; but i doubt much whether the one will be . the first is , that since the publick good and safety of the empire consists in living ( without innovation ) according to the ancient rights , immunities , and privelidges , and the concordats established by law , ( which every member of the empire is obliged to observe ) and that the pretensions of the court of rome and the jesuits , are as inconsistent as those of france , with the publick good and safety of the empire : every member of the empire , without flattering themselves any longer with hopes of favour from rome or from france , and without distinction of religion , applying themselves seriously to procure and promote the preservation and publick good of the empire , should without delay take such measures , that neither the court of rome , the jesuits , nor france , may attain their ends. and in order to this , that every member of the empire should put it self into a posture and condition , by uniting their forces , to oppose force to force : and if the princes of the roman communion will bona fide engage in this union , it will be necessary , first , that his imperial majesty find means to gain the amity and assistance of the three northern princes whom i have formerly mentioned , engag'd in war by his means , and afterwards cruelly abandon'd to the mercy of france and of swede : which ( by the small intelligence i have of affairs ) will be difficult enough to effect , especially with the elector of brandenbourgh , without giving him satisfaction in two points , on which he doth with much equity insist . secondly , that his imperial majesty gain over to the interests of the empire the forces of the crown of swede ; which will be no easie task . thirdly , that the emperour , and all the princes of the roman communion in the empire , banish and root out of their councils not only all jesuits and monks , ( who by themselves or their superiors have all resort to their general at rome ) but every one that any way depends on , or hath society with these hypocrites , or rather free spies of the empire ; a capuchin in this particular being as bad as a jesuit . though this be absolutely necessary , as matters now stand , yet ( to speak freely ) i very much doubt whether the princes of the roman communion will have the generosity and courage to do it . the second , and that i take to be the only solid means , is , that the protestant party being now clearly convinc'd that they are the sole persons aim'd at , and that all that hath been done since the beginning of the last war was really in order onely to work their destruction ; all kings , princes , and magistrates of that persuasion are every one in his sphere to apply themselves with all industry and vigour , first , to arm with all their power , that they may be able to oppose force to force : secondly , to enter into mutual leagues and alliances , that by joynt strength they may resist forces so considerable as those of france , and others the court of rome and the jesuits may by their artifices bring over to that party . to begin so great and necessary a work , we will for a while leave the territories of the empire ; and looking abroad , i am of opinion that england and the united provinces ought without further delay to use all means possible to enter into a league offensive and defensive , which may ( if possible ) be indissoluble ; that denmark and swede are to follow that example ; and , that all the protestant princes and states of the empire , with the protestant cantons of the swisses and the grisons , ought to do the like : for , 't is not a concern of particular quarrels and jealousies , but the faith , the religion and temporal estates of all the protestant party are now at stake . this i conceive will be more easily effected in this conjuncture , for that by a special providence of god there is no war at present between england and holland , nor between swede and denmark , nor between the princes of the protestant communion in germany . if these three things be effected , and the particular leagues incorporated into a general , and consequently , an intire union of the protestants of europe , we need not fear the designs or attempts of the court of rome , or the jesuits , or the council and forces of the french : for ( these things effected ) we shall have power enough not only to deliver the empire from all just apprehensions of the designs of the court of rome , the jesuits , and of france , against its liberties , but to reduce his most christian majesty ( by way of justice & right ) to keep himself modestly within the frontiers of his kingdom , and ( in case of refusal ) to do something more ; which would infallibly produce a sure and general peace . i am the more induced to be of this opinion , while england and holland on the one hand , and swede and denmark on the other , are labouring to put an end to all former quarrels ; and the protestant princes and magistrates of the empire endeavour ( as i suppose ) a league with the protestant cantons and the grisons , that ( to say the truth ) i see no other solid and effectual means to defend the empire from the oppression of france , and the protestant party in particular from the oppression of the court of rome , the jesuits , and france , all at once : for , ( to rid our hands of all false maxims at once ) what else can the empire and protestant party reasonably ground their safety upon ? will they ground it on his imperial majesty , as they ought , and without doubt might have done , had his council been guided with right and sound maxims ? i cannot think , after all that his council have caused him to do publickly , and what he still continues to put in execution against the protestant party , that any rational person of that party can expect the least favour on that side , at least as long as the jesuits and court of rome have that credit , that countenance and support they have now in his court. and that we have little reason to hope this prince will rid himself of them , who have dangerously corrupted his understanding and reason , by their education of him , and the prejudices instilled into him . and should the protestants on this occasion expect help from the court of bavaria , as their interest in the empire obliges them , we may very well imagin the expectation will be vain , if we consider the late strict alliance of that court with france , or the ridiculous monastick bigotry reigning in that court. if then you will rely on the ecclesiastical princes , who knows not their disability , and that the greater part of them will do nothing but what the jesuits shall insinuate into them ? so that for the future ( as well as the time past , at least , for the last age , and more ) the natural defence of the empire hath ( under god ) no solid ground , but the forces and industry of the protestant party . it was that party saved it from the intended oppression of the house of austria in former times : and in the late war , when france attempted to master it by its arms and intrigues , it was the same party not only preserved the empire , but the emperor , from the yoke of the french. and it will be the same party which ( by the grace of god ) shall easily preserve it for the future ; at least , if the potentates of that party , or the greater part of them , apply themselves to do what i conceive they are obliged to . but to speak plainly , and make appear the necessity of such a protestant league and confederacy , we are to consider ; his imperial majesty will either effectually perform what he ought in defence of the empire , by saving himself from falling under the dominion of france ; or that he will do nothing but in shew and appearance . if his imperial majesty perform as he ought , against the enterprises of france , such a league can never be more seasonably made to second the imperial forces ; nor can his imperial majesty in that case rely on any forces ( the nature of the quarrel considered ) that will be more true to him than those of the protestants . but if his imperial majesty intend meerly to look on , as unconcerned , and not to engage really and effectually against the french designs , which he is so highly concerned to oppose , there can be no doubt , but the court of rome and the jesuits have secretly carried on a close intelligence and private league between their imperial and most christian majesties , for the ruin and destruction of the protestant party ; and , that by some private and mysterious stipulation , some protestant estate in the empire , or on the frontiers , in the low countries , or swisserland , is , according to their project , designed a recompence to the duke of lorrain , for the dukedoms of lorrain and barre , which france hath taken from him , and hath no mind to restore . and by a captious contrivance of this nature , the protestant party in the empire shall find it self at once assaulted by the united forces of their imperial and most christian majesties ( who are both of a communion . ) i leave to your highness to judge , how much it concerns the protestant party , by the industry and union i have mentioned , to prevent so great and dangerous an inconvenience . my suspicion of his imperial majesty is the greater , for that it is notorious there are in the society of jesuits men of several sorts ; some of whom are dispenced with not onely to lay aside the habit of their order , but to marry , and bear all sorts of offices and dignities : and that if his imperial majesty was in his younger days , out of too great a zeal for his religion , unhappily engag'd in this order , under the dispensations i suppose , there is no cause left for wonder at his proceedings against the protestants : for , though he had been but of the lower order , which is that wherein marriage is permitted , and a capacity allowed of bearing offices and dignities ; yet as to all other things , and particularly in matters of religion , he must have been under the obedience of the general of the jesuits , and consequently obliged to make peace and war , as the general of the society should judge most convenient for the interest of the pope and the society . the continual war this prince makes against the protestants of vpper hungary , contrary to all the maxims and rules of sound policy , and contrary to the priviledges ( one of his ministers told me , and i am otherwise well assured ) he hath sworn to that nation ; the vast gifts he hath bestowed on the society in bohemia , silesia , hungary , moravia , and generally in all his hereditary countries ; with his shameful signing the late peace , in prejudice , and contrary to all his treaties with the protestant princes , smells rankly of an obedience which acknowledges no obligation , nor owns any rule of justice or piety , other than the absolute command of his superior . and i see nothing in this prince , as to his manner of living , and constant attendance at jesuitical comedies , musick , and pilgrimages , sometimes to one relique , sometimes to another , with all that may make out his natural or acquir'd inclinations , that may any way convince this opinion of mistake . so that if it be so , ( as to speak the truth ) i very much suspect it is ; and i am not alone in this suspicion : i leave it to the judgment of the empire in general , and the protestants in particular , what ground they have to relie on , or expectany succour or assistance from the head of the empire : for , in case this prove true , should his imperial majesty promise and design effectually to assist the protestants , in defence of the common liberty ; yet if on the morrow the general of the society should order him , for some greater good , ( which , according to their maxims consists frequently in a massacre , a poysoning , or assassination ) to joyn at a precise day and place his arms to those of france , for the entire extirpation of the protestant party in the empire , there is no doubt but this prince would be obliged to do it , either on the account of obedience due to his general , or for fear the society , in case of his disobedience , should dispatch him , as they did by themselves , or their emissaries , henry the third and fourth in france , don carlos in spain , duke bernard of weymar in germany , and lately the illustrious princess of inspruck , second wife of that prince , the last duke of brieg in silesia : or as they have newly attempted to do against his majesty of great britain . for incendiaries , assassins , and murderers are the faithful servants and inseparable instruments of that blessed society . your highness will not be surpriz'd at the vehement suspicion i have exprest of his imperial majesty , when you have considered , there have been two kings of poland of that order , and that philip the second of spain did ( out of policy ) cause himself to be enrolled amongst them . but the order of the jesuits is compos'd ( as others ) of two sorts of people , whom politicians distinguish by the names of directors and directed : and we are to observe , the two kings of poland were in this latter class . the former , by promoting too zealously the passions of the society , having lost the kingdom of swede , to which he was heir ; and the second having by the same means incurred the irreconcileable hatred and aversion of the nobility of poland , to so extream a degree , that to avoid the threatning effects of it , he was forced at last to quit his crown , from a sovereign to become a subject , and go end his days in a strange country , with no better a character than that of abbot of st. german in france . but as for philip the second ( setting matter of conscience aside ) considering him only in quality of a politician ▪ i boldly assign him a place in the class of directors ; for he directed his affairs so well , he mist but little of subduing france , and effectually seised the crown of portugal , and the east-indies as an appurtenant . i am oblig'd , by the respect i bear his imperial majesty , to leave it to your highness to think which of the two classes he is to be rank'd in . but whether his imperial majesty be a member of this society , or not , i have said enough to make appear to your highness the absolute necessity of a league and consederacy between the protestant powers of europe , to enable them to defend themselves against the pernicious designs of their enemies . i will conclude with minding your highness , that this is the occasion that calls upon you , to shew to all the world your zeal for your religion , and the good of the publick ; and that since my longer stay in this court will be useless , your highness will do me the favour to permit me to leave it as soon as may be , that i may have the honour to wait on your most serene person , and continue the performance of my most humble services . to that happy time i respite acquainting you with many particulars i dare not trust to paper , ( though altogether confirming what i have most confidently affirmed , as to the most essential points of my letter . ) and in hopes to receive speedily the honour of your commands to that purpose , which i humbly beg , i remain with all due respects , my lord , your serene highnesses most humble servant , &c. prague , 13 febr. 1680. finis . the english ballance weighing the reasons of englands present conjunction with france against the dutch vvith some observes upon his majesties declaration of liberty to tender consciences. mcward, robert, 1633?-1687. 1672 approx. 233 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 56 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a51057) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99398) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 465:11) the english ballance weighing the reasons of englands present conjunction with france against the dutch vvith some observes upon his majesties declaration of liberty to tender consciences. mcward, robert, 1633?-1687. 110 p. s.n.] [london? : 1672. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -sovereign (1660-1685 : charles ii). -his majesties declaration to his loving subjects march 15th, 1672. dutch war, 1672-1678. freedom of religion -england. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. 2002-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-04 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-04 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the english ballance , weighing the reasons , of englands present conjunction with france , against the dutch. with some observes upon his majesties declaration , of liberty to tender consciences . prov . 20 : v. 18. every purpose is established by counsel , and with good advice make war. prov . 24 : v. 6. for by wise counsel thou shalt make thy war , and in multitude of counsellours , there is safety . printed in the year mdclxxii . the english ballance , weighing the reasons of englands present conjunction with france against the dutch. with some observes upon his majesties declaration , of liberty to tender consciences . the present aspect of affairs , being obviously such , as not onely amuseth all , but really concerneth the greatest part of the christian world , and my own proper interest ( not more from pure incapacity , then , real choice and inclination ) being most precisely confined , to that of religion , and reason , i presume , that if by a few sober reflexions , i break that common silence of my nation ( which seems to proceed rather from a deep amazement , then any other consideration ) i shall not therefore incurre the censure of singularity ; but if the fate of truth , shall neverthelesse expose me to the hatred of any , all i wish them , is , as little prejudice from their mistake , as i intend of particular advantage by the following representation . the subject then that moves me to this undertaking , is , briefly , the allarume of war , that soundeth every where , the tendency of the french. armes , against the united netherlands , and the apparent conjunction of the king of england , with the french , in this their invasion . what may be the pretenses of the french , just or unjust , since conjecture ( of all things most dareing ) hath not hitherto adventured upon the discovery , it were in vaine for me to attempt the research : it is known , that the estats most interessed , did addresse their inquirie unto the french king , who certainly knoweth best , and that upon the fairest account , viz. all just and reasonable satisfaction , and yet , had no other returne , save a slender notice , of their acknowledgement of the favours received from his antcestors , with a structure , upon their omission of his owne good deeds ( no doubt the dividing of the english fleet by beauforts imaginary assistance ) and then , a hint at late innovations in trade , visibly declining reason , by ane insinuat reference , to a neutral arbitration , without so much as a condescendence upon the subject , notwithstanding of the satisfaction offered ; concluding , with a scrupulous formalizing at the estats desire , to be cleared , about their evidently well grounded apprehensions , of his majesties extraordinary preparations , as if it were boorish incivility , to demand reason abroad , from a prince that makes his will to satisfy at home ; so that the king of france his tendernesse to abuse truth , and unwillingnesse to derogat from the confidence of his great power , by searching after a colourable pretext , where there is none to be found , appeares to be the most favourable account , that his procedour will admit of : it 's true , the advance of his romish superstition doth occurre , as a very probable incentive , but , as both justice doth repugne , and policy disswade from declaring it to be the cause , of this apprehended war ; so , i confesse the manifest decay , and neglect of religion , every where , this day in the earth , with his majesties not our addiction to his passions , and interests above all other ingagements , do rather incline me to think , that it is the insolent tyranny of these imperious lusts , pride and avarice , that doth thus derobe a great prince , of his solid glories , and pleasures , and in lieu thereof , with pain and hazard to himself , and injury to his neighbours , render him a slave to the motions of his insatiable appetit : but , though the candor i am resolved to use in this discourse , doth make me thus figure to my self , the french king's incitements ; yet , i am very far from thinking , that the matter of religion is no more interessed in this war , then intended : to knit the consequences of war , and victory , either to the declared causes , or influencing reasons of the undertakers , is , an error , that both reason and the experience of all ages doth abundantly disprove ; but why should i here make any profusion of reason , where common sense may be so convictive ? can popish armes prevail , and not establish popish superstition ? can this popish superstition have power , and not both prosper and persecute ? these are consequences so natural , and evident , that it were superfluous , either to challenge one instance dissonant , from the thousands , that confirme them , or to reminde what , and how successefully , the present french king hath ( what by force , and what by policy ) practised , in his own dominions : or lastly , to adde , that as the genius of popery , hath ever been most bent , to seek to reenter where it hath been ejected ; so it cannot but in this invasion be animat , by a great accession of vigour , in the hope , thereby to triumph in the conquest of the main fort , and bulwarke of the protestant interest : and verily these things are of themselves so obvious , that i almost blame their conduct , ( if onely designed for clearing of this point ) who of late have caused print , a letter to the estats , from their resident in vienna , acquainting them with the king of france his intentions , as by him communicat to the elector of mentz , viz. to daunton the pride of the estats general , and compel them to the restitution of ecclesiastick lands , and goods , and that assurance hereof , is long since given to the pope ; as if the manifest hazard of the protestant religion , from the french armes , and their approaches , and its infallible prejudice in their successe , not onely as to this restitution , but the subversion of its truth and purity , did need the accession of such a conjectural proof ? but it is indeed to be regrated , that such at present , should be the reguardlesse indifferency , in the matter of religion , of the neighbouring protestant princes and estats , that neither the undeniable evidences of all appearances , nor all the arguments whereby they may be seconded , seem sufficient , to awake them , from this dangerous slumber : the time was , when religion , as the most precious concerne , was also , the most endearing bond , of mutual alliance ; so that whereever it happened to be attacqued , neither distance , nor separation of other interests , did exempt , or excuse , from the common defence ; but men have long since , both in their hearts , and lives , cast it downe , from its excellency , and if there it hath lost its power , and influence , no wonder , that it be little operative on publick transactions : whether for this cause , the lord be now arisen to contend , first , with these united provinces , and thereafter with all the churches , is no doubt a question , which every man hath reason to move with trembling ; my hearts desire is , that as god by his dispensations , is threatning to punish , aswel by the lose of temporalities , sinfully overvalued , and abused , as by the removeal of his gospel , unworthily undervalued , and dispised ; so , his people may thence be warned , and instructed above all things , to seek his face , and peace , and thereby to engage him , to stand on their side , both on his own , and their behalfe , then shall the lord who waits to be gracious , exalt himself , that he may have mercy upon them , and joine his judgement to the justice of their cause , to scatter the proud & put downe the mighty , that men may see and say , surely there is a god that judgeth righteoush in the earth . but is it possible that matters standing thus , betwixt the french and dutch , and religion being so much concerned , in the event , the king of england should incline , to take part with the french , so manifestly contrair to righteousnesse and religion , yea to his faith , honour , and interest ? and really all these ( the maine , if not the onely determinations among rational men ) doe so directly oppose , and disswade this strange resolution , that , i sincerely professe , it is only from the surprise , and distrust of my reason , and not in the least from any purpose , to amaze men into my sentiments , that my wonder doth expresse itself , in this interrogation ; which , if any man doe still judge , to be an anticipation ; let him only forebeare what he censures ; and i hope , be shall be quickly satisfied . that i may therefore proceed clearly in this odd rancountre of affairs : although i doe heartily wish , that my supposition may never exist ; yet , seing it is the ground of the ensueing discourse , he who doubts its probability , may consider the following passages . first , the king of england his refusal upon the estats their just and reasonable demand , to give assurance for the performing of his part of the triple alliance . next , the known ordinary discourse of his court , pretending high provocations . 3. sir george downing , his late embassie , with the unusewall reserve by him practised , in the exposing of his demands , his sudden recall , and his refusing to receive the stats their answer , unto the memoire he had given in , about the flage 4. the straine of his majesties returne to this answer , when thereafter presented to him , whereby he plainly intimats his displeasure thereat , signifying that though he be willing to observe the triple alliance , yet he doth not judge himself thereby obliged , to suffer them to doe what they please , to his prejudice , nor to wrong their neighbours , in the matter of trade : asserting peremptorily , his soveraignity in the seas , and withal , demanding their positive answer , whether they will punish van gent for his not striking to his flage : and lastly the extraordinary correspondence entertained , betwixt the courts of england , and france , with their late treaty : the several millions of money it hath brought from france to england , & the designed expedition of the duke of monmouth , with some thousands of auxiliaries , into the french campaigne ; which passages being joined to the great and fervid sea preparations , wherein england is now bussied , doe in my opinion , sufficiently resolve , that the dutch are the marke whereat they are levelled , whether justly or unjustly comes next to be handled ? and certainly , if they have no other motive or end , then the french assistance , whatever injustice may be , in their causelesse invasion , or whatever detriment religion may suffer by their successe , doe fall upon the king of england , as an assistant , with higher aggravations , then can be fairly named , before that i doe first propose , and examine , the proper provocations , that he pretends : that , therefore reason and truth , may have their full exercise , and right , my endeavour shall be , to give an impartial and sincere , account of all , that fame or report hath hitherto communicat on this subject . that the king of england hath of a long time acclaimed , the soveraignity of the brittish seas , and therein also been universally acknowledged , by the formality of striking , is notour over all : and , as it is not my duety , willfully to diminish or impugne the former , so , the latter is expressely agreed to , by the dutch , in the last treaty of peace : but the difference at present , arising from this head , seems to be twofold , the first in matter of fact , viz. that the king of england accuseth the dutch , of an injurious affront , both against his right , and the late treaty , in as much as their fleet , under van gent's conduct , did of late , refuse to strike sail , to one of his jachts , bearing his flage . to which the dutch answer , that the kings right being drawn unto the treaty , for its better confirmation , it must thence take all its measures , and it being thereby only provided , that all dutch ships , shall strike to the king's men of war , in the british seas , as the cleare termes of the treaty in the 19 art : thereof , and the quality of the jacht , being onely a pleasure boat , and no man of war , doe furnish a defence for what is past ; so , by their answer above mentioned to sir george downings memoire , they offer , that if his maj. will observe the triple alliance , they will still agree , that all dutch ships shall strike to his ships of war ; but the king not herewith satisfied , desires the estats , to be positive , whether or not they will inflict punishment on van gent ? as we have heard : the other branch of this difference toucheth the point of right , the king of england asserting peremptorily , in his above mentioned answer to the estats , his dominion , and soveraignity over the narrow seas , and the dutches , hitherto silently forebearing , either to debate , or consent to the claime : the next ground of provocation discoursed of , in the king of englands court ( for as yet it hath proceeded no further ) is the making & publishing amongst the dutch of certain scandalous pictures , and pamphlets , to the king's dishonour , whereof some , at least one , viz. the picture dedicat , and affixed by the towne of dort , in the stadt-house , to the honour of cornelius de wit , in memorie of his attacque at chattam , bearing the draught of the thing , with certain lines of elogy subjoined , ( all no doubt contrived with the lustre of advantages sutable to the designe ) licensed by authority , and the rest onely of privat authors , but publickely permitted , and of this kinde ( as is reported at court ) a pourtrait of the king of england , surrounded by some ladies of pleasure , bussied in picking his pockets , is most noticed , and talked of : the third pretense for war , intimat by the king of england's last answer , above spoken of , wherein he saith , that though he be willing to stand to the triple alliance ; yet , he is not thereby obliged , to suffer , either things prejudicial to his own honour , or them , to doe what injuries to their neighbours in matter of trade , that they think fit ; which last passage , is no doubt to be understood of the same innovations in trade , complained upon , by the king of france , his letter , as we have said : but what these are , is alike obscure in both , and remain's yet to be explained . this being the summe of what i have learned , of the king of england's provocation : their import , and merit , is in the next place to be weighed : to discourse then first the alledged incivility of van ghent ; i know , it would be thought ridiculous , for me to endeavour , to accommodat this mistake , by these gospel rules of simplicity , meeknesse , and divine goodnesse , to offer to square the actings of princes , and stats , in such emergents , by that deference , forebearance , and readinesse to pardon , held forth ; in its high and heavenly precepts , in prejudice of their grosse , and vain politicks , would be in the construction of these delicat spirits , and refined witts , ( which deceive themselves and others , to the foolish admiration , and esteeme of things of no moment , ) to trample upon the tender point of honour , and dissolve the noble frame of interest : neither shall i at this time further urge , the difference pretended by the dutch , betwixt a man of war and a jacht ; impartialitie must certainly graunt , that the refusing to strike to this vessel , ( if in the brittish seas ) which ten yeers agoe the dutch had not scrupled to honour as a man of war , and not much above a hundred yeers , might possibly have served for their admiral , could onely have flowed from their late successe , and elevation ; but as it is aboundantly evident , that , nothing save a fatal misfortune , could engage either party , to forme a quarrel upon this only occasion , and that without the influence , of far different considerations , the king of england would not therein , have shewed himself so uneasie ; so , it must be acknowledged , that in so light an offence , not destitut , at least of a colourable excuse , the dutch their offer of good performance , for the time to come , is as much as in reason , can be expected : the next point that occurres , is , the king of england's soveraignity , over the brittish seas , whereof at present he appeares to be very jealous , and questionlesse if his majesty doe not content himself , with the formality of striking , as his sole prerogative , but holds it only for a marke of due recognisance , asserting withal , his soveraignity indefinitly , as to all effects , that such a title may import ; it 's value , doth not more deserve his jealousie , then it's consequences may justly , excit all , to inquire into his pretenses . i shall not here table the debate , an mare sit liberum an clausum , the reasons of those learned men , who have managed it , pro and con : doe , in my opinion , very happily compose it , in this reconciliation : that , as the nature , and end of the seas , doe plainly appeare , incapable of dominion , so , in as far as they are destined , and doe serve , for common use , the expresse or presumptive consent of one people , may qualify , restrict , or renounce the same , in favours of another ; and , thus we see , that wherever dominion over particular seas , are acclaimed , their effects are not onely precisely limited , but almost every where different , so , to one is given thereby the sole benefit of fishing , to another a certain tribut , to a third the power of jurisdiction , and so forth to every one , as restrictedly to the condition of his right , as to its respective bounds , either of which , if the owner should happen to transgresse , his dominion would be in so far , reput , an insignificant plea ; so that this maritime dominion , not being of the nature of terrene propriety , of it self absolute , unto all intents , ( unlesse diminished by law or the owners concession ) but meerly , a certain priviledge , or servitude , established by consent , in that which of it self , is , as the air , reserved for common use , it 's evident , that the consent , and possession , which constitut the right , doe in like manner define it's extent : and that upon the pretext of some particularities conceded , to arrogat an unlimited soveraignity , would , both in reason , and in the event , prove an insupportable usurpation . hence it is , that for all england's glorieing , in this , our dignity , and for all the power , ( wherewith no doubt , we both did acquire , and doe continue it ) yet , it hath not to this day , been further recognosced , even in the channel , ( it 's principal seat and subject , and where it hath alwayes affected it's maine parad : for as to the other brittish seas , which are onely , the neerest circumambient parts of the wide ocean , the law of nations doth onely attribut to england its common priviledge ) then by the bare ceremony of the first salute ; neither in the last treaty , wherein the king of england was greatly concerned , and no lesse solicitous to cleare this title , was there any thing else agreed unto , as i have already marked ; and without all peradventure , if his majesty in the conceit of his dominion , should once offer to exert it , though but in very ordinary effects , such as the assuming of jurisdiction , or imposing of tribute , whereof the sound and adriatick do exhibit cleare precedents ; he would soone be made to understand his error , not onely by the reclaming dissent , but also , by the vigourous opposition of all his neighbours : i might insist to disprove this pretense of an indefinit dominion , from the far more rational judgement , of the ancient romans , who not only reckoned the sea with the air , inter ea quae sunt nullius ; but , though by reason of the encircling of their vast empire , they might have acclaimed , even the whole mediterranean sea , jure diverticuli , & in many parts thereof , had indeed several powers , and priviledges ; yet , were they so far from captating this vaine and groundlesse title , that one of the greatest emperours , begins a rescript , with relation to this same subject , in these words , ego quidem munai dominus , lex vero maris : thereby manifestly holding forth , that , as he judged it incapable of dominion , so it 's unstable nature , and common destination , could only be regulat , as to humane concernes , in so far , as law , and consequently , condition or consent , did determine : from all which , i conclude , that as the dutch , doe fully satisfie , all that in justice , the king of england can demand , by their offering to strike , conforme to the last treatie , and have good reason to repugne , either to his indefinit soveraignity , or any further preheminence , for which nothing anterior to the said last treaty , can in reason be obtruded ; so , his pressing them further , in this affair , is , both captious , and unjust , and he might upon as good grounds , refuse them the liberty , of a free passage in the channel , as exspect of them a consent , to adominion , which if not cautioned , by a particular explication , might assuredly be thereto extended . the second ground of offence mentioned , is , that of the scandalous pictures and pamphlets : but as every sober person , may justly apprehend , that , that prudence , which often adviseth a connivent dissembling , of things of this nature , at home , will far more restraine , any such contentious inquiries , as may advance unto a challenge abroad ; so , in case it should here prove too feeble , for the provocation pretended , it is evident , that only such of those pictures , and pamphlets , as are indeed injuriously reproachful , and are licensed , or openly countenanced by the stats , their authority , can warrant the king of england's charge ; by which rule if any man please to examine , the above mentioned condescendence , he must of necessity rest satisfied , that on the one hand , the picture dedicat to de witt , being onely a true , and honourable representation , rej gestae , containing nothing more , then the most ordinary , and easie reward , and encouragement of heroick atcheivements , and consequently free of all shaddow of reproach , and on the other hand , that picture of his maj. with his paramours , being at most ( if any such thing was at all ) a wanton privateer timeously enough suppressed , when noticed , and so not chargeable upon authority , until once questioned , do no wayes amount to a sufficient verification ; whether there be any other pictures , or what there may be in those pamphlets , i must confesse , that for my own part , all the matter of this article doth appeare to me so light , and slender , that my curiosity hath not hitherto been tempted to an inquiry : this onely i am assured of , that if injuries of this kinde may be compensat , by a counter-charge , the dutch may quickly ballance this account , the english disdain of the dutch is an infinit theme : it 's true , either its excesse , or some other cause , hath hindered it , to shew it self , in the ingenuousnesse of pictures , and the like phansies ; but he who judgeth this , to be a want , may easily finde it supplied by ane immense overplus of pride , and contumelie , in their discourses , and descriptions of that people , both old and late : one thing i may further adde upon this subject , that for that picture instanced of the king of england , and the ladies , even interest and policy seeme to absolve the estats of any advice to the painter , or other accession unto it . the 3. ground of provocation , intimat by the king of englands last letter to the estats , is , that his majesty thinks himself not bound to suffer the dutch , to do what injuries they please to their neighbours , in matter of trade , which if we consider , with a respect to the king's acknowledgement , of the triple alliance , and with this onely import , as if he did not judge himself thereby bound , to concurre with , and assist the dutch , in their injustice , is no doubt fair & righteous , & when made out , cannot but excuse him , to abandon the dutch , in any such unequal controversy , they may fall into with the french , or any other ; although , whether it may , in like manner , warrant him , to passe froma neutrality , and take part with their adversaries , when there appeares no ingagement of his own proper interest , may still remaine a question : but seing the circumstances , and whole straine of that letter , togither with it's coincidence with the king of france , his complaint of the dutch innovations , doe visibly hold forth , a quit other tendency , in the expression , and in plain english , that his majesty presuming upon his soveraignity of the seas , or some other ground , known to himself , would have the dutch to submit to his arbitration ; upon whatsoever difference , the french may alledge : such an officious interposing , without so much as the pretext , either of a solid title , or real occasion , is palpably void of all colour of right ; so , that in effect , the challenge here couched , in place of a declaration of a just offence , doth only exhibit , to the construction of ingenuitie , his majesties compliance , with the french resentments , and his resolution , to second their armes just or injust , and procure their satisfaction : as to the innovations , or injuries in trade , generally hinted at , when their majesties , are both so reserved , who can be expresse ? the increase of the dutch in this matter , is indeed very extraordinary , both to the prejudice and envie of all their neighbours ; but , seing it is so assured , that all the dutch their advantages in trade , are the pure effects , of their own greater industry , and sobrietie , that neither of the kings have as yet , thought it fit to acquaint the world , with the particulars of their complaint , it is cleare that these murmurings , so like to the repineings of profuse debauches , equally covering and lazie , to the proportion of their immense riot , against men of vertue , and diligence , can never amount to a justifiable quarrel : i know , injuries in the remote parts of africk and asia , have been discoursed of , and in special , that the dutch doe there , either secretly instigat , or by compact , oblige the natives , to exclude all others , and principally the english , from commerce in their bounds , ( and this was also the great pretext of the last war ) but , whither this be only an invention , simulating to come from far , the better to cover it's groundlesse contriveance at home , or , that the dutch by a more happy , and dexterous addresse , in these many lawful wayes , and methods , that may be practised , doe indeed prevail , and carry the affection and trade of these countreys , to the neglect and dammage of other adventurers , i am not inquisitive ? onely , as there hath not hither to been given , any satisfieing information , in matter of fact ; so , i am very confident , that if artifice , and covetousnesse , were sufficient , to compasse such a priviledge , neither english nor french , in these parts , had been at this day , short of those , at whom they thus unreasonably grudge : i need not here much notice , the grievance talked of , by some , against the dutch , for their excessive transportation of gold and silver , to the east indies : that the thing is an abuse in it self , draining europe , of it's best substance , to the languishing of trade , and arts , and the occasioning of many miseries , and that in such a measure , as even the treasures of america , which europe hath lately devoured , are not to be known , but , it 's leannesse rather greater , then before , and for no better returne , then that , of spiceries , drugges and other the like superfluities , is , too too visible : neither can it be denied , that the dutch , their east indie company , who suck our much of the substance of europe , as the english their company doth impoverish all england , are , deepest in the transgression ; but , seing , beside what may be alledged , from the absolute power , and liberty , competent to every prince or state , in these matters , the restraining of this evil , is so far from being the ground of the controversie , that on the contrair , the contest , is much animat , by the envie at , and desire of the same pernicious profit , it is evident , that the king of england's plea is nothing thereby bettered . having thus weighed and rejected the king of englands proper pretenses , i am sorry , that such a soul conclusion , doth so fairly present , viz. that , his majesties present concurrence with the french , against the dutch is , not onely a manifest partaking with them , in their injustice , and violence , but accompanied , with such circumstances , as doe render the accessory , an hundred fold more guilty then the pall : which that i may more distinctly explicat , i shall breifly reduce , what remains , to the heads proposed , viz. that this assistance , of the king of england , is aggravat on his part , from no lesse opposition , then that of religion , faith , honour , and interest : the dearest and highest of all concernes . and first for religion , it is evident , that it's disswasion , cannot be called in question , by any , who doe not doubt his majestie to be a protestant ; for , seing the truth and protestant cause , are unavoidably threatened , by the french successe , what rational man can think , that a protestant prince should second them , in the interprise ? and really , the connexion of these things , is so obvious , that , it cannot but be grievous , to all his majesties wel wishers , to heare , and understand , how , that his present proceedings , have so much every where brought his affection to this interest , under debate : i need not here mention , the specious title , that he assumes , of defender of the faith , it's engagements , hitherto , have proved so insignificant , that such as before did hesitat , doe now begin to say openly , that his resentment of gratitude , toward the sea of rome , that conferred it , do in effect seem to preponderat all it 's reall import , and that henry the eighth his scribling against luther , which procured him from the pope this title of the faith's defender , was not in any proportion , that way so considerable ; as charles the second his present arming against the dutch , may very justly entitle him , with all true protestants , to be the faith's betrayer : whether he will hold on the paralel , and disappoint all appearances and their feares , as the same henry did the pope his author , the event will testify , and that he may , is my hearty desire ? the next head that prohibits this apprehended assistance , is , that of faith , and in this togither with the more common assurances of humanity , christianity , and protestanisme , doe conspire the special engagements , both of the late treaty , and triple alliance , whereby , the king of england , and the estats , are expressely bound to keep true , firme , and inviolable peace , and neerer , and stricter alliance , and union , from that day foreward , &c. all which , if he should now breake , strangers may indeed exceedingly wonder : i say strangers , for as for us , his subjects , sad experience hath aboundantly instructed us , that all our part in this matter , is , to wish , that where neither religion nor faith have availed , yet at least common honesty , and good fame may be prevalent . the third disswasive that offers , against this concurrence , is honour : and certainly , where religion and faith doe claime so great a part , honour cannot but have a very large share ; but because these succumbeing , no doubt their concomitant will evanish , as a shaddow , it doth therefore present , upon a distinct ground , and pleads from its own peculiar merit . that the english nation sometimes masters , and ever equal to the french , should not now , be degraded unto a base and mercenary subserviency , it vvould be of moment , vvith a generous person , to suspend , even a real , let be , a groundlesse provocation , rather then to resent it , snakeingly , against his partie , under another's disadvantage ; but , neither can policy be exacted to these rules , nor doth the present case stand upon such a punctilio : our substance and power , with the noble ascendent , that the genius of this nation , hath alwayes had , over that of the french , do upon more solid grounds , equally disdaine , both the switzers service , & munsters hire , and that the king of england , should become a pensionary of the french king , is a novelty , that hath hitherto had no precedent : but it may be said , that however we may thus calculat , on the one side ; yet on the other , if we remember the bussinesse of chattam , and the dutch their late exaltation , these cannot but chock every true english heart , and to such at least , as are tenderly sensible of this delicat point of honour , excuse us , to embrace any occasion , whereby we may soonest , and best , retrive that of our nation , unto it's former splendor : i graunt indeed , that , that affair of chattam , was a high affront , turning in effect england's glory , & the worlds terror , unto the contempt & scorne of a feeble defence , and in our estimation , delivering , what was as neptun's throne , to be dragged in triumph , by poor distressed fishers ; so , as i suppose , that it may be truly affirmed , as the fairest account of his majesties displeasure , that his resentment of the chattam-attacque , is at the root of all : which as on the one hand , it hath been notably improved by the french caresses , wherewith it is known , that they have plied , both his majesty , and his favourits , at all points : so , in all probability , the envy of the dutch prosperity , the irritation of van ghent's goe-by , and the opportunity of the french invasion , with the temptation of their money , have heightened all other grounds of misunderstanding , and advanced the indignation unto this present menacing posture : and thus i confesse things may stand , on the king of england's part : but , seing the surprise of chattam , was on the dutch their part , a fair act of hostility , rather advanced , then obscured , by the treaty , begun with the warning of an expresse proviso , of no cessation , it cannot but be graunted , that all these circumstances of his majesties disgrace , did onely redound , and accumulate , to the dutch their honour ; so , that now , after the thing is voided by an ensueing peace , and so long after , to meditat the revenge of that , which we had neither the providence , nor courage , in it's season to have prevented , nor perhaps durst yet notice , if the conjunction of the french , did not thereto prompt ; besids it's injustice , is an impotency , more shameful , then the cause that provocks it : nay when i reflect upon the dutch , their then successe , togither with that pusillanimitie , and distresse , that appeared in our court , and that confusion and consternation , which at that time , did seise not onely london , but the whole nation , and withal consider , how little the dutch did presse these advantages , either by an irruption into that feareful breach , continuance of the war , or shewing themselves more uneasie , in the dependent treaty , i cannot but judge , that the dutch their so singular moderation , and disposition to peace , when england was in its lowest state , ought to be a most powerful mitigation , and utterly to efface all rancour against a people as generous in their carriage , and condescensions , as valarous in their atcheivements : as for the goe-by given by the dutch vice-admiral and fleet to a pitieful pleasure-boat , it is allready examined . the fourth and last head , that opposeth the king of england's resolution , against the dutch , is , that of interest : and this indeed is so much the more to be pondered , that not onely for the most part , it hath the greatest sway in humane affairs , but in this present bussinesse is in effect , the cheife inducement , wherewith many of this nation flatter themselves , and would delude others ; for , seing , that the dutch , are the only people , who can compet with the english in naval forces , and that of late , they have in a manner rendred themselves masters , of the whole trade of the world , to the prejudice of england , and all others , and thereby doe alone hold the ballance , against us ; it , must of necessity be graunted , that the dominion will prove england's exaltation : and as to the feare of too much aggrandizing france's naval strength ( for as to their power by land , while england retains the command of the seas , it is not to be reguarded ) it is aboundantly excluded , both by the assurance we have , of the dutch their readinesse to accept of peace , at our pleasure , and of the french their remedilesse want of seamen , and their nurseries , wherewith england is so richly stored : but , though this reasoning , doth appeare plausible , yet , how quickly is it dashed , by this one short , and obvious supposition , what if the english fleet be beaten ? which as the righteousnesse , and omnipotent power of the great god , the lord of hosts , the injustice of our cause , and the dreadful wickednesse of the land , the judgements of plague , sword , fire , and wasting consumption , which we have already felt , without repentance , his majesties motto jer. 22. 30. which hitherto hath not failed , and the injury offered unto the dutch , with their inclination to peace , and forced necessity to war , doe render many degrees more probable ; so i am sure , that the known distractions , and greivances of the nation , oppressed , by both court and parliament , and yet these two divided one against the other , the strange difficulties , and courses taken , in the out-rigge of the present fleet , perverting right , and starving trade , by the stop of the exchecquer , and trampling upon the nations honour and interest , by that base and dangerous supply from france , doe thence portend most sad and funest consequences , and these , so much the more assured , and terrible , that they seem infallibly to depend , not on the disasterous successe of a long war , but on the very simple miscarriage of the first rancountre , and if thereby all the flatteries of our vaine hopes , be not infinitly overballanced , let all sober men judge . but not alwayes to ominat the worst , admit we doe overcome at first , doth not our late experience , sufficiently teach us , that we by our courage , may gaine fights , and yet by reason of want of stock , lose and be inferiour in the war : next , when we are superior in the war , where are our solid advantages , and who can finde out , and establish that midds , whereby , neither the french on the one hand , shall reap too great benefit , by the dutch their ruine , and so be rendered a more powerful competitor ; nor the dutch , on the other , recover all their former habitudes , and successe in trade ; seing in effect , both their present increase , and our decay , are from causes altogither inward , as we may heare ? thirdly , doe we willfully shut our eyes ; and will we not understand , that the french , first with the dutch , and now with us , will againe tack about to the dutch , in case , that we do prevaile : and this leads me to wonder , at the emptinesse and insignificancy of the consideration , opposed to the just feares of the french their rising greatnesse : if the late extraordinary beginnings of their sea forces , do not convincingly assure , a sutable advance ; yet , their kings first joining with the dutch , to quash and weaken the english , and now turning to the english , to suppresse the dutch , may palpably discover his designe , either to be himself master of both , or at least , to suffer neither of them , to overtop him : now as to the nurseries we boast of , the thames , our far more happy side of the channel , new-castle trade , and forraigne plantations , are no doubt brave conveniencies ; and yet a man may well think , that the french , their many sea ports , and rivers , great trade , and also plantations , with their money that answers all things , may in short time , become more then equal : while spain had the ascendent , the maxime for the english and dutch , was , in the embleme of two bottles , swimming together , with their motto : si concutimur , frangimur : that it should be antiquat , upon the french their far more formidable prevalency , i wish the event do not too late discover the error : o how happy might the english be , if but wise , to advert , how that their recovery of trade , strength and riches , could not possibly misse , by a far more easie expedient , and that in brief ( for i may not enlarge ) consisting , in the simple reforme of three things , viz. first , of our excesse , in respect of the dutch frugality , who by their sobriety and hard fare both by sea and land , do evidently facilitat both manufacture , and transport , to the underselling of all others , and the great advancement of their gaine . of the luxury of our court , vvhereby thousands , specialy of the youth , are debauched , from all vertue , and those summes , vvhich might be a great accession , to the trading stock of the nation , turned out of that channel , to the maintenance of prodigality , and that beggarly villanous traine , vvherevvith they are attended : and 3 , of our church & clergy , by vvhose jealous persecutions , irreligious neglect of their office , & sacrilegious consumption of their benefices , and church livings , so many sober persons , have been , and still are , ruined , or discouraged , so much vice and idlenesse continually fomented , and so great a treasure of money improfitably imployed , and wasted . but though the words of wisdome are all in righteousnesse ; yet , knowledge is onely easie to him that hath understanding . i might here further adde , how far more glorious and profitable it would be , for the king of england , in this conjuncture , to show himself protector of the protestant cause , and thereby , not onely gaine the more cordial and intense affection , of all his subjects , and the esteem and honour of all the reformed nations , and churches ; but more powerfully binde the dutch , to all his reasonable demands , to containe himself in peace , and let his subjects , so much the more plentifully gather it 's sweet fruits , while others in their miserable contendings , doe neglect them : and lastly , to hold the ballance , and in its season absolutely umpire it , amongst all his neighbours , when wearied , and broken by wars , to the restoring of peace , setling of right , and the high advancement of the interest of the english nation : but who is so blinde as he who will not see ? his majesty is abandoned to his humors , and the solidity of the english nation , that hath ever had a very sound discerning and noble misreguard of the airienesse , & instability of the french , is at present , exposed , by the cheat of their complements , to the worst designe of their policy . the dutch , to gratifie the king of england , have , of late , advanced the prince of orange , and he who questioneth the ingrediency of this motive , i am sure , may quickly be satisfied , by an easie reflexion , upon the late prince his odd extravagancies , and what ensued ; this prince his relation to the king of england , with the influences , that thence may be feared , and the tempting occasion , that the continuance of such a command , after the wars , may give ; yet , is not this like to prove a diversion : it is further certain , that the generality of his majesties subjects , both from the conviction of the reasons above exposed , the increase of grievances , which they begin to feel , and the visible insolency , whereunto a restlesse popish party , in our own bowels , are already encouraged , doe , from their heart , equally detest the french conjunction , and dislike this breach with the dutch : but neither is this a more promising disswasive , so that after all the serutiny i have made , in this affair , i must professe , that by such a combination of most important , and evident disswasives , my thoughts , in the apprehensions of this fatal war , are quite run up to this one , for a rest , that the thing if it fall out , is from the lord , and what he hath determined will quickly appeare . it remains now , for conclusion , that i at least name the duetie , to which all this discourse hath so full and fair a tendency , and that all the lovers of truth , his majesties , and england's wel-being , would be earnest with god , to turn the king from this evil course , and direct him , unto better counsels , is , i am sure a warrantable , seasonable , and loyal part ; but if god in his holy providence shall permit him to proceed , his authority , cannot warrant our obedience , unto such a sinful concurrence : i know , that of late , that apostolick position , it is better to obey god then man , hath been much decried , as fanatick , and seditious , and that for me to insist on such an exhortation , would be derided , by many , as vain and ridiculous canting : but , however men receive it , i am sure with the apostle paul , that the judgment of god , is according to truth , against them which commit such things , to render tribulation and anguish , unto every soul of man that doeth evil , to the subject as wel as unto the prince , and that with god there is no respect of persons : neither is the insufficiency of this plea , of the authority of princes , in opposition to the law of god , yet to be determined ; ephraim but walked willingly after the commandment , yet was he therefore oppressed , and broken in judgement . the time was , in england , when men , rather then to betray their civil liberty , to the will of arbitrarie orders , did chuse to suffer the imprisonment of their persons , and ruine of their whole estats , when , they might have redeemed both , by a very small voluntary payment : shall we then now , so far degenerat , as not only to give our moneyes , and estats , but surrender , and sacrifice our blood , lives , and souls to the carrying on of an unjust war , against both religion , and righteousnesse ? god forbid : now if it be asked , what then should we do ? i am no furious fanatick , my answer is plain and safe , onely sin not , by any direct accession to this unrighteous war , and if ye therefore be put to suffer , remember , that , blessed are they who are persecuted for righteousnesse sake , for their's is the kingdome of heaven , and he is also faithful who will not suffer us to be tempted , above what we are able : but if men say , nay , but we will obey our prince , be avenged upon these insolents , recover our honour , and restore our trade ; let them be doing , and be strong for the battel , god may make them fall before the enemie , for he hath power to helpe the injured , and to cast downe the proud : once more , therefore , be warned , and remember , and feare , lest if ye still doe wickedly , ye be consumed both ye and your king. postscript . after i had digested the foregoing discourse , i confesse the evident improbability , of the king of england's grounds , did make me subsist in the conviction , that , either i had superfluously laboured , to prevent a vaine feare , or at least , might expect , some far more weighty reasons , then any i have mentioned ; but behold , a new surprisal both to me , and all that heare of it . the dutch menaced by the french kings power , and forces , are not only willing to comply with all reason , for the establishing of a good understanding with the king of england , and the obtaining of his favour ; but , by a new embassie and very obliging proposals , are courting him , if he cannot keep faith , and the late alliance , at least , to the safe and advantagious part , of a fair neutrality ; when on a sudden , his men of war , are sent out , and in open hostility , set upon the dutch merchants , returning thorow the channel , looking for no such thing , but on the contrair , wholly amazed at the rancountre , and there sink , and take what they are able : now , when , or where was ever the like heard ? that the king of england , a king , and a great king , a man in appearance , and a christian by title , and a protestant by profession , should not only , contrair to all the manifest reasons above adduced , combine to assist the french , and popish armes , against an oppressed protestant state , desirous of nothing more then peace , and quiet : but become himself the first invader , and that in plaine piratick violence , without any preceeding denunciation of war. i shall not now repeat any thing that i have said , nor in effect add much , in a matter so palpable to the meanest discerning , it is certainly a matter of sad regrat , to see both our court thus wheedled by french illusions , and againe the nation forced , and driven , by the courts influences , to become the principal party , in a war , wherein , their assistance was more then was expected , and hounded out , to the first attacque ; whereas their instigators resolutions , were not published : if ordinary reason did not suffice , to governe our passion , yet a man may well think , that at least our experience , and knowledge of the french their politick and safe procedoure , in their last assistance promised to the dutch , might have restrained this precipitation , which i am sure , is so absurd , and ridiculous ; that if the french should also hover ( though that is not now to be supposed ) and suspend for this yeer their invasion , in the pleasant observation , of the happy successe of their designes , in the mutual contentions , and ruines of the two nations , in whose overthrow , they must apprehend their advantage to ly ; nay , in the end , should lend their hand , to setup the dutch ( if brought under ) for continuing the war , it would undoubtedly prove , as much their advantage as recreation . but suppose we would on any termes fight the dutch , are we indeed so blind with rage , as to have omitted the premising of a publick declaration , which in such a case , the law , and custome of all nations , and ages , doth manifestly require ? or if the equity of this promulgation , founded in that cleare rule , omnia prius experiri quam armis sapientem decet : and confirmed , both by reason , and the law of god , deut : 20. 10 , could not move , yet , should not the positive necessity of this formality , as to the honour and effects , at least , of a solemne vvar , and for hindering the soveraigne of the seas from becoming the archest of pyrats , have prevailed upon us ? i graunt , it had been a difficult task , to have said any thing handsomely , let be reasonably , on such a subject ; and yet , on the other part , i am confident , that if some remains of natural shame , had not opposed an expresse confession of our folly , and vvickednesse , vve vvould rather have ventured upon the vvorlds lighter censure , then incurred their detasting horrour . but vvhy do i inlarge ? or vvhat do i exspect by reasoning ? nay , quid vota furentem , &c. that the dutch their small lose , through this treachery , is infinitly compensed , by the gaine it brings , of all other nations favour , and an accession of as much more confidence in god , and firme courage , as the king of england hath added of dishonour to his violence , is too too evident : how much more it may excit my countrey men to the dueties , whereunto i have exhorted , i leave it to the perswasion of the thing it self , which needeth no words either to illustrat , or enforce it . ambrose tells us of the primitive times , julianus imperator apostata , babuit sub sa christianos milites , quibus cum dicebat , producite actem pro defensiane ret publicae , obediebant ; cum autem eis dicoret producite arma , in christianos , tunc agnosceb●● imperatorem coeli : which passage , doth here so exactly quadrat , as i am assured , that every one , who reveres the same great god , must acknowledge its force . but our god is in the heaven , he will do whatsoever he pleaseth . a more particular reviewe of his majesties declarations for his war with the dutch , and indulgence to tender consciences . observing in the postscript to my former , that the king of england had taken up armes , i thought , that there i had also laid down my pen ; but since it hath at length , pleased his majesty to appeare in print , in a declaration of war , against the stats general , &c. and likewise in an other of indulgence to all his loving subjects ; their relation to my former discourse , hath likewise inclined me , to a summar reviewe of both : and because the war is now certain and formed , i suppose it may conduce , to a more satisfying understanding of the whole , that by way of preface i briefly resume it's progresse , unto the present period . there are not yet many moneths past , since the dutch , of a long time threatned by the french king , his preparations , and approaches , did solicite the king of england to their aid conforme to their alliance , which though by reason of former resentments , and late displeasures , was indeed hopelesse ; yet , most men thought , that the singular benefit of peace , in the midst of our neighbours wars , the greater likelyhood of the dutch their condescendence , and submission , in the hope of reliefe , then in desperat hostilitie , with the assured satisfaction , either of an easie revenge , upon the dutch , continueing refractory , by the hand of the french , or of the advantageous glory of umpireing it betwixt both , would undoubtedly determin us , to subsist , in an attentive , and well prepared neutrality ; but the french their addresse , and advance , prevailing upon our inconstant passions , and debauched penury we proceed , notwithstanding of the genius , inclination , and interest of the nation , and the dissvvasion both of reason and religion , to ballance to the french assistance ; vvhich vvas the occasion of my first discourse : and neither in this shevving more fixednesse , the precipitancy of error and fury still driveing , vve on a sudden , in the very time , that the dutch had sent an extraordinary ambassadour to propose their utmost condescensions , for appeasing us , vvithout any promulgation of vvar , fall upon the merchant ships , returning , & striking to us , in the channel , destroying and taking all we could , as i have remarked in my foregoing postscript , and thereafter we emitt the declaration of war , which cometh now to be examined : wherein ( suppressing the date , as being ashamed to confesse our anterior piratick violence ) his majesty , beginning with the attestation , of his own zeal , for the quiet of christendome , hopeth , that the world will beleeve , that it is inevitable necessity , forceth him to armes : i shall not question the truth of his majesties confidence , in this insinuation ; though i heartily wish , that he could have appealed to some more known , and credible proof : he tells us indeed , that after his restauration : ( which was in the yeer 1660 ) his first work was to establish peace with his neighbours , and to conclude a strict league with the dutch : but as this was at best , nothing more then a convenient formality , in such ane exigent ; so , we know too well the horrible subversions , and persecutions , wherein , contrair to his solemne oaths , and promises , both old and late , he was at that time exercised in , at home , to conclude from this his short and necessary abstaining from forraigne disturbances , that reguard which he pretends for christendomes quiet . as for his sudden rupture with the dutch , in the yeer 1665 , he foreseeth the objection , and would lay it upon the parliament , moved thereto , by the dutch their injuries , and oppressions , and justifieth it , by his preceeding endeavours , of a reasonable accommodation ; but will the world receive this naked affirmation , when as it neither then had , nor is it ever like to have , a distinct , let be a satisfying account , of that matter ? and even england is convinced , that nothing save a maligne envy , influenced , by the sinistruous designes , of a corrupt minister , and a vaine royal company , did pousse us on , to that extravagance , and with what tendernesse of christendom's peace , we in the prosecution thereof , hired the bishop of munster , to a land invasion , needeth not my pen to make it be remembred : as for the shameful , and disastruous event of that war , i should not have mentioned it , the dutch their braving it , upon our coasts , in the end of the yeer 1665 routing our whole fleet , in 66 , sole masters of the sea , infesting our ports ( to the very beseiging of the nation ) firing therein our best ships , and leading our charles in triumph , in the 67 , are things too sad , and recent , for a true english man , to think on , without confusion and blushing . but seing his majesty is pleased , to say , that his victories , and the dutch losses , were memorable enough , to put them in mind of being more faithful : i cannot but regrat , that the nations , from such a reference , should have such ample ground , both to condemne us , upon our owne allegations , aud flout us , for our vaine effrontry : but to let passe this pitiful transition , we are in the next place told , that the last peace was no sooner made , but the tutch returned to their use of breaking articles and supplaenting our trade : as for instance foresooth , the stats were particularly engaged , by an article of the treaty at breda , to send commissioners to london for regulating of the east-indie trade ; but they were so far from it , that on the contrary , our ambassadours were by them slighted , and no forebearance of farmer wrongs obtained . a man might have thought , that such ane open challenge of perfidy , and fraud , would certainly be followed , by a weighty and liquid condescendence , and that in place of the accidental misgive of a meeting , not peremptorily appointed , instance might at lest have been made , in some on or other , of those wrongs complained of , specially , seing , that his majesty , in the bussinesse of surenam , is very positive , and in another lesse material particular , even to the noticing of pictures and meddals : but the truth is , there are no wrongs , that we could alledge ; all our old pretensions , though in this declaration , several times remembred , were buried in oblivion , by an expresse article of the last treatie ; and since that time , none have occurred : besids , it is so notour , that all the dutch their advantages , in point of trade , which we terme wrongs , do proceed directly , on their part , from their sobriety , and industry , and on england's part , from our idlenesse , and luxury , that men should be ashamed , by such groundlesse accusations , to discover their invidious murmurings : what further remains here , in matter of fact , the stats will , no doubt , fully cleare it : one thing i may adde , that , as the printed articles referred unto , do onely beare , that both parties were content , that commissioners on both sides , should meet , as soon , as might be , after the peace , for the regulating of commerce , and navigation , and do neither mention london , for the place , nor the east-indie trade , for the subject ; so it may easily be supposed , that for any other appointment , of this nature , that might have been made , the stats have either been alwayes , willing to keep , or were at present , able to excuse the delay , & ready to observe any new appointment , upon demand . from this his maj. goes on , to accuse them , of another breach , in the west-indies , about the restitution of surenam ; and truely , he is in this so expresse , and plaine , that as his passing from it , to more uncertain alleagances , and on these rather stating the present controversie , gives me a shreud suspicion ; so , the businesse consisting mostly in fact ; i intirely referre it , to the stats , their answer : who , i am sure , will thereto returne a direct , and undeniable contradiction . but it 's no wonder ( saith his maj. ) that they venture at these outrages upon our subjects , in remote parts ; when they dare be so bold , with our royall person , and the honour of this nation , so neer us as in their own countrey ( boorish animals , in the conceit of their popular soveraignity , forgetting the respect due to soveraignes ! ) and there almost every-where setting forth abusive pictures , and historical meddals , and pillars some of which , have been exposed , by command of the stats themselves even when we were united with them , in counsel , for the support , of the triple alliance i have been already , so full upon this objection , that here i need add nothing ; let the matter be thorrowly searched , and i am persvvaded it vvill be found far more disgracefull , in this unvvorthy , and impotent resentment , then , in all the malice of our adversaries ; & as this complexed quarrel , doth unquestionably resolve it self , either in the contemptible luxuriancy , of petulant witts , which the stats did never daigne to notice ; or the warrantable commemoration , of laudible atchivements , which they may very justly own ; so , certainly , the most noble redresse for the future were , manfully to remove the occasion , or at least despise the scorne , which our feminine weaknesse , hitherto , hath so plentifully furnished : and hence is it , that , although his majesty doth judge , that this alone , were cause sufficient of his displeasure , and his subjects resentment ; yet , not being ignorant of the advantages given , and knowing well , that englands glory , was of late , so highly advanced , under a sober and solid government , ( though both usurped , and odious ) as that the alterations , which now expose us to contempt , cannot be made any just ground for engageing us , into this war , he doth not rest upon it ; but ( saith he ) we are urged by neerer considerations , and the safety of our trade , the preservation of our subjects abroad , and the hollanders dareing to affront us , almost within our ports , are the things which move our just indignation , against them : and as to the first two grounds , though , his majesty doth adduce nothing , not before answered , to demurre my progresse ; yet , when i consider , the mortal repugnancy of war to trade , and safety , the sensible grievance , and retardment that the former hath already suffered , by the late stop , on the exchecquer , occasioned by our preparations , and the many other burdens , losses and distractions ; wherewith , war is necessarily attended ; i cannot enough admire , by what artifice , our present methods , can promote our designes : i reguard not justice , or injustice ; if even by killing , we could hope to possesse , it would in some measure , satisfie ; but in this event , the french , so manifestly present , as i am forced to say , that unlesse his majesty intend , as the plague doth , to encrease our trade , and riches , by diminishing the number of the proprietors , and minde our preservation , by hideing us , in the grave , and deepths , lest we should live to see our selves miserable , i see no other possible issue , of these his specious incitements : but , their dareing to effront his maj. is , the thing , we can least digest : the right of the flage , was one of the first prerogatives , of our royal antcestors , and ought to be the last , from which , this kingdome , should ever depart ; it was never questioned , & it was expressely acknowledged , in the treatie at breda , and yet , this last summer , it was not onely violated , by their commands at sea , and that violation afterward justified at the hague , but it was also represented , by them , in most courts , as ridiculous for us , to demand : although , i have said so much already , on this subject , as is sufficient , to free the dutch from all breach of treaty , and more then enough , to make it evident , to sober impartiality , that the offence is rather fansied , and imaginary , on the part of the complainer , then really given , by the party complained of ; yet , since his majesty will needs fill the world , with a noise , about this nothing , that the cry of the injustice of the war , may not be heard , and will by the force of imagination , magnify it , to the height , and quality , of such an insufferable injury , as if it alone ( if not expiat with the blood of the offender ) were more then sufficient , to drive him to the sad and inevitable necessity , of covering the ocean with ships , to the emptying of the nations treasure , & dying the sea with the blood of his subjects , to wipe off the staine of this affront ; i am necessitat to take up ballance again , and weigh the just import of this provocation : nor doe i preoccupy the judgment of any , if i premitt this , to what upon the most accurat , and impartial search , i have found , that , whosoever weighs this deed , in the ballance of sound reason , must be forced to say , that nothing save implacabile malice , could have seduced any , to have laid it , in whole , or in part , as a foundation , on which , the weight of such a war , was to be laid : if any judge otherwise , let him , for satisfying himself , consider these things : first , that , whatever past in this rancountre , betwixt his majesties pleasure-boat , and the dutch fleet , was so far from being done almost within his majesties ports ( as is affirmed ) that , it was not within the brittish seas , the place , to which alone , the treaty tieth expressely , the dutch , to this formality of striking to our men of war ; for , at this time , the dutch fleet , were riding at anchor , upon their own coast , which never yet was , nor can be called , the brittish seas : where now is there ground for accusation , let be revenge ? hence secondly , though our court , would represent the dutch , to the world , as such morose clownes , who deserve to have their head cut off , for not capping to a pitieful picture of a man of war ; yet i am almost surprised , at the generous excesse of civility , which appeared in the obliging carriage , of that gallant gentleman , mijn heer van ghent , who not onely saluted the english lady , whom he knew to be aboard that boat , with a volley of great guns , but went also aboard , to complement her ; so that it might well be questioned , whether , he being a person of such trust and command , they had greater cause of quarrelling him , at the hague , for having done too much , or complaining of him at whitehal , for having done too little ? what english man , may not blush , to think , that the dutch , are not onely like to carry away the trade from us , by their industry and sobriety , but to outstrip our courteours also , in courtship and civility ? will we in our fretfulnesse , needs pick quarrels , where humanity would prompt and instigat us , to the revenge of gratitude ? and this leads me to a third viz. that the world may rather wonder , that the king of england , did not expresse his gratitude to the dutch , for being at so vast a charge , as to equippe , and put to sea , a fleet , sufficient to guard , against any attempts from the french , ( he being by the triple alliance , equally engaged with them , to have prepared , and put forth , in order to that defence , a considerable number of men of war ) then , thus without cause , to quarrel , and meditat revenge : must the dutch have no other thanks , for bearing the burden alone , without putting us to bear our proportion ; shall they have no other interest but blowes , for having laid out such vast summes , without urging us , to doe , what in honour we could not deny to be duety ? is it not matter of blushing , that his majesty , should so expose himself , together with the nation , to the upbraidings , of a sober people , and the world 's just censure of high ingratitude . but why do insist ? though his majesty with a great pomp , and parad of words , would precipitat the world , into the beliefe of his being , in this particular , injured by the dutch , adhibiting the utmost of artifice , to give it , the appearance of an injury , i hope , upon the consideration of what formerly was said , and is now adduced , i may assert , without all hesitaton , that his majesties right of the flage , as acknowledged , in the treaty , hath neither been questioned , nor violated by the dutch , far lesse represented , in the manner mentioned : all the bussinesse is , that one of his majesties pleasure-boats , passing through the dutch fleet , lying at anchor , upon their own coast , had not that honour payd to her , which the dutch , are onely obliged , to render , to his majesties men of war , in the brittish seas : which account if it be indeed so true , and unanswerable , as to have moved neighbouring courts , to laugh at the peevishnesse , of our offence , and doth novv amaze the vvorld at the rage and violence , whereunto it hath transported us , are the dutch therefore to be accused ? no , no , his majesty himself judgeth otherwise , and therefore , he subjoins , an ungrateful insolence , that they should contend with us , about the dominion of the seas , who even in the reigne of our royal father , thought it , an obligation , to be permitted to fish in them , by taking of licenses , and for a tribut : and here lyes the great discovery , the right of the flage is all , that is drectly pretended ; but , dominion of the narrow seas , under the colour of a sophistical equipollency , is the thing mainely intended : i shall not repeat what i have above adduced , for distinguishing , this prerogative , from the dominion aimed at , and explicating this whole matter ; but as his majesties covert insinuation , doth aboundantly verify , even his own diffidence , of his absurd and insupportable claime ; so , if we go about , thus to renverse nature , and subvert humane liberty , the dutch are the first ; but neither the greatest , nor the last enemy , which we are to apprehend : as to the license to fish , here instanced ; since i cannot set down what is truth , in matter of fact , considering the confidence , wherewith it is asserted , without a reflexion , which i by choice forbeare , i leave that to the stats their vindication : but , suppose it had been sought , and graunted , within that space of distance , from our coast , which the positive law of nations , and consent of mankinde , hath in a manner every where appropriat , to the countreyes respectively adjacent , it signifieth nothing to his majestie 's purpose : what is then the dutch their ingratitude , and insolence , that provoks his majesty , to an exclamation ? let all men judge : it 's said , they owe their being and wealth to our protection and valour : but , as all the world knowes , that , as interest is the loadstone of policy , and policy the onely director of state transactions ; so , i think , i need not amuse my self , to shew , either , how that the english in former times , did not supererogat , in any higher degree of charity , toward the dutch , above the perswasion of their own advantage , or that in all probability , the dutch would be yet more ready to repay us , if we should be reduced to the same distresse , and circumstances , which is gratitud's just retribution . to these things , his majesty addes , that , notwithstanding all these provocations , he patiently expected satisfaction , not being willing to expose the peace of christendome , for his own particular resentments , whilst , the tutch ceased not , to provoke the most christian king ( though a small elogy , yet an unbecoming title , from the faith's defender ) against us , of which , they thought , themselves so secure , that for above a twelvemonth , their ministers , have here threatned us with it : now , for the commendation which his majesty affects , i remit it unto the impartial judgement of the same provocations , and patience , whence he would derive it ; but as to what ensues , are we so vaine of , and intoxicat with , our french , or most christian alliance , that we have lost our senses ? or hath the world seen with their eyes , for above these two yeers , the french and dutch in hostile preparations , and mutual defiance ? and on the other hand , the french and english , in continual complements , and embraces , and yet , are they all deluded ? and the stats the most dull sots , or empty politicians imaginable ? if ingenuity would permit , i sometime incline to think , that it must be the dutch representations at our court , of the danger of discord , and the advantage which the french may thereby gain , that is here so strangely misconstrued , and abused ; but why should i straine ? i beleeve verily , the words are like their author , wholly unaccountable the next passage telleth us , of his majesties last ambassadour , and how to his pressing memorials , he could receive no answer , untill he had declared his revocation , and then , they offered a paper to this effect , that in this conjuncture , they would condescend to strike , if we would assist them against the french ; but upon condition , it should be no precedent , in their prejudice : and as to this embassie , though i might easily bring to minde , the difference , about the method of proposals , the ambassadour tabling onely his demand about the flage , and the stats upon the rational consideration , of the then appearances , desireous to hear all , that he had to require , before they would give answer , and thence excuse , the stats their delay ; and though i could also exhibit , such an account of the paper of return , as might aboundantly cleare , that , as the dutch , did onely qualify their offer , of a new engagement to strike ( which they had all reason to do , having , as it 's like they will , in it's season , make manifest , stretched their condescension , the more to fixe if possible , the king of england to a stedfastnesse beyond what could have been wrung from the termes of that treaty at breda ) with the condition of our reciprocal performance , of the alliance , so it was this novel sea dominion , and not the formality of striking , against which , they did precaution , for the future ; yet , it being a matter of pure fact , i chuse rather to leave it , to the stats their proper vindication , then further to dive in it . in the last place , his majesty , telleth us , that , the dutch did lately send an extraordinary ambassadour , to him , who in a most extraordinary manner , hath given him to understand , that he can offer no satisfaction , until he have sent back to his masters : but seing the surprize of his majesties late hostile attacque of the dutch merchants , before any intimation of war , and just when this their ambassadour , was making ready , to expose his offers , was in effect such , as might have made him , not onely to stop a commencing , but to break off , a very far advanced treaty , is it not strange , to see , a great prince , shut up his declaration , emitted for publick satisfaction , with so little reguard to all mens knowledge , and apprehensions , and as it would seem for the pedantick affectation of a running repetition , scorn the world , with a dissimulation that hath no pretext ? but i know the stats are in case , to give such a reply , and to cleare up all those matters of fact , alledged by him , to justify his present engagement , ( and represented to all men , as such insolencies , and injurious effronts , which have constrained him , over the belly of his own inclination , to engage in this war ) that will be so plain , and perfect a contradiction , to all his pretended reasons , as will not onely prove , that there was never a more just defensive war on their part , nor unrighteous invasion upon his , but by a naked representation of truth will amaze the world , at the confidence , where with these things are asserted , and put it with all sober persons , beyond debate , that their is a mistery of iniquity , lurking at the bottome , and masked under these pretenses . these being his majesties reasons for our war , that they do nothing relieve his resolution , of that verdict i have given upon them , specialy , in respect of their contrariety to righteousnesse , & religion , is undeniably manifest ; but because his intentions as to the latter may now be more clearly observed , in that second declaration of indulgence , above mentioned , i shall in like manner shortly peruse it . and that his majesty , in the remembrance , of the rigours and persecutions , wherewith the sober and godly . in his dominions , have hitherto been sore vexed , may not onely in time be admonished , to feare the inconveniencies , which may thence necessarily arise , and provide a remedy , by a fair indulgence , but also , in the serious conviction of the evil of his wayes , and just apprehensions of divine wrath , thorowly converted , to breake of his sins by righteousnesse , and his iniquities by shewing mercy to the oppressed , is certainly , not more the desire of all his faithful subjects , then it would infallibly prove , the lengthening of his tranquillity : but , seing in place of any thing of this nature , the declaration under our hand , hath quit another tendency , and both from the intimation of all circumstances , sufficiently laid out in my first discourse , and from it's whole composure appeares , to be nothing else , then a cunning device , to secure his majesty , from the dislike of good men in this sinful combination , against the protestant interest abroad , and in the mean time , to foment and promote the popish party and cause at home , until , that , in the righteous judgment of god , if we foresee it not , truth should again be benighted , by the darknesse of popish superstition , and all it's lovers , exposed to that tyranny , the most pernicious poison of ease , which we have here presented , under the no lesse plausible tentation of the gospel's liberty , doth without question , so much the rather oblige all concerned , to a more intent , and accurat disquisition : which , that i may the better performe , it is in the first place to be noted , that , albeit the conception of this paper , doth generally include all sorts , of non-conformists , and recusants , and that the liberty therein graunted to popish recusants , seems to be much more restricted ; yet , if we may subject his majesties inclinations ( or rather plain intimations ) to the judgement of reason , all appearances do evince , that , whereas to protestants , they are the meer constraints of policy , unto papists they are indeed the spontaneous motions , of a propense favour ; for , seing our present engagement against the dutch , the nature of an indulgence , an involuntary dispense against standing lawes , and his majesties plain profession , do obviously hold forth , that the license , is in effect , extorted , by extrinsick pressures , it 's extension unto the popish party , who thereunto do adde no moment , doth aboundantly argue it , in this reguard , to be an act of free choise : i need not here remember , how much , this hath alwayes been his majesties byasse , what cherishing connivance , papists have quietly enjoyed , to the great increase of their numbers , and insolence , since the yeer 1660 whilst other non-conformists , have been tossed , with continual vexations ; it hath not been the least ingredient in the bitternesse of these grieveances ; neither are there many yeers , since he emitted , in their favour a proclamation , of such ample grace , that even his present most obsequious parliament , did , by an unanimous addresse , interpose for it's revocation ; so , that , things being evenly weighed , viz. his majesties unsatisfiable displeasure at , and causelesse jealousy of , the protestant non-conformists , with his constant good opinion , and affection , witnessed to those of the roman communion , his present groundlesse wars against the protestant stars , and sinful , and foolish conjunction with the french , not more regrated by the better sort , then rejoyced in , by the other , the comprehending of all in the same indulgence , may , not onely perswade the inequality of favour by me remarked , but further very rationally induce , to beleeve , that the more apparent latitude , conceded to protestan : dissenters , is , onely the better to cover , the real advancement of the popish interest , the principal designe of this contriveance , and therefore in conformity to these grounds , if my reflexions shall be also different , seeming to straiten on the one hand , and to enlarge on the other , discovering the protestant to be onely tempted , and snared , and the papist favoured , and honoured , i hope , the palpable agreement of this procedoure , to his majesties own intentions , will easily defend me , from the censure of malice or calumny , for preface then , his majesty with the fame truth and confidence , wherewith we have heard him assert , his zeal for quiet in his declaration of war , commenceth this his indulgence against the truth , by telling us , that his care and endeavours , for the preservation of the rights , and interests of the church , hath been sufficiently manifested to the world , by the whole course of his government : o unhappy care , that hath wrought such dismal alterations ! the true rights , and interests of the church of god , are , the purity of his worship , and ordinances , the protection of his ministers , & the advancement of true godlinesse : now , that in exchange , for any measure of these blessings ; which , we formerly enjoyed , since his majesties return , we have onely seen , god's worship corrupted , into vaine imposed formalities , and the vilest of the people , made priests , in their place , and wickednesse exalted , by the most avouched perjury , & profanity , that ever was known amongst men , is a truth , under the sense whereof , every serious soul doth groan ; but in effect , his majesty hath been , and is still , so entirely bended , to advance against the lord , proud supremacy , and set up in the church , a wicked prelacy , a debauched elergy , and superstitious liturgy , thereby to moddel , and subject , all the concerns of religion , to his own lusts , and humours , as i am confident , that all the lovers of truth , in lieu of being abused , by this pretended care , will onely reguard it , as a seasonable warning , to take the more diligent heed , to the snare that may be , and is couched , in all it's proposals : thus , for a demonstration , he subjoins , the frequent coercions he hath used , upon dissenters , and for composing differences , in matters of religion : and whether this be more concludent on his majesty's , or on my behalfe , i leave it to the impartial discerner : however , we may well observe , that since his majesty , even in his gracious humour , thinks his care of the church , principally commendable , by his former severities , which after the manner of the primitive persecutions , are at present onely intermitted , from feare , and policy , when these restraints are over , we cannot but expect , that he will resume his wonted methods , and that , with all the irritation , wherewith his inward fretting at a forced liberty , may probably impresse him : but ( saith he ) it being evident , that there is very little fruit of these forcible courses ( a fair conviction , if well followed ) we think our selves obliged to make use of our supremacy : and truely if he were seriously minding reformation , and thereto applying his royal power , which can never be more properly , nor gloriously imployed , we should the lesse scruple , the error , though he should mistakingly ascribe , the extraordinary call of the present pressing exigence , to the warrant , of a pretended perpetual prerogative : but , seing we may here manifestly perceive , that , that power , which at first , did onely acclaime the clergies civil dependence , and then after , becoming vaine of the reformation , wherein it was honoured , did excresce , & exceede to the ordering of church-rites , & goverment , under the notion of externals , doth at present presume to license , and authorise , all rome's superstition ; do we not discover , the wickednesse of that usurpation , which pretends , to as absolute a dispose , in matters of religion , as was ever arrogat , over worldly propriety ? thus wee see the scepter wristed out of the hand of his christ , and swayed in a perfect opposition to him , & designed subserviency to his grand enemy the anti-christ , which as it ought to make our eye affect our heart , while we see that scripture fulfilled in our eyes , that the kings of the earth , shall give their power unto the beast , and make war with the lamb ; so it concerns his majesty , while he invadeth the mediators scepter , to remember , that he hath also a rod of iron in his hand , to secure his scepter and avenge himself of such , as do not strike to him , in recognisance of his absolute supremacy . in the next place , his majesty addeth his motives , viz. that he issues out this declaration , aswel for the quieting of the minds , of his good subjects , in these points , inviteing of strangers , in this conjunsture , and the encouragement of all , to follow their callings , as also , for preventing the danger of seditious conventicles . blessed is the man , whose minde is staid , trusting in the lord , for there is nothing here sincere , what quietnesse , from such a self-destroying assurance ? i do not mention it's mutability , though all men know , that the first meeting of the parliament , would remonstrat all this grace to nothing , but , vvhen to the establishing of ever jealous , and persecuting prelacy , the licensing of pernicious plotting popery is adjoyned , certainly , if we be lulled asleep , with such a charme , we deserve , the sleep of death , which , it 's poison menaces : as for the inviting of strangers , french caterpillars we may indeed expect , and swarmes of romish locusts ; but to others , who might have found some allurement in this liberty , hovv much is it to be feared , that our violence shall prove more disgustful then the motive attractive : and as for trades encouragement , can any man be so infatuat , as to beleeve , that , that vvhich in it's onely season of peace , could never have vveight , should novv be truely minded , by such , vvho have so little cared to involve us , in the confusions , and burdens of vvar ? what a golden indulgence must it be , that vvill yet erect our trade , under all these pressures ? but , his majesty doth indeed fear seditious conventicles , and may be something worse , nam mala mens , malus animus : and although i neither knovv , nor designe to increase his grounds ; yet , in my affectionat desire for his vvelfare , i earnestly vvish , he vvould remember , that in all ages , a prince , his ovvn inconstancy , and oppression , have proved his greatest adversaries , & are most to be feared , and that they are indeed so fatal and funest , that neither force , nor policy could ever yet vvard of their mischiefe , for he is above them vvho gives the blovv . but i have too long retarded his majesties benevolence , vvhich in the first place declares his expresse resolution , meaning and intent , to be ( so that we may blame our selves if vve be mistaken ) that , the church of england be preserved entire in its doctrine , discipline and goverment , as now it stands established by law , and that this be taken , to be , as it is , the basis , rule , and standart ( vvhat place he assignes to the scriptures of truth i knovv not ) of the general , and publick worship of god , and further , that the conformable clergy , enjoy their revenues , and that no person , be capable of any benefice , who is not exactly conformable : i need not enlarge , upon the import of this passage ; what the church of england here meant , is , and hath done , wee all know , if any man think , that these roots of bitternesse , prelacy , and superstition remaining , they will not again spring up , into all that persecution , vvhereof some may novv fancy themselves to be discharged , he is but ill acquainted , either with their nature , or practises : he who desireth to be informed , may consult experience , which will aboundantly satisfy , hovv much better , and more free accommodations , have , thereby been disturbed , and frustrat : hovvever , there is one part of this royal resolution , vvhich i cordially close vvith if candidly meant , and that is , that , the doctrine of this church , may be effectually preserved , i may not here stay , to explain my reasons ; but , he vvho shall be pleased , to peruse our old homilies , and compare them , vvith that doctrine , vvhich doth novv very much boast itself , both in pulpit , and print , he vvill quickly understand , our former profession , to be so sadly depraved , vvith socinian , popish , and arminian errors , that , this alone , vvere enough , to bring upon us , all our feares : as for the exclusion of all persons , not exactly comformable , from benefices , although it be without doubt a mighty diminution of the favour of a just indulgence , since it depriveth both of the encouragement and conveniency due , to the ministers of the gospel ; yet the master of these labourers , having pledged his alsufficiency for their supply , and the church of god having alvvayes , been truely richest when poorest , i confesse , it is a matter whereon i shall not spend my complaints , however it be just matter of his repentance . in the next place ( saith his majesty ) wee do declare our will that the execution of all manner of penal lawes , in matters ecclesiastical , against whatsoever sort of non-conformists , or recusants , be immediatly suspended , and they are hereby suspended , &c. and this is the great jubile , a proclaimed liberty , to atheists , socinians , papists , jesuits , seminary priests , arminians , sects of all sorts , and the grossest hereticks , to contemne religion , commit idolatry , impugne truth , blaspheme , seduce , and destroy souls , uncontroulled : it 's true the conscientious non-conformist , hath also his part , in this exemption ; but , as god did send forth his gospel , into the world in weakenesse , and foolishnesse , destitut of all humane advantages , and onely , by his owne grace and presence , did sustaine , and advance it , against all the opposition , that the malice , or violence , potentats , authorities , or powers of the earth , could devise , or execute against it , to the effect , that neither our faith , nor his truth , should stand , in the help of man , but in the power of him , who hath promised , to be with us , unto the end of the world ; so , i am perswaded , that no man fearing and beleeving , the same lord god , will judge , all the favour that men can shew , valuable at this rate : i graunt , the excesse of this indulgence , doth not so corrupt the just relief , that tender consciences may finde in it , as , to hinder them , to partake lawfully of it's benefit ; but sure i am , if my censure be right and true , as certainly it is , men should be so far , from being deceived , by the flattery of carnal ease , either to embrace , or acknowledge it , as a favour , or pursue it , by any active compliance requisit for it's accomplishment , that on the contrairy , they should look upon the act in it self as a high provocation , against god , a feareful exposing , and opposing of his truth , and under the colour of a pitiful enlargement , and reliefe to tender consciences , a real and designed betraying , of the protestant interest . but his majesty proceeds to declare , that to the effect , there may be no pretense , for the continuing of conventicles , he shall from time to time , allow , a sufficient number of places , as they shall be desired , in all parts , for the use of non-conformists ; but for a correction , it is his expresse will , and pleasure , that none presume to meet , in any place , untill , such place , be allowed , and the teacher of that congregation approved , by him : and lest , any should apprehend difficulty , in obtaining , this allowance , and approbation , he further declareth , that the same shall extend , to all sorts of non-conformists , except popish-recusants , to whom , he will in no wayes , allow publick places , but onely indulge them , as to the common exemption , from penal lawes , and the exercise of their worship , in their privat houses onely . this being the summe of his majesties concession , over and above , the release of penal staruts , it were as ill nature , and worse manners , to offer to criticize upon my princes bounty , as it were folly , to be fain of nothing : and therefore , i shall onely , candidly represent , such things , as do obviously occurre , and cannot be hid : and , 1. it is evident , that there is nothing as yet graunted , but onely a purpose declared , which being in it self alterable , and in the present case , in order to the innocent non-conformist assuredly elicit , by our forraigne wars , and domestick feares , of what endurance it is like to prove , may easily be resolved : secondly , it is obvious , that the effect of this indulgence , is presently to cut of from , and deprive all the faithful ministers , and people , of the benefit of meeting , either in the places where they have hitherto met , or in their privat houses , for the pure worship of god , ( for these are the expresse words of the declaration ; to the effect , there may be no continuing of conventicles , &c. and afterwards , it is our expresse will and pleasure that none presume to meet in any place , &c. ) until these meetings , be cast in this new mould , and , if the truely tender and conscientious non-conformist's , dare not for the feare of god foresake , the assembling of themselves together , nor discontinue their meeting , for worship , till the court be at leisure , or think it convenient , to make that assignement , or if they should scruple this conveyance , as no doubt , a faithful minister , will be far , from an active compliance , with such an enacted abomination , then , such have nothing to expect , but the utmost of severity ; and thus wee see , these bowels , and the tender mercies of this declaration , are unmasked cruelty : thirdly , the places are to be desired of and first allowed by his majesty , and , that this allowance , may be lawfully sought , upon the grounds of that duety of protection , and assistance , which his majesty oweth to the gospel , without pleading this dissolute indulgence , i make it no queston : but , on the other hand , that this , first , maketh all still depend upon his absolute pleasure , both as to number and continuance , is no lesse evident : yea secondly , this very thing , is enough , to make the whole insignificant : for , many , especialy those non-conformists , who are persons of estate , or quality , will be unwilling to be thus exposed to the view of the court , as a dissentient party , reachable by law , and moreover , the people , perceiving the increase of popery , and what countenance and encouragemenr , they have from authority , whereby they are become insolent , and terrible to the people , may begin , to be jealous , that this course is onely taken , to the end they may when met together , the more easily be swallovved up at once , by those popish cannibals ; the things vvhich are past , and the things vvhich are dayly practised , may creat a shrewd suspicion amongst the people , of such a designe , upon which considerations , the assignement of a place by the court , is very like , to affright men , from following ordinances , or frequenting worship in those places : but , fourthly , the teacher must also first be approved by his majesty ; and that all the liberty here promised , if it vvere ten times more , vvere too dearly purchased , by this surrender , every one that knovveth the sufficiency , and necessity of our lord 's mission , will easily acknowledge ; i graunt , that , every minister should presume , and be very sensible of his majesties approbation , & as it were rudenesse professedly to undervalue it , so the power that he hath , over our bodies , may in many cases render it absolutely necessary ; but , what is all this , to the previous expresse approbation , here required ? certainly , if our lord's authority , be a minister's compleat warrant , and the duety it layes on , such , as may in many cases oblige him , to beare his master's name , before kings and princes , for a testimony against them ; the subjection of the ministry , that the compliance with this condition , doth import , is , a manifest impingement , against both : i might in the fifth place observe , the extension of this concession , every whit as large , as the foregoing exemption , except in order to papists , and whereby all the blasphemies , and extravagancies of all other errors , are , not onely tollerat , but offered to be encouraged , but the thing being so obvious , it were superfluous , to offer , to make it more plain . sixtly , this indulgence is thus further restricted , and cautioned . if any shall ( saith his majesty ) presume to abuse this liberty and shall preach seditiously or to the derogation of the doctrine , discipline or government of the established church , &c. wee do hereby givs them warning and declare we will proceed against them with all imaginable severity . i shall not stand to observe , how there is more here , then an insinuation , that the preacher , in order to his being approved by his majesty , must previously engage to this forebearance : it s but all reason , that he who giveth the commission , should also give the instructions , set bounds , and limits , to it 's excercise , and define the sphere of it's activity , according as his majesty , ( that the world may the better understand , the just extent , and native import , of that headship , vvhich he arrogats over the church of england ) in his letter to the arch bishop of york , prescribeth , what doctrines are to be taught , what not : if we will be preachers created by the court , and emissaries of this supremacy , we must be court-parasits and court-pleasers too ; but , then let us remember , that wee cease to be the servants of jesus christ : but the thing i mainly marke here , is , that by this artifice , they are sure , either to make the indulged betray the cause of christ , by an unfaithful silence , or expose themselves to what the all of that imaginable severity , wherewith they are menaced , will amount unto : it 's true , the same politick considerations , which have moved them , for quieting of the minds of the people , to mock them , with this shadow , maytye them up also , for a season , from executing , this all imaginable severity against such , who will be found guilty , of abusing this favour ; yet , considering , how the places must be all of publick appointment , the preachers and people also known , and that those places must be patent , and free to all persons , viz. amongst the rest , to a knot of informers , who will no doubt be designed , for each place , faithful men , who will acquit themselves , as the ambassadours of jesus christ , and so carry , in the exercise of their ministry , as they may have , their master's approbation , of wel done good and faithful servants , may exspect , as the court is at leisure , and have freed their hands of other work , that they will make such then , after they have sleeped under the deceitful shadow of this indulgence , while the court being liberat from feare of any trouble from them , was concurring with those who were destroying the protestant interest abroad , buy this indulgence , at an after . reckoning , with the lose , if not of life , and liberty ; yet of estate ; for his may. will be judge , of what is seditious preaching , and praying , &c. hence , if a faithful minister , pray for the united provinces , now unjustly invaded , by a popish prince , that they may not be destroyed , and that he may not give up , the beloved of his soul , the reformed church there , into the hand of such an enemy , who would again turn these provinces , into a land of graven images , if also , he should disswade all who heare him from such a sinful conjunction , and regrat before the lord , as every faithful protestant hath cause , that english-men , professors of the same faith , should be employed , as instruments , to destroy the faith they ought to defend , and that our hands , should be made use of , to shed our brethrens blood , with whom , yea for whom , we should rather die , in the defence of the reformed religion , and if he should weep himself , and excit the people to weep , because his majesty is seduced , into this conspiracy , and abandoned to such pernicious counsels , and courses . as at this time , and in this juncture , to concurre with a popish party , against a protestant state , the now visible bulwark , of the reformed interest , not onely without any just provocation , on their part ; but contrary to all engagements and obligations on his : and moreover , if in stead of an unfaithful silence , a minister should seek , to deliver his own soul , by regrating , that his majesty , is not onely left , to break his covenant with the most high god , in reestablishing abjured prelacy , and superstition ; but also , in countenancing , and promoving of popery and idolatry ; which as no godly man , who considers the times , and what the israel of god ought to do , dare forebeare for himself ; so he dare not , though he should die , for doing so , forebeare , to perswade , beseech , and obtest , the people of the lord , to pray with all manner of prayer and supplication , that the great god , would appear , to confound the counsels and crush the undertakings , of all the men , and monarchs of this conspiracy , against his great interest , and precious people : if , i say , a minister of jesus christ , should preach , exhort , and pray to this purpose , would his majesty hold him innocent ? or forebeare to lay hold , on the first opportunity , of dealing with him , as a seditious person , yea a traitour ? and adjudge also all who had been his hearers , as guilty at least of misprison of treason ? the case is so cleare , as it discovers plainly , the whole of this indulgence , to be rather a court-trape , to catch , extinguish , and crush the faithful remnant , then the least ease , or reliefe , to such as dare not , for feare of the almighty , foresake the truth , and prostitut the precious ordinances , of christ , to the lust of an exotick lord , or dare not shut their eyes , and be silent , when they see courses taken , declarative , to conviction , of a formed designe , to establish the abomination of popery , and destroy the reformed religion , at home and abroad . the last thing , that remaineth , is , the exception of roman catholicks , from this allowance , of publick places ; but lest this should grieve them , the former discharge of penal lawes , is not onely repeated , in their favours ; but , they are further expressely , indulged , the excercise of their worship viz their idolatrous mass , and all their other impious superstitions , in their privat houses , and that without any limitation of number or other restriction : i cannot here stand , to expresse , all my just regrat ; the mass again restored in england , should no doubt be as much our deep affliction , as it is the papists exultation : as for their astriction to privat houses , i say first , why is not the like favour graunted , to the truly godly and conscientious-non-conformist , who may very justly scruple to sue for the favour of this indulgence , because of it's conveyance , and upon other momentuous enough considerations ? shall he who dare not for feare of making himself guilty , of lese majesty against jesus christ , by accepting a favour , which in its conveyance , establisheth , in the person of the indulger , a supremacy onely competent to the son of god , be lesse capable of this favour , then he who denys this supremacy , to be competent to his majesty , and holds it to be proper , to that child of perdition , the anti-christ ? yea , he is not so capable of our favour , as our catholick subjects are : i am sorry for it , but why ? what 's the matter ? his majesty gives you the reason , of the inequality of this distribution ; because forsooth , they are seditious conventicles , and therefore , liberty to worship god in privat houses , must not be permitted to them ; but their is no feare of sedit●on from papists , ( good men ! ) we understand one another better , then to feare any harme from such bosome friends : well , it may be so ; but , it 's time , when the popish party , are thus professedly , the darling of the court , and all it's conclusions , are so exactly calculat , to the meridian of that interest , for the poor protestants , to remember , the yet recent massacre of ireland , lest , brittain drink of the same cup , and become the stage , whereon , this same funest tragedy , or a more bloody one , be acted over again : secondly the papists are confined to privat houses ; that is to say , whitehal , st fames , somerset-house , and the greatest , and most capacious palaces in england , while , the poor non-conformists , may not make use of their own houses , and are not like in hast , to build upon the lubrick base of this indulgence , other houses : thirdly , that this restriction is no incumberance to the papists , is aboundantly cleare ; nay , if we advert , to man's strange curiosity , especially after error , the attraction of this privacy , may in all likelyhood , prove more advantagious to their interest , then , if their godlesse , and ridiculous mummery , were set up to open view , and derision , in publick churches : seing therefore , that the papists recommended by no necessary , or convenient reason have , ( notwithstanding of their grosse errors and superstitions , with the many important and ancient lawes that stand against them being considered ) obtained , the greatest benefit by this indulgence , whether the favour designed for them , be not it 's , principal motive , and aime , i leave it to every man's discerning ? now what our present conjunction with the french , in an unrighteous war , against the protestant stats abroad , with this licensing of idolatry , and encouraging the popish faction at home , may produce ; the lord in his mercy prevent : and as i have plainly laid out , the insincerity , insufficiency , and uncertainty of this indulgence , in behalfe of conscientious non conformists ; so , i am very hopeful , that neither the present allurement , of carnal ease , nor the deceitiul confidence , of simulat favours , shall ever make them abandon , that solicitous care , and zealous concerne , they ought alwayes to beare , in their hearts , and be ready to witnesse , when thereto called , for the glory of god , and interests of truth and righteousnesse , both at home and abroad . having thus particularly considered , and weighed the import , of both these his majestie 's declarations , and having found nothing in the one , which upon a sober search , may justify this war , ( whereinto we are precipitat ; nor in the other , that can quiet , or satisfy the truely conscientious non-conformist ; but on the contrair , much in both , which may fill the mind , of all the fearers of god , with terrour at the apprehensions , of what shall be , the dismal and dreadful consequences , of such an undertaking , against our confederats , and such uncandid dealing with god , i designed in this review to have subsisted . but yet i hope , every true-hearted english-man , will beare with me , if , while i see the interest of the english nation , dragged at the french heels , and sold to a base subserviency to their aspiring greatness , i take liberty once more , to evince and insist upon what in my first paper i touched more brieflly viz. the perfect opposition , which this conjunction with the french , hath , unto the welbeing and true interest of the nation : let it therefore be supposed , that the english fleet should beat the dutch , quit off the sea , and at the same time , the king of france with his numerous and potent army , assisted with his majestie 's thousands under the command of his son , should invade , destroy , lay wast , and make desolat , all the places of the united provinces , whereever he cometh , and the dutch by this defeat at sea , and invasion by land be brought , to such confusion and perplexity , that they shall neither be in case to set presently to sea again , nor able to encountre this potent enemy by land , ( which is the thing designed and desired , and that , to which all the vigorous endeavours of these confederat kings are directed ) well , let us make this supposition , that their designes are thus far accomplished ( though , graunt not o lord the desire of the wicked , further not their wicked device , least they exalt themselves , ought to be , and no question is , the desire of all , who love our lord jesus christ in sincerity through the earth ) and that the dutch in stead of being able to deal any longer or debate with these kings , by open force of armes , be reduced to the necessity in this exigent , of making the best , and most advantageous peace they can : is it to be imagined , they will betake themselves to the king of england , and come under his shadow and protection for shelter , from the french fury ? it 's true , amongst the rest of our fooleries , whereby we embolden our selves , in this engagement , this is laid down for one , which we judge will not fail us , viz. that we can alwayes make peace with the dutch , when we have driven them to desperat distresse , at pleasure ; but they are wiser men , then to court us any longer for kindenesse : for , first , the experience they have had of the impossibility of fixing us , or making us stand firme to our engagements , and treaties , will utterly alienat , discourage , and disswade from this , where there is a choice : secondly , his majestie 's having laid down this for a principle , and the endeavours which have been , to instil it in the minds of such , who could be impressed by court-suggestions , that , if england would floorish , holland must , if not utterly destroyed , yet be reduced to a state of slavery , and bondage , nothing inferiour unto the spanish yoke , ( for the dominion which we affect over the seas , would be stretched to a length , that would knovv no bounds , or limits , but our ovvn lust and our courteours avarice ; and what encouragement , they may have to come under the shadow of men of these principles , wise men may judge ? ) thirdly the cry of his majesties oppressed subjects at home , and the consideration , how the court hath sucked out and swallowed up the substance of the nation , and drained , all it's treasures , and yet are still lean ( for all they have devoured , hath onely made them more insatiable ) will make the dutch , judge very rationaly , unlesse they vvere able , to turn rocks , seas , and sand into gold , they could never by giving , satiat the appetit of the english court : and vvhile they see , contrair to all honour and true interest , how , a stop is at least put upon the exchecquer , which was the onely thing remaining , to preserve the credit of the nation , and leave merchants in some case to trade , they cannot but easily foresee that such will make no bones to suck out all the marrow , and then gnaw the bones , of these provinces : and to all these add , in the fourth place , how they must needs look upon the king of england , as the principal author , and unhappy instrument , of all these imminent and incumbent calamities , and may very rationaly conclude , if he had not in this juncture , conspired against them , with the french king , that either , the king of france , would not have undertaken the war , or if he had , that they in an ordinary providence , could have defended themselves , and their just liberties , against all his force : when i say , they must needs look upon the king of england , as the spring & source , of all that calamity they feel , or feare , and perceive his propensnesse , to ruinethem , and how that , contrary to all covenants , treaties , rational offers of satisfaction , even to pretended injuries , condescensions , & stretches beyond the just exigent , and tenor of any treaty , or transaction , yea & obligations heaped upon him , in advancing the prince of orange , ( which , as it was made the great argument , to determine those , who were a little reluctant , to consent to his advancement ; so , it made the most rational infallibly conclude , his assistance , upon that advancement , against the french attempts ) how , i say , that notwithstanding of all these bonds , of honour , interest , faith , religion , righteousnesse ; and obligations , he could not so much , as be gained , to an easy neutrality ; but , as if , the utter ruine of the dutch , and their extirpation , or reduction , from a stare of liberty , to a state of bondage , had the closest of connexions , with his satisfaction , he , to the prostituting of his honour , leads the way , to the french king , and as if malice and blinde fury , were the sole conducter in this affair , draweth the first sword , and forgetting to consult his own fame , with a pyratick violence , anterior to all intimation of war , falleth upon the dutch merchant-ships : as these things put together , with many more of the like nature , must make the dutch conclude him , the most enraged adversary , and implacable enemy ; so , it must of necessity , alienat their mind from him above all mortals : and now upon the forementioned supposition , ( which i hope shall never exist ) that they must put themselves under the potection of one of these two , they will certainly be ballanced , towards the french alliance , as the more placable enemy , the more sure , and advantagious friend : and as it is more then probable to wise men , that the king of france hath conduced the king of england , to such an unworthy breach of alliance , upon this very designe , to drive the dutch , if possible , to this sad necessity ; so it is equally obvious , how the french king endeavoureth by all means , so to influence the conclusions of the english cabal , & manage the advantage he hath thereby over the king of england , as may render him most hateful to the dutch : for having prevailed with him , first , to draw him to this shameful breach of treaty with them , he driveth him thereafter to make such a detastable attempt upon their merchant-ships ; and observing likewise how in his declaration for war against the dutch ( wherein also he will have the king of england to preceed , that he may know the better how to forme his so , as may best subserve his designe ) he alledgeth many injuries , and pretendeth to such a dominion over the seas , as is subversive of the liberty of the dutch , and utterly inconsistent with the prosperity of the provinces , because destructive of their trade ; he then emitteth his declaration of war , wherein there is nothing mentioned or adduced for a cause , save a french floorish , for his honour : yea he giveth the dutch to understand , that he doth not envy their greatness , nor designe the prejudice of their provinces ; nay on the contrair , that he hath a favour for them , and how all his quarrel is confined to some particular persons in the goverment , against whom he hath a displeasure : and perceiving withal , how the king of england hath not onely made himself the common detestation of the dutch , by this late act of manifest pyracy but as if no bonds , no treaties , neither reguard to his own reput or renown in the world , could be of sufficient weight and value to tye him up from doing them all the injuries , which his power maketh possible ; he addeth to the former violence , the injustice of seising upon and detaining all the merchant-ships , which were in his ports at the eruption of this war , expressely contrair to the termes of the 32 art. of that treaty at breda : the french king ( i say ) perceiving this , that he may commend his fidelity , clemency , and friendship to the dutch ( as he doth his honour to the world ) above the king of england's , as he hath done no act of hostility against them anterior to his declaration ; so he graunteth them six moneths time , to remove all their merchant-ships and goods out of his dominions , without lose or molestation : by all which he seemeth to intimat to the dutch that he is neither so ingrained not implacable an enemy against them as the king of england , yea there is a tacit invitation couched , even in his denunciation of war , to accost him for kindenesse , with hope of acceptation , ( and well may he , for hereby he maks himself master of both , and doth more certainly triumph over the king of england , and ecclipse the glory of that nation , then over the dutch , and so hitteth the marke he aimed at indeed , viz. the french honour ) now as the preferablenesse of the french alliance , things standing thus , will be demonstrable to the dutch from their own interest , and advantage , for by this means , though , they may lose somewhat of their former lustre ; yet they will easily see , that it is the interest of the king of france , to have them a floorishing people , when they are so much his ; so , on the other hand , will any doubt , but all reason of state and policy , will make the french ready to listen to a proposal of accommodation from the stats , and abandon the english , as having now served himself sufficiently of them , when they have sweat out floods of english blood and treasure , to rowe his french majesty to his port : for , first , he knoweth very well , though he have at present debauched the penurious and profligat court of england , into this conjunction vvith him , against the dutch ; that , yet , the spirit of the english nation can never be debased into the same compliance , with his designes ; the prudent part , yea the generality of the nation , retaining still , their noble ascendent over the french , and that antipathy unto them , that , though the court party are sunk below men , and cease to be patriots , ( not careing for the reput , and honour of their nation , whose renown , together with their own fame , they have shipwrack't ) yet , at this very instant , they would , if at all necessitat to have a war , notwithstanding of all the artifice and endeavours of the court , to enflame them into a rage against the dutch , with much more cheerfulnesse , alacrity , and readinesse of minde , draw their sword against the french in defence of the dutch , then be dragged by the court , to so unrighteous , and dishonourable a war , against their friends and brethren : the certain knowledge i say , that the king of france hath , that this is the genius , and pulse of the english nation , to abhorre as death , the holding of the french stirrop ; yea , the rational grounds he may have , to perswade beyond debate , that if these very men , whom he hath charmed , by his aurum potabile , into an oblivion of their own honour and nation's interest , be once awaked out of this golden dreame , ( which doth not imply a contradiction but they may ) they will abandon , with a blush at their own basenesse , his interest , and by an after strenuous opposition , seek to wipe off the staine , of so base a compliance , and be avenged upon him for their two eyes , will make him ready , to close with the dutch , being , together with the world , convinced , that , he hath in this , obtained the utmost of advantage , he could have proposed or promised to himself , by engaging , or rather seducing the court of england , unto his assistance , and judging , as he hath reason , that he is hereby sufficiently repayed , for all the french millions , which that court , hath swallowed up : secondly , as this will make him readily listen , to a proposal from the dutch , so , it will make him willingly condescend , to give them easy , and honourable conditions , ( though i hope god shall prevent such a dishonour to them ) yea , he will argue himself , into a necessity , ( contrair to the particular insolent domineering humour of the french ) to maintain them , if not in the same degree of honour , liberty , and lustre , yet , in their full strength ; it being obvious , that by having engaged them to him , he hath fairely paved his way , to an easy conquest , of this part of the world : the spanish netherlands , will fall into his hands , nor will the emperour be able , to make head against him : spain also must follow their fate ; and poor england , having spent their strength and treasure , to advance him to this greatnesse , must bow their neck , to the french yoke : what is then become of our foolish supposition , that there was no cause for england to feare the french greatnesse ? why ? france ( saith the court ) having no nursery of sea-men , we will maintain our dominion of the seas , non will cope , or compet with us , if once we had the hollander , under hatches ; and while we retain our dominion by sea , it were ridiculous to feare , the french by land : but alas , have the french , so blinded the court , with the dust of their gold , that they cannot see , one inch , before their nose ? do they not easily foresee , the misery and bondage , they are bringing upon the nation , and how , they are selling the honour , and liberty of their countrey , to it 's inveterat enemies ? well , the french have not a nursery of sea-men , comparable to the english : be it so , but , when the english by their unrighteousnesse , folly , and inconsideration , have driven the dutch to the necessity of becoming one with the french , have they then no nursery ? england knoweth , to it 's cost , that holland hath : and if ever france be in case , to reckon them his ( which , as death , is to be deprecat ) then , the king of england must resolve henceforth , to quit all his pretensions to the flage , and be at a point in this , that his men of war must strike , to the french pleasure boats : the nation at home , must tremble , at the french greatnesse , their walls the shiping of england , will not then hold him out , he being now in case , to force his passage , thorow them : our forraigne plantations must signify as much to us , as the french and dutch in a conjunction , will permit , either something , or nothing : our honour , and renown , which we have had amongst other nations , must be buried in the gulfe of contempt , and lye expiring without hope of a recovery , under the french insolence : who will then compassionat the poor english nation ? nay , who will not say , that it is a righteous thing with god , since , we who would needs in a blind rage , run upon our friends to ruine them , without cause , should be insnared , in the worke of our own hands , and tumbled head-long in the ditch , which we had digged for others ? who amongst the nations will pity us ? or if our distresse should move compassion , who dare offer to help us ? oh poor england , how do thy rulers , post thee to thy ruine ? we have fallen once under the hand of the dutch , and our disgrace , hath accresced to their glory ; but now , we must fall , into the hand of the french , & instead of wearing the flowre de luce , in our scutcheon , the king of france must have our lyon , and vnicorne in his : and thus have we debased our selves and entailed bondage upon the posterity : and , if the dutch were a people given to revenge , what ever griefe and regrat , their dependance upon france might be to them , yet , they would not onely have this satisfaction , to see those enslaved , who had designed their bondage , and whose hands had been made use of in wreathing the yoke about their neck ; but , see themselves chiefly made use of , and maintained by the french , to force the english to serve him : and withal the dutch should see themselves , freed from the slavish feare of the king of england's vaine pretensions to the dominion of the sea , and set at liberty , to follow their trade without trouble ; and as the trade , would then be cerainly taken from england , in these parts ; so it would be at the french & dutch their option , whether to rase , and root out , name and thing of all english plantations abroad . though , these be things to be entertained in their possibility , by all the lovers , of religion , righteousnesse , and the nation , with horrour , and detestation , and i pray and hope shall never have any being , beyond what a supposition may give them ; yet , he must blind his eyes , and abandon his reason , who will deny the nativenesse of the connexion , betwixt the worst of all these supposed miseries , and mischiefs , and the king of england's engaging , in this war , with the french , against the dutch : the ruine of the protestant interest , this day , through the world : the ruine of the liberty , honour , trade , precious and deare concerns , of the english nation ; the ruine , of the prince of orange his interest , yea the ruine , disgrace , and perpetual infamy , of the actors themselves , is wraped up in , and connected with , this shamefull war : have we not now by our deep politicks , bravely bowled away the honour of the nation , vvhile the french , both give ground , and byasse ? these are our nevv unhappy politicks , they tend to this , and may end here , if the lord in mercy do not interpose , to prevent it : so , that , though men vvere turned meer gallio's , as to the interest of christ , and religion in the world , yea turned enemies thereto ; yet , no man representing things to himself as they are , and vveighing these tumultuous transactions , in the ballance of reason , or considering their obvious tendency and import ; if he retain the spirit of a true english-man , if he consult the honour of his nation , if he truely love his majesty , and wish the stability of his throne , but must , not onely look upon himself , as obliged to withdraw , from all concurrence in this war ; but interpose in his station , to deliver king and court , lapsed into this moral madnesse , from the occecation of this fury , whereby , in their indeliberation and rage , they are pulling ruine upon themselves and the nation , by drawing the sword . i know very well , in all i have said upon this head of interest , i shall , be looked upon as grossely mistaken in my hypothesis ; because , what i account interest and the thing to be chiefly reguarded , and earnestly contended for , hath not a being at all in the albe of our new politicks : nay , something is substitut in it's place , as inconsistent with , so natively destructive of it : and therefore all these disswasives deduced from the head of interest as i have stated it , must with the hypothesis evanish as of no consideration or weight , to disswade from our present enterprise . it will be readily graunted by all , that if the old interest of england , viz. the preservation of religion , in it's reformation , whereto by the good hand of our god upon us we had attained , the safety and good of the people , the ancient splendor and glory of the nation , the just freedome and liberty of parliaments , the desireable harmony betwixt his majesty and them , to the doing of all things ( especially things of such moment , as a war , wherein there is an association with an old enemy to the english nation and interest , and an engagement against our ancient friends , deprecating , with all the submissenesse which became a state , our displeasure , and entreating in a most obliging manner our covenanted assistance , against an enemy , by vvhom , if he conquer them , we are crushed , our posterity also & all our precious interests are exposed unto the danger of utter ruine ) with joint consent and mutual satisfaction , whereby the cheerful concurrence of all his majesty's subjects is assured , by which means also , he himself is beloved and honoured at home , feared and reguarded by the nations abroad , the security , satisfaction , trade & treasure of the nation , is ensured & promoted , &c. if interest be considered as comprehensive of , & constitut by these & the like ; then no doubt , it must be yeelded , that the considerations evincing the manifest opposition of the present engagement to all these , have a sufficiency of weight , to disswade from a further progresse in this unhappily begun war , yea perswade a retreat ; which were certainly a more glorious victory , because demonstrative to the world , that our lusts and passions had not the ascendent of our reason , then if our sword were bathed and our hands embrewed in the blood of these against whom it is now drawn and stretched out ; yea this were a more certain way , to a safe victory over them ( i mean an overcoming them with kindenesse to a cheerful condescendence unto , and a ready compliance with all our just demands ) then ever we can expect , as the issue of so unrighteous and irreligious a war. but if somewhat else be substitut in the place of that , which the vvisest have hitherto judged the interest of the nation , i must graunt , i have missed the marke at vvhich i aimed , and confesse , that my considerations are not apposite dissvvasives , from vvhat is novv driven . but vvhat can this be ? some may think the thing aimed at , vvhich with it's seeming desireablenesse hath dazeled us into this distraction , hath by our procedour so obviously discovered it self , that it can no longer escape observation : it 's plain his maj. aimeth at being absolute and designeth to rule the nation , independently from the advice of parliaments , which are now looked upon , rather as an encumberance to him , in the exercise of his royal goverment , and an ecclipse of that glory , which he judgeth competent for a prince , then any real support to his royal authority and greatnesse : in plain english , the french goverment is affected by our english court , which we suppose can never be sufficiently illustrious , while there must be such an unbecoming dependence upon parliaments , for pitiful subsidies and summes to be raised by their order , to maintain our royal grandure : this which hath been so insupportable a yoke , upon the neck of our royal ancestors , whereby they have been bound to the good behaviour , tyed up , restrained , yea often , to gratify their subjects humor , in order to the gaining their consent for a subsidy , have been necessitat , and compelled to crosse their own royal inclination , and commit a rape upon their pleasure ; this yoke , we say , must once for all be burst and broken , and this badge of limited soveraignity , be buried in the final discharge of such parliaments : the dispose of the treasure aswel as the militia of the nation , must be in our own hand , then , and not before , will we be in case , as becometh , to live in royal splendor , to give suteable rewards for signal services , without being obnoxious to have account asked of us , or the question put , how we spend our treasure ; to keep under and crush petulant insolents at home , and chastise proud enemies abroad : in a word , stat pro ratione voluntas in state affairs , as we have arrogat it , in church , matters ( which is the more wicked and most dareing attempt of the two ) is the great interest , and that which we will and must have : this is the darling and diana of the court , to which all the other true interests of the english nation must be sacrificed . if so , the scheme i graunt is changed : but is it credible , that infatuation itself , can fixe us in this resolution ? truely the universe of reason doth reclaime : the desperatnesse of such an enterprise hath made wise men shut their eyes , upon all probabilities of it's intendment , and stop their eares , at all reports and suggestions which were assertive of the court 's hatching such a cockatrice , as calumnies ; since reason did repugne and abhorre it , as the greatest deviation from it's conduct , and most desperat course , in the undertaker , imaginable ; but yet men cannot alwayes shut their eyes , he vvho stoppeth his eare at the reports of another , cannot with the same facility , abandon or give the defiance to his own reason . it is not necessar for my present purpose , to make a perfect enumeration of all things , which may perswade and put beyond debate , that this is the court aim ; but if it must needs be graunted , by what hath been said , that there is a cleare and undeniable opposition , betwixt engaging in this war with the french , against the dutch , and all the true interests of england , sacred and civil ; then our precipitation into this engagement , giveth a shrewd suspicion , that vve are onely prevailed vvith , and overcome by this consideration , to assist the french against the dutch ; that we as a requital , onely commensurable to that service , may have the french assistance , sor rasing the foundations of england's liberty , and substituting our ovvn lust , in the place of it's magna charta : this designe hath made all essayes for peace on the dutch their part insignificant , and hath persvvaded above all other considerations , unto this association vvith the french : and truely the things vvhich at first vvere onely groaned under , as acts of male-administration , vvithout the suspicion of a further designe , then vvhat the impetuousnesse of our lusts , cileing the eyes of our reason , drove us to , will novv vvhen reflected upon , and collated vvith present practices and future appearances , amase men at the maligne aspect they have upon england's liberty . i need not involve my self into the labyrinth , of recollecting all things in the court's procedour and practice , since his majesties return , unto this present day ; or compare them vvith this project , and consider the nativenesse of their tendency to the production of this monster . let his maj. carriage , in reference to his parliament be a little inquired into , and see , if it vvill not put the thing beyond debate . at his first entry ; the parliament which called him home , must be dissolved , and in lieu of another reward for that great service , they are dismissed with this complement , viz. his may ; will have them known and honoured to posterity , by the name , of , beati pacifici : well then , englands blessed parliaments have their period and exeunt , at his may : entry to his royal goverment : what then cometh next ? ( it 's fit to be silent , where experience speaketh that , which if it were told in it's most sober dresse , might argue the speaker to be prompted by malice ) but what could be the cause of this dissolution ? it 's obvious enough ; for whatever excesse of loyalty appeared in hastening home his majesty , and installing him in the goverment , without sufficient security for religion and liberty , ( an error in the first concoction ) yet there were many amongst them , who being good patriots , and worthy statsemen , could never have been overcome , to a compliance with such a designe , nor to the countenancing of our other extravagancies ; and therefore as an unfit tool for our work they must be laid aside , and a new one called . the court in the mean time perceiving , how vaine expectations of halcion-dayes , had besorted the nation , into a deep inconsideration of what did belong to it's peace and prosperity , and observing , how there were none now to peep or move the wing , against the court current ; but whatsoever the king did , either pleased all the people , or the more prudent were under a necessity in this universal distraction , to dissemble their displeasure , and suffer , without saying or doing any thing to the contrair , dangerous encroachments and breaches to be made upon their liberty , though the purport of these was manifest ; forgetting the old maxime obsta principiis , &c. the court i say perceiving this to be the temper , or rather giddinesse of the nation , do not stick at breach of priviledge , in the election of members for the following parliament , which was so palpable and grosse , as of the bulk , when gathered together , it might well have been said , that in stead of our old renowned parliaments without a parallel in the world , for free-spirited noble patriots , we had got a court-juncto , and the privileges of the peo-people , and interest of the nation , put in the hand of those , who would be prodigal & profuse , to a boundlessenesse , as of the estate and treasure of the kingdome , so of it 's more valuable liberty & precious concernes : now i shall be loath , to trace them in their wilde deviations and odd extravagancies ; but the nation must behold with the teare in their eye , ( & it may be , some of the instruments of their miserie , being cured of their former frenzy , & awaked out of their lethargy , by the cryes of the oppressed , & the noise of the ruine of the nation , in vvhose rubbish they themselves are like to be buried , as a recompence of vvhat they are guilty of , against the honour and interest of their countrey , sigh out their had we wist ) their liberties and estats in the hand of such , as resolve to run to all the excesses , to which the court-riot will drive them : there , is without more debat , a surrender of the militia to his may : and though they seem to retain the key of the nation 's treasure ; yet it is not so much to lock it up , and keep it in the possession of the just proprietors , as in effect so to squise the kingdome , as if the sole purpose of their convocation had been , to fall upon inventions and finde out middes , how to extract all the spirits of the nation , and leave it a caput mortuum , wherein they shewed themselves such masters of art , that no man can remember , how they drained the kingdome , to the drieing up of it's substance , and what vast summes were collected and extorted , vvithout judging the determination difficult , vvhither their monstruous folly in giving , or the court 's prodigious and incredible profusenesse , in lavishing out , vvasting and throvving avvay that treasure , be matter of most amasement ? hovvever , as this is sure , if england had been invaded by a forreigne enemy , they might at a lovver rate , have bought themselves into a state of liberty , from the conquerours bondage , then vvhat hath been exacted of them , for no other purpose , but to make their bonds strong ; so this is also certain , that if the summes collected for the court , vvere computed , and the total compared , vvith their present pinching penury , it vvould together vvith the nation , astonish the vvorld , hovv such a treasure , in so short time could have been dilapidat ; unlesse on purpose shoveled in the sea , or svvept avvay by an invisible curse : but the thing vvhich i mainly marke here , is , the connexion this carreer of parliament hath , vvith the advance of our projected absolutnesse : the nation finding themselves thus exacted upon , and betrayed to the court's avarice by the guardians of their liberty , do universally hate the parliament , as betrayers of their trust , & sacrificers of their interest , to an insatiable lust : thus , that vvhich used to be the darling of the people , is become the common detestation of the nation ; vvhich the court perceiving , and knovving hovv this did hasten their designe to it's maturity , having set them a going , keep them in motion : the generality being by these means grieved and vexed , some fevv , vvho shared the spoil , onely excepted ; and the more prudent and religious part of the nation , vvho could have digested vvith more patience , the losse of their estats , must , to complet their misery , finde themselves by these mischiefs , vvhich vvere framed into lavvs , deprived of purely dispensed ordinances , and robbed of their faithful ministers , reformation overturned , vaine abjured prelacy , vvith all it's concomitant plagues reintroduced , thousands of faithful ministers , driven in one day , from feeding the flocks of christ , they and their people exposed , to the implacable malice of the court , & debauched clergy , vvhereby the parliament drew upon themselves , as the enacters & decre'ers of such abominations and cruelties , the hatred of all the lovers of religion and righteousnesse : this being brought to passe , some court-trappans , are prompted , to deal vvith the fanaticks ( as they called them ) of several perswasions , some must passe for great friends to the presbiterians , others to the independents , &c. and the work of these is , to represent his majesty , as very propitious and favourable to men of tender consciences , and that what he did , was not so much from an innate propensenesse to persecut good men , as from a forced and necessitat compliance , with his more rigid and implacable parliament , from whom , unlesse he went alongs with them , in passing such acts as they were pleased to make , and give way at least to the execution of them , he could not expect that they would appeare zealous and foreward in the supply of his wants : yea , his majesty was represented as so reluctant to execut these severe laws with rigour , that he was in hasard , by an excesse of lenity , and indulgence , not onely to fall under a mistake with his parliament , prejudicial to his affairs ; but by the same means , to expose his own , and their authority to contempt ; and that these things might not appeare , what they were , indeed pure fictions ; some of the leading men of these parties , are admitted to kisse his majesties hand , and have something with a smile suggested to them , whereby they went avvay , giddy and intoxicat with vaine expectations . now it is , our good and gracious king , but our evil and cruel parliament : thus the sujects , in stead of being render , as of old , of parliaments , begin not onely to be little solicitous , what contempt the court cast upon them ; but can behold with satisfaction , these trampled upon , who had trode under foot the honour of the nation : now men begin to think and say , it were better for us , to be under , and beare with the infirmities of one king , who is placable and exorable , then under the maligne influence of such a conglobat constellation of tyrants , from the scorchings of whose rigours and rage , the shadow of our prince , even when he interposeth , is not a sufficient shelter . the court with much satisfaction observe these male-contents and murmurings , as exactly quadrating with their designe , and laugh amongst themselves , to see the poor people terrified and tremble , at the meeting together of our parliament , as of a company , who had conspired their ruine and bondage : well , after they have served the court , in pillaging the kingdome , and brought it to poverty ( which carrieth alongst withit , a basenesse and lownesse of spirit ) and have in a few yeers , squandred away and sucked out , for satiating the court , more of it's substance and treasure , then had been bestowed upon all the kings , which have reigned in england these hundred yeers ( beside the manifold miseries , which during this time , befel the nation , by pestilence , sword , fire , inundations , the decay of trade , &c. ) are not onely hated by the nation , as the vulture which hath torne out it's bowels , gnawed it's noble parts , and having ( by dishing up their countrey into a consume , for curing the court of it 's desperatly incurable leannesse ) turned the whole into a complete skeleton ; but also despised by the court , when they can set nothing before them , to satiat their appetit , but the drie bones of adistressed nation , drained of all it's marrow & moisture , are , without the peoples regret , prorogued with a frovvne . yet such vvas the knovvn penury of the court , as every one began to think , since the extremity of their vvant called for a present supply , that necessity vvould ( because they could not call them together before the time appointed ) force his may : to dissolve them , and emit vvrits for calling a nevv parliament , when , behold on a sudden , to the amasement of all men ( excepting such vvho vvere privy to the mystery ) there is a nevv prorogation , in all it's circumstances ( vvhich for brevity i passe ) so declarative of our designe , that the parliament it self , by vvhose means the nation vvas novv reduced to this miserable condition ; must at length avvake , and see themselves laid aside , as a broken vessel , vvherein , he vvho formed them , had no more pleasure ; and together vvith them , vve have a fairvvell to parliaments : in a vvord , our designe must at last set up it's head , and discover it self , things are come to their just maturity : novv vvise men see , that a vvar vvith the dutch , and a conjunction with the french , as the sole and proper expedient , to finish what is brought to such ripenesse , is inevitable : if the millions , for vvhich vve are become stipendiary to the king of france , vvill not serve the turn , we will both give the nation , a foretast of vvhat vve intend for them , by shutting the exchequer ; and vvhen parliaments can do no more , make a trial , vvhat the unaccustomed vveight of absolute soveraignity can squise from them ; and also furnish our selves , with a sufficiency , for carrying on our designe : if a project of absolute foveraignity be not fairly deduceable from these courses , and if his majesty be not engaged beyond a retreat to hold on , vvhen he hath run so great a length , as he knoweth even this parliament ( how much more a new one ) would declare against , condemne , seek how to redresse what is past , and effectually prevent such exorbitancies for the future , let wise men judge . but suppose the designe be , from these and many such things , demonstrable beyond denyal , do not the difficulties , yea moral impossibilities , which seem to lie in the way of it's accomplishment , perswade to a surcease , phohibit the attempt , and secure the nation from the feare of so fatal-like an enterprise ? sure , the funest consequences of windeing up soveraignity a pegge too highe , are too fresh and recent , to be quite foregotten ; and can these be remembred , without foreseing what is like to follovv upon our graspeing at , an every vvay absolute soveraignity ( little different from a turkish tyranny ) over a free-spirited people , generously emulous above all other kingdomes , of the glory of a free nation , vvhich hath been worthily contended for , and nobly maintained by our antcestors ? it can neither be hid from his majesty , nor the men of this contriveance , hovv this cannot be fixed upon and followed , without resolving , not onely to involve the nation once more in a bloody war ; but to delete and extinguish all true english-men , without leaving a man , who retaineth , as more valueable then his life the noble disposition of the nation , unpatient of tyrranny , because above slavery : yea , suppose the french king should , in lieu of our gallant souldiers now sent , or rather basely sold to support this tyranny , and subserve his further designes , after we had destroyed our ovvn subjects , send us over thousands of his french paisants , born under this yoke , to be a seed of bastard-english slaves , he is not sure but the nature of the soile and clime might change their quality : but laying aside the desperatnesse of this designe , and the considerations of the cruelties it would drive us to , before vve vvere so setled , that we vvere beyond feare of being shaken , doth nothing of danger to the contriver , appeare in the undertaking ? the men of this counsel , cannot be ignorant , that if a war be raised upon this head , it must end in the perfect and final overthrow of one of the parties ( and are they invulnerable ? ) especialy , considering , that the subjects are now made sensible , how vain it is any more to trust court-oaths , covenants , or any assurance of the like nature , which will , or can be given , and that not onely because of a practical breach of faith ; but because , it is become a court maxime , and a principle in our new politicks , that no oath , covenant , or promise , given by , or elicit from his maj. by his subjects , in a time of war betwixt them , bindeth him longer , then he is in case , with his own safety , to tell them , it was rebellion to require it , and to make them know , and finde he is able to break it ; yea it may be , to make all strong , and free him from the guilt of perjury for doing so , nulla fides cum haereticis , may be made use of in it's season . but these things seem to be digested with us , and as they have been of no weight or merit , to disswade from the contriveance ; so , if they should demurre us in the execution of our purpose , it would argue an irresolution , pusillanimity and lownesse of spirit , whereof we resolve not to be guilty : rubiconem trajecimus , jacta est alea , the stravving of our vvay vvith the dead bodies of such insolents , as dare mutter their dissatisfaction , or more manifesty seek to marre , or set themselves to oppose this glorious designe , of pure absolutenesse , is resolved upon , and if vve be necessitat to open our vvay vvith the sword , to this domination , vve are sufficiently provided , and in case for it ; so that on all accounts vve may promise our selves , either no opposition , or so vveak , as vvill rather encourage ( having thereby some colour of justice to cut off at once & for ever , such , vvho dare attempt to crosse our royal inclinations ) then , be able to advance their opposition , to a making of our enterprise difficult , let be desperat : what should dissvvade or divert , where there is nothing of resistance to be feared ? for first , the clergy of the nation having prostitut their conscience , to serve ourlust , that , without more bebate , our royal pleasure is to them the law , even in things sacred , and knowing their dependence upon us , in esse and operari , they will be so far from crossing our pleasure in civils , that we have ensured their assistance , in enslaving the nation ; and as they have benummed their conscience , into an acquiescence to our will , in the matters of god ; so we can easily command them , in despite of reason and religion , to palliat , whatever of rage may be in the prosecution of our designe , with some colour of either necessity or justice . as for the fanaticks , the division which julian the apostat endeavoured to creat and keep up amongst christians , ne unanimem timeret plebem , is , an easy work for us : their own mutual animosities , jealousies , diffidence and strivings , give us rather matter of encouragment , then feare : but besids , we have under colour of grace and favour , drawn off , some leading fanaticks , to accept of our pardon , whereby , as the multitude of their old followers , have not the same confidence , to communicat counsels with them , about creating us any disturbance ; so , the persons thus decoyed , have more reguard to their own safety ( knowing how easily we can novv reach them ) then either to speake , or suffer themselves to be spoke to , in these matters : and for the generality of the fanaticks , our late indulgence will so far attain it's end , as to charme them into a sopor , whereof we are put out of doubt , by these solemne acknowledgements , which have been made , and thanks vvhich have been given us , for such an expression of our royal bounty , and clemency ; ( poor dreamers ! ) & vvithal , for a perfect security , from the counter-vvorkings of the fevv more restlesse and implacable sort of fanaticks , vve have , by the ministrie of some of the same spirit and temper , ( for this very purpose , on our part , admitted to our favour ) made sure , that nothing shall be hatched amongst them , vvhich shall not be heard by us , so , as vve may crush it ere it can crawl out of it's shell ; seing the persons admitted to this grace , must maintain the credit they have got , by giving us notice , at least when enquired at , of all they knovv ; and as each of these ( being persons of different persvvasions , and because of their old and late grudgings and jarrings , easily emoulous of one another's court ) will endeavour , to recommend himself unto us , as most worthy of our favour , by striving , who shall bring over most of his party , professedly to accept of our pardon , when we are at leisure to give it ; so , they will be careful to commend , and make themselves considerable by their intelligence ; for which end , we not onely allow them to entertain their old familiarity , and known intimacy with their party ; but we maintain and keep them in case , to have each his instruments , by whom , he may be fully informed , of whatever passeth amongst his old associats : and the jealousy , that each of these two principal agents , hath , that either his court and credit with us , will fall lower , then the other's , if he mantain it not with an equality of service ; or that the other might , in order to the making of himself most considerable , reveal some things , not onely of his own party , that dependeth more directly upon him ; but of what were a doing or designing also , in the party , and amongst the intimats of the other , will make both very open hearted , in discovering the utmost of what they know : as this , i say , will be the procedour of these persons ; so the certain knowledge hereof , will create such distrust and diffidence amongst the more prudent of the fanaticks , as will cut of all communication of counsels upon this head ; since they will be jealous , that there may be , in the most select number , some , whose service in discovering what ever passeth , is ensured to either , or both of the tvvo , vvhom vvee vvould never daigne to see , if it vvere not , that with their eyes we might see into the bosomes of their fraternity . as for the ancient nobility and gentry of the nation , most of them being old or worne out , who would have counted it more honourable to have died in the quarrel , then to have survived the liberty of their countrey , which must be now swallowed up in our absolut soveraignity , and the few who remain , seing the disease desperat , are more like , in their despondency , to chuse , to sigh out the rest of their miserable dayes , in such a lot , as our absolutenesse will carve out for them ; then expose selves to certain ruin by appearing to oppose , when there is neither hope nor humane probability of putting a stop to this new setlement : and for the young nobility and gentry , can grapes be gathered off thistles ? we have not onely secured our selves from their opposition , but ensured their assistance : for care hath been taken , to traine them up , and habituat them , beyond a retreat , to all manner of lewdnesse and licentiousnesse of life ; so that morality , is the matter of their scorne , hatred and detestation , as high and unheard of flagitious practices , are the matter of their boasting : now can it be expected , that such who count it a glory to be delivered from the bonds ( or as they judge it the bondage ) of morality , will strugle for the liberty of their nation , and contend for the preservation of religion , especialy knowing , that if the nation were again , what it once was , they would either be constrained , to relinquish these wicked courses , to which they have devoted themselves ; or be looked upon , and carried towards , as the filth and offscouring ; of the generation , onely fit for the dunghill ? no , we are sure of these beyond hesitation : as our play-houses have been accademies for satan , wherein this young generation of gallants , have commenced his disciples , and mancipat their souls to his yoke , blessing themselves in this subjection , as true liberty ; so , they have laid aside and lost by the same means , all sense of true honour , vertue , and love for the prosperity & real privileges of their countrey . now giving and graunting , there are a considerable number of persons , neither tainted with vice , nor wholly laid aside by the former considerations , whom we can never gaine to a compliance with our designe : yet , we are sure they will not move nor dare to appeare , to prevent or oppose us , in the prosecution of our purpose : seing they know , that upon the least surmise or whispering of this nature , we would pretend a present necessity to go to armes , and they are not ignorant , how by our providence and foresight , for securing the successe of this undertaking , we have put our selves in a capacity , to sacrifice to the designe of our absolutenesse , the lives of all who will run the risck of opposing it . and this leadeth me to speake a little to the care that hath been had , and the courses which have been taken , to secure the end , before an open entry was made in the way leading to it : first , all places of trust and power , are put in the hands of such persons , as will by choice and obligation be true to our interest ; knowing , that we cannot succumb in the enterprise , but they must sink and be crushed with us : secondly , we are not onely sure of the assistance of all our loyal and faithful subjects , our bosome confidents , the roman catholicks , but as they are beyond beleef numerous , by the courses we have taken to encourage them ; so they are provided , and in such readinesse to rise , that vvith difficulty they are kept back ; and the assurance they have of our being true to our designation , viz defender of their faith , and to our ghostly father's interest , who signalised his son's fidelity , with this title , maketh them as intirely ours , as they know us to be theirs : thirdly , our new magazine at windsore castle , our faithful and loyal subject that irish papist , vvhom we have made real governour of the tower ( for sr. john robinson , is an insignificant nominal ; but the lesse significant , the better , when joined with a second , designed for sole significancy ) our new fort at gravesend ( built upon another pretense ) will all serve to keep the city , ( if it be thought fit to save it from being burnt the second time ) the head of all the insurrection , or trouble we feare , either quiet , or vve vvill be in case to liberat our selves of our feares , by cutting it off ; and to guard effectually , against a may be of a miscarriage in this enterprise , we have made sure the power of france , whereby we will be easily able , to over-power , what might prove too difficult for us , to overcome by our selves : the great predominant consideration , which hath contrair the perswasion of all the old interest of england , determined us to a conjunction with them , in this war against the dutch ; whose landing we have secured in our cheife cinque ports ; and now the mystery of plimouth fortification is unridled : their setting foot on english ground is made easy ? not onely , because they have our english fleet to convey them , and one of the chief strengths of england to receive them ; but under colour of guarding the coasts against our dutch enemies ; we have raised so many forces , as will serve to welcome our french friends , and they together , will give an opportunity for the rest , who are impatient of a delay , to draw to a head ; so that , what with the number of atheists and papists vve have already vvithin our selves , and vvhat by their daily encrease ( for vve expect a flovving in upon england , as a torrent , the scum of the popish vermine , out of all nations abroad , in ansvver to our invitation of strangers , especialy , seing , vvhat vve have hinted of liberty and protection to the popish religion , in that our declaration , vvill be very vvell understood by our sagacious friends abroad , as it is at home knovvn to be a plain declaration of our purpose , to setle popery , as the publick profession of the nation ; from vvhich , nothing hath hitherto vvithheld us , but vvant of power ) we are sure ( i say ) with these not onely to make our selves formidable , to all who would oppose us ; but also to be able , to cover almost in one day , the very face of the nation , and cut in peeces at once , all whom we suspect , to be guilty of an inclination contrair to our royal pleasure ; and vve are sure , the execution of our commands , shall be in the hand of such , who with a tygerish keenesse , vvill execute our vvill : what then can appeare able to stand in the vvay , or put us to a difficulty , in effectuating our purpose ? i knovv the more prudent in the nation , vvill readily apprehend , vvhen they consider , vvhat a vast treasure the court hath devoured , and hovv they have so habituat themselves to this prodigious profusenesse , as they may assoon cease to be , as cease to change their way ; and when withall they perceive , how , vvhile they are such , that all vvayes of satiating this boundlesse appetit are impossible ( for parliaments can do noe more ; yea this very parliament , if called together for that purpose , hovv probable is it that in stead of a nevv stretch to give more , not onely the disgraceful receiving of the french millions but the court 's medling with the treasure of the nation , and destroying it's trade and credit , by that stop , without a precedent , put upon the exchecquer , vvould be resented by them ) that the court is engaged and resolved to lay them aside , and usurp for the future , a pure absolutenesse : they have created to themselves this necessity : for it is not imaginable that a vvay novv can be found out , besids this desperat expedient , hovv both his majesties debts shall be payed , and the court maintained , as it hath been these yeers past ; ( though vvith much lesse lustre , then the illustrious courts of england , famous formerly through the world , for their magnificent plenty , sumptuous entertainment , and numerous retinue ; vvhen the revenue of the crovvn vvas scarce the halfe of vvhat it novv is : neither were these kings treasures empty ; so that the vastnesse of our present yeerly revenue , beyond what former kings had , with the incredible summes , which have , partly been given , partly exacted and squised from the people , the penury of the court , while it's bill of fare is abridged almost to a basenesse , make men stand agast and inquire at the wayes , how this treasure is spent ? whether it be hoorded up , as some suspect , or by the vvhirle-vvinde of an invisible curse svveeped avvay vvhich many beleeve ) if any remaine still obstinatly incredulous , notvvithstanding of vvhat is said to discover this to be the designe , and hovv , vvhat vve are novv doing , is , in order to the bringing of our purpose to passe , all the evil i wish him , is , that the court to vvhom he hath so much charity , do not cure him of this distemper , by destroying his ovvn , together vvith the nations interest . there is one thing vvhich maketh all that 's said , for convincing incredulity it self of this court designe , not onely passe for a groundlesse conjecture , but for the malicious product of some fantastick , & a bold forgery of a petulant male content viz. that suppose his maj. if he knew how handsomely to accomplish it , were passionatly desirous to lay aside parliaments ; yet considering what assistance he behoved to have , in dissolving that happy frame of government , under which the nation hath floorished so long , to the envy & terror of all it's enemies ; yet his maj. cannot but foresee , how that by making use of such a mean , in stead of attaining the proposed absolutenesse , the crown doth really fall from his head , and he precipitats himself into the ditch of a most base and abominable servitude : for since the instruments chiefly to be made use of , for carrying on this desperat designe , must be the roman catholicks at home and abroad ; their fidelity and assistance cannot be assured at a lower rate , or upon any other termes , then by setling the romish idolatry as the publick profession of the nation ; and if so , then his maj. in stead of an absolut soveraigne , becometh rom's tributary , holding his crown precariously of the pope : nor can his maj. be ignorant how he is not to expect , to be in the same condition of servitude with other popish princes ; england being more purely the popes patrimony then other kingdomes , peters pence must be payed in recognisance of his superiority , whereby king & kingdome is debased to hell : this one obvious consideration i say , hath made wise men ( though never the wiser for that ) judge it impossible , that ever the designe of absolutenesse , could transport his maj. into such a mistake , as to accomplish his end by this midds , there being so close and cleare a connexion betwixt turning the nation into a province , the prince into the pop's deputy or substitut , & setling of popery as the profession of the nation : it 's true all persons of understanding in the nation , did with surprise & amasement behold how papists were encouraged and countenanced , how their profession seemed to qualify them for places of trust , and commend them to our favour ; nay good men behold with grief and horrour , how the favours heaped upon the irish rebells did amount to the height , of more then an interpretative owning , of that horrid massacre in ireland , whereby the guilt of so much innocent blood is brought upon the throne , and his may. exposed also by this , to share , in all the wrath and vengance , which shall fall upon the head of of the shedders of that blood , as a return to the cry of the souls under the alter , from him who not onely maketh inquisition for blood , but in whose eyes the death of his saints , is so precious , that he engageth to give them blood to drink , who have shed their's ; yea it hath added astonishment to their horrour , to see popery so publickly professed in ireland , that the popes primat is as publick there , as his majesties ; nor are their scooles lesse patent , or their meetings for their idolatrous worship lesse publick ; but whither , what hath been lately done in england , doth lessen or highten the amasement , is a question : every one thought he had so much reason to disbeleeve a designe of setling popery , that the nation was abused into a supine negligence & deep security , even while they looked on & saw it excresce , to the contemning of law , & overtoping of all other intersts ; insomuch that men for feare ( forsooth ) of losing the repute of wise and prudent , fooled themselves for company , either into a sameness of apprehension , with such masters of reason , as judged this enterprise , on the court's part , the height of folly , and the jealousy of it in others , a shallownesse of apprehension at best ; or dissimulation of their feares , vvhich hath been plagued vvith a vvretched reguardlessenesse , hovv it vvent vvith the interest of christ ; and if novv and then they vvere pulled by the eare , and bid look about them , ere it vvas too late , by such as compared the courses taken , to propagat that abomination , and promove the popish interest at home , vvith his majesty's carriage vvhen abroad , hovv he remained inexorable notvvithstanding of all entreaties , nor could he , by the most ardent and earnest beseechings of the protestants , be overcome to a compliance with their desires , of being present at their worship , frequenting in the mean time the mass , in paris , brussels , cullen , &c. which with other things , was the ground of that assurance we had from abroad , that his maj. had renounced the protestant religion , the papist's boasting everywhere very openly that his maj. was turned catholick , and making use of it as an argument to prevail with others , whom they endeavoured to seduce into the same abomination : the protestants vvere grieved and sad at the certain persvvasion and foresight of vvhat would follow , ( though we were fooled into a fearelessenesse ) to the prejudice of the reformed religion , upon his majesties restitution ; yet they would reason themselves into an obstinatnesse in their first opinion , and though they neither did , nor could deny his majesties carriage abroad , to have been such , nor yet shut their eyes upon what they saw acted at home ; they would still , graunting all their monitors premisses , which , being matters of fact , were manifest by their own evidence and light beyond a denyal , reject their inference , and upbraid for the brutishnesse of such a feare , seing such a setlement of popery , was inconsistent vvith policy , and utterly destructive of his majesties interest ; supposing that whatever favours he heaped upon these unhappy men , would not excresce to the prejudice of that , but be confined within the limits , vvhich his own honour , ( to say nothing of what the oath of god required of him ) and the liberty of the nation , should have set to his liberality , yea for confirming themselves in this their tenaciousnesse , they would both give and graunt ( but without ground ; for he who will be false to the true and living god , vvill readily be true to a false ; because this is inflicted as a part of their punishment , yea a dreadful part and plague it is upon such as make apostasy , that they should be mad upon idols ) that his maj. in his exile and distresse ; might not onely , in order to the engaging of the popish party , to endeavour his restitution , and secure a maintenance to him while abroad , frequent their mass , and openly decline the protestant assemblies and worship , but had besids , given the pope all possible assurances , of enslaving the nation to idolatry , upon his restitution , and in the highest and most ample formality , had renounced the protestant religion ( being indulged for the interim , upon a politick designe , and in order to the more safe and certain performance of his promise , to retain in his family the english service book ; whereof one said well , that it was an ill said mass ) giving , i say , and graunting all this , yet the evidence his maj hath given , that with him it is a light matter to break covenants , oaths and most solemne engagements , whereby his own soul , together with the souls of the whole nation , vvere most explicitly and formaly bound to the most high , as alteri parti contrahenti , under the pain of his dreadful displeasure , when the adherence unto , or the performance of these vovves , seemed to interfere with his other designes , or were apprehended ( o sad mistak , vvhere the error exposeth to the ire of him , who cuteth of the spirit of princes , and is terrible to the kings of the earth ) to be inconsistent , with his other interests ; this i say , gave them ground to over-perswade themselves ; and because they would have had it so , flatter themselves into the beleefe ; that such promises would not be looked upon as obligatory , when they were discovered to be so manifestly destructive , not onely of all the deare and precious concerns of his subjects , but , to conviction , a total ecclipse of royal majesty ; being really the debasing of his person , and prostitution of his imperial crown , to be trampled upon , and trode under foot by that romish beast . but if i can do no more , for awaking such to weep over , what their security , and the dreamings of the nation , make now almost humanitus impossible to prevent ; ( onely with god all things are possible ) i would desire them , in the first place , to consider , that for kings to be blindfolded and hurried headlong into this slavery , is nothing else , but what we have expressely foretold by the h. ghost ; and is it any thing else in him , to follow the drove of those , who , in like manner , have over the belly of the same perswasions to the contrair , shut up themselves in this house of bondage , and subjected their consent to the dominion of this beast , this mistresse of witchcrafts , who entiseth the kings of the earth , to commit fornication with her , and having made them drunk vvith the cup of her abominations , vvhich she propineth them , they submit their neck , to take on her yoke , & give their power , to maintain her grandure , in opposition to jesus christ , whose servants are slaine by their svvord , to gratify & satiat the cruelty of this scarlet coloured vvhore drunk vvith the blood of the saints and martyrs ? yea the kings of the earth , are so bevvitched into a complacency with her fetters , & intoxicat vvith her cup , to that height of madnesse , that they vvill vveep & cry , alas , alas , at the sight of her smoak & burning ( soon may he and the rest of the kings of the earth see it , & vomit out at their eyes , the satisfaction they have taken , in sheding the blood of the saints ; if nothing else will be a curbe to their rage , against the lord and his servants , & cure them of this madnesse , he is the lord who will hasten it in it's time , and make her & them finde , that the lord who judgeth both , and avengeth the blood of his servants , is strong , when he taketh vengance , and meeteth them not like a man ) but secondly , i judge , as to us , it would be more prudence and religion too , to be lesse confident in our politicks , not onely because of the expresse prediction of this infatuation ; but when we consider , what ground there is of feare , that his majesty , in the righteous judgement of god , be abandoned to the advance and setlement of this abomination , contrair to his own and the nation's interest ; these revoults from , these insurrections and rebellions against , the most high , these deliberat and shamefull breaches of solemne covenants , and sacred vovves , whereof he hath made himself and his dominion guilty , may rather make us wonder , if the lord do not leave him to follovv these courses , then to see him given up unto them : is it not a righteous thing vvith god , since he hath broken his covenant with the most high , wherein as he was bound to nothing , but to walk with god in his kingly capacity , and rule for him ; so in the same covenant , his subjects in a just subordination to the lord & his christ , were solemnely engaged to obey him , to be religiously tender of his honour and interests , and himself , together with the world , knoweth , that it is to this oath of god , whereby his subjects found themselves obliged in conscience , to endeavour his restauration , that he oweth his crown and peaceable restitution : i say , is it not a righteous thing with god , since he hath broken such a covenant , whereof he hath reaped so much advantage , to leave him to such courses , and the making of such confederacies , as shall make the world see , feare and tremble , at the revelation of his judgments , because of a broken covenant . it were as superfluous for me , to offer the nation an account , of the manner and methods followed , in breaking this covenant , as it might seem to savour of a malicious designe , if matter of fact were represented , with some of those most obvious aggravations , which made the sinfulnesse of it reach heaven , and is like to cause god remember this iniquity : but sure each soul , who hath not sinned away all conscience , of the sacred obligatorinesse of oaths and covenants , especially these , made , not onely before the most high as a judge , but vvith him , as with the party contracting , cannot remember , with what solemnity , this covenant was entered into , and vvith vvhat insolence , rage and spight , it hath been throvvn in the fire , and trampled upon , and made treasonable for any to assert it's obligation ; and hovv , to this day , vvhosoever dare not for feare of the almighty , do the same abominable thing , which his soul hateth , maketh himself an offender , and exposeth his person to the lash of the mischiefs , framed into a law , against the asserters of this obligation ; ( o daring insolence against god , and base ingratitude against men , thus to destroy the men , who were the sole instruments of restoring his majesty ! ) but , as he must perceive , the contrivers and framers of these lawes , abandoned of god , to vvalk in the vvayes and imaginations of their own evil heart , so he needeth not wonder , if persons so judicialy left , to courses , destructive of their eternal welbeing , and the onely valuable interest of their soul , be also in the righteous judgement of the lord , left to such courses , as are truely destructive of their temporal interests ; the not receiving of the love of the truth , especialy the opposing and persecuting it , may not onely be punished , with a being given up of god to strong delusions , to beleeve a lye , that they may be damned ; but also to a being given up to strong delusions , to beleeve a lye about all their worldly interests and concerns : o that it might be given unto his maj. as his mercy , which were a favour , every way preferable to the empire of the universe , and as the mercy of this poor nation , to remember his ovvn evil vvayes , and to turn to the living god , that so he might turn avvay from the fiercenesse of his anger , and then establish his throne , upon the solid base of religion and righteousnesse . thirdly , let such over-wise politicians , awake out of this dreame , to consider , not onely , the facility of this establishment , but hovv it is so really and upon the matter already setled , while vve sleep ; that the prevention , of a formal establishment , seemeth onely in his power , who laughs the wicked out of their project 's , and bringeth the counsel of the heathen to nought ; to say nothing of the unmasked confidence , and plain peremptorinesse , wherewith the popish party amongst our selves , have , of a long time , boasted in terminis , hovv their plot was so laid , that it could not misgive ; nor of their insultings abroad , upon the same grounds of assurance : let it be considered , first , to what number , strength and power , the popish party amongst us , is arrived , partly by the secret encouragement , partly by the open countenance they have had , since his majesties return : as for their power and prevalency at court , the current of affairs is demonstrative , that they are the only cabal , who spirit and animat all our motions ; for it had been impossible else , ever to have engaged and involved us , in this war against the dutch , in whose designed overthrow , the destruction of the protestant interest is intended : and as to there number , besids the swarmes of those locusts which cover the face of our court and city , and overspread the whole land , and that inundation , which , like a torrent , floweth in upon us from forraigne parts , as if rome had opened it's sluce , to drown us with that deludge , or rather the dragon had cast these waters out of his mouth , to cause the woman thereby to be carryed avvay , and svvallovved up , vvhich lately had brought forth , the man child of such a reformation : is it not found by experience ( for regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbis ) that , not a fevv persons , of quality , are gone over and seduced into the romish perswasion , of whom , no such thing was feared or apprehended ; insomuch that he who is not tainted himself with this wicked contagion , beginneth to doubt , what person of quality , may be concluded , to be realy fixed in an opposition to this wickednesse ; there seemeth to be nothing , but a fit opportunity , vvanting , to make an incredible discovery of persons , vvho yet think it convenient , to goe under the name and disguise of protestants : and as men vvho knovv the romish principles , and hovv ordinary it is for them , to tranforme themselves into every shape , that , while appearing like angels of light , they may with lesse observation , and more certainty , carry on their work , and establish their kingdom of darknesse , may very rationaly judge that they are numerously lurking , under the garbe even of the manifold and various perswasions , which seem , in their principles & practices , most remote from , and opposit to popery ; ( i need not mention , how they svvarme amongst , and are served by our episcopal clergy ) so it is very vvell knovvn , in vvhat numbers , they have hid themselves , and hatched their vvickednesse , under the dottage and disguise of quakerisme ; insomuch , that sober and discerning men , from the consideration of these mens priciples , their desperat enmity , especialy at the stanch protestants , and more eminently godly non-conformists , together with the good understanding , which is between the leading persons of that party , and the court , do rationaly inferre , if ever there be an opportunity for these men , to discover what they are at bottome , the bulck of them , will be found , vvith the utmost of irrational and brutish fury , to adjoine themselves to the popish party , or rather discover , hovv being already their 's in heart , they onely judged it most convenient to dissemble , and lurk under this shape , till vvith most advantage to popish idolatry , and danger to the protestant interest , they might appeare , in the true shape of the locusts , vvho are like horses prepared unto the battel , rev. 9 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. having for their king and captain abaddon or apollyon 8. 11. but then as their number , may give the facility to this setlement , an obvious probability ; so it is more assured from their posture , and present readinesse for action , and warlick capacity for puting all the mischief that is in their heart , in execution , and with a rage peculiar to the dragon's followers , runing dovvn whatever would offer to stand in their way , or oppose this setlement . i need not here repeat that which is already hinted , what of our visible military strength , is in their hand , and how our forts , forces , armouries , magazines , with all manner of warlick-provisions , seem to be destined and devouted to that service : but have not wise men , with feare and amazement , observed , how , that since his majesties return , the popish nobility , gentry , yea to the most ordinary of the common people of that persvvasion , from the one end of the nation , to the other , have , being prompted and put on by these restlesse ring-leaders , the priests and jesuits , been preparing their slaughter weapons ; so that he vvho considereth their present capacity and posture , cannot escape this conviction ; that there was never in england , so numerous , and so well appointed an army , lying ready at a call , as there is , at this day , of papists , whose blind rage against god and his truth , will prompt them to the height of cruelty , against all ranks , sexes and ages ; hence are these dayly boastings at home , of apprehended impossibility of the misgiving of this setlement , and these insultings abroad , at it's certainty , the papists not standing to say , that novv , they see no rub in their way , if the united provinces were once ruined . secondly , the difficulty of accomplishing this their wicked designe , will evanish , if these two be further considered ; first , how the persons of quality in the nation , are utterly debauched , ( for , alas , they who are chief , are chief in all abominations and unexampled impieties ) especialy the young nobility , and gentry ; secondly , what a constant and known transition there is , from atheisme & all profanity , to popery , the mother and nurse of all abominations in practice : he , i say , vvho considereth these things , vvill be so far from expecting an effectual opposition , to the setlement of popery , from a generation , vvho seem rather , to have been brought forth and educat in the stewes of rome , then borne vvithin the pale of the visible reformed church , that he vvill conclude , a liberty to live as in the suburbs of hell , vvill make them vvithout difficulty , professe themselves the childreen of that mother , vvhom they do so perfectly resemble : will these , vvho can glory in being beasts , and boast themselves of their prodigious wickednesse , these , who in the whole of their way , carry , as if they had nothing in them , above the swine , having buried in that dunghil and pudle of sensitive delights , wherein they wallow , the consideration of their immortal souls , contend for the faith once delivered unto the saints , or resist unto blood , striving against this wickednesse , even when under the countenance and encouragement of authority ? if any will persist , in his obstinat incredulity , when his majesty's indulgence is ( after all the other favours he hath heaped upon them ) extended , to the seting up of their idolatrous worship , throughout his dominions , that the introducing of popery is not designed , and that there is nothing , in this our conjunction vvith the french king , against the protestant stats , declarative of this purpose , or continue impersvvadible of a possibility to compasse it , he is like to be knokt in the head , for a cure of this distemper , and may be certainly concluded , by puting far away the thoughts of such a day , to be given up , that he may be swept away , in this dreame , to a spirit of deep sleep and delusion : if we be men , and have not so mancipat our reason , that no reasoning will be prevalent to bring us to our right minde , we cannot deny a conclusion , inferred upon such premisses : but withal ; if we be christians , and add to all the above adduced evidences , that both this is upon the heart of adversaries , and a competency also , yea overplus of power in their hand , to effectuat it , the consideration of our sin , and wrath presaging security ; we may with trembling , entertain ourselves , with these thoughts and fears , that god , in his righteous judgement , because of our abuse of his glorious gospel , and impenitence , under most cleare and crying calls to repent , and receive instruction , lest his soul be seperat from us , be about the taking away of his kingdome from us , and giving it to a nation , which will bring forth the fruits thereof , and render them to him in their season ; and because we have not loved to walk in the truth , he deprive us of that truth , and in taking away his candlestick , write our sin , and his displeasure upon our punishment : and here , i cannot forbeare to tell , how with feare and anxiety , i have heard some of our good ministers , tush at the expressions of their brethrens feare of a designe to setle popery , as if the thing were a pure impossibility ; but i judge , they did so , rather because they would have it so , and partly from a peece of inadvertency ; then from the due & serious weighing , both of what we have done to deserve it , and what the adversaries , are designeing and doing ; for , if these were represented to us , as nothing should be found , in the dispenfations of god , so nothing in the disposition of his own people , or of his and their adversaries , which would not presage sad things , yea minister matter of terrour , at the thoughts of this very thing . but without insisting , by a superfluous deduction or enumeration of particulars , further to demonstrat these things which are past all peradventure , with them , vvho vvill be at the pains to reflect on vvhat is past , and set , or suffer themselves to understand , the genuin sense and true import , of vvhat they novv heare & see acted , i shall ( as the thing aimed at in the whole of this discouse ) shut up all in a word or two , with a more direct reference to what i humbly judge , to be the duety of all the persons in the nation , who desire to be approved of god in such a day of triall , temptation , rebuke and blasphemy : and first , do not these things , my brethren , say , that now it is high time to awake out of sleep : let therefore the consideration of what we see acted and aimed at , at home , and the joint tendency of the tumults and combinations abroad , drive us out of our dreaming security , to consider in great seriousnesse , what danger the work of god amongst our selves , and throughout the world , is in ; shall we sleep as do others , while his precious interests and people are in such hasard ? shall the lords voice be crying to the city , to the countrey , to the nation , to all the churches of christ in the earth , and shall not we be so wise , to see his name , and understand the language of this his terrible rod , held over our head , and the designe of him who appointeth it ? it 's high time to awake , when we are liketo sleep the sleep of death , if we sleep long . secondly , it is not every inquiry into the emergents of the present day , or observation of the sad posture of affairs , that will prove us to be men of understanding who know the time ; if we could dive into the depth of all our enemies secreets , and make a perfect discovery of all their desperat designes ; yet unlesse we consider the things , which are like to overwhelme us in their procuring cause , unlesse we set our selves to search out the accursed thing that is with us , and what are the national , yea personal provocations of his sons and his daughters , for which he is like to give up the dearlie beloved of his soul , into the hand of his enemies , and into the hand of such as hate them with cruel hatred , all is lost labour . it would draw me to a length beyond my designe , to reckon up in order our provocations , or represent them with their high and hainous aggravations , time would fail for such an undertaking ; who is sufficient for this thing ? we may , with great certainty , say , upon a very overly search , that our wickednesse is great , and our trasgressions infinit ; it 's well for us , they want this of simple infinitnesse , that they can be swallovved up of infinit mercy : but there seemeth to be some special provocation , comprehensive of all the rest , pointed at by these manifold and multiplied dreadful calamities , under vvhich this poor nation hath been crushed , and by all these more formidable things , vvhereby , utter destruction of our persons , posterity , and of all our interests , both sacred and civil , is further threatned ; this is the thing , for which he is mainly contending , and this is that dangerous enemy , that domestick enemy the destroyer of the church and nation , after which our inquiry should be : and having discovered this enemy , if we would have peace with god , even that peace which passeth understanding , peace in life and death , peace in our borders , and on the israel of god , we are not to let him , when found , go in peace ; a revenge here , vvith the height of hatred and indignation , is not onely lavvful , but in order to the preservation of soul and body , church and kingdome , religion and liberty , simply necessar , and indispensibly duety ; if vve do not search this out , he vvill seek out our vvickednesse till he finde none , and then vvoe unto us ; or having found it , if vve make light of the matter , then we engage him to let us know , that it is a bitter and an evil thing that we have forsaken the lord our god , and that his feare hath not been before us ; if we would have his eye spare , our's must not : but what may this provocation be ? i must professe my self helped in this inquiry , by calling to minde , what an eminently faithful minister of jesus christ said , preaching at a fast upon our anniversary day , kept for the burning of london ; after he had insisted upon many sins , which might be pointed at by such a remarkable stroak ; but , said he , the strangenesse and stupendiousnesse of this judgement , seemeth to point at some one sin , which is by the head and shoulders taler then all the rest , ajudgement , the like whereof was never in the nation , seemeth , to point at a provocation , never before in all it's circumstances , nationally committed ; what can this be ? truely , said he , we need go no further to finde it out , here it is ; god burnt , or permitted in his anger this city to be burnt , because in it , by an order of king and parliament , ( horresco referens , be astonished o heavens at this ) that solemne covenant , entered into with the most high god , about things which had the most cleare connexion with his glory , and direct tendency to the advancement of the kingdome of his son , in the nation , and in the souls of men , wherein also the temporal , aswel as the eternal welfare , of each and all the persons contracting vvith the lord god , ( as his maj. vvho ovveth his crovvn and establishment to it , may say ) vvas provided for , and secured ; even this covenant vvas burnt in our city , by the hand of the common hangman ; this , said he , is a punishment in it's greatnesse and strangenesse , some way proportioned to the sin pointed at , whereby it vvas procured : he spake like a seer , and one who had the minde of christ , that said it : o that all ministers of the nation , spake the same things , at least on those dayes , appointed for weeping between the porch and the alter ; and that all the professing people of the nation , who have come under the bond of this covenant , might , in order to a right mourning before the lord , be like minded ! however , in this discovery i subsist : it was fit ; it was an act of holy righteousnesse in the judge of all the world , that the nations abroad , who had heard of the burning of this covenant , and had observed , how , in this , our rage against god , his vvork , way and people , had reached unto heaven ; by which act also , he being the great and glorious party contracted with , we gave him , with all imaginable fury and formality , the defiance , should also heare , hovv , this glorious lord god , thus dispightfully and dareingly provocked , had burnt that city , and sent as it vvere fire dovvn from heaven upon it , to consume the place , vvhere such a prodigious vvickednesse had been committed . truely , my brethren , it concerneth all of us , in this day of his contendings with us , and in this yeer of controversies , to call to minde a broken covenant , and a burnt covenant , vvhereby , vve , our king , our parliament , and the vvhole nation , stood unalterably engaged , to make our selves happy in holinesse , in vvorshiping the living god , according to his ovvn vvill , and in walking before him , in our particular stations and relations , like the vvorshipers of the true god : vvhose main designe in the world should be , the adorning of his doctrin , and shewing forth his vertues in all things : this covenant , i say , which bound us to our own blessednesse , in binding us to the good behaviour towards him , was broken , and these cords were cast away from us , this pale , whereby we were onely hedged up , from falling into everlasting burnings , was plucked up : now brittain , novv england lay it to thy heart , for this , the hand of the great god hath smitten , for this thing , it is still stretched out : will we not take warning ? will we harden our selves against him , & prosper ? may not the things , which have overtaken us already , make us know , that it is a feareful thing , to fall into the hands of the living god ? oh , inconsideration hath hardened us into impenitency , and ripened us for judgement ! will nothing awake us , till the terrors of god take hold on us as vvatter , and a sudden tempest of indignation , steal us avvay in the night ? it vvill be too late then , to think of fleeing out of his hand , when he hath begun , to cast upon us , and not spare , when he hath vvhet his glittering svvord , and his hand hath taken hold of vengeance : dreadful may the expectation of our hearts be , in the consideration of the things , vvhich , for this wickednesse , are coming , if repentance prevent it not ; our not having mourned for this abomination , our siting to this day , with vvhole hearts , beside the matter of so much sorrovv , may make us meditat terrour least he tear in pieces & there be none to deliver . let us consider , what judgements and plagues follovved upon the avouched and enacted breach of this covenant , that vve may know , hovv he hath contended , and will contend for this , if vve return not : in the first place , there is no man , who is not under the plague of spiritual occecation ; nay , no man vvho retaineth so much of morality , as will distinguish him from a beast , but if he vvill consider the practice and conversation of the men , vvho framed this mischiefe into a lavv , yea and of all vvho rejoyced in that day , and said , aha , so would vvee have it , this is the day we looked for , we have found , vve have seen it ; but it must extort this testimony from him , in despight of all palliatings , and covering vvith those coverings , vvhich are not of his spirit ; that since that day and time , never vvas there a race of men , never vvas there a generation , more remarkeably given up of god , to vvalk in the wayes of their ovvn heart , & that is hell-ward ; as there were never men , who have more manifestly declared their sin as sodom , or have been lesse solicitous to hide it ; so there was never a nation , never princes , never people , who might have been more justly expostulat with , in the same terms , that his people of old were upbraded for their wickednesse , is. 1. 10. hear the word of the lord ye rulers of sodom , give ear unto the law of our god ye people of gomorrah : as never people did cast off , so blessed and honourable a yoke , with so much malice and dispight ; so never was there nation or generation , who did more advisedly and deliberatly take on satans yoke , seting themselves to vvork wickednesse in the sight of the lord ; insomuch , that we are become a by-word , a hissing , & an abhorrence , as the very border of wickednesse , for our prodigious , & unheard of impieties , to the nations about us : oh , whither , since the day of our breach of faith with god , have we caused our shame to goe ? we have spoken and done evil as we could , and as if we had raked hell , to find out new methods of sinning , we have surpast the deeds of the heathen ; and as we had been onely delivered , to doe all these abominations ; so vvith a displayed banner , have vve fought against god , glorying in wallowing in the very kennel of hell , boasting of vvearing satan's black colours , and thinking it onely manhood and gallantry , to fight under his banner : let the records of former times be searched into , and let the practice of this generation , be compared with the greatest , and most universal vvickednesse , vvhich at other times had overspread the nation , and i am confident impartiality must say , that since the day of our solemne revoult from our svvorn subjection to the most high , satan hath been let loose more manifestly , to open as it vvere the very sluce of hell to the drovvning of the land , vvith a deluge of profanity , even after that the knovvledge of the glory of the lord , especialy upon our entering in that blessed covenant vvith him , had covered the land , in a good measure , as the vvatters cover the sea : from that day forevvard , alas , did the lord poure out his plagues , upon the hearts of the men of that conspiracy ; so that he who did run , might have read this engraven upon their practice , that as they did not like to retain god in their knowledge ; so god had given them over to a reprobat minde , to doe those things , vvhich are not convenient , being filled vvith all unrighteousnesse , fornication , &c. after they had broken covenant vvith him , they added , this iniquity of burning it , to that sin , proceeding from evil to worse , which had more of displeasure in it , then if they had , upon passing this law , been stricken dead with a thunder bolt from heaven ; for this was to be left , to act so , and doe that wickednesse , vvhich being considered in it's complexe , and with all it's circumstances , had never been done under the whole heaven before , let be in the nation ; ( i graunt the the like was acted in our neighbour nation of scotland , where the causes of wrath were burnt , containing an acknowledgment , of sin for the breach of this covenant ; but as this was an act of the same abused power ; so it was of a piece , with this monstruous impiety ) so that i may very rationaly doubt , if ever there was , a more solemne and acceptable sacrifice offered unto satan , upon the earth , then to have the nations engagement with god , so opprobriously cast into a fire : i know , all the ten plagues of egypt , to a gracious heart , who looketh upon sin as the worst of evils , if they had together fallen on the nation would not be remembred in one day , with this cleare and undeniable evidence of the displeasure of the lord ; that the nation should be left to commit such a wickednesse ; satan who had fled seven wayes before the fire of that zeal , which was found amongst the people of the lord , in the day when they entered into this covenant with him , & tooke on them these vowes , knew well , that now a throne would be erected to him , & that he should without controul , exerce a soveraignity in the nation , & we have seen it so : hovv , alas , hath he since that day , exerced as a prince a dominion ? & how hath that spirit , wrought in the childreen of disobedience ? but secondly , because the generality did not observe , this dreadful evidence of his displeasure ; and were not sensibly affected vvith the vvrath , that vvas vvitnessed against men , by leaving them to post in the vvayes of perdition , and run according to the drivings of satan ; he tooke other vvayes , to make the most stupid of the nation sensible of his anger from that day ; to say nothing ( vvhich yet speaketh the thing so distinctly , that idiots may understand it ) of disapointment of our hopes , and blasting of our big expectations ; for vve dreamed of nothing , but , upon his majesties return , that vve should be the head , and all other nations the tail , that vve should then floorish in trade , and increase in treasure and strength , to the suppressing and overawing of all , who would offer to compet with us ; now in stead of this expectation , wherein we blessed ourselves , and whereof we boasted , as if already arrived at our hoped for harbour , our substance is consumed , there is a moth in our estat , he bloweth upon what we had , and bloweth it away , we lose our flesh and fatnesse , our mirth is turned into mourning , and our organ into the voice of them that weep , the whole nation filled with murmuring and complaints of penury , and , which is a prodigy , the very court that eat up all , cryeth out , my leannesse my leannesse : to passe these things , i say , without insisting upon them ; let us , by a few crying evidences , remember , how god remembred this iniquity , and visited us for this sin , with judgement : and because , england had never nationaly so dared him to his face , as in his own sight , in the sight of angels and men , to burn that obligation by a decree ; wherein , the nation had obliged themselves to be his , to be no more their own , to be no more at the dispose of others , but in a due subordination to him as supreme ; he giveth order , to a destroying angel , to fall upon that city , where this wickednesse was decreed and perpetrat , and then the chief actors must flee for it , and seek another seat and city ; i need say no more of this , but as never prince , never parliament , neither the nation or city , had been guilty of such outrage , and rebellion against the lord , so never did plague rage in the same manner , nor did the destroying angel get a command to put up his sword , till such heaps , were laid upon heaps , and so many thousands upon thousands ; that all who heard thereof , behoved to observe , and say , never was there such a plague in england ; and , if resolved into it's true cause , we must say , righteous art thou o lord god injudging thus , we are worthy , for never was there such a provocation in england . one vvoe is past , and behold another vvoe cometh quickly ? an evil spirit from the lord , entereth into our counsels , & precipitateth us into a vvar vvith the dutch , soliciting a peace vvith us ; ( i forebeare to mention , the unrighteousnesse of it , vvhich vvas a greater plague upon the contrivers and actors , then all that followed upon it , though the shame and losse , will make a great total ) in the beginning of this war , we were plagued with so much successe , as made us encourage our selves in this evil matter , victrix causa diis placuit thought we ; and yet in that little seeming succcesse we had , any discerning person might have observed , how the hand of the lord god of hosts , was gone forth against us ; for , though our enemies did flee , yet as being deprived by the lord , of both counsel and courage , we did not follow , vvhen we had them , even for the taking up ; so that if our effrontry make us boast , of this bout as a victory , we may , with blushing , remember the greater shame , that the lord poured upon us , in depriving us of the spirit of conduct , that we knew not , how to improve the advantage over a beaten enemy ; so that the lord by this successe , did seem onely to lift us up , that he might , with the greater shame , noise and observation , throw us down ; and truely , whoever remembereth that action and day , may confidently affirme , that the lord fought for holland and against england , seing he so observably interposed as a rere-vvard : but before this angel have done his vvork , that vve might have a nevv proof of the displeasure of the almighty , and that he might make the world see , hovv he himself , and not men , did cast us dovvn ; he sendeth a fire into our chiefe city , before this war be ended , vvhere vve had burnt that covenant ; ( i passe all consideration of the immediat instruments ; let us give and graunt , it was done upon designe , even this , maketh the judgement demonstrative , with a witnesse , of his wrath and indignation ) and as this fire , seemed to take wings , or be carried from house to house , and street to street , by a destroying angel ; so those , who were employed to quench it , ( o it 's ill quenching , where he kindleth , except with teares ) were deprived of all wisdome , and discretion ; or rather , as if in the righteous judgement of the lord , they had designedly set themselves to obstruct the quenching of it , and so it burnt till the bulk of the city was turned into ashes ; that as the nations abroad , had heard of our rage in burning that covenant , so they might hear of an act of holy revenge , and be witnesses to the righteousnesse of his judgement , in giving us fire for fire ; and as the like fury , had never been witnessed against the lord before , so he had never kindled the like fire in the nation before ; nay , nor almost the like in the world , since the burning of jerusalem ; and truely the parallel , between the judgements , may put us in minde of a parity , betwixt the provocations ; as the crucifying of the son of god , and putting him to an open shame , burnt the city of that bold abomination ; so the crucifying of him again , in shedding the blood of his servants , and puting him to such a shame , in burning a covenant made with him , ( which is an unheard-of indignity , amongst princes and stats , even when after the violation of leagues , they fall in open hostility ) kindled this fire , consumed the city of our solemnities , and buried it into it's ashes . but for all this , as we do not turn away from the evil of our way ; but in stead of stoping , and taking notice of the hand , that is gone forth against us , we continue in puting forth our hand to iniquity ; we become more insatiable in sinning , rushing foreward in our course , as the horse doth to the battel ; every bit and bridle , that 's put in our mouth , is too weak to hold us ; so his anger is not turned away , but his hand is stretched out still . the angel who had drawn the sword , in stead of puting it up , seemed onely to have been furbishing it , while the flame was consuming our city : as we were become a frovvard generation , childreen in vvhom was no faith ; so he continueth , in his righteousnesse , to heap mischiefs upon us , & to spend his arrowes upon us : we goe on with the war ; now , that god , who deprived us of wisdome hovv to improve our former victory , first , leaveth us in the pride and haughtinesse of our heart , to the folly and infatuation , of dividing our fleet , and then he mustereth the host of the battel that cometh against us ; and so vve are foiled and put to flee , before that enemy , of vvhom vve had said , vve had no other regret , but because engaged against an enemy , unvvorthy of our spirit and courage ; novv are the dutch their prisons filled vvith english prisoners : but vvhy doe i insist ? the close of the vvar , is the confusion of england , and a perfect ecclipse of it's glory , our english vvalls are broken dovvn and burnt , vvherein the hand of him vvho judged us , vvas so visible , that the actors themselves doe not mention it othervvise , then as the doing of the lord , vvhich vvas mervellous in their eyes : novv is our court confounded and distracted , because the lord , against vvhom they had sinned vvith so high a hand , made bare his holy arm , in the sight of the nations , by fighting against them ; novv is the nation , in an universal consternation novv is london seised vvith a panick feare , to that height as it had been easy for the enemy , to have burnt the remainders of our city , that had escaped the former fire : and vvhereas , vve vvould have a vvar , on any terms , vvith our peacable neighbours ; novv vve must post avvay our order , to accept of a peace on any termes , and ( vvhich is remarkable ) be forced to passe from those pretensions , on vvhich vve had founded the equity of our vvar ; thus are vve stript of our glory ; and the crovvn , vvhich vve had vvorn for many yeers , in the sight of the nations , falleth from our head ; ( alas , that vve should have forgotten to have said , woe unto us that we have sinned ) england vvho had upheld these provinces , against the pride of the spanish tyrranny , england vvho had conquered france , and at the same time , vvere victorious over the scotch their confederats , must novv finde the nation perfectly besieged , by them , vvhom , in our pride , vve thought not a people ; our ships burnt , in the most secure harbours of england , and vve necessitat , when under the feet of these whom vve had despised , to accept of a peace ; which they might have made us condescend unto upon lesse honourable termes : which things befell us , that when the present generation shall consider , and the succeeding ages inquire , into the cause of this disaster , and aske the question , how vve vvere so vvonderfully brought down ; it may be answered , because in stead of keeping the covenant with their god , they burnt it , therefore , that they might read their sin and rage in their judgement , ( or , if they would not , others might ) as he had formerly burnt their city , now he burnt their ships , not in the sea , but vvithin their harbours ; and thus he called the nations to be vvitnesses , to the heat of his displeasure , in burying our glory : as their was never such a sin before committed in the land , we were never thus put to shame , and spit upon , in the sight of the nations ; our being made base & contemptible , in the eyes of them , vvho honoured us , and had us in estimation , must be refounded upon our bold sining against the most high god ; and our trampling upon his honour and interest , vvith such evidences of contempt , hath made us be greatly despised amongst the nations , and caused him , against whom we had lifted up our selves , trample us under foot , as the mire of the streets : well , wee must now beare our shame , and finde our selves sunk in the gulfe of ignominy , whereby the lord was in a manner , trying us , if vve would turn from the evil of our way : but , alas , that , which was the observe of the holy ghost upon ahaz , was manifestly verified upon us ; so that it might have been , with the same evidence and certainty , said ; this is that court , this is that kingdome , who being rebuked so remarkably , did , in stead of accepting the punishment of their sin , trespasse yet more and more against the lord. in this interval , wherein we seemed to have tranquillity from enemies without , the plague upon our heart , is more evident , by the evil that was in our hand : vve had some quiet it 's true , ( vvherein he gave us space to repent , and accept of the punishment of our sins ) but it vvas not so much a true peace , as the dravving back of the hand of the great god , that he might fetch the sorer blovv ; for in stead of humbling our selves under the mighty hand of god ; as if vve did meditat revenge against heaven , vve not onely continued in our former unchristian practices ; but , vvhat our imperial crown had lost of it's lustre , vve think to make it up , by appending the mediator's crown to it ; and therefore , though we fall before others , yet we will , as we began , continue to fight against god ; and in this interval of peace from forraigne enemies ; as we had burnt the bond of our subjection to jesus christ , so in prosecution of the same quarrel , we advance our supremacy , to the degrading and exautorating of him , by whom kings reigne ; and carry with that height of insolence , as if we had , not onely resolved , to out-do all , that ever led the way to us , in this opposition to christ as king in zion ; but further , to give the defiance to all , that ever should come after us , to make a law , vvhich being considered in it's most plain and obvious meaning , can , without straining , speak this more explicitly ; that , this man , this one jesus , who calleth himself a king , shall not reigne over us , we have no king but caesar : we stated the question de finibus imperii mediatoris , and decided in our ovvn favour , once for all ; making a decree , to take the house of god in possession to our selves ; yea , and as if , vve intended to eternize our enmity and opposition to the son of god ; vve , together vvith the imperial crovvn of the nation , transmit a legal right to our successors , to the crovvn and scepter of jesus christ ; as if it vvere a satisfaction for us , to lie dovvn in the grave , vvith an assurance , that his crovvn should not floorish upon his ovvn head ; by vvhich one act , all our former insolencies were reacted , vvith this addition ; that , vvhatever vve please to do in the house of the god of heaven hereafter , must be legal : and thus , the church hath got an exotick head , and vve have filled up the measure of our iniquity : o that it might please the father of mercies , to give repentance to his majesty & the nation , and to preserve both from reaping that harvest of grief and desperat sorrow , vvhich such a seed-time presageth : in the mean time , the consumption , of the nation , is visible in it's countenance , it 's soul and substance is consumed ; ( as vvas excellently laid openin that first & second discourse of my lord lucas , before the house of lords , in whom alone the ancient gallant spirit of the english nation did shew it self and shine forth , & who , by that heroick act , hath erected to himself a monument , in the heart of all true english-men , & proposed himself as a worthy paterne of imitation , to all who affect the glory of being true patriots ) yet , while the nation is in this low and languishing condition , vve are ploting and contriving a new war against the dutch , and therefore vve pick quarrels vvith them , to give our own designes some colour of justice , having resolved upon the vvar , let them offer , what rational satisfaction they can ; yet , as if the lord , from heaven would openly rebuke these secret mischievous contriveances and works of darknesse ; he in a manner giveth a commission , to that very element , the stage on which we designe to act this wickednesse , to fall upon us , sink our ships at sea , sweep away a considerable part of our remaining substance , and svvallovv up our land ; and as upon pestilence , fire and svvord , this had been vvritten , by the finger of the righteous judge of all the earth , never the like before seen in england ; so of this tempest , this turnado and inundation ( vvhereby the sea vvas become difficult and dangerous for passage , in reguard of broken ships , filled also vvith the sad spectacle of drovvned men , driving to and fro in it , the land overflovved , houses , beasts and men , having one common burial place ) it was also said , never , did the lord witnesse at once , so much of his displeasure against the nation , by any sea-storme ; hereby particularly pointing at and plaguing the kingdome , both for our breach of covenant vvith the most high , and our former , and again resolved upon breach of covenant vvith our neighbours , as also our foolish pretension , to an absolut dominion of the sea , to vvhich vve could set no bounds ; if that by taking notice of the displeasure of the living god against our iniquous contriveances vve might be stopped in this unhappy carreer ; but all in vain , forevvard we vvill goe . and the thing that maketh the anger of the lord , more manifest against us , and our french confederat's , in this dispensation , was , that remarkable passage of providence ; vvhile much havock vvas at the same time , made upon the french coast , aswel as upon ours , the dutch fleet , against which we were making most fervid preparations , did ride all the time safe at anchor , as it were in the centre betwixt the two , without any lose ; god thereby in a manner manifesting , that he had taken these , whom we , in designe and endeavour , had devouted to destruction , into his own immediat protection ; a happy omen ; and who knoweth , but it is a speaking prognostick , of what he intendeth , further to doe for them and by them , to the frustration , and disappointment of our projects & preparations ; & how , because we would not behold the majesty of the lord , nor see , when his hand was listed up , nor listen to the voice of such a dreadfully menacing disswasive , he mindeth to make us see , and put us to shame , for our envy at his people , and cause the world take notice of it , when he maketh the fire of his enemies to devour us . now , my friends and brethren , my designe in this deduction , and the assignement of it's cause , is not to lodge the provocation alone with the court , and leave it at their door , as if we were innocent , and in case to plead guiltlesse ; no , for besid's that we have made it our ovvn , for not mourning as we ought , for this horrid abomination , our shareing so deeply in the punishment , pointeth at , & proveth us to be , deeply guilty in the provocation : that vve may therefore , by repentence , prevent the vvoeful day , & by remembring vvhence vve have fallen , renew first love , and return to first vvorks , before he remove the candlestick , vvhich is the terrible judgement , vvherevvith vve are this day threatened ; let us consider , hovv justly he may proceed , to the utmost of holy severity , and observe , vvhat of spotlesse equity , hath been manifested , in all the smoakings of his vvrath against us , in all these blovves of his hand , whereby our beauty is consumed ; let us think , hovv guilty vve are , for not having been stedfast in his covenant , and for not performing our vowes to the most high , before he make a full end , and smite us so , that affliction shall not spring up the second time : as it is neither possible for me , to enumerat all those wayes , how we have made our selves guilty , of a contempt and dreadful misreguard of that oath of god , whereby vve were so expressely , so solemnly & indispensibly engaged in our several places and stations , to walk before him to all pleasing , minding and advancing , above all earthly concerns , reformation and religion , witnessing and shewing forth it's power , in our conversation , that , the nation might have been called by that name , jehovah shammah , that so the reproach of egypt ( the untendernesse , i mean , and profanity , which was amongst the multitude , kept under superstitious ignorance for a great part , before our late reformation ) might have been rolled away from us ; nor to accent and sharpen these challenges , with their just aggravations and edge , that they may cut us at the heart , and make us cry out ; men and brethren , what shall we do , to be delivered from the approaching destruction and impendent ruine , whereto , we and our posterity , for the breach of our covenant , and backslidings , are exposed ? so , i do purposely passe and forbeare it ; lest i should seem to exprobrat these to one party as more guiltie , while i passe by another as more innocent ; but i am sure while all are charged with this guilt , every gracious heart will suspect himself , and say , master is it i ? and he is like to be found deepest in the transgression before god , who is most ready to make light of the matter , and with a supine misreguard of his own backslidings and gods anger , dare in stead of puting his mouth in the dust as guilty before him , wipe it , and say , what have i done ? let us not onely witnesse our repentance by a personal reformation ; but by a serious minding in our place and station , the reviving of his work : let us set ourselves to weep over the dust and stones of zion : let us give him no rest , till he return and build his house , and fill it with his own glorious presence , making thereby our gates salvation and our walls praise : god seemeth by all the dispensations of the day , to put us , without more debat or delay , to chuse whether we will bleed or weep ? and if we be sparing of our teares , justice is like to be prodigal of our blood : if our eye do not trickle down without intermission , at the sight of the desolations of the sanctuary , and at the danger and distresse of all the churches of christ , till the lord look down and behold from heaven , he is threatening to bring distresse upon us , that we shall walk like blind-men , both because of our sining against the lord , and our security ; and to pour out our blood as the dust and our flesh as the dung : do we not see the church and nation ready to be devoured , by the fire of his jealousy ? do we not perceive the men with the slaughter weapon in their hand ? why then do we delay to gather our selves together ? why do vve not retire within our selves , that we may return to the most high with rops about our neck , as sentenced persons , upon the sight of the plague of our own heart , & the iniquities that are in our hand , but particularly our woeful departings from , and breaches of covenant with our god , before the decree bring forth , before the day passe as the chaff , before the fierce anger of the lord come upon us ? as a none such hath been written over the head of these judgements , which are already come ; so we may certainly conclude , that a none such , to make the ears of all that heare it tingle , and strike their hearts with amazement and terrour , at the report thereof , shall be written upon the wrath and woes , that he will bring upon us for these breaches if not mourned over : if the lord employ the french , irish and english papists , which stand ready girt with their sword upon their thigh , breathing out cruelty , and thirsting after blood , to be the executioners of his displeasure , for a despised gospel , and to avenge the quarrel of a broken covenant , and punish us , as our congregations have heard , for our impenitencies and unperswadablenesse by all that hath yet come upon us , so to make our prayer before the lord our god , that we might turn from our iniquity and understand his truth ; then may we conclude , that the nation shall be made a golgotha , a place of dead mens skuls , and that not onely the massacre of paris , alva's murther and blood-shed in the low-countreys , the murthers and villanies committed in the valleys of piedmont , with all the marian bloodshed & persecution in our own nation , but even that more bloody and barbarous massacre of ireland , shall either be quit forgotten , or mentioned as light things , vvhen compared with the havocks , bloods , murthers , fire and faggot , whereby to the satiating the malice , fury , and revenge of her that must be drunk with the blood of the saints , and to the blunting of the edge of her instrument's rage , keen to the utmost of cruelty , the land shall be laid wast and made utterly desolat : if we still sleep on , after he hath done so much to awake us , after so many voices of word and rod , after he hath been saying unto us , shall i not visit for these things ? shall not my soul be avenged upon such a generation as this ? then there is no hope but that we shall be made a generation of his wrath ; nor is there another expectation , but that he will accomplish his anger , and cause his fury to rest upon us , and be comforted : o for grace to awake & prevent this woeful day , before he cause darknesse , and before our feet stumble upon the dark mountains ! let us therefore while it is called to day , beware of hardning our hearts ; let us consider one another , and every man himself , to provok unto the excercise of repentance , let us think on our backslidings , and breaches of covenant , that we may return unto the lord our god , before he cause his anger to fall upon us : let us hast while there is a may be of hope , while there is yet a , who knoweth , if the lord will return , and repent , and turn away from his fierce anger , and think upon the church , the nation , our selves and posterity , that we perish not . the last thing wherewith i shall shut up this discourse , is , to remind you my brethren , of what i formerly hinted , viz : that from the consideration of the manifest unrighteousnesse of this war , not so much against the dutch , as against the lord god , in concurring with , and assisting the sworn enemies of the reformed religion ; yea and against our selves , our liberties , and our posterity , by strengthening the hands of the most stated adversary in the world to the prosperity of the english nation , we may not onely be humbled , that our court should be left of the lord to these wicked contrivances , religion and libertydestroying courses , and that so many of our brethren , should be dragged as slaves , to assist in this religion-overturning covenant-breaking war ; but , that as we would not by an association with the workers of these iniquities , and a participation in their sin , share in the remarkable punishments , and terrible plagues , whereby the righteous lord will certainly be avenged , for this breach of faith and alliance , for this conspiracy against the reformed religion ; so , we would withdraw and flee from , if we would not fall into the hands of a provoked god , all concurrence in carrying on this war , directly or indirectly : neither let us think to please god , or be approved of him , if we acquiesce in a simple forbearance , to contribut our assistance thereto ; nay somewhat else then such a neutrality is called for , in a day , when , all things being considered , there seemeth to be the most formally pitched battel , between hrist and anti-christ , that hath been in many generations : we are called under the hafard of being reput and reckoned enemies to christ and his cause ( for when he is crying so formally at this time , who is on my side who ? all that are not with him shall be esteemed enemies unto him ) while some of our brethren in the simplicity of their heart , not knowing any thing , are insnared and seduced into this quarrel , and moe are deprived of their liberty , dragged as slaves , and pressed to go fight , and sacrifice their lives to the court , and french interest , in prejudice of all these precious things and interests , which make life desirable , and in the preservation whereof , it is glory to die : i say while it is thus , we are called to pour out our hearts together and apart on the behalfe of our distressed , shamefully by us deserted , yea betrayed protestant brethren , that the lord god of hosts , would make bare his strong arm and stand up for their help : we are not onely debtors to them , when we can contribut nothing else to their assistance , while they must jeopard their lives , in contending against the mighty enemies of the lord and his people , for all the supply and help we can make them , by our assiduous and most importune beggings and beseechings of god , for their safety and preservation , upon the account of the reformed religion , vvhich , if they be foiled and put to the worse , must also fall with them , as to it 's visible profession ; but also upon the account of the true liberty and reall interest of england ; let the things already mentioned , to demonstrat this , upon our supposed successe against them , be considered , and it will make the matter so evident , that i am sure , as he cannot be a christian or one who wisheth the preservation of the church , and coming of the kingdome of the son of god in the world , since there hath not been for many ages , a people , whose civil interest was so twisted and enterwoven , with the great interest of christ through the earth , in opposition to antichrist ; so i am upon rational grounds perswaded , that he cannnot have the heart of a true english-man , he cannot be a true lover of the real good , liberty and honour of our nation , who doth not wish well unto , and is not earnestly solicitous for the safety of the united provinces in this juncture : alas ! shall our brethren the dutch , goe down into the valley to fight with the enemy , and be engaged , not onely upon the account of their own liberty , their civil interests , and the reformed religion ; but also most evidently by an undenyable consequence , for the liberty of england , and the preservation of the same things amongst us ? and will not we goe up to the mount , & weep upon god to stand by them ? shall they shed their blood by sea and land , for that truth and doctrine , which is according to godlinesse , that should be deare to us beyond and above our lives ? and shall not we offer them the assistance , of our utmost intercessions ? what could we say to god ? or how could we satisfy our own conscience , in so cleare and crying an exigent , if we should , as nothing concerned in the quarrel , or it's consequences , forbeare to do this ? how will we make it appeare , that we prefer jerusalem to our chief joy , and are lovers of righteousnesse , on whose side soever it is found , or are really desirous to do all that is in our power , to prevent the bondage of the nation , and preserve our selves and our posterity , from being sold slaves to forraigne enemies and the exorbitant lust of our own court , if now , when there is no other work for us to do , we make it not our work , to lift up our heart with our hands unto god in the heavens , praying and pleading by all manner of prayer and supplication , either to reclaime our rulers , from these unrighteous and violent courses ; or to preserve our oppressed brethren , and appeare their protector , when deserted of all humane help ? we would take heed how we lay our selves aside from this innocent and christian concurrence . i doubt nothing but as the lord will write in most legible characters , and witnesse either sooner or later , high and hore displeasure , against all the contrivers of this war , and willing contributers of their assistance to it , and reckon them , vvho , if it vvere but by their vvords and vvishes , vvitnesse their concurrence , and shevv themselves enemies to our oppressed protestant friends , though they neither be guilty of that theiving basensse of caping , or a more formal conjunction this abominable war , adversaries to the reformed religion , through the world , and enemies to all righteousnesse amongst men , so , i am equally perswaded , they shall make themselves guilty of a detestable neutrality , and incurre the curse of not helping the lord against the mighty , vvho do not implore his aid for our oppressed brethren , and stirre not up themselves to pray , that he would appeare to plead a cause that is so much his own : let not the vain fancy of affection to the honour of the nation , when to the height of basenesse engaged in a vvar , or lothnesse to see our countrey-men put to shame , even vvhen it is impossible to appeare in this engagement and cover our shame , de murre or foreslovv us in this duety : it 's true , our nation ought to be deare unto us , the lives and honour of our countrey-men precious in our sight ; but we should be so much protestants , so much christians , as to acquiesce rather , that vve , our posterity , our name , and nation should be delete & perish from under the heavens of the lord , before the reformed religion , that great interest of christ in the world , by our successe be destroyed , or his declarative glory suffer an ecclipse . nay let us consult either reason or religion , and then , the thing which seemeth to demurre or dissvvade , will certainly drive us to the duety that is pressed : let us love our lord jesus christ so well , let us love the honour , prosperity and welfare of our nation so well , let us love the reput and renown of our countrey-men so well , as to pray , that his kingdome may come , and that the designes of these who in this engagement , are engaged against us , and our precious interests , may be defeat , and that their hands may not be able to performe their enterprise , and there is no more driven at or desired ; for , if the sword that is now drawn against the dutch , return victorious and drunk with their blood , it will not be put up , till the yoke be wreathed about our neck , and it have shed the blood of such , who are not so much beasts , as with a tamenesse to take it on ; and if we be deprived of , and out-live the lose of our onely treasure , religion and liberty , where then is the blessednesse we spoke of ? where then is the glory of our nation whereof we boasted ? happy is the man , who knoweth the times , and what israel hath to do , while it is the plague of many , that they are as asses couching under the burden : once for all , let us feare , and stand aloof from , yea in our place and station withstand , all these sinful combinations with such , as have turned aside unto their crooked vvayes , and designe and endeavour vvith so much vigour , the overturning of his vvork , lest god lead us forth vvith the vvorkers of iniquity : it 's true , he must have a church , and his interest must be preserved ; for the gates of hell cannot prevail against it ; yet if vve either join vvith these consederats against him , or forbeare to witnesse our desire of his abiding with us , by pleading with him , for the preservation of his low , his abandoned , born down , yea and betrayed interests ; deliverance shall come another way , for he is the god of salvations , against whom in this conjunction , we have lifted up the head and stretched out the hand ; but we , our interest , and whatsoever is deare and desirable to men , shall be destroyed and perish : but my brethren , as i hope for better things of you , yea for all things , vvhich may prove you to be lovers of our lord jesus christ in sincerity , of the churches abroad and of our nation 's interest , honour and liberty , though i thus speak ; so , i desire to beleeve , that not onely that poor people against whom our court , with the french are engaged ( the second part of herod and pilat's history ) shall be preserved , though they may be brought lovv ; but that the destruction of the poor remnant amongst our selves , vvhich ( that the actors may at once take away religion and liberty together with our lives ) is intended , shall be prevented ; for strong is the lord god who judgeth the enemies of his people and pleadeth the causes of their soul : let us therefore wait on him , and continue with him in these tentations , carrying in the duties of the present day , and amidst all the dangers which accompany , a faithful acquiting of our selves in our masters service , as knowing , that the adversaries of the lord shall be broken in pieces , out of heaven shall he thunder upon them : the lord shall judge the ends of the earth , he shall give strength unto his king ( the coming of whose kingdome , is now so much opposed by these kings , and destruction of whose subjects and people , is so manifestly designed and furiously driven by them ) and exalt the horne of his anointed , when he hath provided carpenters , to fray the horns of these , who rejoyce in a thing of nought , and have taken unto them horns , by their own strength , to push the inheritance of the lord : faxit deus et festinet , and then we have the desire of our hearts . finis . reader , though thou mayest sometime finde in perusing this paper , a letter redundant , as ane for an , or it may be the same letter twice , or a letter wanting , as of for off , lest , for least , or one letter sometime for another , as these for those , which will not make thee misse the sense , yet these few small following lapses thou mayest thus correct . p. 13. l. 16. ingenuousnesse . r. ingeniousnesse . p. 16. l. 19. sea . r. see p. 34. l. 7. do insist . r. do i insist . p. 67. l. 14. sujects . r. subjects . p. 69. l. 9. phohibit . r. prohibit . p. 70. l. ult . bebate . r. debate . p. 77. l. 33. del . of . ibid. l : 34. alter . r. altar . p. 84. l. 21. priciples . r. principles . p. 96. l. ult . furbishing . r. fourbishing . p. 102. l. 2. remembring . r. remembering . p. 108. l. 1. conjunction this . r. conjunction in this memoirs of what past in christendom, from the war begun 1672 to the peace concluded 1679 selections. 1692 temple, william, sir, 1628-1699. 1692 approx. 492 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 274 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64312) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97176) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 401:7) memoirs of what past in christendom, from the war begun 1672 to the peace concluded 1679 selections. 1692 temple, william, sir, 1628-1699. the second edition. [10], 529 p. printed by r.r. for ric. chiswell ..., london : 1692. attributed to william temple. cf. bm. errors in pagination. reproduction of original in library of congress. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dutch war, 1672-1678. europe -politics and government -1648-1715. great britain -foreign relations -netherlands. netherlands -foreign relations -great britain. great britain -history -charles ii, 1660-1685. 2004-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-10 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion memoirs of what past in christendom , from the war begun 1672. to the peace concluded 1679. the second edition . london : printed by r. r. for . ric. chiswell , at the rose and crown in st. pauls church-yard . mdcxcii . the publisher to the reader . reader , these following papers i obtain'd from a person , to whom i must never restore them again ; and the author has not , that i know of , enquired after them since i had them . i must needs confess , 't is but too plain by the epistle , that he intended they should not be publick during his life ; but tho i have as great respect for him , as any man , yet i could not be of his mind in this : i think i should do the world wrong , to conceal any longer a treatise of so much profit and pleasure to all that read it ; and i hope i shall not be thought to do the author any , in publishing it , since the charge of not doing it , was not given to me . i think likewise , that if any of his friends can obtain of him the first and third parts of these memoirs that are mentioned in them , they will do the publick a great piece of service ; and if they should come from the author's last hand , they may chance to be more correct than these , which look as tho they had never been reviewed by the author , but just as they fell from his pen : however , i do not remember to have met with a treatise in any language that i understand , which in my poor judgment is written with more candor and truth , and thorough insight into the matters it relates , stuft with great variety of subject , digested into better order and method , and exprest with more clearness and spirit , than this is . i have not therefore , as i think there is no need , chang'd a word in them ; but only where things are said in french or latin , i have thought fit to translate them in another colume , or the margin ; and if i have not done it so well as i should do , i crave the reader 's pardon , and in all else , do not doubt of his thanks . i shall say nothing of the author , who will be known by the first pages of the book ; nor of the time or motive of its writing , which are seen by the epistle ; but only heartily pray to god to give him good health , and a long life , that he may continue , as he has ever been , an ornament to learning , and to his country . to my son . april , 1683. i do not remember ever to have refus'd any thing you have desir'd of me , which i take to be a greater compliment to you , than to my self ; since for a young man to make none but reasonable desires , is yet more extraordinary , than for an old man to think them so . that which you made me some time since , and have so often renew'd , i have at last resolv'd to comply with , as well as the rest ; and if i live , will leave you some memoirs of what has pass'd in my publick imployments , especially those abroad , which reach'd from the year 1665 , to 1678. and run through the most important foreign negotiations of the crown , with great connexion of affairs at home , during this period , and the revolutions it produc'd . the confidence of the king , my master , and of his chief ministers , as well as that of others abroad , gave me the advantage to discern and observe the true springs and motions of both , which were often mistaken in court , and in parliament , and thereby fasten'd many suspicions , confidences , applauses , reproaches , upon persons , and at times where they were very undeserved . twenty years of my life i pass'd in publick thoughts and business , from the thirty second , to the fifty second year of my age , which i take to be the part of a man's life fittest to be dedicated to the service of his prince , or state ; the rest being usually too much taken up with his pleasures , or his ease . the native love of my country , and its ancient legal constitutions , would not suffer me to enter into any publick affairs , till the way was open'd for the king 's happy restauration in 1660. and in 1680. you know i sent you to acquaint the king with my resolutions to pass the remainders of my life like as good a private subject , as any he had ; but never more to meddle with any publick imployment . all the rest of my age before , and since that period , i have taken no more notice of what pass'd upon the publick scene , than an old man uses to do of what is acted on a theatre , where he gets as easie a seat as he can , entertains himself with what passes upon the stage , not caring who the actors are , or what the plot , nor whether he goes out before the play be done . therefore you must expect nothing from me out of the compass of that time , nor any thing of that it self , with much application or care , further than of truth . you know how lazy i am in my temper , how uneasie in my health , how weak my eyes , and how much of my time passes in walking or riding , and thereby fencing all i can against two cruel diseases that have for some time pursu'd me· so that i doubt the satisfaction you expect , will be chiefly owing to ill health , or ill weather , which yet are not like to fail at my age , and in our climate . for the rest , if you find any thing either instructing or diverting in what i shall write upon this subject , you may attribute it wholly to the kindness and esteem i have for you , without which i should not have given my self the trouble of such recollections : and as i intend them for your use , so i desire no other may be made of them during my life ; when that is ended , neither they nor you will be any more in my care ; and whatever i leave of this or any other kind , will be in your disposal . i am the gladder , and it is but just , that my publick imployments should contribute something to your entertaiment , since they have done so little to your fortune ; upon which i can make you no excuses : 't was a thing so often in my power , that it was never in my thoughts , which were turn'd always upon how much less i needed , rather than how much more . if yours have the same turn , you will be but too rich ; if the contrary , you will be ever poor . memoirs of what past in christendom from 1672. to 1679. chap. i. having ended the first part of these memoirs with my retirement from all publick business in the year 1671. which was soon followed by the second dutch war , i shall begin this with the approaches of the peace in the year 1673. about this time , after two summers spent in a war between england and holland , with several encounters at sea , but no decisive action ; both parties began to enter upon thoughts , and indeed necessities of a peace . the nations had been at war without being angry ; and the quarrel had been thought on both sides , rather of the ministers than the peoples . the dutch believ'd it at first intended only against de witt 's faction , in favour of the prince of orange ; and in england , some laid it to the corruption of ministers , by the money of france ; and some , that pretended to think deeper , laid it to deeper designs . the lord clifford's violence in beginning it , gave it an ill air in general ; and the disuse of parliaments , a cruel maim in the chief sinews of war. the subsidies from france bore no proportion to the charge of our fleets ; and our strength at sea seem'd rather lessen'd than increas'd by the conjunction of theirs : our seamen fought without heart , and were0 more afraid of their friends than their enemies ; and our discontents were so great at land , that the assembling of our militia to defend our coasts , was thought as dangerous as an invasion . but that which most press'd his majesty to the thoughts of a peace , was the resolution of spain to declare the war with england , as they had done already with france , in favour of holland , unless the peace were suddenly made ; which would have been such a blow to our trade , as could not easily have been fenc'd ; and lost us that of the mediterranean , as the dutch war had done that of the northern seas : so as the necessity of this conjuncture was only kept off by the honour of our alliance with france . however that crown being not able to furnish supplies enough to carry on the war without a parliament , could not oppose the calling one upon this occasion . when the parliament met , tho' they seem'd willing to give the king money , yet it was to make the peace with holland , and not to carry on the war : and upon his majesty's demanding their advice , they gave it unanimously , that the peace should be made . there were too many parties engag'd in this quarrel to think of a general peace , tho' a treaty to that purpose had been set on foot an cologn , under the mediation of the swedes , between the ministers of the emperor , spain , holland , and some princes of the empire on the one part , and his majesty and france on the other ; but without any the least appearance of success . for tho' all the confederates had a mind to the peace between england and holland , yet none of them desir'd it with france : this made both the dutch and the spaniards set on foot all the engins they could , to engage his majesty in some treaty of a separate peace ; to which the necessity of his affairs , the humour of his people , and the instances of his parliament at last determin'd him towards the end of the year 1673. upon the first meeting of the parliament , the duke of buckingham , to ingratiate himself with the house of commons ( whose ill humour began to appear against those they esteem'd the chief authors of the war ) had desir'd leave of that house , that he might be heard there in his own defence upon that subject . in his speech , among many endeavours to throw the odium of the war from himself upon the lord arlington , he desir'd that lord might be ask'd who was the author of the triple-alliance ? as if he understood himself to be so . the lord arlington coming afterwards , upon the like desire , into the same house of commons , and answering some parts of the duke's speech , when he came to that particular , he told them , he could easily answer that question of the duke's , by telling them , that the author of that alliance was sir william temple . this , i suppose gave the occasion for reflections upon what had pass'd in the course of my former ambassies in holland , and at aix ; and his majesty , and his ministers , the resolution to send for me out of my private retreat , where i had passed two years ( as i intended to do the rest of my life ) and to engage me in going over into holland to make the separate peace with that state. upon the 2d of february 1671 / 4. his majesty receiv'd the certain advice , of the states having passed a resolution , that the charges and dignities possessed by the prince of orange and his ancestors , should become hereditary to his children . and at the same time he also receiv'd a letter from the states , with the desire of pasports , for the ambassadors whom they were resolv'd to send to his majesty with instructions and powers to treat and conclude a peace , and in the mean time they offer'd a suspension of arms. this offer coming upon the neck of the parliaments advice to his majesty to enter into treaty with the spanish ambassador upon the propositions he had advanced , and which the king had order'd to be sent to the parliament . it was not believ'd by the ministers , that a treaty could be refus'd without drawing too much odium upon themselves , and reflection upon the government . on th' other side , it was suspected what practices might be set on foot by dutch ambassadors , upon the general discontent reigning against the present war. therefore that very afternoon a resolution was taken at the private juncto , to send , rather than to receive an ambassy upon this subject ; and that i should be the person imploy'd . two gentlemen were sent to my house within half an hour of one another , from the earl of danby then lord treasurer , and the earl of arlington , first secretary of state , to order my attendance upon his majesty . my lord arlington told me , he would not pretend the merit of having nam'd me upon this occasion , nor could he well tell , whether the king or lord treasurer did it first ; but that the whole committee had joyn'd in it , and concluded , that since the peace was to be made , there was no other person to be thought of for it : and accordingly the king gave me his commands , with many expressions of kindness and confidence , to prepare for my journey , and the secretary to draw up my instructions . i told the king i would obey him , and with a great deal of pleasure to see his majesty returning to the measures upon which i had formerly serv'd him ; but that i might do it the better , i begg'd of him that i might go over without the character of ambassador , which would delay , or embarras me with preparations of equipage , and with ceremonies there , that were uncessary to so sudden a dispatch . his majesty thought what i said very pertinent , and so order'd , that i should go only as plenipotentiary ; but that i should have in all kinds the appointment of ambassador , and that i should take upon me the character too when the peace was concluded . within three days i was ready ; and the morning my dispatches were so too ; the marquess of frezno , spanish ambassador , sent my lord arlington word ( while i was with him ) that he had receiv'd full power from the states to treat and conclude a peace , and was ready to enter upon it whenever his majesty pleased . my lord arlington surpriz'd , was at first of opinion the king should go on his own way , and i my journy , and give the spaniards no part in the affair : i was of another mind , and that besides the point and honour , which was clear , in having the peace made rather at london than the hague , i thought that of interest might be the better pursued , when we were sought to by the states , than when we sought to them : besides , i believed the spaniard would play as fair in a game that he thought so much his own , and not suffer the dutch to stop at any small points , especially those of honour , whereas that of the flag ( tho' such ) was one his majesty ought to lay most to heart . my lord arlington , after some debate agreed with me , and desir'd me to go immediately and acquaint the king with this new and unexpected incident , who was then at the house of lords . the king seem'd pleas'd with the change ; & told me , that since i did not treat it at the hague , i should however at london ; and bid me go and acquaint the marquess of frezno with his resolution , that if he and i could agree upon the terms , the thing should soon be done . the terms to be insisted on , were soon agreed by his majesty at the foreign committee , which was composed of the lord chancellor finch , the lord treasurer , the lord arlington , and mr. henry coventry , secretaries of state , with whom his majesty order'd my attendance upon this affair . when i was instructed of his majesty's pleasure , i went to the marquess of frezno , and at three meetings i concluded the whole treaty with satisfaction to his majesty , and transport to the marquess , upon so great an honour as he thought it to himself , and the fortunes he expected upon it from his master . the articles being publick , need no place here . the two points of greatest difficulty were , that of the flag , and the re-calling all english troops out of the french service . this last was compos'd by private engagements to suffer those that were there to wear out without any recruits , and to permit no new ones to go over ; but at the same time to give leave for such levies as the states should think fit to make in his majesty's dominions , both of english and scotch regiments , the other of the flag was carried to all the height his majesty could wish , and thereby a claim of the crown to the acknowledgment of its dominion in the narrow-seas , allow'd by treaty from the most powerful of our neighbours at sea , which had never yet been yielded to by the weakest of them , that i remember , in the whole course of our pretence , and had serv'd hitherto but for an occasion of quarrel , whenever we or they had a mind to it , upon other reasons or conjectures . nothing , i confess , had ever given me a greater pleasure in the greatest publick affairs i had run through , than this success , as having been a point i ever had at heart , and in my endeavours , to gain upon my first negotiations in holland , but found monsieur de wit ever inflexible , though he agreed with me , that it would be a rock upon which our firmest alliances would be in danger to strike , and to split whenever other circumstances fell in to make either of the parties content to alter the measures we had entred into upon the triple alliance . the sum of money given his majesty by the states , though it was not considerable in it self , and less to the king , by the greatest part of it being applied to the prince of orange's satisfaction for his mothers portion , that had never been pay'd ; yet it gave the king the whole honour of the peace , as the sum given by the parliament upon it , and the general satisfaction of his people made the ease of it . and thus happily ended our part of a war so fatal to the rest of christendom in the consequences of it , which no man perhaps now alive will see the end of , and had been begun and carried on as far as it would go , under the ministry of five men , who were usually called , the cabal ; a word unluckily falling out of the five first letters of their names , that is , clifford , arlington , buckingham , ashley , and lauderdale . but though the counsels and conduct of these men had begun the war with two unusual strains to the honour of the crown , in the attaque of the smyrna-fleet , and stopping up the bank ; yet it must be allow'd them to have succeeded well in the honours they propos'd to themselves : clifford having gain'd by it the place of high treasurer , and title of a baron ; ashley the chancellor's place , and an earldom ; arlington an earldom , with the garter ; and lauderdale a dukedom , with the garter . the duke of buckingham being already possest of all the honours the crown could give of that kind , contented himself to make no better a bargain in this matter , than he used to do in all others that concern'd him , and so pretended no further than commands in the army . and thus , instead of making so great a king as they pretended by this dutch war and french alliance , they had the honour of making only four great subjects . after the peace was made , his majesty's first care was to soften the stroak as much as he could toward france ; which was done by representing the necessities of it ( that needed no false colours ) and at the same time to offer his mediation between the parties remaining still in the war , in case france either desired or accepted of it ; which took up some time to determin . in the mean while i continued in the posture and thoughts of the private man i was in before this revolution , till about a week after the whole conclusion of it , when my lord arlington told me how kindly the king took of me both the readiness i had express'd in going over into holland , and the easiness i shew'd upon the failing of that commission , as well as the pains and success in the treaty with the spanish ambassador ; and not knowing any thing better he had to give me , he was resolv'd to send me ambassador extraordinary into spain ; and to that purpose immediately to recall sir william godolphin , the ordinary ambassador there , for many reasons that , he said , made it necessary in this conjuncture . i acknowledg'd the honour his majesty intended me , but desir'd time to give my answer till i had consulted my father upon it , who was then in ireland , but in the intention of coming suddenly over ; however , in a month i undertook to resolve . my lord arlington told me , he did not expect any demur upon such an offer , which he took to be of the best employment the king had to give ; and therefore he had already acquainted the spanish ambassador with it , who receiv'd it with great joy , and resolv'd immediately to give part of it to the court at madrid , which he was sure was already done , and therefore he would reckon upon it as a thing concluded , though for the good grace of it to my father , he undertook the king would give me the time i ask'd to resolve . when i writ to my father upon this subject , he was so violent against my charging my self with this ambassy , that i could not find any temper to satisfie him , and upon it was forc'd to make my excuses to the king. when i did so , his majesty was pleas'd to assure me he did not at all take it ill of me ; and that , on the contrary , he intended me a better employment ; that he was at present engag'd for the secretary's place , upon my lord arlington's removal to chamberlain ; but that he resolv'd the next removal should be to make room for me . this i told my lord arlington ; who presently said , that he believ'd i could not refuse the spanish ambassay , but upon design of the secretary's place ; and since i desir'd it , and the king fell into it of himself , he would play the easiest part in it that he could . he was indeed agreed with sir joseph williamson for 6000 l. and the king had consented that he should enter upon it at his return from cologn , which was every day expected ; but yet he made such a difference between the persons , that he would find some way to avoid it , in case i would lay down the 6000 l. i assur'd his lordship , i had no such design , nor such a sum of money to lay down while my father enjoy'd the estate of the family ; that if i had , i should be very unwilling to pursue it so far as to give his lordship any strain in a matter already promis'd & concluded , & therefore desir'd him to think no further of it . but he was not of opinion i could stick at any thing but the money , and acquainted mr. montague and mr. sidney , who were friends to us both , with this transaction , and set them upon me to bring it to an issue before the other came over : they both endeavoured it with great instances , and mr. montague was so kind as to offer to lend me the money , but i was positive in refusing it ; yet at the same time i told my lord arlington , that , not to seem humorous in declining the offers he had made me from the king or from himself , i was content they should both know , that if his majesty had occasion to send an ambassy into holland upon the peace , i would very willingly seave him there , where i knew the scene so well . so that matter slept for the present . in the mean while france had thought fit to accept and approve the king's offer of mediation , that of sweden being enden by the assembly at cologns breaking up , in expostulations and quarrels upon the emperor's seizing the person of prince william of furstenburgh , a subject of the empire , but an instrument of france , as his brother the bishop of strasburgh had been in all the late designs and invasions of that crown upon their neighbours . the king told me , that being resolv'd to offer his mediation to all the confederates , as he had done already to france ; and finding i had no mind to engage in either of those imployments which had of late been offer'd me , he was resolv'd to send me ambassador extraordinary into holland , to offer his mediation there , as the scene of the confederates common councils , and by their means to endeavour the acceptance of it by the rest of the princes concern'd in the war. that i knew the place and persons better than any man , and could do him more service both in this , and continuing all good correspondency between him and the states , which he was resolv'd to preserve . that i should have the character of ambassador extraoadinary , and the same allowance i should have had in spain . upon this offer , i made no demur , but immediately accepted it , and so my ambassy was declared in may 1674. but to make way for my entring upon this great scene , it will be necessaay to deduce in short , the course of affairs abroad from the first period of the present war , to this second of his majesty's separate peace with holland , and the several dispositions among the parties that were likely to facilitate or to cross the design of the king 's intended mediation . no clap of thunder in a fair frosty day , could more astonish the world , than our declaration of war against holland in 1672. first by matter of fact , in falling upon their smyrna fleet , and in consequence of that ( however it fail'd ) by a formal declaration , in which we gave reasons for our quarrel , while france contented themselves to give no other for their part of it , than only the glory of that king. the dutch could never be possest with a belief that we were in earnest , till the blow was given ; but thought our unkindness and expostulations of late , would end at last either in demands of money , or the prince of orange's restitution to the authority of his ancestors . the princes concern'd in their safety , could not believe , that after having sav'd flanders out of the hands of france , we would suffer holland to fall into the same danger ; and my lord arlington told me at that time , that the court of france did not believe it themselves , till the blow was struck in the attack of the smyrna fleet. but then they immediately set out their declaration , and began their invasion . this surprize made way for their prodigious successes . the dutch had made no provision for their defence , either at home or abroad ; and the empire , spain and sweden , stood at a gaze , upon the opening of the war , not knowing upon what concerts between us and france , it was begun , nor how far we would suffer it to go on upon the french conquests . besides , the animosities of the parties in holland , long express'd under their new constitution , and de witt 's ministry , began to flame again upon this misfortune of their state. the prince's friends talk'd loud and boldly , that there was no way to satisfy england , but restoring the prince ; and that the baseness and cowardice of their troops , were the effects of turning out all officers of worth and bravery for their inclinations to the prince , and mean fellows brought in , for no other desert , than their enmity declar'd to the house of orange . upon this , all men expected a sudden change ; the states were in disorder , and irresolute what to do ; the troops were without a general , and , which is worse , without heart ; and tho de ruyter by admirable conduct kept the infection of these evils out of his fleet , which was our part to deal with ; yet faction , distrust , sedition , and distraction , made such entrances upon the state and the army , when the french troops first invaded them , that of all the towns and fortresses on the german-side ( held impregnable in all their former wars ) , not one besides mastricht made any shew of resistance , and the french became immediately masters of all the in-land parts of the provinces , in as little time as travellers usually employ to see and consider them . mastricht was taken , after a short siege , as skinsconce , by the help of an extreme dry season , that made rivers fordable where they had never been esteem'd so before . the king of france march'd as far as vtrecht , where he fix'd his camp and his court , and from thence began to consider of the ways how to possess himself of the rest . which was defended only by their scituation upon some flat lands ; that , as they had by infinite labour in canals and digues , been either gain'd or preserv'd from inundations , so they were subject to them upon opening the sluces , whenever the dutch found no other way of saving their country , but by losing it . this , at least , was generally believ'd in the french camp and court ; and , as i have heard , was the preservation of the state : for that king unwilling to venture the honour and advantage of such conquests as he had made that summer , upon the hazards of a new sort of war with a merciless element , where neither conduct nor courage was of use , resolv'd to leave the rest to practices of peace with the states , upon the advantage of the terms he stood in , and the small distance of place between them ; or , if these should not succeed , then he trusted to the frosts of the following winter , which seldom fail in that country , to make all passable and safe for troops and carriages themselves , that in summer would be impassable , either from the waters , or the depth of soil . in the mean time the state and the government of holland took a new form , and with it a new heart . monsieur de witt and his brother had been massacreed by the sudden fury of the people at the hague , and by the fate of ministers that govern by a party or faction ▪ who are usually sacrificed to the first great misfortunes abroad that fall in to aggravate or inflame the general discontents at home . the fact and the manner having been very unusual , may be the subject of others enquiry , as it was of mine , which gave me this account . the ruart of putten , eldest brother to monsieur de witt , had been accused of a design upon the prince's life , and of endeavouring by money to engage one of his highness's domestiques in that attempt . but no other witness appearing , he was sentenc'd only to be banished , at which the people show'd great dissatisfaction , being possest with an opinion of his guilt . the morning he was to come out of prison , monsieur de witt ( against the opinion of his friends ) would needs go himself to bring him out with more honour , and carry him out of town , and to that purpose went with his coach and four horses to the court. this being not usual to this minister , made the people take more notice of it , and gather together tumultuously first in the streets where he passed , and then about the court where the prisoner was kept . some of the trained bands of the hague that were upon the guard , mingled among them , and began to rail aloud against the judgment of the court , the crime of one brother , and the insolence of the other , who pretended ( as they said ) to carry him away in triumph . in the midst of this heat and passion rais'd by these kind of discourses among the populace , the two brothers came out , some of the train'd bands stop'd them , began to treat them at first with ill language , and from words fell to blows ; upon which , monsieur de witt foreseeing how the trajedy would end , took his brother by the hand , and was at the same time knock'd down with the butt end of a musket . they were both presently laid dead upon the place , then drag'd about the town by the fury of the people , and torn in pieces . thus ended one of the greatest lifes of any subject in our age , and about the 47 th year of his own , after having served , or rather administred that state as pensioner of holland for about eighteen years , with great honour to his countrey and himself . after the death of these brothers , the provinces and towns run with unanimous voices into publick demands of the prince's being restored to the authority of his ancestors . the states had in the beginning of the year declared him captain general and admiral of their forces , which was no more than de witt had always profest was designed for him , when he should be of age ; but this was found neither to have satisfied england , nor the prince's party at home , and therefore all the members of the state agreed in those acts that were thought necessary to a full restitution of his highness , now at the age of twenty one years , to the office and power of stadtholder , with all advantages , and even some more than those which had been exercised by his ancestors . at the same time monsieur fagel was introduced into monsieur de witt 's place of pentsioner of holland ; whose love to his countrey made him a lover of the prince , as believing it could not be sav'd by any other hand ; and whose zeal to his own religion , made him an enemy irreconcilable to france , whose professions as well as designs were to destroy it . this revolution , as it calm'd all at home , so it made the first appearance of defending what was left of the country . the state grew united , the army in heart , and foreign princes began to take confidence in the honour and constancy of the young prince , which they had in a manner wholly lost upon the divisions and misfortunes of the state. the french themselves turn'd all their application and practices the same way , and made the prince all the offers that could be of honour & advantages to his person and family , provided he would be contented to depend upon them . the bait they thought could not fail of being swallow'd , and about which most artifice was employ'd , was the proposal of making the prince sovereign of the provinces under the protection of england and france . and to say truth , at a time when so little of the provinces was left , and what remain'd was under water , and in so eminent danger upon the first frosts of the winter ; this seemed a lure to which a meaner soul than that of this prince might very well stoop . but his was above it , and his answers always firm , that he never would betray a trust that was given him , nor ever fell the liberties of his countrey , that his ancestors had so long defended . yet the game he play'd , was then thought so desperate , that one of his nearest servants told me , he had long expostulated it with his master , and ask'd him at last , how he pretended to live , after holland was lost ? and whether he had thought so far ? the prince told him he had , and that he was resolv'd to live upon the lands he had left in germany ; and that he he had rather pass his life in hunting there , than sell his country or his liberty to france at any price . i will say nothing of the ambassy sent at this time by his majesty to the french king at vtretcht , where the three ambassadors , duke of buckingham , lord arlington , and lord halifax found him in his highest exaltation ; for i cannot pretend to know what the true ends or subject of it was . the common belief in england and holland made it to be our jealousie of the french conquests going too fast , whilst ours were so lame ; and great hopes were rais'd in holland , that it was to stop their course or extent ; but these were soon dash'd by the return of the ambassadors after having renew'd and fasten'd the measures formerly taken between the two crowns . and the ambassadors were indeed content as they past through holland , that the first should be thought ; which gave occasion for a very good repartee of the princess dowager to the duke of buckingham , who visited her as they pass'd through the hague , and talking much of their being good hollanders , she told him , that was more than they ask'd , which was only , that they should be good english-men ; he assur'd her , they were not only so , but good dutchmen too ; that indeed ▪ they dit not use holland like a mistresz , but they lov'd her like a wife ; to which she replied , vrayement je croy que vous nous ayméz comme vous ayméz la vôtre . when france lost all hopes of shaking the prince of orange's constancy , they bent all their thoughts upon subduing and ruining the remainder of the countrey . they had avanc'd as far as woorden , and from thence they made their ravages within two or three leagues of leyden , with more violences and cruelties than would have been prudent , if they had hop'd to reclaim the prince or states from the obstinacy of their defence . the prince encamp'd his army near bodegrave , between leyden and woorden , and there made such a stand with a handful of men , as the french could never force . the winter prov'd not favourable to their hopes and designs , and some promises of frosts inveigled them into marches that prov'd almost fatal to them by a sudden thaw . this frighted them into cautions , perhaps more than were necessary , and gave the prince and states leasure to take their measures for a following campagne , with the emperor , spain , and the duke of brandenburgh and lunenburgh , which prov'd a diversion to the arms of france , and turn'd part of them upon germany and flanders , so as to give over the progress any further in holland . upon the approach of the winter , the prince , after having taken narden , three leagues from amsterdam , in spight of all resistance and opposition from either the french , or the season , resolv'd like another young scipio , to save his countrey by abandoning it , and to avoid so many sieges , as all the towns they had lost would cost to recover ; he contented himself to leave the chief post guarded with a part of the army , and with the rest marched into germany , joyn'd part of the confederate troops , besig'd bonne , which had been put into the hands of france at the beginning of the war , wherein the elector of cologn , and the bishop of munster had enter'd jointly with france . the boldness of this action amaz'd all men , but the success extoll'd the prudence as well as the bravery of it ; for the prince took bonne , and by it open'd a passage for the german forces over the rhine , and so into flanders , and gave such a damp to the designs and enterprizes of france , that they immediately abandon'd all their conquests upon holland in less time than they made them , retaining only mastricht and the grave , of all they had possest belonging to this state. in this posture stood affairs abroad when the peace of england was made in february 1673 / 4 , upon the strength and heart whereof the prince of orange concerted with the german and spanish troops to begin an offensive war , and in the head of an army of above forty thousand men , to march into france . the french began now to wish the war well ended , and were very glad to accept his majesties mediation . the king was desirous to make france some amends for abandoning the party , and making a separate peace . some of his ministers foresaw he would be arbiter of the peace by being mediator , and that he might hinder any separate treaties , by mediating a general one , and might restore peace to christendom whenever he thought fit , and upon what conditions he thought safe and just . the only difficulties that appeared in this affair , were what the confederates were like to make in accepting the king's mediation , whose late engagements with france had made him thought very partial on that side . and the house of austria finding that crown now abandon'd by england , had too greedily swallow'd the hopes of a revenge upon them , to desire any sudden treaty , till the successes they expected in the war might at least make way for reducing france to the terms of that at the pyrenees . this , i suppose , gave some occasion for my being again design'd for this ambassy , who was thought to have some credit with spain as well as holland from the negotiations i had formerly run through at the hague , brussels and aix la chapelle , by which the remaining parts of flanders had been sav'd out of the hands of france in the year 1668. but having often reflected upon the unhappy issue of my last publick employments , and the fatal turn of councels in our court that had occasion'd it , against so many wiser mens opinions , as well as my own ; i resolv'd before i went this journey , to know the ground upon which i stood , as well as i could , and to found it , by finding out what i was able of the king 's true sentiments and dispositions , as to the measures he had now taken , or rather renew'd , and trust no more to those of his ministers , who had deceiv'd either me or themselves . therefore at a long audience in his closet , i took occasion to reflect upon the late councels and ministry of the late cabal , how ill his majesty had been advis'd to break measures and treaties so solemnly taken and agreed ; how ill he had been serv'd , and how ill succeeded by the violent humour of the nation 's breaking out against such proceedings , and by the jealousies they had rais'd against the crown . the king said , 't was true , he had succeeded ill ; but if he had been well serv'd , he might have made a good business enough of it ; and so went on a good deal to justifie what was past . i was sorry to find such a presage of what might again return from such a course of thought in the king , and so went to the bottom of that matter . i shew'd how difficult , if not impossible , it was to set up here the same religion or government that was in france ; that the universal bent of the nation was against both ; that many who were , perhaps , indifferent enough in the matter of religion , consider'd it could not be chang'd here but by force of an army ; and that the same force which made the king master of their religion , made him master of their liberties and fortunes too . that in france there was none to be consider'd but the nobles and the clergy , that if a king could engage them in his designs , he had no more to do ; for the peasants having no land , were as insignificant in the government , as the women and children are here . that on the contrary , the great bulk of land in england lies in the hands of the yeomanry or lower gentry , and their hearts are high by ease and plenty , as those of the french peasantry are wholly dispirited by labour and want . that the kings of france are very great in possessions of lands , and in dependances by such vast numbers of offices both military and civil , as well as ecclesiastical ; whereas those of england having few offices to bestow , having parted with their lands , their court of wards and knights service , have no means to raise or keep armies on foot , but by supplies from their parliaments , nor revenues to maintain any foreign war by other ways . that if they had an army on foot , yet if compos'd of english , they would never serve ends that the people hated and fear'd . that the roman catholicks in england were not the hundredth part of the nation ; and in scotland , not the two hundredth ; and it seem'd against all common sense , to think by one part to govern ninety nine that were of contrary minds and humours . that for foreign troops , if they were few , they would signifie nothing but to raise hatred and discontent ; and how to raise to bring over at once , and to maintain many , was very hard to imagin . that the force seeming necessary to subdue the liberties and spirits of this nation , could not be esteem'd less than an army of threescore thousand men , since the romans were forced to keep twelve legions to that purpose , the norman to institute sixty two thousand knights fees , and cromwell left an army of near eighty thousand men . that i never knew but one foreigner that understood england well , which was gourville , ( whom i knew the king esteem'd the soundest head of any frenchman he had ever seen ) ; that when i was at brussels in the first dutch war , and he heard the parliament grew weary of it , he said , the king had nothing to do but to make the peace , that he had been long enough in england , seen enough of our court , and people , & parliaments , to conclude , qu'un roy d' angleterre qui veut estree l'homme de son peuple , est le plus grand roy du monde ; mais s'il veut estre quelque chose d'advantage , par dieu il n'est plus rien . the king heard me all very attentively , but seem'd a little impatient at first : yet , at last , he said , i had reason in all , and so had gourville ; and laying his hand upon mine , he added , et je veux estre l'homme de mon peuple . my ambassy extraordinary to holland was declar'd in may , and my dispatches finish'd at the treasury as well as the secretary's office ; so as i went away in july . my instructions were in general , to assure the states of his majesty's friendship , and firm resolution to observe his treaties with them ; then to offer his mediation in the present war , which both they , and almost all christendom , were engag'd in ; and after their acceptance of it , to endeavour it likewise with all their allies ; and , to that end , to engage the offices and intervention of the states . but immediately after my arrival at the hague , to repair to the prince of orange , give him part of his majesties intentions in all this affair , and assurance of his kindness , and engage his highness , as far as could be , to second his majesty's desires , in promoting a general peace , wherein the vnited provinces seem'd to have the greatest interest . after my arrival at the hague in july 1674. and a delive●y of my credentials to the president of the week , and a visit to the pensioner , wherein i discover'd a strong inclination in the states to a peace , as far as their honour and engag●ments to their allies would allow them , and was assur'd of the states accepting his majesty's mediation ; i went away to antwerp , in hopes to have found the prince at his camp there , between antwerp and lovain , where he had lain some time attending the advance of the confederate troops , with whom he had concerted to joyn his army upon their arrival in flanders . but two days before i came to antwerp , the army was march'd beyond lovain , so as i was forc'd to go to brussels , and there desire a guard to convey me to the camp. the punctilio's of my character would not suffer me to see the count montery , tho i had for some years liv'd at brussels in particular friendship and conversation with him . few strangers had perhaps ever been better us'd than i , during three years residence at brussels , by all persons of quality , and indeed of all ranks there ; so that it was very surprizing to me , to meet such a dry and cold treatment from the governor , and such an affectation of the persons of quality , not so much as to visit me ; for i do not remember one that did it , besides count d' egmont , who was then not very well at court , either in spain or flanders . others true i met in the streets , or the park , though they came with open arms to embrace me , yet never came at me , but contented themselves with saying , they intended it . when i sent my secretary to the count montery , with my compliments , and desires of a guard to the prince of orange , who was then not above six leagues off ; he return'd the first very coldly ; and the other with excuses that amounted to a refusal ; he said , the way was so dangerous , by stragling parties of the army , that he could not advise me to venture with a small guard ; and he had drawn out so many of the spanish troops into the field , that he could not give me a great one . i sent again , to desire what he could spare me , let the number be what it would ; for though i would not expose the king's character nor his business , by any accident i might prevent ; yet when i had endeavour'd it by my application to his excellence , i would take my fortune , tho he sent me but six of his guards . he replied , that he could not possibly spare any of them ; but that next morning he expected a troop of horse to come into town , and that as soon as it arriv'd , the captain should have order to attend me . next morning was put off till night , and night to the morning following ; when the count finding i was resolv'd to go , though without convoy , rather than to expect longer , sent me a spanish captain with about forty horse , to convey me to lovain . the truth was , that the spaniards were grown so jealous of his majesty's mediation offer'd at the hague , of the states and peoples violent humour to a peace in holland , and of the offices they thought i might use , to slacken the prince of orange in the vigorous prosecution of their present hopes and designs , that i found it was resolv'd to delay first , and then to hinder absolutely any interview between the prince and me , till the campagn was ended , but to do it with as little ill grace as they could . to this purpose du moulin ( then one of the prince's secretaries , and inveterate enemy against the court in england ) was dispatch'd between the camp and brussels , whilst i lay there , and with guards , whereof half would have serv'd my turn , or at least contented me . when i came to lovain , i found the prince was march'd towards tirlemont , but could not learn where his next halt was design'd . the spanish captain told me , he had order to go no further than lovain . so that i neither knew whither to go , nor could go any way without a guard , as they assur'd me at lovain . whereupon i sent immediately mr. bulstrode , who had come with me from brussels , to endeavour to find out the prince , and desire him to appoint what time and place i should attend his highness , which i resolv'd to do with those few servants i had brought with me , and such others as i could hire at lovain , where i lay that night . the next morning mr. bulstrode return'd with the prince's answer , that he was upon his march ; that he should be very glad to see me , but could not possibly appoint either time or place for it , because his motions were uncertain , and would depend upon the advices he received . by which i found plainly what i had suspected at brussels , that it was resolv'd , i should not see the prince before this campagn was begun by the actions then concerted among the confederates . i would not however seem to understand it so , nor any thing more in it , than what his highness was pleas'd to say ; but i knew very well , that as they say , none is more deaf than he that will not hear ; so a man that will not be seen , may easily find ways of avoiding it , especially upon such circumstances as the prince and i were then in , who must have follow'd the motions he would have given me . and therefore i resolv'd not to expose either his majesty's character or credit , with his nephew , by making that publick which had pass'd between the prince and me upon this subject ; but pretending my health would not suffer me to follow the prince upon his march , i return'd to antwerp , and gave his majesty an account of all that had pass'd ▪ who extreamly approv'd my conduct in it ; and that i press'd no further , a point that i saw would not go ; and that was taken by the prince as well as count montery , so differently from what his majesty expected . i stay'd only a night at antwerp , which pass'd with so great thunders and lightning , that i promis'd my self a very fair day after it , to go back to rotterdam in the states yatch , that still attended me . the morning prov'd so , but towards evening the sky grew foul , and the seamen presag'd ill weather , and so resolv'd to lie at anchor before bergen op soom , the wind being cross and little . when the night was fallen as black as ever i saw , it soon began to clear up with the most violent flashes of lightning , as well as cracks of thunder , that i believe have ever been heard in our age and climate . this continued all night , and we felt such a fierce heat from every great flash of lightning , that the captain apprehended it would fire his ship. but about eight the next morning , the wind chang'd , and came up with so strong a gale , that we came to rotterdam in about four hours , and there found all mouths full of the mischiefs and accidents that the last night's tempest had occasioned both among the boats and the houses , by the thunder , lightning , hail , or whirlwinds . but the day after , came stories to the hague from all parts , of such violent effects , as were almost ineredible : at amsterdam they were deplorable , many trees torn up by the roots , ships sunk in the harbour , and boats in the channels ; houses beaten down , and several people were snatch'd from the ground as they walkt the streets , and thrown into the canals . but all was silenc'd by the relations from vtrecht , where the great and ancient cathedral was torn in pieces by the violences of this storm ; and the vast pillars of stone , that supported it , were wreath'd like a twisted club , having been so strongly compos'd and cemented , as rather to suffer such a change of figure , than break in pieces as other parts of the fabrick did ; hardly any church of the town escap'd the violence of this storm , and very few houses without the marks of it ; nor were the eff●ct● of it less astonishing by the relations from france and brusels , where the damages were infinite , as well from whirlwinds , thunder , lightning , as from hail-stones of prodigious bigness . at my return to the hague , i had long conversations with the pensioner , by which i gain'd the lights necessary to discover the whole present scene of affairs , and pulses of the several confederates in what related to the general peace . i told him how much his majesty was satisfied , with that he had lately made with the states , how much he was resolv'd to continue and to cultivate it . how much reason he had to be content with the posture that had left him in at peace with all his neighbours , while they were all at war. that advantages of commerce from it , were enough to make him trouble himself no further about the peace of christendom , if his goodness and piety did not prevail more with him than his interests . but that these and the desire of a general good , had perswaded him to offer his mediation in the present quarrel . that it had been already accepted by france ; and that the emperor and spain had answer'd , they would consider of it in concert with their allies . that the states embassadors at london , had assur'd his majesty , their masters would be pleas'd with it , and doubted not their consent that the treaty should be at london ; and that thereupon his majesty had charg'd me with a letter to the states to offer them his mediation . that i could not doubt their accepting it with the best grace that could be , for i knew their interest was to have a peace , and not to disoblige the king. that if his majesty were partial to any side , they ought to believe it would be to that wherein his own nephew was so deeply concern'd ; and the more , because he offer'd his offices towards a peace , at a time when the advantages and preparations for the war run so high on the french side , as he doubted the events might show if it continued . that they knew his interest would not suffer him to see flanders lost ; and that considering what had pass'd , his honour would not now suffer him to think of preserving it any other way than by that of a peace . that he would be glad to see that countrey left by the next peace , in a better posture of defence than it was by the last ; and the spanish territories lye closer and rounder than they wert then left . that when this should be concluded , his majesty would be ready to enter into the strongest guaranties they could desire , and might with honour enter into a war to preserve it , though he could not to obtain it . the pensioner first gave me thanks for my good offices in the late peace , and in all the measures of friendship that had interceded between his majesty and them since the first breach ; he applauded the king's resolution in so pious and generous an offer , and acknowledg'd his interest might lead him to other dispositions . that he doubted not the states willingness to accept it ; all the difference would be about the time and the manner of doing it . as to this , he said , they could not do it without the communication at least of their allies ; but would immediately give them part of his majesty's offer , and the states dispositions to receive it . that for the terms of a peace , as to their own parts , they would be content to make his majesty the arbiter of it ; that they had already recover'd all the towns they had lost , except grave and mastricht , the last of which was in some manner engag'd to spain when it should be recover'd ; and for the other , they doubted not to have a good account of it very soon , orders being already gone to invest it . but he doubted whether their allies would be so easy in their expectations or demands ; and that 't was impossible for the states to leave them who have sav'd their countrey from ruin , when two so great kings had invaded them ; nor to break the treaties which they had made offensive with the emperor , spain and brandenburgh . that the term stipulated with spain oblig'd them to reduce france to the treaty of the pyrenees ; but only a reserve was made by one article , which was , unless it should otherwise be agreed by consent between them . that whatever spain would be content with , should satisfy them , though they were both equally sensible of the designs and ambition of france , as well as of their ill talent to the states . that they could never hope for such another conjuncture , to reduce them to such bounds and measures as might be safe to their neighbours , and give quiet to christendom . that it was now an ill time to enter into the terms of a peace between france and spain , because he knew they should have ill grace to demand the restitution of any towns the spanjards had lost in flanders by the last war , and given up by the peace that succeeded it ; and yet his majesty knew as well as they , that without it , a peace could neither be safe for flanders , nor for holland ; nor consequently for england . but he believ'd there would not pass many days before some decisive action would happen between the armies now not far distant in the field , which would make room for the negotiation of peace that might succeed next winter , in which his majesty would find the interests and humours of a trading countrey , as theirs was , very strong ; and dispos'd to press their allies , as far as was possible , to facilitate so great and so good a work . and for the rest of the allies besides spain , he had no reason to suspect any great difficulties would arise , so little having yet pass'd in the war between france and them . the pensioner was right in expecting some sudden action between the armies ; for about the middle of august came the news of the battel of seneffe , between the confederates under the command of the prince of orange , and the french under the prince of conde : but it prov'd not an action so decisive as was expected between two armies of so great force , and so animated by the hatred and revenge of the parties , as well as by the bravery and ambition of the commanders . the success of this fight was so differently reported by those engag'd in it , that it was hard to judge of the victory , which each side challeng'd , and perhaps neither with any great reason . the confederates had for some days sought a battel with great desire and endeavour ; and the french avoided it , with resolution not to fight , unless upon evident advantage , whilst both armies lay near nivelle , and not far distant from one another . the reason of this was thought to be of one side , the ardour of the young prince of orange , to make way by a victory , into france it self , and there revenge the invasion of his countrey , and at the same time to make his first essay of a pitch'd battel , against so great and renown'd a general as the prince of conde . on the other side , this old captain had too much honour to lose , and thought he had not enough to gain , by entring the lists with a prince of three and twenty years old , bred up in the shade of a contrary faction , till he was forc'd into . the field by the french invasion of his countrey . nor was the advantage less on the french side , in the reputation of their troops , than of their general , compos'd of excellent officers , chosen soldiers , exactly disciplin'd , long train'd for action before they began it , and now flesh'd by the uninterrupted successes of two wars . but the dutch troops when the prince of orange enter'd upon the command , were old or lazy soldiers , disus'd with long peace , and disabled with young unskilful officers ( chosen by no other merit , than that of a faction against the house of orange ) then fill'd up , when the war broke out , with hasty and undistinguish'd levies , and disheartn'd with perpetual losses of towns , and defeats of parties , during the two first campagns . the prince of conde had another restraint upon the usual boldness of his nature in such occasions , which was the ill posture he had been in at court since this king's reign , and in regard how much more he would have to answer for , than another man , upon any great misfortune to his army , which must have left the way open for the confederates to enter france , unguarded on that side by any strong frontier , so as no man knew what shake it might give to the greatness of that crown , with the help of great and general discontents , whereof this prince was thought to have his share . upon these dispositions in the generals , the battel was for some time industriously sought and avoided . till the prince of orange , believing there was no way of coming to a battel , but by the siege of some place that might be thought worth the venture to relieve , broke up , march'd away towards seneffe ; his army divided into three parts , whereof the german troops , under the count de souches , had the van ; the spanish , under prince vaudemont , the reer ; and the dutch , under the count waldeck , the main battel ; with whom the prince marched , and commanded the whole confederate army . the prince of conde observing their march , which was not far from one side of his retrenchments ; and that by the straitness of some passages they were forced to file off in small lines , stay'd till the van-guard , and main body , was over one of these passes , and the reer beginning to enter upon it , when he drew out his men , and fell with great fierceness upon the reer of the spaniards , broke them with great slaughter , and not much resistance , took their baggage , several standards , and many prisoners of note . the prince of orange , upon notice of the french march towards the spanish troops , had sent three squadrons back to their assistance , with all the diligence that could be ; but the spanish already broken , brought the dutch into disorder by falling in among them ; and the french pursuing with great bravery , broke the dutch squadrons to pieces , killing or taking all their commanders , and several standards . if the prince of conde had contented himself with this success and execution , he had left no dispute of a victory ; but lured on by the hopes of one more entire , and belief , the dutch , whom he esteemed the worst troops , would not stand , after the spaniards and a great part of their own were wholly routed , he followed the chase , and drawing out his whole army upon them , brought it to a set battel , which was more than he intended . in the mean time the prince of orange marching to the relief of the spaniards , and the squadrons he had sent , was at first envelop'd by his own flying men , whom he could neither stop by words nor blows , by promises nor reproaches , till joyning the rest of his own forces that stood firm , and the imperialists coming up to enforce them , the battel began with as great fury as any has been fought in the whole course of the wars , continued so for about eight hours till sun-set , and about two hours after by moon-light , till that failing too , the fight ended rather by the obscurity of the night , than the weariness or weakness of either side . the prince of orange in the whole course of this action , gave all orders with such prudence , and observance of all advantages . led up his several squadrons with that bravery , made such bold stands against his own broken troops , as well as against the fierceness of their pursuers , for six hours together in the hottest of the fight ; sometimes charging into the midst of the enemies , sometimes overborn by his own that fled , till he rallied them , and led them back to the charge , expos'd to more danger than most private soldiers in the field ; so that the old count de souches , in his letter to the states upon this occasion , told them , that in the whole course of the action , the prince had shewed the conduct of an old experienced commander , and the valour of a caesar. and indeed his allies , his friends , and his enemies , agreed in giving him equal glory from this adventure : but he had more from none than from the prince of conde's testimony , that he had done like an old captain in all , but only in venturing himself too much like a young man. yet this old general had done the same in this days action , as much as the youngest cavalier in his army could do , when he found the battel fought so desperately , and all at stake ; whereas 't is certain , that nothing could have given vigour to the dutch troops , after the first rout , but the repeated examples and dangers of the prince , and shame of not following such a leader in all the desperate charges he made that day , which both the generals seem'd resolv'd to dye rather than to lose . as the numbers were not much different when the fight began , so were those esteem'd that fell in this battel , and to reach about six or seven thousand on either side ; but of the french , many more officers and gentlemen than was usual in proportion to the common soldiers . when the night parted the armies , the french retired back to their former quarters , and next morning the confederates marched to that which they design'd when they broke up the day before . the allies claim'd the victory because they were last upon the field ; and the french upon the greatest number of prisoners and standards they carried away ; but whoever had the honour , they both felt the loss . after the repair necessary in each camp upon this sharp encounter , each army took the field again , and gave a general expectation of another battel before the campania ended ; the prince of orange sought it all he could ; but the prince of conde chose and fortified his encampments so , as not to be forced to one without apparent disadvantages , and contented himself to observe the motions of the allies , to preserve the towns of the french conquests in flanders , and prevent any invasion of france , which was design'd this summer with great confidence by the confederate armies both on this side , and that in alsace , but with equal disappointment , unless it were to monsieur starenburgh , who in the beginning of the campagne , complaining of the wine at the prince's table , the prince told them , he would make them drink good wine in champagne before the summer ended . he who lov'd it well , desired the prince to be as good as his word , was afterwards taken at the battel of seneffe , carried to rheims with several dutch officers , where sitting down to dinner , and finding the wine excellent , he drunk the prince's health , and said , he would trust him as long as he liv'd , for he had kept his word , and made them drink good wine in champagne . the prince of orange finding no other way of action , sat down before oudenarde in september , and had his end of drawing the prince of conde out of his cautious marches , who came immediately to relieve it , and fight the allies before they were ready to give any assault to the town . upon fight of the french army , the prince of orange call'd a council of war , and proposed to draw out and attack them immediately before they were rested after their hard days march. the spaniards were content , but count souches would not agree to it , and so this occasion was lost , and with such discontent amongst the chief officers , that next day the germans left their trenches , and marched away about a league , and left room to the french to put what relief they pleas'd into the town . upon this the prince of orange was forc'd to rise too , with the rest of his army ; and upon conferences with the count montery , as well as souches , resolv'd to leave the greatest part of the dutch forces with the count , and with the rest , to go himself , and press the siege of grave . and here began those dissentions among the chief captains of the confederates , that continued to ruin their designs , and proved so fatal to them in the whole course of the war ; and against all appearances , made good the spanish proverb , that , liga nunc a coje grandes paxaros ; the same word signifying a league , and birdlime ; and meaning , that as this never catches great birds , so the t'other never makes great conquests , tho it often does great defences : yet these first divisions were endeavoured to be cured by the emperor's recalling count souches , and spain the count of montery , who were both thought to have maim'd the actions of this campania , or at least not to have secondee , as they might have done , the prince of orange's vigour in pursuing them to other sort of successes than it ended with . this prince having fail'd of what he proposed in favour of the spaniards , was resolv'd to free his own country from the last mark of their intended servitude , before this season ended . grave was the last town the french held in any of the seven provinces , and had been kept as a magazine both of what had been taken in the other places , and was not easily carried away when they quitted them ; so as there was above three hundred pieces of canon in the town , a very full and brave garison . composed of the best troops , and all that could be added to the fortifications of the place , after the french took it , tho it was before counted one of the best the dutch had . it had been invested a month before ; yet the prince found the siege but little advanced at his arrival ; and the dutch soldiers so rebuted with the brave defence from within , that nothing could have carried the place at this season , being about the middle of october , when the prince arrived , but the same humour of leading on his men himself , whenever they shrunk , which can never be too much praised , nor too much blam'd in this prince , because , as his country and allies would have had no general if they had lost him ; so they would have had no army if they had not ventur'd him . in short , by this and his usual application and vigour , as well as the common methods of such sieges , he took grave by the end of october , with equal glory to himself , and satisfaction to all the provinces , and return'd to the hague about the middle of november , after having dispos'd his forces in their winter quarters . with the prince of orange , return'd most of the general officers to the hague ; and among the rest , old prince maurice of nassau , who , as the prince told me , had with the greatest industry that could be , sought all occasions of dying fairly at the battel of seneffe without succeeding , which had given him great regrets ; and i did not wonder at it , considering his age , of about seventy six , and his long habits both of gout and stone . when he came to visit me upon his return , and before he went to his government of clevo , it came in my head to ask him an idle question , because i thought it not very likely for me to see him again , and i had a mind to know from his own mouth , the account of a common , but much credited story , that i had heard so often from many others , of an old parrot he had in brasil , during his government there , that spoke , and ask'd , and answer'd common questions like a reasonable creature ; so that those of his train there , generally concluded it to be witchery or possession ; and one of his chaplains , who liv'd long afterwards in holland , would never from that time endure a parrot , but said , they all had a devil in them . i had heard many particulars of this story , and assever'd by people hard to be discredited , which made me ask prince maurice , what there was of it ? he said , with his usual plainness , and dryness in talk , there was something true , but a great deal false , of what had been reported . i desir'd to know of him , what there was of the first ? he told me short and coldly , that he had heard of such an old parrot when he came to brasil ; and tho he believ'd nothing of it , and 't was a good way off , yet he had so much curiosity as to send for it ; that 't was a very great , and a very old one ; and when it came first into the room where the prince was , with a great many dutch-men about him , it said presently , what a company of white men are here ? they ask'd it , what he thought that man was ? pointing at the prince . it answer'd , some general or other . when they brought it close to him , he ask'd it , * d'ou venes , vous ? it answer'd , de marinnan . the prince , a qui est es vous , the parrot , a un portugez . prince , que fais tula ? parrot , je garde les poulles . the prince laugh'd , and said , vous gardes les poulles ? the parrot answered , ouy , moy & je scay bien faire , and made the chuck four or five times that people use to m●ke to chickens when they call them . i set down the words of this worthy dialogue in french , just as prince maurice said them to me . i ask'd him , in what language the parrot spoke ? and he said , in brasilian . i ask'd , whether he understood brasilian ? he said , no ; but he had taken care to have two interpreters by him , one a dutchman , that spoke brasilian , and t'other a brasilian that spoke dutch ; that he as'k them separately and privately , and both of them agreed in telling him just the same thing that the parrot said . i could not but tell this odd story , because it is so much out of the way , and from the first hand , and what may pass for a good one ; for i dare say this prince , at least , believed himself in all he told me , having ever pass'd for a very honest and pious man. i leave it to naturalists to reason , and to other men to believe as they please upon it ; however , it is not , perhaps , amiss to relieve or enliven a busie scene sometimes with such digressions , whether to the purpose or no. before i enter upon the negotiations of the following winter , it will be necessary to give a short view of the actions of the several armies , and dispositions of the parties in other places , as well as in the low-countries , since all contributed to the different humour that appear'd at the hague about the peace , which was indeed the present scene of that affair , as well from his majesty's mediation , as the great weight of the states in the confederacy ; but chiefly from the person of the prince of orange , who seem'd to be the spirit or genius of the whole alliance , and for whom the rest , as well as the states themselves , had so great trust and deference : for several of their ministers made no difficulty to tell me upon many occasions , that their masters would not have entred into the present engagements they were in , had it not been more upon the confidence they had of the prince's personal honour and justice , than either the forces or the usual conduct of the states-general , especially in what concern'd the foreign treaties and negotiations . in rousillon little pass'd of importance between the forces there : the thoughts of both crowns were bent on that side , more upon reducing or relieving messina , that had made an absolute revolt from spain , and endeavour'd to gain protection from france , which was not difficult in this conjuncture ; as that which might not only give a great diversion to the spanish forces , but open a way for the french into the conquest of sicily , and new designs upon naples , which had been the stage of so many great wars between the houses of france and arragon . in germany the prince electors palatine , mentz and triers , had entred into league with the emperor , for the defence of the german liberty against all strangers . france was so enrag'd against the elector palatine , upon these measures he had taken , that monsieur turenne , at the head of a french army , march'd into his country , and made such cruel ravages in it , and so unusual to that generals common procedures , that the elector sent him a challenge ; which monsieur turenne answered , he could not accept without his master's leave , but was ready to meet him in the field at the head of his army , against any that he and his new allies would bring together . this prince , spighted at the helpless ruin of his country , prov'd the greatest incentive among the german princes this summer to join their forces , in order to some vigorous action against france on that side . the duke of lunenburgh engag'd first , and afterwards the elector of brandenburgh , in the common cause of the empire 's being invaded ; strasburgh was prevail'd with to throw off the neutrality they had enjoy'd since the war began , and declare for the empire in this quarrel . the new bishop of munster entred into the same measures , and all together made a considerable force , that they brought into the field on t'other side the rhine , about the end of august , or beginning of september . the old duke of lorrain join'd them with his troops ; the duke of lunenburgh was there in person , and the elector palatine had the command of the army . they were divided as well as the imperial officers , whether they should enter upon any considerable action or no , till the duke of brandenburgh came up , who was upon his march at the head of a very considerable army , that join'd the confederates in october . this gave great hopes and designs of entring either lorain or burgundy , or taking brisac , or at least sabern and haguena ; and thereby securing their winter-quarters in alsace . monsieur turenne play'd a defensive game with a small army ; and ill handled by the sickness of the season . france was at such a pinch for men , or fear of an irruption into their country from flanders or alsace , that they call'd their ban and arriere-ban , the assembling whereof had been long disused , and in a manner antiquated . however , with some of these new troops , and a reinforcement from flanders after the battel of seneffe , monsieur turenne by plain force of skill , and that admirable science in the conduct of a war , which no captain of his age could dispute with him , prevented and disappointed every one of the confederates designs , without ever coming to a set battel , though several sharp fights of part of the forces upon necessity or advantage ; so that the winter ended with the allies quitting the last point they pretended , and would have been indeed decisive in the issue of this campania , which was the german army's quartering in alsace and other parts on that side the rhine . the most considerable loss or event of this campania upon the rhine , was the death of the young prince of brandenburgh , who died about the end of it at strasburgh , of a feaver so violent and precipitate , as gave occasion for the usual suspicions and discourses that attend the death of such young princes , as give great hopes and fears to their enemies and friends . this was the more considered for a particular and intimate friendship between him and the prince of orange , who tho' cousin germans , and engag'd in one common cause , were yet nearer joyn'd by likeness of humours than of interest ; and by the ties of personal kindness than of blood ; and i never knew the prince of orange more sensible of any misfortune that happen'd to him , than of this . in all the encounters mentioned on this side , no forces were oftner seen , or more felt , or gain'd more honour of their firmness and bravery , than the english regiments still remaining in the french service , to whom the germans attributed wholly monsieur turenne's successes , as he did a great deal himself ; but the divisions among the princes that made up the confederate armies , may justly be said to have had all the merit that was not personal in monsieur turenne , who was certainly allow'd by all that compar'd them , to be the greatest captain by much of his age , in the course of a war , or conduct of a campania , though the prince of conde was thought greater in the day of a battel , both as to the disposal and order of an army , vigorous enterprise , and sharp as well as pertinent resolutions upon all sudden emergencies , to which the course and chance of a battel is every way subject . for sweden and denmark , they were not yet enter'd into the lists , but seem'd now upon the point of taking party ; sweden had acted the part of a mediator ever since the breaking up of the treaty at colen , both by their ambassador at vienna , and the hague ; who plied both those courts with very long and frequent memorials to that purpose during this whole summer ; but they had been as hard ply'd themselves all that time by the practices and advantages offer'd by france , both to that crown , and the chief ministers , to engage them in the war. nothing seem'd so likely to determin them , as the treaty and expedition of the duke of brandenburgh on the confederate side , which laid open his countrey to the invasion of sweden , and gave them a pretence of a breach , in that prince , of the treaties between them , in making war against france without the consent of the swedes . therefore as soon as he was gone towards the rhine with all the strength of his forces , the swedes drew the best and greatest part of theirs into pomerania ; and as the duke of brandenburgh advanc'd in the common designs against france ; so sweden , without declaring war , pursued their measures , with that crown ; and before the end of the year , had drawn their forces into the brandenburgh countrey , tho' without attempt upon any places , and even with pretence at first of paying for their quarters , which was reckon'd upon as short-liv'd among soldiers in another prince's countrey , whether friend or enemy . the present effect of this inroad , was the ending of another pretence of that crown , which was that of mediation , and so devolving that figure wholly upon his majesty ; and on the other side giving hopes to the confederates of engaging denmark on their side , if for no other reason , yet upon that old one among them , of being always opposite to sweden and their interests or allies . as soon as the prince came to the hague , i attended him ; and after compliments past , i acquainted him with what his majesty had commanded me of his personal kindness and esteem for his highness , of his resolutions to observe and cultivate his present friendship with the states , and desire to see a general peace restor'd to christendom , in which he intended to act wholly in concert with his highness , whose opinion as to the thing , and the conditions most necessary for his highness to insist on , he very much desir'd to understand as soon and as fully as he could . the prince answer'd me with expressions of duty and kindness to his majesty , and desires of a near conjunction between the two nations , which he thought alone could make his majesty safe at home and abroad . for the peace , he said , tho' he could make many complaints of both spanjards and imperialists conduct since their treaties ; yet the states could not with any faith or honour make any separate peace , upon any terms that france could offer them . that a general peace could not be made without leaving flanders in a posture of defending it self , upon any new or sudden invasion , against which no guarantees could secure it . that spain could not upon any exchange quit the county of burgundy or cambray , nor any thing in flanders beyond the treaty of the pyrenees , unless it were aire and saint omer . this he said was his opinion ; but if he might know the king 's , and find it at all consistent with the safety of his countrey , and his own honour towards his allies , he would do all he could to bring it about , as he had already done the point of his majesty's mediation , which was accepted both at madrid and vienna . i told him that the king having been the author and guarend of the peace at aix , and not having yet seen the french beaten out of any town that was given them by that treaty , could with ill grace propose any thing to france beyond those terms , unless it were upon some equivalent . he replied resolutely , 't were better going on with the war , let it last as long , and cost as much as it would . that his majesty might , if he pleas'd , induce france to whatever he thought just and could never show him so much kindness , as to bring him out of this war with honour . if he would not , it must go on till some change happen'd in the condition of the parties , to make the peace more necessary of one side or other . how it would fall out , he could not tell , and must leave to god ; but he thought they had as fair a game as the french. that he was sure they might have been absolutely beaten at seneffe , if the count souches had so pleas'd ; and have had a fair blow for it again at oudenarde : that he was sure germany could furnish more , and better men than france ; and they were now in a manner united in the common defence ; and he hoped the emperor's councils and conduct would not be so betray'd as they had been . that however , he must perform what his own honour , as well as that of the states was engag'd in to their allies , let it cost what in would . i imagin'd in what he said of the emperor's councels , he reflected upon the business of prince lakevitz , whose disgrace made so great noise about this time , and with particulars so extraordinary , of the french practices in that court , that they were very hard to believe , and very uncertain to know at that distance , and even at vienna it self , and therefore i would not enter into them with the prince , nor shall i here , as being foreign to this present scene . there was one point more i entred into with the prince , which was upon occasion of the many discontented persons in england , at the course of the last ministry and war , who were suspected to have trinkled at least with holland about the raising seditions , and perhaps insurrections in england , if the war continued , and the dutch fleets should appear upon our coasts , that were like to be unguarded the next summer by the streights his majesty was in , for money to set out a fleet. it was believ'd among many others , my lord shaftsbury was one that had of late play'd this game , who having been as deep as any man in the councils of the cabal , and gone so far in the publick applause of them , as in a speech in parliament to have applied the delenda carthago to our interest in the destruction of holland ; yet when he saw the parliament and nation sullen upon it , and that the king could not pursue it with so much ill humour in both , he turn'd short upon the court and the rest of the cabal , fell in with the popular humour in the city as well as parliament , decried the present designs and conduct , tho with the loss of his chancellor's place , and was believ'd to manage a practice in holland for some insurrection here . i told the prince what the king suspected of some of his subjects , without naming any ; how much service it would be to his majesty to know them more certainly , and how kind it would be in his highness to discover them . the prince was stanch , and said , he was sure the king would not press him upon a thing so much against all honour , as to betray men that profess'd to be his friends . i gave his majesty an account of all that pass'd between the prince and me , which was thought at court both cold to his majesty , and stiff as to the peace ; and i had no returns or orders upon it ; but within a week , or ten days , i had notice that my lord arlington , and my lord ossory , intended to make a turn into holland , with monsieur odyke and his two sisters , to make a visit to their friends at the hague ; and about the beginning of december they arriv'd in the king's yatchts , but without any sort of character , or show of business . my lord arlington brought me a letter from the king , written all with his own hand ; and telling me , he had sent him to set some important points right between his majesty and the prince , which ought not to lie longer in doubt ; recommending to me all the assistance i could give him there , and assuring me of his majesty's confidence and kindness . his lordship brought the most ample credential likewise , that could be , from his majesty to the prince , who still gave me part of all that pass'd between them , with as much openness and freedom , as t'other did with coldness and reserve ; and thereby lent me many lights that i could not otherwise have had , to discover the mystery of this journey and affair , which was in great part , a secret to my lord treasurer himself , whom yet his majesty was thought to trust at that time , as much as he had ever done any of his ministers . my lord arlington , who had been at the head of those measures that the king entred into , during the ministry of the cabal , and the war with holland , in conjunction with france , found himself something discredited with his master , upon the ill issue of that affair , and the necessities which forc'd him to a separate peace , both from the wants of his treasury , and discontents of his parliament and people in general . by the degrees this lord's favour declin'd , the earl of danby's encreas'd , who succeeded my lord clifford in the treasury , which had ever been my arlington's ambition . this gave him an implacable envy and hatred against my lord danby , and which no offices of friends could ever allay . he was not well in the nation for having had such a part in breaking the course of the triple alliance , and making that with france for the ruin of holland , and as was commonly thought for some ends more displeasing at home . yet when the ill humour of the parliament had broken the designs of the cabal , and made my lord schaftsbury shift his sails , and fall into the popular stream , my lord arlington had gone so far upon the same scene , as to join with the duke of ormond and secretary coventry , to perswade the king to remove the duke wholly from court and publick business , as a means to appease the discontents of the parliament upon some jealousies the late conduct of affairs had raised among them . by this council my lord arlington had very much offended the duke ; and finding himself ill with his royal highness , with the parliament , and every day declining in credit with the king , he thought there was no way of retrieving his game , but by making himself the instrument of some secret and close measures that might be taken between the king and the prince of orange . he first infused into his majesty the necessity and advantage of such a negotiation , and then that of his being employ'd in it , from the interest his lady's friends and kindred in holland would be able to give him , as well as from the credit of having been so long in the secret of the king's affair , and so best able to give them such colours as might render the late conduct of them less disagreeable to the prince . tho he profest great friendship to me , yet he represented me as unlikely to be treated with such a confidence from the prince as was requisite in this affair , for having been so intimate with monsieur de witt in my former ambassy ; and gave the prince's unwillingness to see me during the campagnia , as a testimony of his dislike , or at least indifferency to me ; he propos'd going over with all the auxiliaries that were like to be of any succour in this expedition , carrying not only my lady arlington , but madam beverwoert her sister , who had something in her humour and conversation very agreeable to the prince ; sir gabriel sylvius , who took himself to be in great credit in that court , where he had serv'd long , and particularly with monsieur benting ; nor was it forgot to carry over dr. duril as a man fit to practice monsieur marest a french minister , who was thought to have credit with the prince ; and my lord ossory was known to have a great part in his kindness and esteem , as well from his marriage into the beverwoert family , as from his bravery , so much applauded in all actions where he had been , which was a quality lov'd by this prince , tho' imploy'd against him . my lord danby had been made believe , that a letter from the prince to monsieur odyke , then one of the dutch ambassadors in england , had given occasion for this journey , as if the prince had desir'd some person there from the king , with whom he might enter in the last confidence ; but the prince assur'd me , there was no such thing ; and that monsieur ruvigny , the french minister at london , had more part in this journey than he , or perhaps any body else ; and that all the endeavours us'd towards a peace , came from that side . however instructed , at least thus accompanied ; my lord arlington came to the hague , where he told me at our first meeting that he came over to set right some things between the king and the prince , that he doubted were amiss , and settle a perfect kindness and confidence between them for the time to come . that to do this , he must go to the bottom of the sore , and rake into things past , which was an unpleasant work , and which i could not do , as having no part in the king's business during that time wherein the prince took his offence at our concils . that the king had chosen him for this office , because he could best justify his majesty's intentions towards his highness in the whole course of that affai●● that for the peace , tho his majesty desir'd it , yet he would not meddle with it , unless the prince of himself made any overtures about it ; but would only endeavour to give the prince what lights he could as to the state of things in general , and what he might hope from his allies , as well as from france ; that if the prince made no advances to him upon it , he would let it fall , and leave it in my hands to be pursued by the orders i should receive . that he knew very well such a commission as his , might look unkind , if not injurious , to another ambassador ; and that he would not have come , if any other had been here ; but the king , as well as he , reckon'd so far upon the friendship between us , that they were both confident of my being easy in it , and giving him any assistance he should want from me , which he would acquaint me with as the matter proceeded . he said , besides , that after having fought the king's battel with the prince , he must fight another of his own , who did not deserve the coldness his highness had of late expressed to him ; and when this was done , all his business was ended here , and the rest would be only seeing his friends , and finding some diversion from a new scene ; that he desired i would , according to the forms , bring him and my lord ossory the first time to the prince ; and after that , they would see him no more in ceremony , nor give me that trouble . i told his lordship , i was very glad to see him , let his business be what it would ; that i should be gladder yet that the king's business should be done , let it be by whom it would ; but much more that it might be by him : that for setting matters right between the king and prince , i thought it the best office could be done them both ; that for the way he mention'd of raking into the sore , and fighting battels in defence or justification of what was past , i knew not what to say to it , but would leave it to his own prudence ; but , from what i knew in particular of the prince's humour and thoughts , whatever he did of that sort , i believ'd , should be very gentle , and not go too deep ; and , for my own part , i was always of opinion , that expostulations were very apt to end well between lovers , but ill between friends . that i would send to the prince for an hour ; and when i had brought him to his highness , i would leave him there after the first entrances were past ; and desir'd no other part in his affair , than what he thought necessary to give me : whenever he did , i should serve him the best i could in so good an endeavour ; and for the rest , i should leave the field free to my lord ossory and him while they stay'd at the hague , as to all that was secret ; as to the rest , i desir'd they would make what use they pleas'd of me and my house . my lord arlington took all i said very well ; and said ; 't was not necessary i should leave them after i had introduc'd them to the prince , but in such a manner as i saw he would not dislike it , nor have any body thought to have any part in the successes he expected : so next morning i brought them to the prince , and , after a quarter of an hour's stay , left them together . the prince would have had me stay'd , but my lord arlington said not a word ; and i pretended some letters press'd me , and so went away , and never saw them together any more while they stay'd at the hague , unless at dinner , or in mix'd and publick company . the truth is , i was not the worse entertain'd during the course of this adventure ; for my lord arlington told me every day what he thought fit of all that pass'd between them ; and the prince told me not only the thing , but the manner of it , which was more important than the matter it self ; for this had no effect , but the other a great deal ; and that lasted long . my lord arlington told me much of his expostulations , and with what good turns of wit he had justified both the king's part in the late war , and his own ; but that , upon all , he found the prince dry and sullen , or at the best uneasie , and as if he wish'd it ended . that upon discourse of the state of christendom , and what related to the war he was engag'd in , he made him no overtures at all , nor entred further , than that the king might bring him out of it with honour , if he pleased , and with safety to christendom ; if not , it must go on till the fortunes of the parties changing , made way for other thoughts than he believ'd either of them had at this time . that this might happen after another campania , which none but his majesty could prevent , by inducing france to such terms as he thought just and safe for the rest of christendom . this was the sum of what my lord arlington pretended to have pass'd in three long conferences ; after which it grew so uneasy between them , that he told me , he had absolutely given it over , and would not say a word more of business while he was there , and attended his majesty's orders after the return of his dispatches : but would divert himself in the mean time as well as he could ; see the prince as often as he pleased at dinner , or in company , but ask it no more in private , unless the prince of himself desir'd it ; and , upon the whole , gave all the signs of being equally disappointed and discontented with the success of this undertaking . the prince , on the other side , told me with what arrogance and insolence my lord arlington had entred upon all his expostulations with him , both upon the king's chapter and his own ; that it was not only in the discourses of it , as if he pretended to deal with a child , that he could by his wit make believe what he pleased ; but in the manner he said all upon that subject , it was as if he had taken himself for the prince of orange , and him for my lord arlington ; that all he said was so artificial , and giving such false colours to things every body knew , that he , that was a plain man , could not bear it , and was never so weary of any conversation in his life . in short , all the prince told me upon it , look'd spighted at my lord arlington , and not very much satisfied with the king's intentions upon this errand ; tho he said , he was sure his majesty never intended he should treat it in the manner he had , if he remembred that he was his nephew , tho nothing else . after the first conversations , my lord arlington staid near six weeks in holland , either upon contrary winds to return his dispatches , or to carry him away , often at dinner with the prince at court , or at count waldeck's , or monsieur odyke's , or with me , putting on the best humour and countenance , affecting the figure of one that had nothing of business in his head , or in the design of this journey , but at heart weary of his stay in holland , and unwilling to return with no better account of his errand ; and , as it prov'd , he had reason for both . i found the pensioner and count waldeck thought , that the bent of my lord arlington was , to draw the prince into such measures of a peace as france then so much desired : into a discovery of those persons who had made advances to the prince or the states of raising commotions in england during the late war ; into secret measures with the king of assisting him against any rebels at home , as well as enemies abroad ; and into the hopes or designs of a match with the duke's eldest daughter . tho , they said , he found the prince would not enter at all into the first , was obstinate against the second , treated the third as a disrespect to the king , to think he could be so ill belov'd , or so imprudent to need it ; and upon mention made of the last by my lord ossory , he took no further hold of it , then saying , his fortunes were not in a condition for him to think of a wife . thus ended this mystical journey ; which i have the rather unveil'd , because , perhaps , no other could do it ; nor i , without so many several lights from so many several hands ; and because , tho it brought forth no present fruits , yet seeds were then scattered , out of which sprung afterwards some very great events . my lord arlington return'd , was receiv'd but coldly by the king , and ill by the duke , who was angry that any mention had been made of the lady mary , tho it was done only by my lord ossory , and whether with order from the king or no , was not known : so as never any strain of court-skill and contrivance succeeded so unfortunately as this had done , and so contrary to all the ends the author of it proposed to himself . instead of advancing the peace , he left it desperate ; instead of establishing a confidence between the king and the prince , he left all colder than he found it ; instead of entring into great personal confidence and friendship with the prince , he left an unkindness that lasted ever after ; instead of retrieving his own credit at court , which he found waining upon the increase of my lord danby's , he made an end of all he had left with the king , who never after us'd him with any confidence further than the forms of his place ; and found my lord treasurer's credit with the king more advanced in six weeks he had been away , than it had done in many months before . whatever was the occasion , france had this winter an extreme desire of a peace , and left no ways unattempted to obtain it , that might not too much discover the need they had of it . i suppose they might apprehend what the confederates reckon'd upon , with perhaps , too much assurance , that if they could gain one battel , they should certainly enter france ; and if ever they did , the ill humours grown under this late government would certainly break out , and make way for all the successes and ravages they propos'd to themselves ; or , at least , for such terms of a peace , as would leave all the neighbours of that crown in safety , and at quiet . a talk was set on foot of a marriage between monsieur 's eldest daughter and the king of spain , in the heat of the war ; a suspension of arms was propos'd at vienna by count oxenstiern the swedish ambassador , and the sending plenipotentiaries immediately after to treat the peace , with offers , in case these were agreed to , that the affair of prince william of furstenbergh should be respited till the end of the treaty , and pasports should be granted for the duke of lorrain's ministers , upon which difficulties had been made ; practices were used with the princes of brandenburgh and lunenburgh to dis-joint them from the common alliance ; and particular intelligence was held between the mareschall d' estrades , and one who had been pensioner of mastricht , who communicated all his letters to the pensioner fagel . but the sum of all , was instances for a separate peace between france and holland , a breach of their measures with the house of austria , and return of the old ones with france , towards which they offer'd all the advantages that could be to the states in point of commerce , and all the personal ones that could be desired by a prince of orange . but the prince was unmoveable in the point of not leaving his allies , tho he began to foresee he was like to play a hard game with them next summer in the field , and perhaps a harder with the people at home , who grew impatient for a peace , both upon the cruel taxes the war had rais'd , and upon the present decay of trade , as well as apprehension that with longer continuance of the war , it would run so far into a new channel by england , as never to be retriev'd . upon these considerations the prince resolv'd to make one effort towards a peace with honour , before this season ended , and made all further thoughts of it give way to the actions of the approaching campania . his scheme was this : that a match should be made between the king of spain , and madamoselle : that france should give with her in dowry , the late conquer'd places in flanders . that the king should make this match , and upon these terms ; that he should have two hundred thousand pounds for his good offices in it . by this means a peace would be made with safety to spain , and to holland , by securing against the frontiers of flanders , with honour to france , who parted with the conquer'd towns only as dowry to a daughter of france , without any blemish to the prince's honour , or faith in his alliances , and with honour and profit both to his majesty , which last was thought no unwelcome circumstance at that time in our court. this the prince and pensioner having digested the best way they could , and deduc'd to me , desir'd me to propose to the king , as the only way of making the peace he so much desir'd , as a thing they were sure he could do , and that france could not deny him , if he would press it ; and as the last degree of favour his majesty could express to the prince , who could no other way come out of this war with honour . they desir'd me to write it to the king himself , and that nothing might be said of it to any other person , till his majesty should return me his opinion upon it . i did so by two letters to the king , but had no hopes given me that it would be effected ; whether france took the desires of the prince for an argument of his being weary of the war , or that he found the people were so ; or whether they would not end the war , without breaking the force and confidence of the present alliance , or ( as the prince thought ) without leaving flanders open for another invasion , when some better conjuncture should make way for it ; or whether the revolt of messina had given them hopes of disabling spain , by drawing their forces on that side , and disposing them to a peace by this wound in a part so tender , and that might spread so far into italy ; or whether they had now absolutely engag'd the crown of sweden to enter into the war , and believ'd that by the impression that crown would make in pomerania , they might not only recal the duke of brandenburgh and his forces from the rhine , but , if they succeeded , might so allarm the empire on that side , as to break , or very much weaken any conjunction of their forces next summer on this side of the rhine . however it was , this attempt of the prince fail'd , and so all further thoughts of a present peace ended , and left me only to pursue the cold scent of a mediation in the common forms , while the preparations for a warm summer on all sides were making in the field . the prince this february went into gelderland , to establish the new magistracy there , according to his office of stadtholder . whil'st he was there , the deputies of that province by unanimous consent made him an offer of the sovereignty of that countrey , with the ancient title of duke of gelderland , which they pretended had been formerly in some of his ancestors . the prince said , he would give them no answer upon an affair of such moment , without first advising with the other provinces : he immediately writ to those of holland , zeeland , and vtrecht , to communicate this offer to them , and demand their advice upon it . zeeland return'd theirs against his accepting of it , grounding it upon the jealousies it might raise in the other provinces , and inconsistence of it with the constitutions of their union , which left none of the provinces at liberty to dipose of their soveraignty without consent of the rest . vtrecht return'd their answer with advice to accept it . holland was longer , depending upon the delays necessary in running the circle of so many towns ; so that before it was concluded , the prince upon receiving the advice of vtrecht return'd them immediately his answer , with the notice , that he had excus'd himself to the states of gelderland , from accepting the offer they had made him . nothing could more imploy the busy heads of this time than the course of this affair ; some attributing it to the ambition of the prince , and presaging the same design upon the rest of the provinces ; others laying it to the charge of some of his young councellors ; others to a design of sounding the humour of the provinces , and of having the honour to refuse it , after they should all have advis'd him to accept it , as 't was believ'd they would do . for my own part , i can say nothing of it with certainty , having never seen the prince while it was upon the anvil , no discours'd with him upon this subject either before or after ; but if it were an ambition bent upon the soveraignty of the rest of the provinces as well as gelderland , it was a design very different from all his proceedings in the course of the war , when france had propos'd it to him with all the advantages and support that could be ; and as different from what he had ever seem'd to understand , and to be as much perswaded of as any man , that a soveraign prince in holland would certainly and soon ruin the trade , and consequently the riches and greatness of that state , and leave a prince of it without power , or consideration in the world ; whereas the princes of orange in the post they have held for four generations , have enter'd into wars and treaties , with a regard and weight equal to most of the kings of christendom . for young councellors that were thought to have engag'd the prince in this adventure , i cannot speak with more certainty than of the intention ; but i am sure if they were in it , they were not alone ; for none doubts of monsieur fagel's having been for it ; and monsieur beverning , who was ever thought as stanch a patriot as any man among them , told me himself , that he had advis'd the prince to accept it , which i believe he would not have done , if he had foreseen any danger from it to his countrey . but whether the prince or his friends had the part that was commonly thought in the first overture , 't is certain an interest of the deputies and magistrates , as well as nobles of gelderland had a share in it too . for whereas this is the first province in the union , and abounds with nobles more than all the rest , yet by reason of their poverty from a barran soil and want of trade , they are less consider'd than several other provinces , and their voice has been in a manner swallow'd up by that of holland , who , by their trade and riches , have a great influence upon those of gelderland . the deputies of this province finding themselves yet less considerable in the union than they were before the war , which had extreamly impoverish'd their countrey during the french conquests , thought there was no way of recovering such a consideration in the state , as suited with the rank and dignity they held , but devolving the soveraignty of their province upon the prince of orange . besides , many of the nobles there having pretences for themselves or their friends in the military imployments , thought to make their court to the prince upon whom those charges depended , by advancing such a proposition ; and this was certainly a great ingredient into the first conception of it ; but whether conniv'd at , or seconded by the prince , or his friends , or with what aims or instructions i cannot say , and so leave it as a mushroom that grew up suddenly , and as suddenly wither'd , and left no sign where it had grown . at the prince's return to the hague in march 1675. i receiv'd a letter from his majesty's own hand , telling me of some advices given him , that the prince intended to come over into england against the approaching session of parliament , and commanding me to hinder it , as if his majesty believ'd the thing . i adventur'd to assure the king there could be nothing of it , before i saw the prince ; but when i did , i pretended not to have had it from his majesty , but that i heard such a thing had been whisper'd to him . he said , yes , and he believ'd by the lord arlington , who had some times talk'd of that journey after the peace should be made . however it came , he was sorry the king should believe it . that he was his majesty's servant , and if he could do him no service , he would at least do him no harm : but if the king would be otherwise possest , he could not help it ; yet desired me to assure him , there had never been any ground for such a report . in the afternoon the prince came to me , and told me in great heat , he had , since he saw me , receiv'd the most impertinent letter from lord arlington that ever was upon that subject , treating it as a resolution certain and intended for raising heats in the parliament , and commotions in the kingdom ; telling him , 't was like to prove but an ill friendship between the king and him , if it was to be made a coup de bastons ; and putting him in mind , qu'il y a de ployes chez vous , qui saigneront encore , si l'on y met la main . the prince said , he knew well enough what lord arlington meant by that expression ; for he had told monsieur read in england , when he went over upon the first motions of the last peace , that the king could make the prince be serv'd as de witt was , if he would set himself about it . upon this he fell into the greatest rage that ever i saw him , against my lord arlington , calling this proceeding malicious , and insolent , saying , he would write to him what he deserv'd ; but never have any thing more to do with him beyond common forms . that since he knew not how to trust the king's ministers , he would write to the king himself , and desir'd me to convey his letters so , as they might come to no other hand . soon after count waldeek went to vienna to concert the actions of the next campagnia , where count montecuculi was appointed to command the imperial forces instead of duke bornonville ; and the count souches was sent away into a government in hungary . in march the elector of brandenburgh came to cleve , upon the same concert , where he was met by the prince of orange , and the marquess de grana the emperor's minister ; but the main point debated here was thought to be the defence necessary to be made in pomerania against the swede , who began now to throw off the mask , to ravage the countrey , and to attack some places necessary for their quarters . the moneys likewise paid that court from france at hamburgh had been so publick and so avow'd , that none further doubted of a sudden and open rupture from that crown . whereupon the states sent to monsieur ehernstein ( then swedish ambassador at the hague , and who would have kept still the figure of a mediator ) to put in no more memorials to the states upon that occasion , since they could not receive them from a minister of a prince , who had openly and without cause attacqu'd one of their allies . at this time arriv'd an ambassador from denmark at the hague , to try what advantages his master could make of this present conjuncture , by terms of entring into the alliance with france and sweden . and all things being thus in the highest fermentation , a sudden damp fell upon the whole mass of these great affairs by the sickness of the prince of orange ; which show'd him to be the spring that gave motion to all the other wheels ; for while his illness lasted , and the event was doubtful , all was in suspence , and none of the parties engag'd seem to have other motions or sentiments than what were rais'd by the hopes or fears of so important a life . after some days fever , it prov'd the small-pox , which had been very fatal in his family , and gave the greater apprehensions to his friends and his countrey , who express'd indeed a strange concernment upon this occasion , by perpetual concourse of people to enquire after every minute's progress of his illness . whilst it lasted , he had taken a fancy hardly to eat or drink anything but what came from my house , which the people after took notice of as it pass'd ; and tho' perhaps few foreigners have had the luck to be better thought of or us'd in a strange countrey than we had ever been in holland ; yet several of our dutch friends told us , that in case any thing fatal happen'd to the prince from this disease , they believ'd the people would pull down our houses , and tear us all in pieces , upon knowing what he took in his sickness came from our hands . god be thank'd all past without any bad accident , tho ill symptoms at first ; and his recovery , next to the blessing of god , was owing to the great evenness of his temper , and constancy of mind , which gave way to no impressions or imaginations that use to be of ill cons●quence in that disease ; so that it pass'd in the common forms , and within twenty days he was abroad , and fell into the present business of the scene , among which the preparation for the campania was the chief . i cannot here forbear to give monsieur benting the character due to him , of the best servant i have ever known in prince's , or private family . he tended his master , during the whole course of his disease , both night and day ; nothing he took was given him , nor he ever remov'd in his bed , by any other hand ; and the prince told me , that whether he slept or no , he could not tell ; but in sixteen days and nights , he never call'd once that he was not answer'd by monsieur benting , as if he had been awake . the first time the prince was well enough to have his head open'd and comb'd , monsieur benting , as soon as it was done , begg'd of his master to give him leave to go home , for he was able to hold up no longer ; he did so , and fell immediately sick of the same disease , and in great extremity ; but recover'd just soon enough to attend his master into the field , where he was ever next his person . the campania happen'd to begin later than it u'sd to do on the french side , both from the expectation what the prince's sickness would end in , and from some commotions succeeding one another about this time in guienne and brittany , upon occasion of the imposts or gabels , which drew some of the french forces into those parts . but when those troubles were ended , as they were by an unusual strain of lenity and clemency in composing them , all imaginary endeavours were us'd to prepare in france for the campania : the king intended to attack flanders in the head of all the choice of his forces , and with the greatest vigour and impression he could make this year upon the spanish netherlands ; yet the king pretended to be but a volunteer in the army , of which he declar'd the prince of condé general ; whether to put the greatest compliment he could on so great merit , or to hinder his brother from making difficulty of acting under that prince's orders . and monsieur turenne was to be employ'd in alsace , to attend , and amuse as much as he could the german army , for fear of giving the king too much diversion in flanders ; and this with orders to act by concert with count wrangel , general of the swedish forces in pomerania , who gave hopes of marching so far into germany as to concert his actions , or at least motions with those of monsieur turenne . on the other side , the confederates were as busy in their provisions against these designs . the elector of mentz was drawn to throw off the remainders of his neutrality , and to receive the imperial troops into his towns , as strasburgh had done ; and practices were set on foot to change the temper of the court of bavaria , with hopes of success . montecuculi prepar'd to come down into alsace with the army of the emperor and the adjoyning circles ; and the elector of brandenburgh came to the hague after the prince of orange's illness , where treaties were concluded with the king of denmark's ministers , and review'd with the duke of lunenburgh's . after which the elector went immediately away to the relief of his own subjects and countrey , then invaded and spoil'd by the open hostility of the swedish forces . whil'st he was at the hague , the compliments pass'd in form between us , but without visit or interview , tho the elector desir'd and pursu'd it with more instance than i well understood : for he sent his minister at the hague first to me , and afterwards engag'd the prince himself to endeavour it , by finding some expedient in the difficulties of ceremony ; or else by proposing a third place . but the french ambassadors having taken up a form of refusing to visit any elector , unless they might have the hand given them in those princes houses , and the electors having never consented to it ; i told the prince , i could not go lower than the french ambassadors did , in that nor any other point ; and that meeting in a third place would look like a sort of approving the refusal made by the electors : and so i never saw this prince during his stay at the hague , much to my regret , because i had been possess'd of many qualities very esteemable in him . in the mean time , how useless soever for the present , yet the forms of his majesty's mediation went on . after it had been accepted by all parties , the first point that came to be consider'd on , was the place of treaty , about which , the swedes could not surmount the difficulties during the course of the mediation . the house of austria propos'd to have the congress in some of the free towns of the empire , as francfort , hamburgh , strasburgh , and some others : france refus'd ever to come into any town of the empire , upon the insults they receiv'd and complain'd of so much at cologn , in the seisure of prince william of furstenburg , and a great sum of the french money there ; but offer'd at the same time to come and treat at breda , tho' belonging to one of the parties engag'd in the war , which they would make pass for a great condescention , and testimony of that king's inclination to a peace . the confederates on the other side would not hear of breda ; they took that proposition as an artifice , first , to ingratiate with the states beyond the rest of their allies ; but next , which was the point of importance , they look'd upon it as design'd to carry on either a separate treaty with the states , or at least private measures and correspondencies with several towns and persons of those provinces , so as to induce , or force the states at last into a separa●e treaty with france , upon the difficulties or delays that might arise in a general one . and upon this point the allies were so jealous , that the states deputies of the foreign committee , who manag'd all these affairs in the first resort , thought it necessary to seem as averse against treating in any of their dominions , as any of the allies . thus all places in germany , france , and the low-countries , seem'd absolutely excluded by one part or other ; and london was dislik'd by all as too remote , and of difficult and uncertain commerce for letters , by reason of the sea. after much perplexity upon this subject in many conferences i had with the deputies , and discourses with the pensioner , i propos'd two places as the only i could think of left for any attempt , upon all circumstances . the first was cleve , which could not be said to belong to the empire , but to the elector of brandenburgh , as duke of cleve , and not as a prince of the empire . the other was nimeguen , as being the last town belonging to the states , and upon the borders of germany . both towns capable of such a reception as was necessary ; both in good airs , and easie of access from all parts ; center'd between spain and sweden , between the empire and france , and near england , where the spiring of this treaty was conceiv'd to be . i thought france might not dislike cleve , even upon those regards the allies suspected of the vicinity to the states ; and the confederates could not except against it as belonging to one of them . on t'other side , if the allies approv'd cleve , and france should refuse it , yet they could not afterwards disapprove of nimeguen , which was but three leagues nearer the hague or amsterdam , where they suspected the french practices ; and disjoin'd from both by necessary passage of great rivers , which made the commerce more difficult and slow than it would be from other towns of the states dominions . another reason was , that i knew no other to name that did not seem previously excluded ; and upon this the deputies consented that i should propose both to the king , that he might do the same to all the parties ; but that i should begin with cleve , which i did . this france refus'd , upon pretence of some dependance upon the empire ; but , as was thought , upon picque to the duke of brandenburgh , with whom they were more offended at this time , than with any of the allies . after this refusal , and nimeguen being advanc'd , france first a●cepted it , and afterwards the allies , who could not well refuse it , after having express'd they would have been satisfied with cleve ; and so this place came to be fix'd for the scene of this negotiation . but at the same time that france accepted the place of treaty , they declar'd , that they would not however send any ambass●dors thither till the emperor had given them satisfaction upon the two points so long insisted , of prince william of furstenburgh's liberty , and restitution of the money seized at colen , which were points had been hitherto as obstinately refus'd at vienna , as demanded by france : so as these paces towards a peace , gain'd at present very little ground , but left way for the actions and successes of the ensuing campania to determin the times , the methods , and conditions of their pretended treaty . the french began their action by the siege of limburgh , with one part of their army , whilst the king with the rest lay encamp'd in a post most convenient to oppose any attempt of relieving it , to which purpose the prince was upon his march ; but after a short and weak resistance , it was taken before he could approach it : for , besides some delays forc'd by his sickness , he began here to feel the weight that hung about him all the course of this war , from the uncertain and slow marches of the german horse , and the weakness and disorders of the spanish troops , which were necessary to make up his army of strength to oppose that of france , compos'd of such numbers , such brave and experienc'd troops , and under so great a commander as the prince of conde , and so gallant officers . after the taking of limburgh , the french and confederate armies in flanders fell into no considerable action or attempt ; neither daring to sit down before any place of strength , while the other army attended them , and was ready to relieve it ; and neither seeming very earnest to come to a battel ( unless with evident advantages ) upon the loss of which so great consequences seem'd to depend , as the french entire conquest of flanders on the one side , or the confederates marching directly into france on the other , after any great victory . besides , they seem'd to be amus'd by the expectation of what was likely to pass in germany , both upon the rhine between the imperialists and french , and in pomerania between the swede and brandenburgh , which , without new successes in the low-countreys , were like to decide in a great measure the fate of this war , whil'st the confederates equally presum'd of their successes in alsatia , and the french of those of the swedes in the north. about the end of july , the king of france , weary of a dull campania , left the army to the prince of conde , and return'd with his court to versailles ; and the same month , his majesty , seeing the negotions of the peace lay'd at present asleep , sent for me to make a short turn into england , and give an account of all the observations i had been able to make abroad upon the present dispositions and conjunctures , as well as receive his instructions for the future progress of his mediation . the parliament in england , tho much pleas'd with the last peace in holland , yet were not so with his majesty's desires of a general one. they thought the power of france too great since their last conquest in flanders , and their ambition too declar'd , of atchieving it by one means , and at one time or other : they were suspicious of the court 's favouring too much the french designs , by pursuing a peace that would break so mighty a confederacy as was now united against france : they were jealous of the councels which had made the late alliance and kindness between us and france in the time of the late cabal ; and besides these regards , and the common notions of balancing the power of our neighbours , which were very popular , the ambitious designs of private , but unquiet or aspring men , fell in to augment and blow up the general ill humours upon the more publick accounts . the lord shaftsbury , impatient at his fall from so great a share of the ministry , and hoping to retrieve a game he was forc'd to give over , had run desperately into the popular humour , both in parliament and city , of censuring the court , exclaiming against our partiality to france , but most of all against the conduct of the present ministry . and lord arlington was so enrag'd at the growth of my lord treasurer's credit upon the fall of his own , that he fell in with the common humour of the parliament , in fomenting those jealousies and practices in the house of commons , which center'd in a measure agreed among the most considerable of them , not to consent to give the king any money whil'st the present lord treasurer continued . upon these occasions or dispositions they grew very high in pursuing the lord lauderdale , the only remainder of the cabal , that had now any credit left at court ; and they pressed the king very earnestly to recal all the english troops in the french service , tho there was a greater number in the dutch : but besides , they fell into so great dissentions between the two houses , rais'd upon punctilious disputes , and deductions of their several priviledges in opposition to one another , that about the end of june the king prorogued them . upon my arrival soon after , his majesty telling me the several reasons that had mov'd him to it , said , that he doubted much , while the war lasted abroad , it would give occasion or pretence for these heats , that had of late appeared in the parliament , and make him very uneasie in his revenue , which so much needed their assistance ; that some of the warm leaders in both houses had a mind to engage him in a war with france , which they should not do for many reasons ; and , among the rest , because he was sure if they did , they would leave him in it , and make use of it to ruin his ministers , and make him depend upon them more than he intended , or any king would desire : but besides all this , he doubted an impertinent quarrel between my lord treasurer and lord chamberlain , did him more disservice in the parliament than i could imagin ; for the last did not care what harm he did his business there , so he could hope to ruin my lord treasurer ; and had perswaded a great many in the house of commons , that this would certainly be compass'd , if they were stanch , and declar'd in giving no money during his ministry . that he knew they were both my friends , and therefore desir'd i would try to reconcile them while i stay'd in england . i endeavour'd it , but fail'd : my lord danby was very inclinable , being so posted as to desire only to continue where he was ; and that the king's business might go well in his hands ; but my lord arlington was so uneasie in the posture he stood , which he attributed chiefly to my lord treasurer's present greatness , that he was untreatable upon this subject : so when i found the wound was too much wrankled to be cur'd , i gave it over ; telling each of them , that since i could not make them friends , i would at least live with them both as if they were so ; and desir'd them not to expect i should sacrifice one friend to another . my lord treasurer was content with this frankness ; but lord arlington could not bear this neither , grew dry from this time , and stiff in all that pass'd between us , still mingling little reproaches or touches of my greatness with the other ; and grew so weary of the scene at court , where he found himself left out , that he went into the countrey for the rest of the summer . thus the seeds of discontents that had been sown in the parliament under the councels of the cabal , began to spring fast , and root deep , after their power and influence was wholly at an end ; and those heats were under other covers fomented by two of the chief that composs'd that ministry , and with help of time and accident grew to such flames as have since appear'd . but whatever began or increas'd them , 't is certain these agitations in england had great effect upon those of the war and peace abroad . for the confederates were confident , that the humour of the parliament and people would at last engage the king in their quarrel , which they knew would force france to such a peace as they desir'd ; and spain was so presuming , that england would not suffer the loss of flanders , that they grew careless of its defence , or of those orders and supplies that were necessary to it ; trusting for the present to the dutch to preserve it , and to the king hereafter , whenever he should find it more in danger . and these considerations made the allies less inclinable to a peace , which they might have had cheaper the following winter , than ever it fell afterwards to their share , by revolutions that were not foreseen , but yet such as were suspected at this time , by those that knew the weakness of the spaniards , and divisions of the imperial court. while i stay'd in england , which was about six weeks , the news came of a great insurrection in bretanny , which , with the numbers and rage it began , might have prov'd of ill consequence to the french affairs , if it had met with a head answerable to the body ; but being compos'd of a scum of the mean people , that hated and spoil'd the nobles of the province , it was by fair means partly , and by foul , in a little time appeas'd . the blow which was much more considerable to france , than the loss of provinces would have been , was the death of monsieur turenne , the news whereof came to court about the same time . this great captain had for three months together kept the imperial army at a bay on t'other side the rhine ; resolv'd not to fight unless with the greatest advantage ; his point being to hinder the german forces from besieging philipsburgh , from posting themselves in the towns of alsace , but chiefly from entring into lorain , or the county of burgundy . all these he perform'd ; but being press'd by the imperialists , and straitned in his quarters , he suffered much by want of provisions , and found his army diminish'd by sickness and desertion , which use to follow that condition . at last , being necessitated for want of forage to force a post of the enemies that straitned him most , a warm skirmish began , and with loss to the french , that were gall'd with two pieces of cannon rais'd upon an eminence , and playing upon them with advantage . monsieur turenne resolv'd to raise a battery to dismount them ; and going with saint hilaire , a lieutenant general , to chuse a place the most convenient for it , the two small pieces from the imperial side fir'd at them almost together ; one of the bullets wounded saint hilaire in the shoulder , and t'other , after two or three bounds upon the ground , struck monsieur turenne upon the breast , and without any apparent wound , more than the contusion , laid him dead upon the place , and by such a death as caesar us'd to wish for , unexpected , sudden , and without pain . the astonishment was unspeakable in the french camp , upon the loss of such a general ; the presumption as great in that of the imperialists , who reckon'd upon themselves as masters of the whole french army , that was straitned between them and the rhine , in want , diseas'd , and , above all , discourag'd by the loss of their captain . all others had the same expectation upon this news , but all were disappointed ; and monsieur de lorge's taking the command of the army , had the honour of making a retreat that was worth a victory ; and by the force of order and conduct , with the bravery of the english troops , who made such bold stands in several places that they could not be broken till most of the army were march'd off , he pass'd the rhine in sight of part of the imperial army , and encamp'd himself on the other side in safety , and so preserv'd it till the prince of conde was sent in hast out of flanders , with a great enforcement to oppose the progress of the imperialists in alsace . in the mean time , the elector of brandenburgh drawing his forces with some imperialists out of silesia together , fell upon the swedes in pomerania with that bravery and success , that he soon beat them out of his part of the country and pursu'd them into their own . he had an interview with the king of denmark , who was now entred into the interests of the confederates , resolv'd to declare war against sweden , and to that end took his measures with the duke of brandenburgh how to pursue it , with the best advantage , the rest of the season . when the prince of conde left flanders to succeed monsieur turenne in alsace , the duke of lutzenburgh commanded the army in flanders , but with orders not to hazard a battel , but only to observe the prince of orange's motions , and to cover any town that was like to be endanger'd ; which he perform'd so well , that no further action pass'd this summer , besides the prince's taking and razing of binch . but to make amends for the unactiveness of this campania in flanders , the confederates , by concert on all sides , fell upon an enterprize of great eclai , and of greater consequence , which was the siege of treves . the imperialists were bent upon it , to open a passage that way into france , finding so much opposition in their designs of it by alsatia : the spaniards desired it , to make way for their succouring lutzenburgh whenever it should be prest , which was of the last importance to them : the duke of lorain was violent for it , in hopes of finding a way open'd for his entrance into lorain . the prince palatine thought it the best preparation for besieging and carrying philipsburg , which was the thorn in his side . so as all these join'd part of their troops together , with some of the elector of trier's , and a body of the lunenburgh forces under the dukes of zell and osnabrugh , and sat down before treves . the mareschal de crequi gather'd all the forces he could out of the neighbouring provinces , and made up a strong army to relieve it . the confederates left part of theirs to maintain their retrenchments about the town , and marched with the rest against monsieur de crequi , pass'd a river in his sight , attacqu'd him , beat him out of the field with great slaughter , many prisoners , and such a dispersion of the rest , that the whole army seem'd to have vanish'd in one day ; and monsieur de crequi got into treves with four or five only in company : there he made a desperate resistance for near a month against the victorious army , with great honour and loss among the english troops that were in the town , and without any hopes of relief ; nor would he ever capitulate , after all the extremities he was reduc'd to by the forms of a siege , till the garrison mutin'd against his obstinacy , capitulated for themselves , and deliver'd up monsieur de crequi and most of the officers prisoners to the germans the dukes of lunenburgh had gre●t honour in this action , and the old duke of lorain ; and indeed it was one of the most vigorous that succeeded in the whole course of the war , and carried the compleatest victory , as well as a very considerable town : and the honour of it was very much due to the marquess de grana , who commanded the emperor's forces there , and was esteem'd to have laid the first design to have concerted the several parts of it , engag'd the several parties to resolve upon the same adventure , and kept them firm in it till it was archieved . the loss of men was very great on the french side , both in the fight and the siege ; and added to monsieur turenne's death , and the impression expected upon it on that side , by count montecuculi , with the loss of the swedes , made so great a change in the appearance of affairs , that his majesty in a letter to me , in september , after my return to the hague , bid me use it as an argument to induce the prince of orange to be easie in the business of a peace , that it was now time for him to begin to apprehend again the greatness of the house of austria , instead of that of france . it was indeed expected that the imperialists in alsace would either enter into lorain , or at least would take the chief towns of alsace , and post themselves so the following winter , as to be ready for such an enterprise in the beginning of the next spring ; and count montecuculi besieg'd first haguenau , and afterwards saberne , which were the most considerable places , to that end . but after haguenau had offer'd to surrender upon conditions , he rose with his army to fight the prince of conde , who made a motion of his army as if he intended to relieve it ; but so order'd it as the germans fail'd both of the battel and the town . it was never comprehended how montecuculi afterwards came to rise of a sudden from the siege of saberne : some said , it was upon an express order from vienna the night before ; others , with design of fighting the french army , or besieging philipsburgh ; but neither happen'd ; and which was worse than all , he ended the campania with passing back his whole army over the rhine , and leaving alsace wholly in possession , and at mercy of the french troops : nor have i ever known any action of such publick concern so unaccountable as this retreat , since 't is hard to suspect either corruption or court-faction should go so far , tho' both were accus'd of having part in this great and almost decisive event . the resentment of it was thought to have broke the old duke of lorain's heart , who died about this time , and left prince charles , his nephew , the succession to that dutchy . no prince had met with more misfortunes than this duke , nor had felt them less or given greater testimony of what philosophy teaches , that the good or ill of mens lives comes more from their humors than their fortunes . he was expell'd that noble and lovely dutchy by the arms of france in cardinal richlieu's time ; forc'd to go into the spanish service in flanders with a body of lorainers , that would follow his fortune whatever it was ; strugl'd with want of pay to his troops , with jealousie and ill usage of the spanish governours ; was seiz'd and imprison'd by that crown ; restor'd to a shatter'd possession of lorain by the peace of the pyrenees , and in the year 1670. forc'd to escape by night , and almost alone , by a sudden surprize of the french troops , in the height and security of peace ; after this he never had a home any more for the rest of his life , which was spent in suing for protection and relief from the several princes of christendom , who resented the injustice of his case , which none pretended to defend , but yet none to concern themselves in it , till upon the last war he fell into his share of the confederacy , with the weight of two or three thousand lorainers , that still follow'd his fortune , and enter'd into leagues with the emperor and most of the allies for his restitution . he seem'd not to deserve the fortune of a prince , only because he seem'd not to care for it ; to hate the constraints and ceremonies that belong to it ; and to value no pleasures in life , but the most natural and most easie ; and while he had them , was never out of humour for wanting the rest ; generous to his servants and soldiers when he had it ; and when he wanted , endeavouring to make it up by the liberties he gave them ; very much belov'd and familiar among both : and to give his picture by a small trait , one of his ministers told me , that not long before he died , all his family was , a gentleman of the horse ( as he was call'd ) another of his chamber , and a boy that look'd to a little nag he us'd to ride ; one day he call'd for his horse ; the two first told him , the boy was not to be found . he bid them however get him his horse . they could not agree which of them should go and saddle him , till the duke bid them go , and one or t'other of them do it , or else he swore he would go down and saddle his horse himself ; they were as ham'd , and 't was done . about the same time died at the hague the old princess dowager of orange ; a woman of the most wit , and good sense in general , that i have known ; and who had thereby a great part in forming the race of the prince , and the mighty improvement it receiv'd from three very extraordinary women , as well as three so great men in the last descents . none has shew'd more the force of order and oeconomy than this princess , who with small revenues , never above twelve thousand pounds a year since her husband's deash , liv'd always in as great plenty , and more curiousness and elegance than is seen in many greater courts . among other pieces of greatness , she was constantly serv'd all in gold plate , which went so far as to great bottles for water , and a great cistern for bottles , to the key of her closet , and every thing of that kind she usually touched , which i mention , because i think 't is what the greatest kings of christendom have not pretended to do , nor any i have heard of on this side persia. in november , this year , happen'd a storm at northwest , with a spring-tide , so violent , as gave apprehensions of some loss irrecoverable to the province of holland , and by several breaches in the great digues near enckhuysen , and others between amsterdam and harlem , made way for such inundations as had not been seen before by any man then alive , and fill'd the country with many relations of most deplorable events . but the incredible diligence and unanimous endeavours of the people upon such occasions , gave a stop to the fury of that element , and made way for recovering next year all the lands , tho' not the people , cattel , and houses , that had been lost . before the end of the year , the danes took wismar from the suedes ; and by an open war those two crowns came to be engag'd in the common quarrel ; and after a great expectation of some extraordinary successes in the spanish affairs from don john's intended expedition into italy , to command all the forces and provinces of that crown , both there and in sicily , when he was ready to go and meet de ruyter at barcelona , who attended him there with the dutch fleet , design'd for messina , he was by a court-intrigue recall'd to madrid ; the king was then arriv'd in his fourteenth year , and took upon him the government , as now in majority ; and by the advice of some near him in favour , writ a letter to don john to invite him to court , to assist him in the government ; he obey'd , but stay'd not there above a fortnight or three weeks , till by the credit and authority of the queen mother , he was forc'd to quit his ground there , and return to saragoza ; and so vanish'd a mighty expectation that had been rais'd in spain , and other places , of great effects that were to follow this prince's coming to the administration of affairs , and very great sums of money were wholly lost that had been employ'd in the preparations of his journey and equipage for italy . and sicily was left almost hopeless of recovery , from the successes of the french , who had taken many posts about messina , and threaten'd many more ; and other towns were fear'd to follow the example of that great revolt . after the prince's return from the campania to the hague in october , i had several conferences with him upon the subject of the peace , and the terms that both his majesty and the states might think reasonable , between france and spain , and both those crowns be in any probability of consenting to . that which france pretended , was the terms of the peace of aix , and retaining the county of burgundy which had been since conquer'd ; or if either this province , or some of the most important frontier towns of flanders should be restor'd ; then an equivalent to be made them for such restitution . the spaniards talk'd of nothing less than the peace of the pyrenees ; and that they would rather lose the rest of flanders by the war , than part with burgundy by the peace ; and said , both the king and the states were as much concern'd in flanders , as the crown of spain ; and had the same interest to see it safe by a war or a peace , which could not by such a frontier as was left by that of aix . that which my lord arlington had propos'd to the prince and pensioner , and which pass'd for his majesty's sentiment , tho he pretended no orders , was the terms of aix la capelle ; but in regard of the necessity for the spaniards to have a better frontier in flanders than was left by that peace , that the french should give up aeth , and charleroy , and oudenarde for aire , and st. omer : and that if they parted with the county of burgundy , it should be for something in exchange . his majesty commanded me to assure the prince , that if a peace could be made upon these terms , or any so near them , that he might hope to obtain the consent of france ; his majesty for the security of flanders would give his own gaurranty to the peace , and enter into the strictest alliance the states could desire for preserving it , or defending flanders in case of a new rupture . he bid me further assure the prince , that for his patrimonial lands in burgundy ( which were about eight thousand pounds a year , and lordships of the greatest royalty in that county ) he would undertake for his secure possessing them , tho that county should remain in the french hands , or for selling them to that king , and at what price the prince himself could think fit to value them . the prince's answer was , that for his own part , he could be very well content to leave the terms of a peace to his majesty himself , and believ'd the states would do so too ; but they were both engag'd by treaty and honour to their allies , and there was no thought of making peace without them . that he believ'd the spaniards might be perswaded to it upon the terms of aix , with restitution only of aeth , charleroy , and oudenarde , towards composing some kind of necessary frontier on that side ; but to part with aire and st omer without any further and greater exchange , he believ'd they would not in the present posture of things . that for france retaining the county of burgundy , as conquer'd in this last war , he was sure neither spain nor the emperor would ever consent to it , unless they were beaten into it by disasters they had no reason to expect ; tho' for his own part , he should be content with it , provided the french would restore tournay , courtray , lisle , and doway , with their dependencies , to the spaniards in lieu of it , because by that means flanders would have a secure frontier on that side , and a reasonable good one by aeth and charleroy on the other ; and the security of flanders was the chief interest of the states upon the peace . that for himself , he thank'd his majesty for his offer , as to his lands in burgundy ; but they never came into his thought upon the terms of a peace , nor should ever hinder it ; but on t'other side , he would be content to lose them all , to gain one good town more for the spanjards in flanders . when i put him in mind , as the king order'd me , of the apprehensions he and the states might have of the greatness of the house of austria , if their successes continued ; he told me , there was no need of that , till they should go beyond the peace of the pyrenees : whenever that should happen , he should be as much a french man as he was now a spaniard , but not before . he ended , in desiring , that whatever plan his majesty thought fit to propose for a peace , he would do it at the congress at nimeguen ; for the number and variety of pretensions and interests were grown so great , by all the parties now engag'd in a war , that it could not be done in any other place ; and for his part , he could never consent to any treaty separate from his allies . that he believ'd they would be reasonable ; and if france would be so too , the peace might be made ; if not , perhaps another campania might bring them to reason ; and that this might have done it , if some differences between him and the spanjards , in the actions propos'd , had not hinder'd the successes they hop'd for in flanders , and if montecuculi's impatience to be at vienna , and pass the winter there upon the factions stirring at court , had not made him repass the rhine , and take his winter-quarters in the circles of the empire there ; because if he had done it in alsace , he doubted his presence with the army might be thought necessary . after this conference , and no return from his majesty to the account i gave him of it , the discourse ceas'd of private measures to be agreed to between his majesty and the prince and states , for promoting a peace ; and all thoughts began now to turn upon forming the congress at nimeguen . i had another testimony given me of the firmness i had always found in the prince upon the subject of the peace , by what one of the spanish ministers told me had lately pass'd between him and the duke of villa hermosa . his highness had a long pretence depending at madrid , for about two hundred thousand pounds , owing to his family from that crown since the peace of munster . it had ever been delay'd tho' never refus'd ; an agent from the prince had of late very much press'd the queen regent of spain upon this subject , and with much ado had obtain'd an order for fifty thousand pounds , and bills were put into his hands by the ministers there , which when they arriv'd in flanders , instead of being paid , they were protested . the duke villa hermosa was so asham'd of this treatment , that he sent a person purposely to excuse it to the prince , and assure him the fault was not in the queen nor ministers , but only in the choice of hands by which it was transmitted , and desir'd his highness would not take it ill of the queen . the prince answer'd , no , not at all ; on t'other side , i have reason to take it well of the queen , for if she did not think me the honestest man in the world , she would not use me so ; however , nothing of this kind shall hinder me from doing what i owe to my allies , or to my honour . notwithstanding all i had written from the prince to his majesty upon this subject , yet my lord arlington , upon pretended intelligence from his relations in holland , endeavour'd to perswade him that he knew not the prince's mind for want of some body that had more credit with him than i had ; and at the same time he pursu'd the prince by letters , to desire the king to send over some such person as he might treat with in the last confidence upon all matters between them . the prince shew'd me his letters , and bid me assure the king and my lord treasurer , that he could say no more than he had done to me , and would not say so much to any other man. however my lord arlington upon the former suggestions , prevail'd with the king to send over sir gabriel sylvius instructed , to know the bottom of the prince's mind upon the subject of the peace , before the campania began . he acquainted the prince with this resolution , and that he was a person they knew his highness would trust ; the prince shewed me this letter too , and said , he knew not what he meant ; that lord arlington knew as well as any man how far he trusted both sir gabriel sylvius and me ; this good usage ended all correspondence between lord arlington and me , which had lasted by letters to this time , tho' coldly since my being last in england : but upon sir gabriel sylvius's coming to the hague in january , and my preparation to go for nimeguen , i ended that scene , having not learn'd enough of the age , nor the court i liv'd in , to act an unsincere part either in friendship or in love. when sir gabriel came to the hague , he pass'd for a man of some great intrigue , was perpetually at court , or in conversation and visits with the persons near the prince , or most imploy'd in the state ; but he and lord arlington were soon satisfied to how good purpose he came over ; for the prince , who is the sincerest man in the world , hating all tricks , and those that use them , gave him no mark of the least confidence while he stayed , and sent him away with a very plain one of the contrary , by trusting another hand with all he writ of consequence into england , before he went into the field . the truth is , the prince took this journey of his to have been design'd by my lord arlington , both out of spight to me , and to give jealousies to the confederates , by the suspicion of something in agitation between the king and the prince , that i was not thought fit to be trusted with ; and indeed several of their ministers at the hague were apt to fall into such surmises : but monsieur de lyra a spanish minister , a person much credited in his own court , and much in the prince's confidence , was ever firm in the belief of his highnesses honour and constancy ( which he us'd to say his master trusted to , more than to any treaties ) and so help'd to prevent all such impressions . in the mean time , all motions necessary towards forming the congress at nimeguen began to be made by the several parties , and gave appearances of the ambassadors meeting suddenly there . the great obstruction hitherto had been the point of prince william of furstenberg's liberty , which france had absolutely insisted on before they sent their ambassadors , and the emperor had been induced to promise only upon conclusion of the treaty . but an expedient was found out to salve the honour of france upon this point , rather than the treaty should be hinder'd , which was at that time thought necessary for their affairs . the bishop of strasburg made a formal request to the king of france , that no private interests , or respects of his brother , might delay the treaty of a peace which was of so much consequence to all christendom ; and this request being at this time easily receiv'd and granted , no further difficulty was made upon this point . his majesty thereupon invited all the princes concern'd in the war , to hasten away their ministers to the place of congress , and acquainted them with his having order'd his own to repair immediately thither ; and having some months before appointed the lord berkly ( then ambassador at paris ) sir william temple , and sir lionel jenkins his ambassadors , mediators , and plenipotentiaries for the treaty of nimeguen ; sir lionel was accordingly dispatch'd away , and arriv'd at the hague towards the end of january 1676. and brought with him our instructions for that ambassy ; and after some few days stay at the hague , went away for nimeguen . but the expedition of the pasports , from and to all the ministers of the several parties , having been for some time under my care , and many of them come to my hands , tho' others were entangled still in some difficulty or other , we both concluded it necessary for me to continue at the hague till this was dispatch'd , whilst sir lionel should go upon the place of congress , and by the presence of a mediator , invite the rest to make more haste than many of them seem'd dispos'd to at this time . the french ambassadors were already come to charleville , where they stayed for their pasports only to go on with their journey ; and upon sir lionel's arrival at the hague , the dutch ambassadors came to us to acquaint us with the states orders for their immediate repair to nimeguen , and for the magistrates of that city ( which they now consider'd as a neutral town ) to receive all orders from us the mediators , and particularly any we pleas'd to give about our reception upon our arrival there . we told them , his majesty's thoughts were upon the successes of the treaty , and that nothing could more obstruct it than the ceremonies which used to attend those meetings ; and therefore he order'd us to introduce as much as we could the method of all the ambassadors , living there as much like private men , as could consist with the honour of their characters ; and to this end , that we should make no publick entries , and give thereby an example to those that came after us . to avoid all punctilio's about the time of the several parties dispatching the passports ; it was agreed that all should be sent to the hague from the several courts , and there should be put into my hands , to the end , that when i found my self possess'd , i should make the distribution reciprocally to both parties at the same time . those of france were early with me , but short in some points of those from the confederates ; the chief whereof was the omission of liberty granted to the ambassadors to dispatch couriers to their masters courts upon passports of the respective ambassadors , which was thought necessary for the progress of the treaty . another was the omission of passports for the duke of lorain's ministers in the form usual and expected ; for whereas the crown of france had always treated the former dukes of lorain with the titles of duke , and appellations of brother ; their passports now treated the new duke only with cousin , and prince charles of lorain ; the rest were minute differences , or mistakes of words , which are not worth the mention , and were easily surmounted . of all these his majesty had early notice , and imploy'd his offices towards france for some months , without answer upon that of lorain , and with positive refusal of inserting the clause for liberty of pasports , tho monsieur van beuningham several times during this pause writ to the states , that the king often assur'd him ( their ambassador at london , ) that there should be no difficulty in the business of loroin . about the beginning of february this year 1676. i receiv'd a letter from monsieur pompone , then secretary for the foreign affairs in france , to tell me , that his master having been acquainted from his majesty with the difficulties occurr'd in forming the congress , had order'd him to let me know his reasons upon them . as to that of couriers , that he thought it not fit to have his countries and towns lie open to his enemies observations and discoveries , upon pretext of such couriers frequent passage ; that the inconvenience would be the same to the confederates ; and that he ask'd no more than he gave . as to the point of lorain , that his master could not give passports with the stile of duke , which carried that of brother , pretending that dutchy belong'd to his most christian majesty by the treaty in 1662. between him and the last duke . not many days after , i receiv'd notice from secretary williamson , of the same account having been given his majesty by monsieur ruvigny , with order to acquaint the states with it ; which i had not done upon monsieur pompone's letter , as not thinking fit to make any paces in these matters without orders from his majesty . the states and all their allies were very much surpris'd with this pretence of lorain , which france had never before advanc'd , or so much as mention'd , either upon the seisure of that dutchy , or since that time , in the accounts of it by their ministers in the several courts of christendom ; they had only profess'd to have found such a seisure necessary for preserving the peace wherein christendom then was , from the dangerous or uncertain dispositions of that present duke , with whom his most christian majesty could take no certain measures , and his enemies would be practising ; but that it was without any intention of retaining any part of that dutchy otherwise than for this end of preserving the peace of christendom . all this , with many more circumstances , monsieur serinchamps , the lorain envoy , alledged at the conferences with the states and allies upon this occasion ; and for the treaty of 1662. he seem'd to wonder it should ever be mention'd , as a thing wholly invalid , and , as every body thought , thereupon long since forgotten ; that the last duke had no power to dispose of that dutchy from his nephew ; because if the salique law had place in lorain , it was unalienable from the next heir-male : if the feminine succession , then that duke himself had no title at all to it , but it belong'd to the present duke , even in the life of his uncle . secondly , that it was invalid , by the french non-performance of the only condition on their side , upon which the old duke pretended to have made it ; which was , that the princes of that family should be assum'd into the rank of princes of the blood in france ; and that upon registring that treaty of 1662. in the parliament of paris , without that clause , the old duke had declar'd it void within three weeks after it was made . thirdly , that a treaty was concluded the year after , being 1663. at marsal , between the most christian king and the said duke , by which he was to continue the possession of all his territories , besides marsal , in the same manner as he enjoy'd them by the treaty of 1661. as he did till the seisure of them by france in 1670. during a profound peace , and with the professions above-mentioned made by france to his majesty at that time ( as monsieur serinchamps averred ) as well as to the other courts of christendom . these arguments were of such force with all the confederates , that they were unanimous and firm in positively insisting upon the pasports of that duke , with the usual forms ; and the more , since france had advanc'd a pretence to that dutchy , which was never thought of before among the allies . the austrian ministers told me frankly , that the treaty should never be without this allowance of the duke of lorain's title , nor the peace without his restitution . the states said , they for their parts would willingly refer his , and any other matters concerning the treaty , to his majesty's arbitration ; but that they were bound already by other treaties to their allies ; and particularly , to the duke of lorain , and could not break from them upon a point of such apparent right as this . the prince spoke the same language , and said further , that he was bound by his oath of stadtholder , among other things , to endeavour to the utmost of his power to keep the states to the due observance of their treaties ; and so , by the grace of god , he would do in this as well as others . all this being signified to his majesty , and by him to france that court continued peremptory in the matter ; and the allies persisting in the same disposition , the congress began to be look'd upon from all sides as a thing ended before it began . the allies took this pretence for a declaration from france of their resolution there should be no treaty at present ; and grounded it upon some great expectation or design they had upon further progresses in sicily , or new ones in naples , or else from hopes of bringing in the poles to the assistance of sweden . but the truth was , that france had been forc'd to discover upon this incident what they had always at heart ; and i ever observ'd in the course of all these negotiations , that there were three points for which france thought the war worth continuing to the last extremity , which were , rather than restore lorain or burgundy , or leave a good frontier on both sides of the spanish territories in flanders . the last would hinder the progress of their great design , whether of extending their empire only to the rhine , or beyond it : the two first would hinder their conquest of flanders , whenever they pursu'd the finishing of that adventure , by leaving a passage for the germans to relieve it , and by so great and dangerous a diversion as entring france through lorain or burgundy . his majesty most certainly disapproved , and was surpriz'd with this pretence of france to the dutchy of lorain ; but yet was prevail'd with by monsieur ruvigny to offer the expedient of his majesty as mediator , giving all pasports necessary to the congress at nimeguen . monsieur van beuningham in this matter acted the part rather of a bourgomaster of amsterdam , than an ambassador of the states ; and to make court to that town , who began to express great impatience for the peace , he assur'd his majesty , that his masters could not fail of consenting to this expedient . i foresaw it would be refus'd , and gave his majesty notice of it before i propos'd it to the states , as thinking his honour and that of the mediation concern'd in such a refusal ; but receiving direct orders to propose it , i did so . the states told me , they would of themselves consent to this , or whatever else his majesty should propose ; but having communicated it to their allies , they would not hear of it ; some refusing it with heat , and reflection upon his majesty's partiality to france ; others with sullenness and silence , referring themselves to new orders from their masters . hereupon the congress grew wholly desperate , and all parties prepar'd for the field , without any other view , for the three months following the first rise of this pretention . in the mean time , there pass'd a fight between the french , and dutch , and spanish ships near messina , wherein de ruyter was shot in the heel by a cannon-bullet , of which he died within few days after , and determined the greatest loss to have certainly happen'd on that side , by that of the ablest sea-captain of his age , and the best servant that any prince or state could have : for the rest , the advantage was not considerable of either part in this fight , nor the consequence material in the progress of the french arms in sicily , or in any prospect of great enterprises upon naples . on the other side , the swedish affairs went very ill in pomerania , and were threatned with great invasions the following campaign ; both from denmark and brandenburgh . this decry'd the councels of those persons that engag'd them in this quarrel . two ambassadors , count oxenstorn and olivacrown , were appointed for the treaty at nimeguen , who had been ever of contrary sentiments or faction , which now began to prevail in the swedish court : they grew impatient for a peace , and for the treaty in order to it : they declar'd their disapproval of the french pretension rais'd to lorain , which seem'd only to obstruct it ; and that they would send their ministers to the congress , whether the french came or no : and their commissary at the hague so well seconded these new dispositions of his court , that whil'st the congress look'd desperate by the declar'd obstinacy of both sides upon the point of lorain , ships and passports were dispatch'd by the states , with consent of their allies , to fetch the swedish ambassador from gottenburgh into holland . the confederates were besides , much animated in their hopes , from the dispositions and humours express'd in a late session of parliament in england , which grew so high against the french , or at least upon that pretence , against the present conduct of his majesty or his ministers , that the king prorogu'd them about christmas , before any of the matters projected by the warm men amongst the house of commons , were brought into form . the french were upon their march into flanders , and that king at the head of a great and brave army , threatning some great enterprize . the prince was preparing to go away into the field , with resolution and hopes of having the honour of a battel at the opening of the campania ; all thoughts of the congress meeting before the end of it , were laid aside , when about the middle of may i was extremely surpriz'd to receive a packet from secretary williamson , with the french passports for the duke of lorain's ministers , in the form , and with the stiles demanded by the allies . and hereupon all difficulties being remov'd the passports were exchang'd by the end of may. some days were lost by a new demand of the allies for passports likewise , for the duke of nieuburgh's ministers , who was newly entered into the common alliance ; and the same paces were expected likewise from the duke of bavaria ; ( at least , so the germans flatter'd themselves or their friends . ) upon this , some of the ministers of the allies at the hague , whose masters were very unwilling the congress should begin before the campania ended , prevail'd with the states to send deputies to me , to demand passports for the duke of nieuburgh , and any other princes that should enter into their alliance ; and to declare , that if these were refus'd by france , they would look upon what had been already granted , as void . i was something surpris'd at so unexpected a message from the states ; and told their deputies , that such a resolution was unpracticable ; that his majesty had undertaken to procure passports for the parties engag'd in the war , and all the allies they had nam'd on both sides , which was done , and thereupon the congress ready to begin , and such a delay as this would occasion , was both a disrespect to his majesty , and that could not be consented by france , nor the reciprocal of it by any of the allies that foresaw the consequences which might happen upon it ; that some allie of france might fall off to the confederates , or some of the confederates to france , and with such circumstances , as it could not be expected either of them should think fit to give passports , or treat with them at the congress : nor was it a thing in any form , to demand passports , without naming for whom they should be . after several other exceptions , the deputies desir'd me to let them represent my reasons against it , to the states , and to expect their answer till the next afternoon ; and one of them told me as he went out , that i had all the reason in the world , and that they had been too easie in it upon the instances of some allies . next day the deputies came to let me know , the states had alter'd their resolution , and desir'd only , that his majesty would procure passports for the duke of nieuburgh's ministers , which i easily undertook . this change had not pass'd without violent heats between the states deputies and the ministers of some allies , who press'd them so far , as one of the deputies answer'd him , que pretendez vous donc , messieurs , de nous faire , deschirer par la canaille ? which shows the disposition that run so generally at this time throughout the trading provinces towards a peace . there remain'd now but one preliminary undetermin'd , which was , to fix some extent of neutral countrey about the place of congress : france would have extended it two leagues , round ; the allies would have it bounded of one side by the river of the waal , upon which nimeguen stood , and was divided by it from the betow , a part of the province of holland , and through which lay the strait road into the rest of that countrey . both these proposals were grounded upon the same reason : that of france to facilitate the commerce of their ambassadors with the towns of holland , incite the desires , and enter into practices of peace distinct from the motions of the congress ; that of the allies , to prevent or encumber the too easie and undiscover'd passage of the french emissaries upon this occasion . however , both were positive in their opinions ; so as this matter came not to be determin'd till some time after the congress began , and but lamely then . chap. ii. the prince was now ready to go into the field , and told me , that before he went , he must have some talk with me in private and at leisure ; and , to that purpose , desir'd it might be in the garden of hounslerdyke . we appointed the hour , and met accordingly . he told me , i would easily believe , that being the only son that was left of his family , he was often press'd by his friends to think of marrying , and had many persons propos'd to him , as their several humours led them . that , for his own part , he knew it was a thing to be done at one time or other ; but that he had hitherto excus'd the thoughts of it , otherwise than in general , till the war was ended . that , besides his own friends , the deputies of the states begun to press him more earnestly every day , and the more , as they saw the war like to continue ; and perhaps they had more reason to do it than any others . that he had at last promis'd them he would think of it more seriously and particularly ; and so he had , and resolv'd he would marry ; but the choice of a person he thought more difficult . that he found himself inclin'd to no proposals had been made him out of france or germany , nor indeed to any that had been mention'd upon this occasion by any of his friends , but that of england . that before he concluded to make any paces that way , he was resolv'd to have my opinion upon two points ; but yet would not ask it , unless i promis'd to answer him as a friend , or at least an indifferent person , and not as the king's ambassador . when i told him he should be obey'd , he went on , and said , that he would confess to me , during the late war , neither the states , nor he in particular , were without applications made them from several persons , and considerable , in england , who would fain have engag'd them to head the discontents that were rais'd by the conduct of the court in that whole war , which he knew was begun and carried on quite contrary to the humour of the nation , and might , perhaps , have prov'd very dangerous to the crown , if it had not ended as it did . that all these persons who pretended to be much his friends , were extreamly against any thoughts of his marrying in england . their reasons were , that he would by it lose all the esteem and interest he had there , and be believed to have run wholly into the dispositions and designs of the court , which were generally thought so different from those of the nation , especially upon the point of religion , that his friends there did not believe the government could be long without some great disturbance , unless they chang'd their measures , which was not esteem'd very likely to be done ; and upon this he desir'd my thoughts as a friend . the next was upon the person and dispositions of the young lady ; for tho' it would not pass in the world , for a prince to seem concern'd in those particulars ; yet for himself , he would tell me , without any sort of affectation , that he was so , and in such a degree , that no circumstances of fortune or interest would engage him , without those of the person , especially those of humour and dispositions . that he might , perhaps , be not very easie for a wife to live with ; he was sure he should not to such wives as were generally in the courts of this age. that if he should meet with one to give him trouble at home , 't was what he should not be able to bear , who was like to have enough abroad in the course of his life ; and that after the manner he was resolv'd to live with a wife , which should be the best he could . he would have one that he thought likely to live well with him , which he thought chiefly depended upon their disposition and education ; and if i knew any thing particular of the lady mary in these points , he desir'd me to tell him freely . i answer'd his highness , that i was very glad to find he was resolv'd to marry , being what he owed his family and friends ; that i was much more pleas'd that his inclination led him to endeavour it in england . that i thought it as much for his interest , as others of his english friends thought it was against it . that the king and his highness would ever be able to do one another more good , and more harm , than any other princes could do either of them , by being friends or enemies . that it was a great step to be one degree nearer the crown , and in all appearance the next . that for his friends ( as they pretended ) in england , they must see much further than i did , to believe the king in any such dangers or difficulties as they imagin'd . that the crown of england stood upon surer foundations than ever it had done in former times , and the more for what had pass'd in the last reign ; and that i believ'd the people would be found better subjects than perhaps the king himself believ'd them . that it was however in his power to be as well with them as he pleas'd , and to make as short turns to such an end ; if not , yet with the help of a little good husbandry , he might pass his reign in peace , tho' not perhaps with so much ease at home , or glory abroad , as if he fell into the vein of his pople . that if the court were of sentiments different from those of his highness , yet his adv●●ers would make him a greater compliment in believing him as likely to induce the court to his , as in concluding they would bring him to theirs ; and if that should happen , the most seditious men in england would be hard put to it to find an ill side in such a match . that for the other point , i could say nothing to it , but that i had always heard my wife and my sister speak with all the advantage that could be of what they could discern in a princess so young , and more from what they had been told by the governess , with whom they had a particular friendship , and who they were sure took all the care that could be in so much of education as fell to her share . after two hours discourse upon this subject , the prince concluded he would enter upon this pursuit ; and in order to it , would write both to the king and the duke to beg their favour to him in it , and their leave , that he might go over into england at the end of the campania ; that my wife , who was then going over upon my private affairs , should carry and deliver both his letters ; and during her stay there , should endeavour to inform her self the most particularly she could , of all that concern'd the person , humour , and dispositions of the young princess , in which he seem'd so much concern'd . within two or three days after these discourses , the prince brought his letters to my wife , and went immediately to the army , and she went suddenly after into england with those dispatches , and left me preparing for my journey to nimeguen , where the dutch first , and after them the french ambassadors were arriv'd , and consequently those of the two principal parties in the war. before i went , du moulin met my chaplain in the forhaut , and told him , he was so ill , that he knew he had not long to live , and that he could not die in quiet , without asking my pardon for so many false and injurious things as he confess'd to have said of me since my last ambassy there , tho' he had before had all the esteem that could be for me . he desir'd my chaplain , since i had always refus'd to see him , that he would do this office for him , and ask my pardon as from a dying man. this moulin , after having been much imploy'd and favour'd by my lord arlington , during the councels and vogue of of the triple alliance , and disgrac'd by him after the change of those measures in england , went over into holland , was entertain'd by the prince as one of his secretaries , grew into great favour and confidence during the war , was made use of by the discontents of england in their applications at the hague , was thought worth all my lord arlington's instances and endeavours when he was at the hague , to remove him from the prince's service . i receiv'd afterwards commands to the same purpose , and compass'd it not without time and difficulty ; he had not been long laid aside when this happen'd ; and whether that , or the knowledge of the prince's late resolution to pursue the match in england , help'd to break his heart , or whether it were a consumption , as his friends gave out , i know not , but he died soon after , and with him the intrigues of that party in england , that had for some time imployed him , and busied his friends in holland . after many delays in the dispatch , and exchange of the passports , i got loose from the hague about the beginning of july 1676. upon my journey to nimeguen , where the french and dutch ambassadors being already arriv'd , prest very much for my coming , in regard sir lionel jenkins excus'd himself from performing any acts or offices of the mediation , till my arrival , and contented himself to pass only the usual visits . the dispositions i observ'd in the several parties towards the success of this congress , when i went in order to the opening of it , were very different , and very unlikely to draw it to any sudden issue ; but only to attend and be govern'd by the successes of the several armies in the field , and the events expected from the actions of the campania . the french had given all the facility they could for some months past to the forming of the congress , and made all the haste they could for their ambassadors to be upon the place , desiring no better peace than upon the present plan of affairs ; and hoping by their forwardness , and the great backwardness of some of the allies , to make way for some separate treaties with those among them who began to be impatient for the peace . the house of austria was sullen , as losers use to be , and so were very slow and testy in all their paces towards this treaty ; the germans hoping for great successes of their arms in this campania , and the spaniards flattering themselves with the interests his majesty had in the preservation of flanders , and with the part which the parliament in england seem'd of late to have taken in their affairs , and both were in hopes that something might arise from one of these sides , to make room for pretensions that could not be in countenance as things stood at present . the swede was very earnest for a peace , as having more hopes of recovering himself that way , than by the course of a war. denmark and brandenburgh were violent for continuing the war , finding the swedes weak , divided , and unrelievable by france any otherwise than with their moneys , and hoping to drive them this summer out of germany . the states were very desirous of the peace , having no pretences of their own , but to get well out of a war that ruin'd their trade , and drain'd their money , but they durst not break from their confederates , not trusting england enough , nor france at all , so as to leave themselves in a condition of depending upon either of them after the peace should be made . one general thread run through the councils on both sides ; on the french , to break the confidence and union of the confederacy by different paces and advances to the several parties in the course of the treaty ; on the confederates , to preserve the same confidence and union with which they had carried on the war , even after the peace should be made . his majesty , tho' he was offer'd by some of the parties to be arbiter as well as mediator in the present differences , and was known by them all to have it in his power to make that figure as he pleas'd , yet chose the other , and gave us orders accordingly , only to perform the offices of a bare mediation , and to avoid the parties submitting their differences to his determination ; so that upon the whole , it was easie to foresee the congress would only prove a business of form , and proceed no otherwise than as it should be mov'd , or rather govern'd by the events of the field . however , the opening of it might well be call'd the dawn of a peace ; which put me in mind of the only prophecy of this sort that i had ever thought worth taking notice of ; nor should i have done so , but that monsieur colbert show'd it me at my coming to nimeguen , and made me remember to have seen it in my lord arlington's hands in the year 1668. who told me it was very old , and had been found in some abby of germany . it was in these terms : * lilium intrabit in terram leonis feras in brachiis gerens , aquila movebit alas , & in auxilium veniet filius hominis ab austro , tunc erit ingens bellum per totum terrarum orbem , sed post quatuor annos pax elucescet , & salus erit filio hominis unde exitium putabatur . those that have a mind to give credit to such prophesies from the course of events , must allow the leopards ( the ancient arms of england ) to be meant by feras ; the king of spain by filius hominis ; the congress at nimeguen ( four years after the war began ) by the dawn of peace ; and spain's having been sav'd by the states , or the prince of orange , by those from whom their ruin was expected . but i easily believe , that as most prophecies that run the world , arise from the contrivances of crafty , or the dreams of enthusiastical heads ; and the sense of them ( where there is any ) lies wrapt up in mystical or incoherent expressions , fit to receive many sorts of interpretations ; and some perhaps from the leisure of great wits that are ill entertain'd , and seek diversion to themselves , by writing things at random , with the scornful thought of amuzing the world about nothing ; so others of them are broach'd for old , either after events happen , or when they are so probable as to be easily conjectur'd by fore-seeing men and it seems strange , that of the first kind ( being so many ) no more happen to be fulfill'd with the help of so much inclination to credit , as well as so much invention to wrest the meaning of words to the sense pretended . but whether this i mention may not have been one of the last kind , is uncertain ; for in that very year it was produc'd , and given my lord arlington by a french man , as he told me , the design of this war was not only laying , but well advanc'd by the practices of monsieur colbert , upon the ministers of our court , ( where he was then ambassador ) and by the violent humour of my lord clifford to enter the leagues then projected by france ; so that the very day the parliament gave his majesty a mighty sum of money to compliment him upon so applauded a councel and success as that of the triple alliance in the year 1668. that lord , coming out of the house of commons , where he was then a member , could not hold saying to a friend of mine , who came out with him , that for all this great joy , it must not be long before we have another war with holland . and which of these two prophesies were the more to be consider'd , or the better ininspir'd , i leave it to every one to guess as they please . nimeguen is seated upon the side of a hill , which is the last of germany , and stoops upon the river woal , that washes the lower part of the town , and divides it from the betow , an island lying all upon flat low ground , between the woal and the old rhine , which was the ancient seat of those the romans call'd batavians , and for their bravery and love of liberty , took into their confederacy , when they subjected all the neighbouring parts of gaul and germany . betow and woal were the ancient german , names , and turn'd into batavia and voholis by the roman terminations , as colen and cleve are roman names chang'd into german . betow signifies in the old german , fat earth , as velow , ( a great heathey countrey on t'other side the rhine ) does course , or barren earth whether nimeguen came from neomagum , or neomagum from nimegue , i cannot determin ; but the old castle , as well as many antiquities about it , show it to have been a colony of the romans , and it is seated in very good air , encompas'd on three sides by great and dry heaths , is well built , and inhabited by a good sort of people . i excus'd my self from letting the magistrates of nimeguen know what time i design'd my arrival there , tho' they sent to inform themselves while i was upon the way ; and i refus'd any ceremonies at entry , to prevent that pretence in other ambassadors , and and the troubles and disturbances such publick receptions might occasion . however i could not escape some part of it , for which i had like to have paid a great deal more than 't was worth . the river of nimeguen is very rapid in the midst of the stream , which lies near the town , and spreads very broad upon the other side to the betow , being upon flat grounds . the first part of it is pass'd by a very large ferry-boat , which held at once my two coaches and six horses , one waggon with my trunks , eight saddle horses , and would have receiv'd many more . this boat is of a contrivance so singular , as well as so commodious , that i have much wondred never to have seen it practis'd in any other place ; for the force of the stream drives the boat cross the river without the least pains of the men , being kept to its course by a strong cable extended from one side to the other , and fasten'd to a pully set up for that purpose in the boat ; so that no stress of weather hinders this passage , and the harder the stream runs , the sooner 'tis made . where the river grows shallow , and the current slack on the betow side , it is supply'd by a bridge of planks for about two hundred paces , which are ill kept , many loose or shaking , and no defence on the sides . when my coaches were upon this bridge , the cannon of the town began to fire , and so continued all the while i was upon the river , which was a piece of civility well understood , and my horses were so unruly with that noise and the clatter of the planks , that they were much likelier to have carried me into the river than the boat. but when with the help of my servants on foot that led them , we got in there , we were safe , as in a house , and got well away to the town , where i landed at sir lionel jenkin's house , and stayed there till late in the evening , to avoid any visits or ceremonies that night . the next day i was visited by the french ambassadors , with monsieur d' avaux ; there pass'd little but what was common upon such occasions : but the mareschal d'estrades , and monsieur colbert being of my particular acquaintance in my former ambassies at the hague and aix la chapelle , they pretended in their first separate visits , to enter with me upon points and terms of great confidence , and upon matters that gave me light into the whole design of france , intended by the steps of this treaty to which they had of late show'd so great forwardness , at least in the forming of this congress and dispatch of their ambassadors , before those of the allies were in any motion , or perhaps disposition towards it . they both told me , that they had express and private orders from the king their master , to make me particular compliments upon the esteem his most christian majesty had for my person , and to make their application wholly to me in the course of this negotiation , tho one of the mediators came from residing in their own court ; but they knew very well i had the king my master's confidence , as well as that of his ministers ; and that having had the framing of this congress from the first overtures , and through all the preliminaries , there was no other hand but mine capable of finishing it ; and therefore they presag'd me all the glory of it . that i might reckon upon all the facility their master could give towards it ; but after such successes in the war , and at the head of so great forces , both at land and sea , it could not be expected he should yield to restore what his arms had conquer'd . on t'other side , they knew very well , tho' the states were bent upon the peace , yet the frowardness or extravagant demands of their allies , would engage them as long as they would in the war , unless the prince of orange would interpose his authority , which was so great with all the allies , that they were sure of their consenting to whatever terms the prince should be resolute in proposing for the peace : that to draw it therefore to a happy issue , there was no way but for his highness first to agree privately with france upon the conditions , and what every party should content themselves with ; and afterwards , in the course of the treaty , to draw all things , by concert together , to the scope agreed between them ; in which the prince might make use of the known temper of the states to bring it to a sudden issue , and to make a separate peace , in case the unreasonable pretences of their allies should hinder or delay a general one . that this part was acted by the elector of bavaria at munster , who was in private concert with france through the whole proceedings of that treaty tho' he went on with the allies in the publick transactions ; that he ow'd the greatness of his house to this council , and to the consideration and support it had ever since receiv'd from the crown of france . that by pursuing the same at nimeguen , it would be in the prince of orange's power to do the same for himself and his family ; and that for what concern'd his own personal interests and advantages , their master had given them power to assure him , he should have the carte blanche , and draw his own conditions upon it . that tho' they had other ways of making up this overture to the prince , yet they had order to do it by none but me , if i would charge my self with it ; that they knew the credit and confidence i was in with the prince , and how far he would defer to my opinions in what concern'd the publick interests of his allies as well as his own ; and that if i would espouse this affair , besides the glory of having alone given a peace to christendom , i might reckon upon what i pleas'd my self from the bounty and generosity of the king their master . this was the sum of what was said by them both , tho in several and private visits ; but i observed monsieur colbert to have been instructed with more particular confidence , and to design it with me , even apart from both his collegues and mine in the pursuit of this intelligence ; but monsieur d'estrades valued himself chiefly upon his entring into it with me preferrable to all others , tho' he had several other ways of doing it with the prince , as well as into what practices he should think fit with the states , by the help of so many friendships and habitudes as i knew he had contracted in holland during so long a course of imployments there . i answer'd , that i was oblig'd to his most christian majesty for his good opinion , and to them for having given it him , not having my self at all the honour of being known to him ; that i should make no ill use of this great honour and confidence , whether i should be able to make a good one or no : that for his majesty's dispositions to promote the peace , they knew them as well as i , but that many considerations had engag'd him to instruct us the mediators only to promote a general peace , and not to enter into any paces towards any particular one , or separate , between the parties , which such a private and previous concert between france and the prince of orange would look very like ; and therefore i did not see how i could enter upon it without particular orders from the king : that besides , i would confess to them , that i did not think it would be of any great effect if i should receive them ; and that the best service i could do them ( the ambassadors ) was to let them know very freely all that i knew , or at least thought of the prince of orange , and his dispositions in this great affair , that they might the better guess what paces to expect from him ; that i was sure , he desir'd the peace as much as the states could do ; that the weak conduct of spain , and distracted councels of the empire , was enough to force him upon it , without many other circumstances that were too well known to trouble them with . that the prince knew very well there would be no difficulty at all in the terms of a peace between france and holland , and that all would arise from their allies , who had entred into the war only in their defence ; that their faith and honour were since engag'd by many treaties concluded with them , and which hindred them from making any separate peace . that in all those treaties the prince's honour was more particularly engag'd , upon which personally the several princes confederate were known to rely more , than upon any publick resolution , or instruments of the states . that if any ways could be found , or offers made towards bringing his highness out of this war , with the safety of his honour by the satisfaction of his allies upon any sort of terms , i was sure he would fall into them with all the joy that could be ; but to break from them against all faith and agreements by separate measures , i believ'd he would never be induc'd , but by the last extremities of the war , or necessities at home . and that for his own personal interests , i was confident no advantages to be offer'd him , would ever be consider'd by his highness , how great soever , but that two or three towns more or less to the spaniards , for the strength of their frontier in flanders , would prevail more with him than all could be done for his interest in orange or burgundy ; and that all other propositions of advantages more than were avow'd in the course of the treaty , were , i believ'd , what he would take ill from any that should make them ; and yet whenever i saw him next , i would tell him of all that had past in this conversation . but for the deference they believ'd his highness might have for my sen●●ments , i would assure them , my opinion was , he had none for mine , or any man 's else , further than as their arguments prevail'd upon his judgment : that he had sense enough to govern himself , and i believ'd he would always trust to it , tho he might advise with other men . after these conversations , during the time i stay'd at nimeguen , monsieur colbert made many small attacks of this kind upon me , and sometimes contented himself only to let fall some things in conversation , to try if i was dispos'd to enter further upon that subject : but the mareschal d'efirades immediately after began to turn his battery another way , which was upon the pensioner fagel , by the intervention of a person of mastricht , many of whose letters the pensioner show'd me upon the same occasion ; and with all the offers that could be made of consideration and advantage to the interests of the prince of orange , which met with no other reception from his highness than what i foretold . after the first visits between us and the french and dutch ambassadors , whom we only found at nimeguen , we receiv'd a visit from the magistrates of the town , who told us , they had order from the states , to remit the government of the city to our disposition , during the present treaty , and to proceed no otherwise in it , than according to such orders as they should receive from us the mediators . we told them , it was his majesty's pleasure , that we should not at all intermeddle with it ; but that on the contrary , we should consign into the hands of the ordinary justice of the town , any of our domesticks that should be guilty of any crime against the peace or government of the place ; and that justice should be done upon them , according to their faults ; and that we should not take upon us to withdraw or protect them form the ordinary course of justice , by the rights and priviledges of that character his majesty had given us . after this we applied our selves to propose some regulations for the order and quiet of so numerous an assembly as this was like to prove , ( in a town but too strait , and compos'd of narrow streets ) and to the establishment of some compass of neutral country about it , for the convenience and divertisement of the company that should compose it . for the first we gave in a paper to the french and dutch ambassadors , with certain articles , to which we desir'd their consent , not doubting , but all others that should come after , would easily fall into what they should previously agree to upon our desire . they were these , as we gave them in french , the language used in all conferences , and most papers that pass'd in this treaty . 1. que pour eviter les inconvenients qui pourront arriver par le grand nombre de traits dans les rues si étroits & entre des coinssi incommodes , les ambassadeurs mediateurs proposent , de ne faire les visits , mesme de ceremonie qu' avec chacun ambassadeur deux pages , & quatre lacquais ; & un carosse , a deux chevaux & de n'aller a aucune place de conference , ou autres lieux publiques avec plus d'un page & deux lacquais a chaque ambassadeur . 2. qu'en cas de rencontre de carosses dans de lieux trop estroits pour le passage de l'un & de l'autre , chaucun au lieude s'embarasser pour le pasy apportera toute sorte de faeilitè , & s'arrestera le premier quant il sera le premier quant il sera le premier quant il sera le premier averti que le passage est trop estroit , & fera place en cas que de son costè cela se trouve de plus facile . 3. que les lacquais ne porteront espée , bâton ny baguette par les rues , ni les pages plus que de baguette seul . 4. que les ambassadeurs sur aucune crime commis par aucun de leur domestiques contre la paix publique , renonceront a la protection des dits domestiques , & les remettront aussi tost entre les mains de la justice de la ville , la priants & autorisans de proceder contre eux selon les regles ordinaires . 5. qu' end cas de quelque insulte ou querelle faite par aucun de leurs domestiques contre ceux d'aucun auire ambassadeur ou ministre publique , les ambassadeurs remettront tels domestiques entre les mains du maistre de la partie offensee pour estre puni selon sa discretion . the french ambassadors receiv'd this paper with much approbation and compliment to us , upon the design and conception of it ; and said , they were ready to give their full consent to every part of it , excepting only the second article ; but upon this they could not , without first acquainting their master , from whom they had orders to maintain upon all occasions , the rank that spain had yielded to them by treaty ; so that they could not stop or make way for the ministers of that crown , tho' they would do it for those of brandenburgh . we told them , we doubted not but the emperor's ambassadors would be content to fall into the general rule for so good an end ; and that for our selves , the mediators , who were out of all competition by that quality , yet we resolv'd to practice it with the rest , and give the example . the french ambassadors seem'd satisfied in their own opinions ; but however desir'd they might first communicate it to their court. the dutch ambassadors wholly approv'd it , and resolv'd to conform their practice accordingly , unless they found other ambassadors should decline it . however , about a fortnight after , the french ambassadors , upon dispatches from their court , began to change their language ; and told us , that for the first article , monsieur pompone thought it not necessary to restrain the numbers of ambassadors trains , since they were well provided against disorders by the following articles . besides that , this would in a manner level the ambassadors of greatest kings with the ministers of smaller princes , at least in the eyes of the mean people , who measure the dignity of persons by the train that attend them . for the second article they consented to it , with an apostyle of their own upon it , providing that it should not prejudice the rights of any princes , nor ever be drawn into consequence in any other place or time : we found by these answers , that the french ambassadors had less vanity than their court , and wondred to find it so avowed , and to descend to circumstances so low and so minute ; for tho' vanity be a weakness , or a fault that the fewest men are without , yet it is that of all others that the fewest will own ; and few private men , tho' perhaps affected with the gazes and opinion of the rabble , that fill the streets as they pass , will yet pretend or confess to consider them . however , we thought best to let it pass ; and the rather , because we knew it was no more the sense of the french ambassadors , than ours ; for which they had one more particular reason , which was the noise that run of the magnificent preparations and equipage design'd by the marquess de balbaces and count antoine , towards their appearance in this congress : the first whereof was one of the richest subjects of spain , heir and descendent of the famous spinola ; and the other had great revenues from the duke of oldenburgh ( being his natural son ) and was chosen by denmark , on purpose to appear with lustre in this ambassage : and the french ambassadors apprehended either being out-shined by these at their arrival , or being engag'd in greater expences upon the vye than they expected from their court , which usually leaves those kind of services to future rewards , by succeeding employments and advances , rather than present supplies . when we receiv'd this answer from them , we only said , monsieur pompone's reasoning from the mean people , seem'd a little below the greatness of his master , or the style of a great minister ; but that we should acquaint the dutch ambassadors with it , that they might be at liberty to retract the consent they had already given , since they the french , seem'd to have done so : but that , for our selves , we would observe at least the rules we had propos'd to others , and let them follow either the rules or examples as they pleas'd . the french would by no means allow to have refus'd them , and said , they had only told us monsieur pompone's reflections upon them ; but that they could not absolutely consent , till they had concerted with their allies , the swedish ambassadors , whose arrival they daily expected . however , tho' they were by these wholly approv'd , yet the french ambassadors during the assembly , made all their first visits with the three several ambassadors coaches and six horses , and the whole number of their train , which sometimes reach'd further than the space between their houses , and of the minister's where the visit was paid . but we continued to make ours , only with two horses , and the number of servants we had propos'd , and the rest of the rules were observ'd by all with so good effect , that for one whole year i resided there together , there never happen'd any disorder or complaint from so numerous trains . for the neutral countrey , we at first propos'd , by concert with the french ambassadors , to extend it about three leagues , so as to take in the town of cleve , which has been always celebrated for one of the pleasantest seats of germany ; but upon transmitting this proposal to the french , a resolution came back to their ambassadors , to admit only two leagues from nimeguen , and that to continue subject to contribution , and to execution , upon failure of that being paid , as was usual to the garison of mastricht . this we thought unpracticable , with the safety of the ambassadors , or their retinues , that should make use of a neutrality subject to inroads of armed troops upon pretence of contribution , and admitted of many disputes . the french ambassadors had orders from their court to go out of town upon any occasion of airing and entertainment : the dutch desir'd us to let the french know , the states could not be answerable for their doing it safely , till a neutral countrey were establish'd without being liable to contribution . after some time , rather than continue prisoners to the town , or venture the inconvenience and danger of parties ranging within the bounds of a neutral countrey , a compass was agreed , about two english miles from the town , and mark'd out with several great posts erected to that purpose , within which all persons should have liberty , and no souldier should be suffer'd to come in , upon any pretext whatsoever . several pretensions were rais'd at the opening of this congress ( which was reckon'd upon the time of two mediators arrival upon the place ) , about the rights of several princes to send ambassadors , and many disputes arose upon them . it had been agreed at the treaty of munster , that every elector should be allow'd to send a minister thither , with the character of ambassador ; but if they sent more than one in commission , that the first only should be treated with excellence , and other ceremonies of ambassadors . this rule we agreed to follow at nimeguen : and the elector of brandenburgh sent two ambassadors thither ; but we treated the first only with the usual ceremonies , and left the other to his pretences and complaints . the french follow'd our example ; and the other ambassadors did some one , some the other , according as their interests engag'd them to comply with that elector in this pretence . upon admission of the electors to send ambassadors to the congress , the same pretence was soon after rais'd by the dukes of lorain , nieuburgh , and lunenburgh : much alteration us'd upon this subject ; but the presidents alledg'd , not being found without dispute , the thing lay quiet , and their envoys arriv'd after some time at nimeguen . we agreed neither to give the first visit , nor the hand , in our houses , to any character under that of ambassador ; nor to other persons of quality , that were not either counts of the empire , or general officers of armies . there was no dispute about the rank with the mediators ; the french having first yielded it by order of their court , till the imperialists came , who neither yielded nor refus'd it , but seem'd desirous to have that mark of distinction allow'd between the emperor's ambassadors and those of all other crown'd heads : we held on our pretence of it from these , as well as the rest , but kept it from coming to any decision till the very signing of the treaty , finding the emperor not inclin'd to yield it ; and knowing that if it were refus'd there , the admission granted by the rest , might come to be retracted upon that example . the other ambassadors were left to their usual pretences : the french , that all should yield to them ; and the rest , of none yielding to one another ; in which the swedes carried the point even with their allies , the french , as nicely and positively as any others . the swedes arriv'd about the middle of august ; sent first to us , and then to the french , to notifie their arrival ; this happen'd late in the evening , so we deferr'd our compliments and desires of an hour , till next morning ; the french made theirs the same night to monsieur oxenstern , first in commission , who gave them an hour the next morning , and to our secretaries who came to them about that time , they gave an hour in the afternoon : the visits were made accordingly , but upon our insisting that the first visit ought to be return'd to the mediators , from whomsoever the first should be receiv'd , the swedish ambassadors , after some time to consider it , determin'd the point , and made us the first visit , tho' the french had first made it to them ; and this was observ'd by the ambassadors that afterwards arriv'd during my residence there . i remember no other points of the ceremonial , that seem to have been establish'd by the course of this assembly , unless it was one particular to our selves , who declar'd , that we would dine with no ambassador till the peace was concluded , being desirous to avoid the trouble and engagements of perpetual invitations , as well as the unkindness of excuses , at one time , or to some person more than another ; but our own tables were open , each of us three days in the week , two post-days being reserv'd to our selves for business , and one for diversion or exercise abroad ; and several of the ambassadors , especially the french , came to our tables notwithstanding this resolution , which they seem'd to take a little to heart : but to make amends , we divided the nights by turns , where there were any ladies in the ambassadors houses , and where the evenings were spent in dancing or play , or careless and easie suppers or collations . in these entertainments , as i seldom fail'd of making a part , and my colleague never had any , so it gave occasion for a good word that pass'd upon it , que la mediation est oit tous jours en pied pour fair sa function ; for i us'd to go to bed , and rise late , while my colleague was a bed by eight , and up by four ; and to say truth , two more different men were never joyn'd in one commission , nor agreed better in it . for business , there was very little for many months after the congress began , till the arrival of the imperial ministers , only the french ambassadors soon after my coming , demanding an audience , came to make us the offer of exhibiting their plein pouvoirs into our hands , not doubting , as they said , of the dutch being ready to do the same . but upon our acquainting the dutch ambassadors with this overture , they told us , that it was in the choice of the french ambassadors to do it when they pleas'd ; but they did not conceive the hastening of it would gain any time , since they had no orders to make that peace without a previous concert with their allies ; and consequently tho' the french should do it , yet they would , at present , neither exhibit their own , nor , make any reflections ( as might be necessary ) upon those of the french. from this answer , the french took occasion to press the dutch extreamly upon making instances to all their allies to hasten to the treaty , or else to declare , that they would enter into affairs without them ; and not without some intimation of their master's , being resolv'd to recal them in case this was refus'd , or much longer delay'd . the dutch excus'd the retardments given to the treaty so long , by the many difficulties rais'd by the french court upon occasion of the pasports , which were not yet dispatch'd to some of their new allies ; but however , promis'd to acquaint the states with these instances , and endeavour to dispose them to fix some time , by which they would order their ambassadors to enter into matter , unless the ministers of the allies were arriv'd at nimeguen . in these , and several other points , interceeding between the french and dutch ambassadors , we carried the proposals and answers from one to the other , at their houses , by word of mouth , which continued till the assembly was compleated , and a place of conference with much difficulty agreed at the stadthouse of nimeguen ; where after many difficulties between the two confederacies , and many more between the parties that compos'd each of them , two chambers were at length agreed for the parties , and one for the mediators , by which our pains was lessen'd , but without other advantage . nor was there any point that gave us more trouble than the adjusting this among the parties ; for the french were from the very first , most declaredly averse from treating either by writings , or from agreeing to a place of publick conference ; conceiving this would tend to keep the body of the confederacy united in the treaty , as well as the war ; whereas their design was to break that union here , which they could not in the field ; and find some way or other of entring into separate measures for a peace with some of the parties engag'd . in the mean time the allies found , or took as many occasions as they could of delaying the dispatch of their ministers to the congress , while they had hopes of hindring the dutch from proceeding without them ; and that they believ'd might be done till this campania should end , from the events , whereof the several princes might the better take their measures for the conditions of a peace , that should be propos'd or insisted on in this treaty ; and this disposition of theirs was so well pursu'd , that no other ambassadors arriv'd at nimeguen till november , tho' we and the french , and the dutch , had been so long upon the place , and the swedes soon after . in the mean time the successes of the campania , that were expected absolutely to govern the motions of the treaty , were various as to the gross of the war ; but run as high to the advantage of the french , as to the disadvantage of the swedish affairs . by force of great treasures , and great order in disposing them . the french magazines were always fill'd in the winter , so as to enable them to take the field as they pleas'd in the spring , without fearing the weather for their foot , or expecting grass for their horse ; on t'other side , the spaniards want of money and order , left their troops in flanders , neither capable to act by themselves upon any sudden attempt , nor to supply with provisions in their march , either dutch or germans that should come to their relief . their towns were ill fortified , and worse defended ; so that the king of france marching in the head of a brave and numerous army , took conde in four days in the month of april this year 1676. before any of the confederates were in the field ; & in may , sent the duke of orleans to besiege bouchain with some part of his troops , being a small , tho' strong place , and very considerable for its scituation to the defence of the spanish netherlands . the king , with the strength of his army , posted himself so advantageously , as to hinder the prince of orange from being able to relieve it , or to fight without disadvantage . the prince strugled through all the difficulties from the season , or want of provisions and magazines in flanders , and march'd with his army in sight of the french king by the middle of may , the armies continued some days facing one another , and several times drawing out in order to a battel , which neither of them thought fit to begin ; whether not willing to hazard , without necessity or advantage , so decisive an action as this was like to prove ; or whether the french contented themselves to carry their point by hindring the relief of bouchain , which must fall without it , while the prince of orange , with-held by the spaniards from pursuing his , which was to give a battel that the spaniards knew could not be lost without the loss of flanders . the armies continued facing one another till bouchain was surrendred the eighth day of the siege . the prince return'd to refresh his army , harass'd with so hasty a march upon so suddain preparations ; and the king of france return'd home , leaving his army under the mareschal schomberg , to attend the motions of the enemies . the prince fell into concert with the spanjard and german princes near the lower rhine , for the siege of mastricht , which , tho the strongest of the dutch frontiers when it was taken , had been yet fortified by the french since they possess'd it , with all the advantages of art and expence , and with a garison of eight thousand chosen men , under calvo , a resolute catalonian , who commanded there under the mareschal d'estrades governour of the place , but then at nimeguen . about the end of july , the trenches were open'd by the prince , and the siege carried on with such bravery , so many and desperate assaults for about three weeks , that as wagers were continually offer'd , with odds , at nimeguen , that it would be taken within such or such a time ; so we did not observe the mareschal d'estrades was willing to take them , or seem'd at all confident it would be so well defended . the prince , or the rhingrave , ( who was d●sign'd for governour of the town , as his father had been ) were ever in the head of the attacks , and made great use , as well as proof of the desperate courage of the english troops upon all those occasions ; many of the out-works were taken with great slaughter on both sides , but were supplied by new retrenchments , and by all the art and industry of a resolute captain , and brave soldiers within . about the middle of august , the prince exposing himself upon all occasions , receiv'd a musket-shot in his arm ; at which , perceiving those about him were daunted , he immediately pull'd off his hat with the arm that was hurt , and waved it about his head , to shew the wound was but in the flesh , and the bone safe ; at which they all reviv'd , and the prince went on without interruption in all the paces of the siege . but a cruel sickness falling into his army , weaken'd it more than all the assaults they had given the town . the germans came not up with the supplies they had promis'd , and upon which assurance the siege was undertaken ; and the rhindgrav● , who , next the prince , was the spring of this action , happening to be wounded soon after , was forc'd to leave the camp for a castle in the neighbourhood , where he died ; by all which the army grew disheartned , and the siege faint . in the mean time monsieur schomberg , who trusted to a vigorous defence at mastricht , had besig'd and taken aire , and after the prince's army was weaken'd , by the accidents of the siege , march'd with all the french forces through the heart of the spanish low countries , to the relief of mastricht ; upon whose approach , and their solutions of the councel of war in the prince's camp , the siege was rais'd , and with it the campania ended in the dutch or spanish provinces . and from this time the prince of orange began to despair of any success in a war , after such tryals and experience of such weakness in the spanish forces and conduct , and uncertainty in the german councels or resolutions . however , the imperial army took philipsburgh in the end of september this year 1676. which was yielded for want of provisions , and as much against common opinion and expectation , as the contrary event in the siege of mastricht . the affairs of denmark and brandenburgh prosper'd all this while against sweden , with advantage in most of the sieges and encounters that pass'd this summer , and the first part of the winter following , so that the swedes seem'd to be losing apace all they had so long possess'd in germany ; but the imperial forces , tho' joyn'd with those of the several princes upon the upper rhine , had made no progress in their design'd conquests there , and were forc'd to seek their old quarters on the german side of the rhine , upon the approach of the french ; which was a true and undisputed decision of the small success of this campania . after it was ended , the parties engag'd in the war began to turn their thoughts , or at least their eyes , more towards the motions of the treaty than they had hitherto done . the prince of orange writ to me , desir'd to see me for a day or two at soesdycke near amesfort , about a days journey from nimeguen . he complain'd much , and with too much reason , of the conduct of his allies , the weakness , or rather uselesness of the spanish troops in flanders , for want of pay , or order ; the imperial armies acting without design upon the rhine , or with dependance upon orders from vienna , where the emulation of the ministers made such destraction , and counter-paces of their generals , that the campania had pass'd with small effect after the promises of vigorously invading either lorain or france . how the dukes of lunenburgh had fail'd of sending their troops to mastricht , which , with the sickness of the camp , had render'd that siege ineffectual : so that he began to dispair of any good issue of the war , and would be glad to hear , i hop'd , for a better of the peace upon our scene at nimeguen , after the paces and progress whereof he made particular enquiries . i told him how little advances had been hitherto made , by the slowness of his allies dispatching their ministers thither ; how little success could be expected from the pretentions of the parties when they should meet , especially france pretending to keep all they had got by the war , and spain to recover all they had lost ; how his majesty seem'd of the mind to concern himself no further than the paces of a mediator , our orders being only to convey the mind or proposals of the parties from one to another , and even to avoid the offers of any references upon them to his majesties determination ; so that my opinion was , that it must be the war alone that must make the peace , and that i suppos'd it would do at one time or other by the weakness or weariness of one of the parties . the prince seem'd of my mind , and said , the events of the war would depend upon the conduct at madrid and vienna before next campania ; for without some great successes , he did not believe the states would be induc'd to continue it longer ; i told the prince the discourses monsieur colbert had entertained me with upon my arrival at nimeguen , in which his highness was chiefly concerned ; upon which he replied coldly , he had heard enough of the same kind another way , which monsieur d' estrades had found out to pensioner fagel ; but that they knew him little that made him such overtures ; and for his own interests or advantages , let them find a way of saving his honour , by satisfying spain , and nothing of his concerns should retard the peace an hour . after my return to nimeguen , i found the french making all the advances they could towards the progress of the treaty , and they were ( no doubt ) in earnest , being in a posture to insist upon their present possessions , and having made a great hand of this last campania , were willing , like gamesters that have won much , to give over , unless oblig'd to play on by those that had lost . the swedes were more in haste and in earnest for the peace than any , hoping no resource for their losses in germany by the war. the dutch were grown impatient after the peace , finding france would make no difficulty of any thing between them , offering privately by their emissaries , especially at amsterdam , such a reglement of commerce as they could desire , the restitution of mastricht , and of all satisfaction the prince of orange could pretend upon his losses , or their seizures in the war. but denmark and brandenburgh were as violent against the peace , having swallowed up in their hopes all that sweden had possess'd in germany ; and tho' the emperor seem'd to pretend little after the taking of philipsburgh , besides the restitution of lorain and the towns of alsatia , to the posture they were left in by the munster treaty ; yet they were so fast link'd both with their german allies as well as spain , that they resolved to make no paces in the treaty but by common concert ; and spain , tho' sensible of the condition their affairs in flanders were in , as well as sicily , yet upon a design then hatching at madrid , for removal of the queen regent and her ministry , to introduce don john to head the affairs of their government , had conceiv'd great hopes to recover those desperate infirmities that their inveterate disorders both in councils and conduct , especially in their finances , had for so long time occasion'd . besides , they had confidences still given them from their ministers in england , that his majesty would not , after all , be contented to see flanders lost , or would be forced into the war by the humour of his parliament . for these reasons , the allies seem'd to make no hast at all to the congress , and some of them hardly to look that way ; and none of the parties were yet arriv'd , besides the french , the swedes and the dutch : but about the end of september , the french ambassadors gave notice , that their master having made so many advances to the peace , and being so ill seconded by the proceedings of the confederates , and their slowness in coming to the treaty , was resolv'd to recal his ambassadors , unless those of the chief confederates should repair to nimeguen within the space of one month. this we communicated to the dutch ambassadors , and they to the states , who after some conferences with the ministers of their allies , came to a resolution , that they would enter upon the treaty themselves , if the ministers of their confederates should not repair to nimeguen by the first of november , which was afterwards , upon some disputes , declar'd to be meant old stile , being that of the place where the congress was held . the noise of this resolution of the states , was more among their allies , than the danger , since there were ways enough to raise difficulties , and spin out time after the ambassadors should arrive , as well as before ; but yet it had so much effect , that the several confederates did upon it begin to hasten away one or other of their intended ambassadors towards nimeguen ( as count kinkski from vienna , don pedro ronquillo from england , where he then resided as spanish envoy ) but not the persons principally intrusted , or at the head of their embassies , nor with powers to proceed further than preliminaries ; and from denmark , monsieur heug , without any news of count antoine's preparation , who was appointed chief of that ambassay ; any more than of the bishop of gurke , or marquess de balbaces , the chiefest of those design'd from the emperor and spain . in the mean time the dutch began to lay load upon their allies , for their back wardness , so declar'd , in making any paces towards the treaty ; to cavil upon the obligations they were under of so many great subsidies to so many princes their allies , for carrying on a war which the allies pursued for their own separate interests or ambition , tho' entr'd into it , perhaps at first , for defence of holland , with whose safety theirs were complicated , hereupon their ministers both at the hugue and az nimeguen , took the liberty to say publickly , upon several occasions , and in several companies , that their masters would pay no subsidies to their allies the next campania , unless in the mean time they would by their fair and sincere proceedings in the treaty , put the french in the wrong , as their expression was . the swedes had , as well as the french , offer'd to deliver us their powers ; but this was deferr'd by the dutch to the arrival of their allies , till after the first of november was elaps'd ; the french began to press them upon it , in consequence of the states resolution ; and after some little demurs , the dutch ambassadors agreed to deliver theirs ; so by a concert , not without difficulty , we agreed , that on the 21st of november , the several powers should be brought to us the mediators , by the several ambassadors , at such hours as they should severally take from us , should be deposited in our hands , and that we should afterwards communicate the originals mutually to the several ambassadors at their houses , and leave copies with them , attested by us the mediators . this was done accordingly ; and the morning after , the dutch ambassadors brought us an account of several exceptions they were forc'd to make against several expressions in the french and swedish prefaces to their powers , which they said were fitter for manifestoes than for powers of a treaty , especially those of justifying the war , and maintaining the treaty of westphalia : but the greatest stress they laid , was upon a clause in the french powers , mentioning the pope's mediation , which they said their masters could never consent to now , no more than they had at munster . to say truth , tho' the gaining of time for the allies coming might have some part in these exceptions of the dutch , yet they were fram'd with great art , and shew'd the great quickness and sharpness of monsieur beverning's apprehension , as well as his skill and experience in these kind of affairs ; being , i think without dispute , the most practis'd , and the ablest ambassador , of any i have ever met in the course of my employments . the dutch exceptions were return'd , by others from the french and swedes against their powers ; but with offer from both of entring into the treaty , while these ministers should be adjusting . the dutch accepted it , provided the french would oblige themselves to procure new powers , free from the exceptions raised against them , as the dutch offer'd to do . after much debate , they all agreed in desiring us the mediators to draw up a form of powers to be us'd by all the parties ; we did it , and it was approv'd by them all , with some reserve only from the french , whether it would be fit to mention any mediation , since that of the pope's was left out , and some little tentatives upon us , whether we would be content to leave out all mention of his majesties mediation , as well as that of the pope's ? this we excus'd our selves from doing , the whole frame of the congress having proceeded from his majestie 's mediation , without any intervention of the pope's ; and the king 's having been accepted by all the parties , which the pope's had not been ; but on the contrary , the very mention of it in the powers , declar'd against by several of them . and by orders we received from court upon occasion of this dispute , we declared to all of the parties , that tho' his majesty pretended not to exclude any other mediation that the parties should think fit to use , yet he could not in any wise act jointly with that of the pope , nor suffer his ministers to enter into any commerce either of visits or conferences , with any of his that might be employed at nimeguen . in november arriv'd monsieur heug , one of the danish ambassadors ; monsieur somnitz and blaspyl , the two brandenburgh ambassadors ; lord barclay from paris ; and soon after , don pedro ronquillo , one of the spanish ambassadors ; but the last continued incognito till the arrival of count kintski , who whether he had taken the gout , or the gout had taken him , continued upon that pretence , at colen till the new year was begun . the spanish ambassador coming upon visits to my wife , and meeting me there , found that way of entring into the present business of the scene , as much as if he had been declar'd upon it . he agreed with the french in this one point , of desiring either the pope's mediation might be mentioned in their powers ; or that his majesty in consideration of the peace , would suffer the mention of his to be left out ; but the dane on t'other side agreed with the dutch , in refusing to admit any power with mention of the pope's mediation . there arose likewise another difficulty from a seeming expedient propos'd by the dutch , of having from each party several powers granted for treating with the several parties they were in war with , which the french refus'd , or to grant other powers than for the dutch and their allies ; and in these disputes or difficulties the year 1676 ended . i enter not at all into the detail , or so much as mention of the many incidents that fell into the course of this treaty upon punctilioes of visits or ceremonials , because they seem to me but so many impertinencies that are grown this last age into the character of ambassadors , having been rais'd and cultivated by men , who wanting other talents to value themselves in those imployments , endeavoured to do it by exactness or niceties in the forms ; and besides , they have been taken notice of by discourses concerning this treaty , and at one time or other may be exactly known by the original papers of our ambassy , which are in two or three several hands : whereas i intend chiefly to declare the course of this great affair , by the more material circumstances , and from the true springs of those events that succeeded , rather than trouble my self with the forms that served to amuse so long this assembly at nimeguen . i shall only make two observations upon the ceremonial ; the first is upon the emperor's conduct towards the brandenburgh ambassadors ; allowing his ministers to treat them both like ambassadors of crown'd heads , though we gave it only to the first of the ambassy upon the president of the munster treaty , and were follow'd in it by the french and swedes in the whole course of this treaty at nimeguen . this pace of the emperor seem'd not so much grounded , as some thought , upon his compliance with so considerable an ally , as upon a design to assist another pretention of his own , which is not only a difference of place , but also of rank from all other crown'd heads of christendom ; whereas the other kings , though they yield him the place , yet they do not allow him a difference of rank . but if the emperor could by his example prevail with other kings to treat the electors like crown'd heads , it would fortifie the pretensions of the emperor to a difference of rank , since there is a great one , and out of all contest between him and the electors . my second remark is , that among all the punctilioes between the ambassadors at nimeguen , none seem'd to me to carry them to such heights as the swedes and the danes ; the first standing as stiff upon all points of not seeming to yield in the least to the french ambassadors , tho' their allies and from a crown not only of so mighty power , but from whom alone they expected the restoring of their broken state in germany ; and the danish ambassador , upon the french powers being exhibited in french , said he would give his in danish , unless they would do it in latin as a common language ; alledging , he knew no difference between crown'd heads ; that the danish king had been as great as the french are now , and in their present dominions are as absolute . upon all which monsieur beverning could not forbear to reflect , and say to us , that in his remembrance there was no sort of competition made by those two northern kings with the other three great kings of christendom ; that the treatment of the states to them was very different , and their ministers made no difficulty of signing any instruments after the ministers of the three great crowns . 't is , i think , out of question , that the pretention of parity among the crown'd heads , was first made in the north by gustavus , when he told monsieur grammont the french ambassador in sweden upon this occasion ; that for his part he knew no distinction among crown'd heads , but what was made by their virtue ; and this pretence was not much disputed with him in respect to the greatness of his qualities , as well as of his attempts and successes ; and his example was follow'd by the kings of denmark , and has since left place , a thing contested among them all . 't is true , the french have claim'd the precedence next to the emperor , with more noise and haughtiness than the rest , but have been yielded to by none except the spaniard , upon the fear of a war they were not able to deal with ; nor have they since been willing to own the weakness of that confession , but have chosen to fall into what measures they could of encouraging and establishing the pretence of parity among crown'd heads . the most remarkable instance of this happen'd at nimeguen , where upon a publick meeting of the allies , the dispute arising between spain and denmark for the place at table , don pedro consented to have it taken by turns , and at the first to be divided by lot . the french ambassadors made their pretence of preference next the mediators at nimeguen , in the first return of their visits from ambassadors arriving ; but was neither yielded to by swede or dane , nor practis'd by the emperors ambassadors , who made their first visit to the mediators , and the next without distinction to the first that had visited them . the emperor took advantage of the french , as well as the rest , having yielded to the mediators , and during this treaty made a scruple , tho' not a refusal of doing it , by which he distinguish'd himself from the other crowned heads . we were content to keep it , as much as we could , from decision with them ; but it once happen'd , that upon a meeting with the allies at the dane's house , count kinkski was there before i and sir lionel came into the room , where chairs were set for all the ambassadors . after the common salutations , i went strait up to the chair that was first in rank , and stood before it , to sit down when the rest were ready ; but my colleague either losing his time by being engag'd in longer civilities , or by desire not to be engag'd in contests , gave room to count kinkski ( a very brisk man ) to come and stand before the chair that was next me , and consequently between me and my colleague : when i saw this , and consider'd , that tho' the place was given me by the imperialists , yet it was not given to the king's ambassy ; i chose not to sit down ; but falling into the conference that was intended , i stood all the while , as if i did it carelesly , and so left the matter undecided . the prince of orange , about the latter end of december , writ very earnestly to me , to make a step for some few days to the hague , knowing i had leave from his majesty to do it when i thought fit . and finding all things without present motion at nimeguen , i went thither , and arriv'd the last day of the year . the first of the next being 1677. i attended his highness : we fell into large discourses of the progress of the treaty , the coldness of the parties , the affected delays of the imperials and spaniards , the declar'd aversion of the danes and brandenburgh ; and concluded how little was to be expected from the formal paces of this congress . upon all which the prince ask'd , if i had heard any more of his majesty's mind upon the peace , since i had been last with him ? i told him what i remembred of his last letter to me upon that subject ; which was , that he concluded from the prince's discourses to me , that he had then no mind to a peace ; that he was sorry for it , because he thought it was his interest to have it . that he had try'd to know the mind of france upon it ; but if they would not open themselves farther of one side , nor his highness on the other , than they had yet done , he would content himself with performing only his part of a mediator , and in the common forms . the prince said , this look'd very cold , since his majesty was alone able to make the peace , and knew well enough what it would come to by the forms of the congress . that for his own part , he desir'd it , and had a great deal of reason , both because his majesty seem'd to do so , and to think it his own interest as well as the prince's ; and because the states not only thought it their interest , but absolutely necessary for them . that he would not say this to any but to the king by me ; because if france should know it , they would , he doubted , be harder upon the terms : that both spain and the emperor had less mind to it now , than they had at the end of the last campania ; the new ministers being less inclin'd to it than the old had been ; so that there was not one of the allies ; that had any mind to it besides the states . that for his own part , he should be always in the same mind with them , and therefore very much desir'd it ; but did not know which way to go about it , at least , so as to compass it before the next campania . and if that once began , they should be all at sea again , and should be forc'd to go just as the wind should drive them . that if his majesty had a mind to make it , and would let him know freely the conditions upon which either he desir'd or believ'd it might be made , he would endeavour to concert it the best he could with his majesty , and that with all the freedom and sincereness in the world , so it might be done with any safety to his own honour , and the interests of his country . all this he desir'd me to write directly to his majesty from him , as he knew i had not only leave , but command to do upon any occasion that i thought deserv'd it . two days after , i saw the pensioner fagel , upon some common affairs incident to my ambassy at the hague , which had been left in the hands of the secretary of that ambassay . when these discourses were past , he ask'd me , if i had brought them the peace from nimeguen i replyed , that since he was so ignorant of what had pass'd there , i would tell him ; that they had carried their matters there , en habiles gens . that to bring their allies to the congress , they had pretended to treat by the first of november , whether they came or no. that after that day past , they had found fault with the powers exhibited , had offer'd at new , made the mediators course from one to t'other , spun out two months time in these paces , and thereby were gotten in sight both of spanish and imperial ministers , which i suppos'd was the point they always intended , and afterwards to keep pace with them . the pensioner answer'd me with something in his face both serious and sad , that either i did not know them , and the course of their affairs since i left the hague , or else i would not seem to know them : that they not only desir'd the peace from their hearts , but thought it absolutely necessary for them ; that they would certainly have enter'd into treaty at the time , if the french had either exhibited powers in a form to be at all admitted , or would have oblig'd themselves to procure new ones ; nay , that they would not insist upon a peace according to their allies pretensions , nor could he answer that they would not make a separate one . i said , that was a matter of such moment , as i was sure they would think of it another year before they did it . with this he drew up his chair closer to me , and began a discourse with more heat and earnestness than agreed well with the posture of health he was in ; saying , first , that they had thought enough of it already , and with thinking much , had begun to find it was without remedy . that they had great obligations to spain for entring the war to save their country , and thereby to save flanders too ; but they had made them no ill return , by continuing it now three years only for the interests of spain , since there remain'd nothing of consequence between france and them . that they had further engag'd themselves to carry it on this following year , and so would have done with the forces they did the last , if their allies had perform'd the parts they had likewise engag'd . but for spain , they took no care , but to let them see they were resolv'd to perish ; that they had sent their fleet home from sicily without the payments agreed on , and left them to be paid by the states at their return . that not a penny could be got of a great sum they ow'd them for carriages and provisions the last summer , and which was design'd for magazines against next year in flanders , without which their armies could not march in that country , where they were sure to find none of the spaniards providing . that they had represented to spain the necessity but of keeping so many forces well regulated and paid , as might defend their towns while the prince should take the field with the army of the state , and hinder or divert any great sieges there ; but not a word of answer . that they had then desir'd them to receive so many of the troops of the german princes , their allies , as might defend their most important places ; but instead of this , they drove them out of their country . that for the emperor , they had always told him , that unless his army would march into france , or at least force them to a battel by such forces as might draw great detachments of the french out of flanders , that countrey would not be sav'd the last summer , or at least not the next , unless his army took up their quartiers this winter in alsatia , or on that side of the rhine . but at vienna they consider'd flanders as much as the dutch do hungary ; and because the imperial officers could better find their private account by winter-quarters in germany , than in a country harass'd like alsatia , their armies must repass the rhine this winter , and thereby lose all the advantages of the last campania , and hopes of the next . that for want of magazines in flanders , two or three strong frontiers would be lost there next spring , before the imperialists could take the field ; and if cambray , valencines and mons were taken , all the rest would revolt , considering the miseries they had already suffer'd , and must by a longer war. that the prince would not be able to prevent it , or be soon enough in the field to march , for want of provisions in flanders , the country growing desolate by the unsettled contributions ; or at least , not with such an army as to venture a battel , or raise a siege , while the spanish troops were so weak , and the french would be so strong , at a time when they had no enemy to divert them upon the rhine . that the prince's friends could not suffer him to go into the field only to see towns lost under his nose , and perhaps all flanders , while he was expected to defend it , and at the same time was rendred incapable of doing it by the faults of the spaniards , who yet would not fail to reproach him , as well as his enemies abroad , and ill-willers at home , that would be glad of the occasion . in the mean time , from france they could have whatever conditions they pretended , either by restoring mastricht , a reglement of commerce , or any advantages to the house of orange ; and as to this last , whatever the prince himself would demand : that to this purpose they had every week pressing letters from monsieur d'estrades to make the separate peace ; and tho' he should fall into it with the greatest regret that could be , yet he did not see what else was to be done , and did not know one man in holland that was not of the same mind . that he did not talk with me as an ambassador , but a friend , whose opinion he esteem'd and desir'd ; that he told me freely , leur fort & leur soible ; and would be glad to know what else i thought they could do upon all these circumstances , et dans accablement de leur estat par une si longue guerre . i return'd his compliment , but excus'd my self from giving my opinion to a person so well able to take measures that were the fittest for the states conduct , or his own ; but desir'd to know what he reckon'd would become of flanders after the dutch had made their separate peace ; because the fate of that countrey was that wherein the rest of their neighbours were concern'd as well as they . he answer'd , it would be lost in one summer , or in two , but more probably in one ; that he believ'd cambray , valenciennes , namur and mons , might be lost in one summer ; that after their loss , the great towns within would not offer at defending themselves , excepting antwerp and ostend , for which they might perhaps take some measures with france , as i knew the french had offer'd monsieur de witt upon their first invasion in 1667. i ask'd him , how he reckon'd this state was to live with france after the loss of flanders ? and if he thought it could be otherwise than at discretion ? he desir'd me to believe , that if they would hope to save flanders by the war , they would not think of a separate peace ; but if it must be lost , they had rather it should be by the last , which would less exhaust their country , and dishonour the prince ; that after flanders was lost , they must live so with france , as would make them find it their interest rather to preserve their state , than to destroy it ; that it was not to be chosen , but to be swallow'd , like a desperate remedy ; that he had hop'd for some resource from better conduct in the spanish affairs , or that some great impression of the german armies upon that side of france might have brought the peace to some reasonable terms ; that for his own part , he had ever believ'd that england it self would cry halt , at one step or other that france was making ; and that if we would be content to see half flanders lost , yet we would not all , nor sicily neither , for the interest of our trade in the mediterranean . that the king had the peace in his hands for these two years past , might have made it when he pleas'd , and upon such conditions as he should think fit , of justice and safety to the rest of his neighbours as well as himself . that all men knew france was not in a condition to refuse whatever terms his majesty resolv'd on , or to venture a war with england in conjunction with the rest of the allies . that the least show of it , if at all credited in france , was enough to make the peace . that they had long represented all this in england by monsieur van beuninghen , and offer'd his majesty to be the arbiter of it , and to fall into the terms he should prescribe ; but not a word in answer , and all received with such a coldness as never was , though other people thought we had reason to be a little more concern'd . that this put him more upon thinking a separate peace necessary than all the rest ; that he confes'd , cuncta prius tentanda , till he found at last 't was immedicabile vulnus . that for their living with france after flanders was lost , he knew well enough what i meant by asking ; but after that , the aims of france would be more upon italy or germany , or perhaps upon us than them ; that it could not be the interest of franco to destroy or conquer this state , but to preserve it in a dependance upon that crown ; that they could make better use of the dutch fleets , than of a few poor fisher towns , that they should be reduc'd to , if any violation were made , either upon their liberties or religion . that the king of france had seen their country , and knew it , and understood it so ; and said upon all occasions , that he had rather have them for his friends , than his subjects . but if , after all , i concluded their state must fall in four and twenty hours , yet it were better for them to defer it to the last hour ; and that it should happen at night , rather than at noon . this was discours'd with such vehemence and warmth , that he was not able to go on ; and having said , it was not a matter to be resolv'd between us two , i left him , after wishing him health enough to go through the thoughts and businesses of so great a conjuncture . next morning i went to the prince , and after some common talk , told him what had past in my visit to the pensioner , and ask'd his highness , if he had seen him since , or knew any thing of it ? he said , no ; and so i told him the detail of it : and , upon conclusion , that he said , he saw nothing else to be done , but to make a separate peace ; and that he knew not a man in holland who was not of his mind . the prince interrupted me , saying , yes , i am sure i know one , and that is my self , and i will hinder it as long as i can : but if any thing should happen to me , i know it would be done in two days time . i ask'd him , whether he was of the pensioner's mind , as to what he thought likely to happen the next campania ? he said , the appearance were ill ; but campania's did not always end as they began : that accidents might happen which no man could fore-see ; and that if they came to one fair battel , none could answer for the event . that the king might make the peace , if he pleas'd , before it began ; but if we were so indifferent as to let this season pass , for his part , he must go on , and take his fortune . that he had seen that morning a poor old man , tugging alone in a little boat with his oars , against the eddy of a sluce upon a canal ; that when with the last endeavours he was just got up to the place intended , force of the eddy carried him quite back again ; but he turn'd his boat as soon as he could , and fell to his oars again ; and thus three or four times , while the prince saw him ; and concluded , this old man's business and his were too like one another ; and that he ought however to do just as the old man did , without knowing what would succeed , any more than what did in the poor man's case . all that pass'd upon these discourses , i represented very particularly to the court ; the first part immediately to the king , the rest to the secretaries of state ; and added my own opinion , that if his majesty continued to interpose no further than by the bare and common offices of this mediation in the place and forms of a treaty , and the austrians held off from the progress of it as well as the northern allies , and as they had all hitherto done ; it would certainly follow , that the french and dutch would fall into private negotiations , and by what i could observe on both sides , were like to adjust them in a very little time , and leave them ready to clap up a peace in two days , when the dutch should grow more impatient of the slowness or unsincereness of their allies proceedings in the general treaty , or whenever the violent humour of the people should force the prince to fall into the same opinion with the states upon this matter . this i esteem'd my self oblig'd to say , that his majesty might want no lights that were necessary upon so nice , and yet so dangerous a conjuncture . i had his majesty's answer in a long letter of his own hand , complaining much of the confederate ministers in england caballing with parliament-men , and raising all mens spirits as high against the peace as they could ; and that they had done it to such a degree , as made it very difficult for him to make any steps with france towards a general peace , unless the dutch ambassador would first put in a memorial , pressing his majesty from the states to do it , and declaring ; that without it they saw flanders would be lost , from secretary williamson i had no other answer material upon all the pensioner's discourses , nor my own opinion upon the present conjuncture , but that his majesty , and the lords of the foreign committee , wondred i should think the french were so ready for a separate peace , if the dutch should fall into those thoughts ; and that they did not remember they had ever received any thing from either me , or my colleague at nimeguen , that look'd that way . upon which , i told him the frequent conversations i had had with monsieur colbert upon that subject , and the several letters the pensioner had shewn me from the mareschal d'estrades , or his instrument at mastricht . but to all this i received no answer , nor so much as reflection , tho' i thought this part was my duty as ambassador at the hague , whether it were so as mediator at nimeguen or not . the prince and pensioner were both willing the king should be comply'd with in the government of monsieur van beuningham's paces and language at london ; but press'd me to write once more , to know his majesties opinion upon the terms of a peace ; or else , he said , it would be too late , while the season advanc'd towards the campania . upon which , i desir'd him to consider , there might be three weeks difference between his first telling his own thoughts to his majesty , and receiving his majesty's opinion upon it ; or sending first to know his majesty's , then returning his own , and afterwards expecting the king 's again , in case they differ'd : besides , i believ'd his majesty would take it kinder , and as a piece of more confidence , if his highness made no difficulty of explaining himself first . the prince paus'd a while , and then said , to shew the confidence he desired to live in with his majesty , he would make no further difficulty of it , tho' he might have many reasons to do it . that if the king had a mind to make a sudden peace , he thought he must do it upon the foot of aix la chapelle , which he would have the more ground for , because it was a peace he both made and warranted . that for exchanges , he thought there should be no other propos'd upon it , but only of aeth and charleroy for aire and st. omer ; which two last he thought imported a great deal more to france than the others , unless they would declare , that they intended to end this war with the prospect of beginning another , by which they might get the rest of flanders . that this was all needed pass between france and spain ; and for the emperor and this state , that the first having taken philipsburgh from the french , should raze it ; and the french having taken mastricht from the dutch , should raze it too ; and so this whole war should pass , comme un tourbillon qui avoit cesse apres avoir menace beaucoup & fait fort peu de remvements au monde . i was surpriz'd to hear a proposition so on the sudden , so short , and so decisive , and that seem'd so easie towards a short close , if his majesty should fall into it ; and i esteem'd it a strain in the prince of the most consummate knowledge in the whole present scheme of affairs , and most decisive judgment upon them , that he could have given after the longest deliberation and maturest advice . i observ'd however to his highness upon it , that he had not explained what was to become of lorain and burgundy ; and next , whether he believ'd it at all likely , that france , after such acquisitions made in this war , and so many more expected , should come to such restitutions of what they possess'd , without any equivalent . the prince replied , both were explain'd by the terms he proposed of aix la chapelle ; that for lorain , france never pretended to keep it , but from the last duke only . that burgundy could not be parted with by spain , without the french restoring so many towns for it in flanders as would raise endless debates , draw the business into lengths , and so leave it to the decision of another campania . for the second , he said , he had reason to doubt it , and did not believe it would be done , but by his majesties vigorous interposition , by that he was sure it would be easily effected ; but if his majesty would not endeavour it , the war must go on , and god almighty must decide it . that all the allies would be glad of it ; and believ'd , that upon don john's coming to the head of the spanish affairs , there would be a new world there . that however one town well defended , or one battel well fought , might change the scene . that for himself , he would confess , the king could never do so kind a part , as to bring him with some honour out of this war , and upon some moderate terms : but if he was content that france should make them insupportable , they would venture all , rather than receive them . and for holland's making it a separate peace , let the pensioner or any others tell me what they would , they should never do it while he was alive , and was able to hinder it ; and he would say one thing more to me , that he believed he was able to hinder it ) that if he died , he knew it would be done next day : but when that should happen , this matter must be some others care , and perhaps , we in england , were the most concern'd to look after it . i promis'd to represent all he had said directly to his majesty , and so i did immediately ; and the prince went next day to dieren , within six leagues of nimeguen , where i promis'd to come to him as soon as i should be possess'd of his majesty's answer . and i am the more particular in all these discourses with the prince and the pensioner upon this great conjuncture , because they do not only discover the true springs from which the peace was afterwards deriv'd , but represent most of the interests of christendom , as they were observ'd by the two persons , that next to monsieur de witt , understood them the best of any i ever met with in the course of my negotiations . after the prince was gone , i had one conference more with the pensioner , who told me , he was still of opinion it must come to a separate peace ; that he had told the emperour's ministers the same thing ; and that if they did not at vienna fall into the measures proposs'd and insisted on by the states , before the middle of february next , they should be forc'd to make it . that if don emanuel de lyra had not now assur'd them of the remises being actually come from spain , for payment of the last years charge of the fleets , both in the mediterranian and baltick , according to agreement , the peace could not have been kept off this winter it self . i told him , the prince was of another mind , and had said to me , a separate peace should never be made while he liv'd , and was able to hinder it ; and that he believ'd he should have that in his power . the pensioner reply'd , he should come to it with as much regret as the prince himself ; but that his highness himself might be forc'd to it by the ill conduct of his allies , the ill successes of the next campania , and the mutinies of the people , to which they were already but too much dispos'd at amsterdam by the delays of the treaty at nimeguen . that the late revolution in spain against the queen regent and her ministry , had shew'd enough what might be brought about by a violent and general humour of the people ; and the prince knew the country too well , to go too far against it . that it was in his majestie 's hands to make a general peace if he pleas'd , before the campania begun ; and perhaps it was in the conduct of spain and the emperor to engage holland in one campania more , by the measures they had propos'd : if both these fail'd , a separate peace must be made . while i staid at the hague , which was about a month , my colleague at nimeguen had , it seems , found out a negotiation grown between the french ambassadors and mons. beverning , separate from the ministers of his allies , and without any communication of the mediators , which they suspected would end in a separate peace . of this they thought fit to give part to the court , and of their suspitions upon it , as they had done in my absence ; and receiv'd an immediate order upon it , that in case they found a separate peace concluding or concluded between france and holland at nimeguen , they should protest publickly against it in his majesty's name . this my colleague sir lionel jenkins writ to me at the hague about the 10 th of january , and was in great pain about it . he apprehended the thing , but exspected not to know it till it was done , and then doubted any good consequences from our protestation : he desir'd i would both send him my thoughts upon it , and the same to court as soon as i could . i did so both to my lord treasurer and mr. secretary coventry , and told them very freely , that i could not understand the reason or the drift of such an order as my colleagues had receiv'd to make such a protestation . that if a separate peace between france and holland were thought as dangerous in the court , as i knew it was in the country , the king might endeavour to prevent it , and had it still in his power , as he had had a great while : but if it were once concluded , i did not see any other effect of our protestation , unless it were to irritate both the parties , and bind them the faster , by our being angry at their conjunction . nor did i know what ground could be given for such a protestation ; for tho' the parties had accepted his majesty's mediation of a general peace , yet none of them had oblig'd themselves to his majesty not to treat a separate one , or without his offices of mediation : and if they had , i did not see why the same interests that could make them break through so many oligations to their allies , should not make them as bold with a mediator . that as to prevent the thing may be a very wise and necessary counsel , so his majesty's resolution in it ought to be signified as early as can be , where it is likely to be of moment to that end , which was to france : but if the thing should be first done , as i could not tell how well to ground our offence , so i could as little how to seek our revenge ; and it would be to stay till we were stuck , and then trust to crying out . that , to the best of my sense , it were better to anger any one of the parties before a separate peace , than both of them after ; and if we must strain any points of courtesie with them , to do it rather by making a fair and general peace , than by complaining or protesting against a seperate one. i thought , i confess , that this representation from my colleagues , without any knowledge of mine , or suspition that the matter was working up at nimeguen when i left it , and yet agreeing so much with what i had foreseen and represented from the hague , and meeting such a resentment at our court as appear'd by the order transmitted to my colleagues upon it ; there was little question but his majesty would declare himself upon the terms of a general peace to both parties , which i knew very well would be refus'd by neither , if he were positive in it , and supported , as he would certainly have been by the prince . but our councils at court were so in balance , between the desires of living at least fair with france , and the fears of too much displeasing the parliaments upon their frequent sessions , that our paces upon this whole affair look'd all like cross purposes , which no man at home or abroad could well understand , and were often mistaken by both parties engag'd in the war , as well as by both parties in the house of commons , till the thing was wrested out of our hands . about the twenty fifth of january 1677. i receiv'd his majesty's answer to my last dispatches by the prince's directions , and carried them immediately away to dieren , which was a little out of my way to nimeguen , and there communicated them to the prince . they consisted of two parts ; the first , an offer of his majesty's entring into the strongest defensive alliance with the states , thereby to secure them from all apprehensions from france , after the peace should be made . the second was his majesty's remarks , rather than conclusion of judgment upon the terms propos'd by the prince for a peace . that he believ'd it might be compos'd with france , upon the exchange of cambray , aire , and st. omer , for aeth , charleroy , ondenarde , conde , and bouchain : that this scheme was what his majesty thought possible to be obtain'd of france , tho' not what was to be wished . i observ'd the prince's countenance to change when i nam'd cambray and the rest of the towns , yet he heard me through , & the many nice reasons of sir j. — w. — upon the matter , as of a double frontier this would give to flanders , the safety whereof was the thing both his majesty and the states were most concern'd in , and many other ways of cutting the feather : after which the prince said , he believ'd dinner was ready , and we would talk of it after we had din'd , and so went out ; but as he was near the door , he turn'd to me , and said , tho' we should talk more of it after dinner , yet he would tell me now , and in few words , that he must rather die than make such a peace . after dinner , we went again into his chamber , where he began with telling me , i had spoil'd his dinner ; that he had not expected such a return of the confidence he had begun towards his majesty . he observ'd the offer of alliance came to me in a letter of his majesty's own hand ; but that about the terms of a peace , from the secretary only ; that it was in a stile , as if he thought him a child , or to be fed with whips cream ; that since all this had been before the foreign commitee , he knew very well it had been with the french ambassador too , and that the terms were his , and a great deal worse than they could have directly from france . he cast them up distinctly , and what in plain language they amounted to ; that spain must part with all burgundy , cambray , aire , and st. omer , which were of the value of two other provinces in the consequences of any war between france and spain , and all for the five towns mention'd ; that in short , all must be ventur'd , since he was in , and found no other way out . i told the prince , that i hop'd he would send his majesty his own thoughts upon it ; but that he would think a little more before he did it . he said , he would write to the king that night , but would not enter into the detail of the business , which was not worth the pains , but would leave it to me . he desir'd me further to let his majesty know , that he had been very plain in what he had told me of his own thoughts upon this whole matter , and had gone as low as he could with any regard to the safety of his country , and his allies , or his honour ; that he doubted whether spain would ever have consented to those very terms ; but for these he knew they could not , tho' they were sure to lose all flanders by the war : and for himself , he could never propose it to them : but if flanders were left in that posture , it could never be defended upon another invasion , neither by holland nor england it self ; and he was so far of the spaniard's mind , that if flanders must be lost , it had better be so by a war than by a peace ; that whenever that was , holland must fall into an absolute dependence upon france ; so that what his majesty offer'd of an alliance with them , would be to no purpose , for they would not be made the stage of a war , after the loss of flanders , and wherein they were sure no alliance of his majesty , nor forces neither , could defend them . he concluded , that if his majesty would help him out of this war with any honour and safety , either upon kindness to him , or consideration of what concernment his own crowns were like to have in the issue of this affair , he would acknowledge , and endeavour to deserve it as long as he liv'd ; if not , the war must go on , be the event what it would ; and for his own part , he would rather charge a thousand men with a hundred , nay , tho' he were sure to die in the charge , than enter into any concert of a peace upon these conditions . i gave his majesty an account of all that pass'd in this interview , and return'd to my post at nimeguen . the allies had taken great umbrage at my journey to the hague , as designed for negotiating some separate peace between france and holland ; but the prince and pensioner seem'd careless to satisfie them , and made that use only of it , to let them know that no such thing was yet intended , but that holland would be forced to it at last , if the emperor and spain fell not into those measures that they had propos'd to them , both at vienna and madrid , for the vigorous prosecution of the next campania , which had some effect at vienna , but little in spain or flanders , as was felt in the beginning of the spring . at my return to nimeguen , i found that in my absence count kinkski was arriv'd , who was a person of great parts , of a sharp and quick apprehension , but exact and scrupulous in his conduct , rigid in his opinions , never before vers'd in these sort of imployments , and thereby very punctilious ; this had ingag'd him in difficulties upon the ceremony of visits , both with my colleagues and the french upon his first arrival , which lasted with these till the end of the congress , so as to hinder all visits between them ; but i had the good fortune to retrieve all ill correspondence that had happen'd between the mediators and him ; i found likewise that a secret intelligence was grown between the french and dutch ambassadors , which was manag'd by monsieur olivecrantz , the second swedish ambassador , and wholly apart from my colleagues , whose intervention had been only us'd when the matter was first agreed between those parties . that monsieur beverning drove on very violently towards a peace , and with little regard of his allies ; and said , he had order from the states , de pousser l'affaire tant qu'il lui seroit possible . that those ambassadors had come to a sort of agreement about the from and number of powers , which was , that the mediators should be desir'd to draw up a form of preamble , which should be common to all the parties , and contain nothing more , but that such and such princes , out of a sincere desire of peace , had sent such and such persons to nimeguen , which had been chose for the place of treaty , by the intercession of the king of great brittain . that the mediators should likewise draw up an obligatory act , to be sign'd by the several ambassadors , and put into their hands on the same day , for the procuring new powers within sixty days after the date . that the titles in the new powers should be inserted , bona fide , according to the usual stile of the chancellary of each court ; and that an act of salvo should be sign'd by the several ambassadors , for no consequence to be drawn hereafter , for the use or omission of any titles in these powers . i found likewise , that these points had been agreed among all the allies , by the formal intervention of my colleagues , after they had first been concerted between the french and dutch. that these ambassadors had entred into a course of mutual visits , owning publickly , that they did it , as necessary to facilitate the progress of the treaty , and that the dutch began to talk of finishing an eventual treaty ( as they call'd it ) for themselves , as soon as the acts about powers were wholly dispatched , which should not take place till the general peace was concluded ; but after which they , the dutch , intended to imploy their offices between their allies and the french. i found likewise , that mr. hide had encreas'd the number of the mediators in my absence , who having been sent into poland the summer past , to christen that kings child , and to condole with the emperour upon the late emperor's death , had performed the first compliment from his majesty ; but upon his coming from thence to vienna , found the emperour married , and so pass'd on privately home , and arriv'd at nimeguen , soon after i left it upon my journey to the hague ; where he came to me , after having staid a fortnight at nimeguen . he told me at the hague , that upon his return by rotterdam , he had there met letters from court with a commission to stop for some short time at nimeguen , and take the character of one of the ambassadors mediators there , by which he might be enabled at his return to give his majesty an account of the state and progress of affairs there . he said , this commission was intended to find him at nimeguen , upon the stop he made there ; but having not arriv'd till he had left that place , he was in doubt whether he should make any use of it or no , and desir'd my advice , whether to return to nimeguen , or to go forward for england . i easily perceiv'd what this dispatch was intended for , to introduce him into those kinds of characters and employments ; and so advised him to go back to nimeguen , which he did , and made a part of the ambassy during a short stay there , but excus'd himself from entring into the management of any conferences or dispatches ; so that by his modesty , and my lord berkly's great age and infirmities , the fatigue of that employment lay still upon me and sir lionel jenkins , who writ alternatively the dispatches from the ambassy to court , and the others to other princes and ministers , by concert , all the while i was upon the place . i found likewise at my return to nimeguen , some few difficulties yet remaining , which obstructed the dispatch intended about the powers . for tho' the french had consented to furnish new powers , and several for the emperor , spain , denmark , and holland ; yet they refus'd a distinct one for brandenburgh , which these ministers insisted on ; and the dutch were in such oligations to that prince , that they were forc'd to do so too , tho' unwillingly , as doubting the success with france , and foreseeing the consequence of the same pretence to be rais'd upon it by other princes of germany , not only electors , but the houses of lunenburgh , and nieuburgh , who yielded to the electors in no point but that one of precedence . but the dutch , to distinguish that of brandenburgh , alledg'd to us , that he was principal in the war of sweden , and so could not be included as an ally only , either by the emperor , or by the states . the danish ambassador stood positively upon the common use of the latin tongue between france and them in their powers , or else to give his in danish , if they gave theirs in french. these said , that it was a novelty and an impertinence ; and that if in all the intercourse that had ever been between those two crowns , the language had not been french on their side , and latin on the danes , even in any one instrument , they were content they should give their powers not only in danish , but in hebrew , if they pleas'd . the dane said , he could not give account of all presidents ; that if ill ones had been hitherto us'd , 't was time to establish new ones that were good . that his master had more right to do it , than any former king , being now successive in that crown , which was before elective ; and being more absolute in his dominions than any other king of christendom ; for there was now nothing in denmark , but la volonté du roy ; upon all which he said , his orders were positive , and he could not proceed without the style he pretended . these two points chiefly had obstructed the final agreement about the powers , for near a month ; after which we prevail'd with the french to yield to new powers for brandenburgh , upon assurance from the dutch ambassadors , that they expected no such pretension for any other of their german allies ; but that if any should be rais'd and refus'd by france , yet that should not hinder or delay the dutch from proceeding in the treaty . the danish pretence about the languages , being neither countenanc'd nor approv'd by any of his allies , was at last yielded by him , which had been better never started , as having lost him ground in that which was intended by it , which was to establish the principle of a parity among crown'd heads . there was an accident happen'd likewise in my absence , which had rais'd great heats among the parties . upon count kinkski's arrival , the allies began their meetings at his house ; by which they hop'd to govern the general resolutions , and keep the alliance from breaking into any separate pieces . the dutch ambassadors , who pretended to influence the peace more than any of their allies , stomach'd the count's design and carriage at these conferences , where they said he pretended to be sole dictator , and they were unwilling to enter into plain contradictions , or the same heats at his own house ; upon which they went to the stadthouse , and chose there a room for their conferences among all the allies , which upon the first practice gave great offence to the french ambassadors . they said , it was a breach upon the neutrality of the place establish'd by the assembly's being there , and that the dutch had now arrogated to themselves the disposal of the town-house , without common agreement . the dutch alledg'd , the rooms they had taken , were not belonging to the town , but to the nobles of gelderland , and were below stairs , and that all above , remain'd to be dispos'd of still by the mediators for the common use of the parties , when they should desire it . the french were not satisfied with these reasons , and threatned to break the assembly . we at last prevail'd with the allies to forbear the use of the stadthouse , till we drew up a formal proposal to be made by us the mediators , to all parties , desiring them , that for their ease and convenience , all parties would meet in one room at the stadthouse , or at least the two alliances in two several rooms , whilst we should meet in another , and be there ready to perform all offices between them . this last was accepted , and we design'd the several rooms for our selves and the parties , but were forc'd to find two rooms for the french and swedes to meet apart , whose competition , tho allies , would not suffer them to meet in one , or decide it by lot , as the spaniard and dane had done . there remain'd one difficulty more , which particularly concern'd his majesty . both french and spaniards , as well as imperialists , had insisted even with emulation , that the pope's mediation should be mention'd in the new powers , as well as his majesty's . the dutch and danes both had absolutely refus'd to treat upon any powers where the pope's mediation should be mentioned . we had likewise represented to them , how great a difference there was between his majestie 's mediation , that had been accepted by all parties , and the pope's , that had been so only by a part of them ; and the very mention of it absolutely refus'd by several others , to be admitted into the powers . that his majesty's mediation had propos'd the place of treaty , exchang'd the pasports , form'd the assembly , manag'd all the negotiations in it so long , without the appearance of any minister from the pope , or knowledge whether he would be receiv'd if he came , or by whom his mediation would be accepted or imploy'd . at length it was resolv'd , that the mention of his majesty's mediation alone , should be made in the several powers : and so all being agreed , about the middle of february all the several acts were signed , and put into our hands , and by us exchang'd among the several parties . after this dispatch of all preliminaries to the treaty , the several parties by agreement brought into our hands their several propositions or pretensions . the french seemed in theirs to demand nothing of the emperour and of brandenburgh , but the entire restoring of the treaty of munster : of spain , the retaining of all they had conquer'd in this war , upon the spaniards having first broken the peace . from the their states general they made no demand , but offer'd them the restoring of their friendship , and that they will hearken to a treaty of commerce . on the other side , the emperour's demands were , that france should restore to him , to the empire , and all his allies , whatever they had taken from them in the course of this war , and make reparation for all damages they had suffer'd in it . the spaniards demanded all the places they had lost , and all the damages they had suffer'd from france since the year 1665. the dutch demanded from france , the restitution of mastricht , satisfaction to the prince of orange in what did concern the principali●y of orange , and a reglement of commerce , with a renunci●tion of all pretensions each party might have upon the other . as for the great damages they had sustain'd , they said , they sacrific'd them all to the publick peace , provided satisfaction might be given their allies . for the northern kings , and german prinees , their demands were so extended , that i shall forbear relating them , and sum them up in this only ; that those who had gained by the war , pretended to retain all they had got ; and those that had lost , pretended to recover all they had lost , and to be repaid the damages they had suffered by the war. count kinkski deliver'd into our hands likewise the duke of lorrain's pretensions , sealed as the rest were ; but we opened them not , upon the french telling us , they had not received from court any counter-pretensions upon the duke of lorrain , whereof they believ'd the reason to be , that no minister of his had yet appeared at the congress . indeed their pretensions against lorrain , had never yet been made since the death of the late duke , and would have been very hard to draw up by their ablest ministers or advocates themselves ; and therefore they thought fit to decline them , and reserve them for the terms of a peace , when they should be able to prescribe , rather than to treat them . by these propositions of the several parties , it easily appear'd to the world , what wise men knew before , how little hope 's there were of a peace , from the motions of this treaty in the present circumstances of affairs , and how it was wholly to be expected from the course and influence of future events in the progress of the war. about the 24 th of february , i went to the prince at his house at soesdyke , a day 's journey from nimeguen , upon a letter from his highness , desiring it of me . i had about a week before written to him by the king's command , upon which his highness desir'd to speak with me . i went , and told him the contents of my last dispatch . he ask'd me , whether it were from the king himself , or from any of the ministers ? i told him , it was from secretary williamson , by the king's command . the prince said , then he knew from whence it came ; but however desir'd me to read the particulars to him , which were , the king's apprehension of a mistake in the prince , because the terms mention'd by his majesty were not any propositions ( which he did not think his part to make ) nor had he any authority for it , but only a piece of confidence he had enter'd into with the prince . next , that the exchange of cambray , was only propos'd as a thing to be wish'd , that so six towns might be restor'd to spain , instead of five the prince had propos'd , which in his majesty's opinion would make a kind of a double frontier to brussels , and so leave flanders safer than by the prince's scheme ; therefore his majesty desir'd the prince would think further of it , and not let it fall so flat as he did by his last answer , without trying what it could be beaten out to . but however offer'd , that if his highness had any other proposition to make to france , the king would very readily hand it over to them in the best manner he could . whil'st i was reading this to the prince , he could hardly hear it out with any patience , sir j — w — 's style was always so disagreeable to him ; and he thought the whole cast of this so artificial , that he receiv'd it at first with indignation and scorn , rather than with those further thoughts that were desir'd of him . he said , the style of letting it fall so flat , was my lord arlington's ; and , the double frontier , as it were , for brussels , was some of the secretary's cresme foitte , and fit for children . the rest he took to be all the french ambassador's , who would fain continue a private treaty with him by the king's hand , while his master went into the field . his answer was very plain : that he had thought enough of it , and had no more to say at this time ; that when he spoke to me so lately at the hague , he believ'd the peace might have been made , and upon better terms than he propos'd , if the king had desir'd them from france , either upon kindness to him , or upon the interests of his own crowns . that he was sorry to find the king's thoughts so different from his , and that whenever they grew nearer , he should be glad to know it . but he look'd now upon the campania as begun ; and believ'd at the time we talk'd , the guns were playing before valencienne . that he saw now no hopes of a peace , but expected a long war , unless flanders should be lost , and in that case the states must make the best terms they could . that he expected a very ill beginning of the campania , and to make an ill figure in it himself , and to bear the shame of faults that others would make ; but if the emperor perform'd what he had promis'd , the campania might not end as it began . that however , he was in , and must go on , et quant on est a la grandemesse on y est ( meaning , i suppose , that one must stay till 't is done , because the crowd is so great one can't get out ) that he gave his majesty thanks for his offer of handing over to france any proposition he should make ; but that never was his meaning : for if it had , he could easily have found a directer way . that his intention was only to enter into a confidence with his majesty upon the subject of the peace , and to owe it wholly to him ; but if any thing was propos'd by the king to france , otherwise than as his own thoughts , it must be from the body of the alliance , and not from him. after these discourses , the prince went immediately away for the hague , and i return'd to nimeguen , where all negotiations seem'd wholly at a stand , and so continu'd till towards the end of april . in this time arriv'd monsieur stratman , one of the imperial ambassadors ; monsieur christin , one of the spanish ; but he and don pedro having only the character of plenipotentiaries , and pretending thereupon the treatment of ambassadors , and the french and swedes refusing it to that character , they continued incognito till the arrival of the marquess de balbaces . for monsieur stratman upon his notification to the several ambassadors ( as he said at the same time ) the dane and the swede made him first their visits , and after them the french ; whereupon having first made his to the mediators , he return'd them to the swedes , the dane being out of town , after which he sent to demand an hour of the french ; but monsieur d' estrades return'd him answer , that having fail'd of the respect due to the king his master , they would not admit of any visit from him ; hereupon monsieur kinkski and stratman desir'd us to know upon what point the french refus'd their visit , saying , it could be upon no other but a pretence of preference to all other crowns , and expecting the first visit to be made the french , tho' other ambassadors had first visited the imperialists . this they desir'd much the french would avow , believing it would embroil them with the swedes as well as with us , who they knew would declare against any such pretence . but the french , upon our application from the imperialists , kept stanch to their first answer , that monsieur stratman , avoit manquè du respect au roy leur maistre . that he had done it in several points , and knew very well in what : and further than this , they would not enter into the matter , but continued positive in refusing the visit. whilst such matters as these help'd to amuse the congress , and keep them in countenance , the essential parts of the treaty were managed in the field : france had in the beginning of the year block'd up cambray and valenciennes , about the end of february ; having provided sufficient magazines in the winter for the subsistence of their forces , they began to break into flanders , and into the parts of germany on t'other side the rhine , and with all the most cruel ravages of burning and spoiling those parts of germany that could be exercis'd , and such as had not yet been us'd on either side since the war began . the allies made complaints of this new manner of war to his majesty , who imployed his offices towards france , to hinder such prosecution of a quarrel , while a peace was treating under his mediation ; but the thing was done , and their point was gained , which was , by an entire ruin of the country , to hinder the imperialists from finding any subsistence for their troops if they should march into alsatia , and thereby divert those forces that the french resolv'd to employ this spring in flanders , before the dutch could take the field , and march to the relief of those places they intended to attack . about the seventeenth of march , the king of france took valenciennes , having furmounted the very force of the seasons , and set down before it about the beginning of that month. from thence he march'd with a mighty army , and laid siege to cambray with one part of it , and to st. omer with the other , under the duke of orleans . after five days siege from the opening of the trenches , he took cambray , like all the other spanish towns , by surrender upon articles ; but the cittadel held out for some days longer . in the mean time , the dutch having receiv'd their payments due from spain , and finding the french go on with their design upon flanders , whilst the treaty serv'd but for an amusement , resolv'd to go on with the war for another campania ; being kept up to this resolution by the vigour of the prince of orange , in pressing them upon the observance of their treaties , and pursuit of their interest , in the defence of flanders . upon the first motion of the french , the prince had begun to prepare for that of his troops likewise , and pressed the spaniards to have theirs in readiness to join him , and with all imaginable endeavours provided for the subsistence of his army in their march through flanders , which the spaniards had taken no care of . but with all the diligence and application that could be used , he could not come to the relief either of valenciennes or cambray ; but with part of the forces of the states alone , and without either troops , or so much as guides furnished him by the spaniards , he march'd directly towards s. omer , resolute to raise that siege with the hazard of a battel , at what disadvantage soever . the duke of orleans leaving a small part of his troops to defend his trenches before st. omer , marched to meet the prince of orange , and upon the way was reinforc'd by monsieur de lutzenburgh with all the troops the french king could send out of his army , leaving only enough to continue the siege before the cittadel of cambray . these armies met , and fought with great bravery at mont-cassel , where , after a sharp dispute , the first regiment of the dutch infantry began to break , and fall into disorder : the prince went immediately to that part where the shake began , ralli'd them several times , and renewed the charge ; but at last was born down by the plain flight of his men , whom he was forced to resist like enemies , and fall in among them with his sword in his hand ; and cutting the first cross over the face , cry'd out aloud , cocquin je te marqueray au moins a fin de te faire pendre . voice nor action , treats nor example , could give courage to men that had already lost it ; and so the prince was forced to yield to the stream that carri'd him back to the rest of his troops , which yet stood firm ; with whom , and what he could gather of those that had been routed , he made a retreat that wanted little of the honour of a victory ; and will , by the confession of his enemies , make a part of that great character they so justly allow him . the safety of the dutch army , upon this misfortune , was by them wholly own'd to his highness's conduct as well as bravery in the course of this action ; after which both st. omer and the cittadel of cambray were surrendred to the french about the 20 th of april , by which the spaniards lost the main strength of their frontier of flanders on that side , ( as they had done that on the other side by aeth and charleroy in the former war ) and all the hopes of raising any contributions in france , which was a great part of the subsistence of the spanish troops ; so as there now remain'd nothing of frontier considerable , besides namur and mons to the land , ostend and nieuport to the sea ; and the rest of the spanish netherlands consisted only of great towns , by which no resistance could be hop'd for , whenever the french should think fit to attacque them , and could spare men enough to garison them when they should be taken . for the greatness of those towns , and multitude of inhabitants , and their inveterates hatred to the french government , was such , as without very great garisons they could not be held , unless upon one sudden conquest and great revolution , the whole spanish netherlands should become french , and thereby be made a new frontier towards the dutch and germans , and , like a new conquest , the seat of their armies . this the spaniards thought would never be suffer'd , neither by england nor holland , and so they seem'd to have abandon'd the fate of flanders to their care , with a resignation that became good christians , rather than good reasoners : for i have long observ'd , from all i have seen , or heard , or read in story , that nothing is so fallacious , as to reason upon the counsels or conduct of princes or states , from what one conceives to be the true interest of their countries ; for there is in all places an interest of those that govern , and another of those that are govern'd : nay , among these , there is an interest of quiet men , that desire only to keep what they have ; and another of unquiet men , who desire to acquire what they have not , and by violent , if they cannot by lawful means ; therefore i never could find a better way of judging the resolutions of a state , than by the personal temper and understanding , or passions and humours of the princes , or chief ministers , that were for the time at the head of affairs . but the spaniards reason'd only from what they thought the interest of each countrey . they knew holland would save flanders if they could , and england they were sure could if they would , and believ'd would be brought to it at last by the increase of the danger and force of their own interest , and the humour of the people . in this hope or presumption they were a great deal flatter'd by their ministers then in england , don bernard de salinas envoy from spain , and fonseca , consul there ; who did indeed very industriously foment the heats that began about this time to appear in the parliament , upon the apprehensions of the french conquests both in flanders and sicily ; which moved them , about the end of march , to make an address to the king , representing the progresses of france , and desiring his majesty to put a stop to them , before they grew dangerous to england , as well as to their neighbours . don bernard de salinas told some of the commons , that the king was very angry at this address , and had said upon it , that the authors of it were a company of rogues ; which made a great noise in the house of commons . the king resented it as a piece of malice in salinas , or at least as a design to inflame the house ; and thereupon order'd him to depart the kingdom within certain days . yet , about a month after , the parliament made another address upon the same occasion , desiring his majesty to make a league offensive and defensive with the states general , for opposing the progress of the french conquests . this his majesty received as an invasion of his prerogative , made them an angry answer , and prorogued the parliament till the winter following . however , france had so much regard to the jealousies raised both in england and holland , of their designing an intire conquest of flanders , that , after having gained those three important frontier towns so early in the spring , and dispers'd his army after that expedition , that king return'd home , writ to his majesty , that to shew he had no intention to conquer flanders , but only to make a general peace , he was contented , notwithstanding the great advantages and forces he had at present , to make a general truce , in case his allies the swedes would agree to it ; which he desir'd his majesty to inform himself of , since he had not convenience of doing it , for want of liberty of couriers into sweden . the contents of this letter was proved by the french ambassadors at nimeguen among the several ministers there , till they found it had an effect contrary to what was intended , and was taken by all for too gross an artifice . it passed very ill with monsieur beverning himself , who of all others there , was the most passionately bent upon the peace . but he said openly upon this , that the french were to be commended , who never neglected any thing of importance , nor so much as of amusement ; that france had given their blow , and would now hinder the allies from giving theirs : that the reserve of sweden's consent was an easy way of avoiding the truce , if the allies should accept it : that this it self could not be done , because flanders would be left so open , as to be easily swallowed up by the next invasion , having no frontier on either side . that the towns now possessed by france , would in the time of a truce grow absolutely french , and so the harder to be restored by a peace or a war. that for his part , he desir'd the peace , contrary to the politicks of monsieur van beuninghen , and the other ministers of the allies in england ; affirming always . that notwithstanding all their intrigues and intelligences there , he , monsieur beverning , was assured , that his majesty would not enter into the war , to save the last town in flanders . this confidence made him pursue all the ways towards a peace , and by paces which some thought forwarder than his commission , and very ill concerted with those of his allies . about the middle of april , he brought us the project of a treaty of commerce both for france and sweden , and desir'd we would make the communication of them ; which we did for form , though we knew that those ministers had been before possessed of them from the dutch ambassadors themselves . and some few days after , they entred into conferences upon this project at the french ambassadors houses , whom they found very easy in the terms the dutch insisted on for their commerce , which was all that could make any difficulty between them . 1677. about the end of april , the ministers of the allies came , and presented us their several answers in writing to the french propositions , which they offered to leave with us , whenever we should assure them that the french and swedes were ready with theirs . upon this communication given to the french , they were positive to give no answer in writing , nor to receive any , alledging both reason and example for their opinion ; this from the practice of the munster treaty , that from the danger of the invective stile or language that is apt to enter into the writings of each party upon such occasions . the allies were for some time as peremptory in their resolution of delivering their answer in writing ; but both at last agreed upon the expedient we proposed , of dictating to us what they intended should be said to the other party , of our setting the substance down in writing , and reading it over to them first , who dictated to us , so as they might be judges whether we had rightly apprehended and expressed their meaning ; and yet the thing might go in our stile , and not in theirs ; by which all sharpness and provocation would be avoided . about the middle of may , arrived president canon , envoy from the duke of lorrain , and put his master's pretensions into our hands ; upon which the allies expected a return of those from france upon that duke , no room being now left for delaying them from the want of a minister upon the place ; but the french said very plainly , it was a matter they were not instructed in ; which the allies received with great stomach , and perpetual complaints to us the mediators ; all professing , they were resolved not to proceed in the treaty , without carrying on the interests of that duke , an equal pace with their own . about the end of may arrived the pope's nuncio ; whereupon the swedish and danish ambassadors resorted immediately to us , desiring to know how we intended to carry our selves in what regarded that minister ; professing themselves to be much in pain , being of one side very much pressed , the swedes by the french , and the danes by the imperialists and spaniards , to the enterchange at least of common ceremonies and civilities , with a minister for whom they all with emulation professed so great respect and deference : on t'other side , the swedes and danes pretended neither to have instruction or example from their respective courts , to determin them in this matter , but said , they were resolved to observe and consider the steps that should be made by us . we cut the business very short , and declared to them our resolution to have no sort of commerce with the pope's nuncio , either in the affairs of our function , or in matters of ceremony ; and told them , our orders from court were so precise in this point , that they would admit of no debate . the next day monsieur colbert and d'avaux came formally to give us part of the nuncio's arrival , and of his desire to make us his first comments , if he might know they would be received : our answer to them was the same we had made to the swedes and danes ; and soon after , all the ministers of protestant princes at nimeguen , resolved to follow our example , and to have no commerce at all with the nuncio . about the same time , after many messages carried by us between the parties , they were perswaded at last into the agreement of delivering and exchanging by our hands , their answers to each others propositions in writing , tho without pretending to pursue that method in the succeeding paces of the negotiation . nor was there need of that caution , for this i take to have been the last pace of any free and general negotiation between the parties engaged in the war and in the treaty : nor were the answers any thing nearer agreeing , than the first propositions . the last day of may arrived the marquess de balbaces , first ambassador from spain ; and about the same time , my lord berkly returned into england , where he languished out the rest of the summer , and died . about the seventh of june , the dutch ambassadors brought us the project of a treaty between them and france , digested and extended in all its forms and articles ; and told us soon after , they had in a conference upon it with the french ambassadors , agreed , in a manner , all the points of it , at least that there remained but two , which concerned commerce only , undetermined between them , which they doubted not would be agreed likewise upon return of the french dispatches to court. that after their business was ended , they would perform the best offices they could between their allies and the french ; and indeed by the beginning of july , all points were accordingly agreed between the french and dutch , and monsieur beverning began to play the part of something more than a mediator , pressing on his allies towards a peace , with paces very earnest and something rough , and as some believed more than he had order for , from his masters , who yet pretended to hold hands with their allies . but monsieur beverning professed to believe that their friends at the hague were imposed upon by van beuninghen , and the spanish ministers at london , who still animated them with hopes of the king 's entring into the war , or at least prescribing a plan of the peace to be received by all parties , which beverning believed neither one nor t'other of , and pretended to be morally assur'd of his opinion , and thereupon grounded the absolute necessity of a peace . in this month the duke of zell began to make a difficulty of sending the five thousand men he had promised to the allies , without some new stipulations . and the french offered a guaranty to the house of lunenburgh , of all their conquests on the swede in bremen , upon a neutrality to be declared by those dukes , which began to give great umbrages to the allies , as well as the swedes , of some separate measures like to be concluded between france and the whole house of brunswick . the dutch ambassadors were likewise in pain upon new intelligence both from vienna and madrid about a separate peace , being treated between don john and the french , with an exchange of the spanish netherlands , for what should be restored them in roussillon and sicily . the ministers of the confederates made great instances in england , that his majesty would recal his troops , that were in the french service ; attributing most of their successes in germany , to the bravery of those english regiments . but his majesty excused it upon the equality of a mediator ; since there were english troops of greater number in the service of the allies : who took this answer , however , for an ill sign of that prosecution which they hoped from his majesty for the relief of their languishing affairs . the hopes of those great actions promised by the imperialists this summer on the rhine , began to flat ; their troops finding no subsistence in those countries which had been wholly desolated by the french in the beginning of the year , to prevent their march. the prince of orange observing all these circumstances , and foreseeing no resource for the interests of the allies ; unless from his majesty ; and that it was likely to prove an unactive summer in flanders , the french resolving not to come to a battel , and he not able to form a siege , and oppose a french army that should come to relieve it ; he sent monsieur bentinck over into england about the beginning of june , to desire his majesty's leave that he might make a journey thither so soon as the campania ended . he received a civil answer , but with wishes from the king , that he would first think of making the peace , and rather defer his journey till that were concluded . about the middle of june , my son came over to me at nimeguen , and brought me letters from my lord treasurer , to signify his majesty's pleasure , that i should come over , and enter upon the secretary of state 's office , which mr. conventry had offered his majesty to lay down upon the payment often thousand pounds ; that the king would pay half the money , and i must lay down the rest at present ; tho his lordship did not doubt but the king would find the way of easing me in time of that too . i writ immediately to my lord treasurer to make my acknowledgment to his majesty ; but at the same time my excuses , that i was not in a condition to lay down such a sum , my father being still alive , and keeping the estate of the family ; and desiring that the king's intention might at least be respited till he saw how the present treaty was like to determin . in return of my letters on the second of july , mr. smith , one of the king's messengers , being sent express , and making great diligence , arrived at nimeguen , and brought me his majesty's commands to repair immediately over , in a yatcht which he had sent on purpose for me : in obedience to this command i left nimeguen , but without any ceremony , pretending only a sudden journey into england , but saying nothing of the occasion further than to my nearest friends . at my arrival , the king asked me many questions about my journey , about the congress , draping us for spending him so much money , and doing nothing ; and about sir lionel , asking me how i had bred him ; and how he passed among the ambassadors there ? and other pleasantries upon that subject . after a good deal of this kind of conversation , he told me , i knew for what he had sent for me over , and that 't was what he had long intended ; and i was not to thank him , because he did not know any body else to bring into that place . i told his majesty , that was too great a compliment for me , but was a very ill one to my country , and which i thought it did not deserve ; that i believed there were a great many in it fit for that , or any other place he had to give ; and i could name two in a breath that i would undertake should make better secretaries of state than i. the king said , go , get you gone to sheen , we shall have no good of you till you have been there , and when you have rested your self , come up again . i never saw him in better humour , nor ever knew a more agreeable conversation when he was so , and where he was pleased to be familiar , great quickness of conception , great pleasantness of wit , with great variety of knowledg , more observation and truer judgment of men , than one would have imagined by so careless and easy a manner as was natural to him in all he said or did : from his own temper , he desired nothing but to be easy himself , and that every body else should be so ; and would have been glad to see the least of his subjects pleased , and to refuse no man what he asked . but this softness of temper made him apt to fall into the perswasions of whoever had his kindness and confidence for the time , how different soever from the opinions he was of before ; and he was very easy to change hands , when those he employed seemed to have engaged him in any difficulties ; so as nothing looked steddy in the conduct of his affairs , nor aimed at any certain end . yet sure no prince had more qualities to make him loved , with a great many to make him esteemed , and all without a grain of pride or vanity in his whole constitution ; nor can he suffer flattery in any kind , growing uneasy upon the first approaches of it , and turning it off to something else . but this humour has made him lose many great occasions of glory to himself , and greatness to his crown , which the conjunctures of his reign conspired to put into his head , and have made way for the aspiring thoughts and designs of a neighbour prince , which would not have appeared , or could not have succeeded in the world , without the applications and arts imployed to manage this easy and inglorious humour of the king 's . i staid two days at sheen , in which time some of secretary coventry's friends had prevailed with him not to part with his place if he could help it , unless the king would let him recommend the person to succeed him , who should pay all the money he expected , and which the king had charged himself with . when i came to town , the king , told me in his closet all that had passed between him and mr. coventry the day before upon this occasion ; that he did not understand what he meant , nor what was at the bottom ; for he had first spoke to his majesty about parting with his place , said his health would not go through with it , made the price he expected for it , and concluded all before he had sent for me over . that now he pretended he did not mean to quit it , unless he might present one to succeed him , and hoped he had not deserved his majesty should turn him out . but the king said upon it , that , under favour , he was resolved to take him at his word , and so he had told him , and left him to digest it as he could . upon this , i represented to the king how old and true a servant mr. coventry had been of his father's and his , how well he had served him in this place ; how well he was able to do it still by the great credit he had in the house of commons , where the king 's great business lay in the ill state of his revenue ; how ill such a treatment would agree with his majesty's nature and customs , and for my own part , that it would be a great favour to me to respite this change till he saw what was like to become of the treaty , or the war , and therefore i begged of him that he would not force a good secretary out , and perhaps an ill one in against both their wills , but let mr. coventry keep it , at least , till he seemed more willing to part with it . the king said , well then , he would let it alone for the present , but did not doubt in a little time one or other of us would change our mind . in the mean time , the design of my journey was known ; my lord arlington and others still asking me when they should give me joy of it , and many making applications to me for places in the office ; which made the court uneasier to me , and increased my known humour of loving the countrey , and being as much in it as i could . however , when i came to court , the king fell often into conversation with me , and often in his closet alone , or with none other present besides the duke or my lord treasurer , and often both . the subject of these conversations were usually the peace , and the prince of orange's journey into england . the king always expressed a great desire for the first , but not at all for the other till that was concluded . he said , his parliament would never be quiet nor easy to him while the war lasted abroad : they had got it into their heads to draw him into it , whether he would or no. that they pretended publick ends , and dangers from france , and there might be both meant by a great many honest men among them ; but the heats and distempers of late had been raised by some factious leaders , who thought more of themselves than of any thing else , had a mind to engage him in a war , and then leave him in it , unless they might have their terms in removing and filling of places ; and he was very loth to be so much at their mercy , as he should be , if he were once engag'd in the war. that besides , he saw the longer it continued , the worse it would be for the confederates ; more of flanders would be lost every day ; the conduct of spain must certainly ruin all in time ; and therefore he would fain have the prince make the peace for them , if they would not do it for themselves . that if he and the prince could fall into the terms of it , he was sure it might be done : and , after several discourses upon this subject for near a month , his majesty at last told me , he had a great mind i should make a short turn to the prince , and try if i could perswade him to it ; and assure him , that after it was agreed , he should be the gladdest in the world to see him in england . the duke and my lord treasurer both press'd me upon the same point ; but i told them at a long conference upon it , how often i had been employ'd upon this errand to the prince , how unmovable i had found him , and how sure i was to find him so still , unless the king would consider of another scheme for the peace than had been yet propos'd to him , and wherein he might reckon upon more safety to flanders , as well as to his own honour . that i had spent all my shot , and was capable of saying no more to him than i had done , in obedience to all the instructions i had receiv'd . that his answers had been positive ; so that some of my good friends at court pretended they had been my own thoughts rather than the prince's . that his majesty would do well to try another hand , and he would the better know the prince's mind , if his answers were the same to both ; if not , he would at least know how ill i had serv'd him . the king said , it was a thing of confidence between him and the prince , and must be so treated , and he knew no body he had besides to send . i told him , if he pleased , i would name one ? he bid me ; and i said , mr. hyde was idle ever since his return from nimeguen , had been entred into the commission of the mediators there , staid with us a fortnight or three weeks , might pretend to return thither to exercise the same function in my absence , since the commission run to any two of the number , and might take the prince of orange's camp in his way to nimeguen , perform the king's commands to his highness , inform himself of his last resolution upon the subject of the peace ; go on to nimeguen without giving any jealousy to the allies , or without the noise that my going would make ; since sir lionel had wrote to court and to me , that monsieur beverning had desir'd all paces should stop there till my return , which he heard would be sudden , and that the king would send by me his own plan of the peace . the duke fell in first to the proposal of mr. hyde's going , and , after some debate , the king and my lord treasurer , and that it should be as soon as was possible . he was sent for accordingly , and dispatch'd away in all points as i had proposed . he found the prince at the camp , but unmovable in the business of the peace upon the terms his majesty had thoughts of proceeding ; gave account of all that passed in that conference to the king , and went straight away to nimeguen , and writ me word of his conversation with the prince , and that he never saw such a firmness in any man. i knew mr. hyde's going to reside at nimeguen , would be of great comfort and support to sir lionel , who was in perpetual agonies ( as his word was ) after he was left alone in that station ; having ever so much distrust of his own judgment , that tho he had the most great desire that could be to do well , yet he many times could not resolve how to go about it ; and was often as much perplexed about the little punctilio's of visit and ceremony that were left to busy that ambassy , as if greater affairs had still attended it . besides , he lay under the lash of secretary williamson , who upon old grudges between them at colen , never fail'd to lay hold of any occasion he could to censure his conduct , and expose it at the foreign committee , where his letters were read to his majesty . it happen'd about this time , that the spanish ambassadors first appearing in publick upon a new commission to all three , gave immediate notice of it to the imperialists , who made their visit upon it , and were within two hours revisited by the spaniards . after which , they sent their formal notifications to all the other ambassadors , and to the mediators in the first place . sir lionel was in pain , having orders to pretend the first rank of respect before the imperialists , as well as other ambassadors there ; and not to yield it , if it came in competition . he had likewise another order , which was , that upon matters in ceremony , doubtful , and not admitting the delay of new orders , he should consult with the other ambassadors , especially french and swedish , who used to carry those points the highest , and govern himself as well as he could by presidents and examples . he consulted both these ambassadors , whether he should visit the spaniards , after having given the first notice to the imperialists ? and they concluded , that he should first know of them , whether it was done in form , as to ambassadors in general ; or whether it was upon the account of the near alliance in blood between those two houses of austria ? that if it were the first , he ought not visit them , as having put a disrespect upon the mediation , and distinguish'd the emperor from all the other crown'd heads , who had yielded the precedence wholly to them ; which they should not have done , if the emperor had refus'd it . but if the spaniards affirmed it was only upon the nearness of blood between them , none of the other ambassadors need take any notice of it , since the same had been done between those two crowns at munster upon the same score ; which being there declared , it gave no offence to the mediators , tho they were the pope's nuncio's , with whom there was otherwise no competition . sir lionel was satisfied by the spaniards ( who gave it him in writing ) that the visits were made only upon the score of kindred ; as at munster ; and thereupon made them his visit , and received theirs ; for which he was sharply reprov'd by secretary williamson's letter upon it , who had represented it to the king as a disobedience to a positive order , and giving up the point to the imperialists . but being at court soon after these dispatches , i endeavoured to justify my colleague's intentions and his proceedings , by shewing that he had conform'd to his other orders of consulting the other ambassadors , and proceeding according to the best president , which was that at munster ; and that if he had broken with the spaniards upon this point , he would have provok'd the imperialists to declare their resolution of not yielding to the mediators , upon which the other ambassadors would recal the concession which they had already made in this point , and so hazard , if not lose , the possession his majesty was in , of the first respect given to his mediation . i had the good fortune to satisfy his majesty and his ministers , and to obtain orders for his gracious pardon to be sent sir lionel ( for they would suffer it to run in no other terms ) ; for which however the poor gentleman made as great acknowledgments , as if his fault had been much greater , and worse meant . the rest of this summer passed without any further paces made in the congress at nimeguen , where the messages carried and returned about the business of lorain , served to keep the mediators in countenance , and no more . the whole body of allies pressed for an answer from the french to that duke's pretensions , delivered in by president canon . the french , after their former exception , of his wanting a minister there , raised another to stave off these instances of the allies , and declared , they could give no answer about lorain , till the bishop of strasburgh's agents were received by the allies , upon which the emperor made an invincible difficulty , declaring he would never treat with a vassal of his own ▪ and in these conferences about lorain , the french ambassadors began to insinuate to the mediators , that their master never intended that to be treated as a principal , but only as an accessary to the treaty . in august arrived at nimeguen , the bishop of gurck , chief of the imperial ambassay , and count antoine of that from denmark : the first was immediately visited by the spainsh ambassadors , and returned them ; after which he sent his notifications to the mediators , and from them to the other ambassadors ; upon which no difficulty was made by them , since the bishop made the same declaration the spaniards had done before upon the like occasion . that the first visits passing between the ministers of the two houses of austria , were visits of kindness and consanguinity , and not of ceremony . but count antoine fell into endless difficulties upon his first arrival . he intended to have sent his first notification to the mediators , as others had done ; but the imperialists having notice of this intention , sent him direct word , they expected the first respect should be given the emperor ; and this was the first time they owned that pretension , in prejudice of the honour hitherto done to the king's mediation . count antoine sent monsieur hoeg , his colleague , to acquaint the mediators with this incident , and desire them to find out some expedient : they excused themselves , alledging their positive orders to expect the first notification . the danes were as unwilling to disoblige his majesty , as the emperor , and found no temper in this matter , after many offered both by french and dutch ambassadors ; so that count antoine resolved to leave it undecided , and to give no notifications , nor receive or make any visits ; but however assisted at the conferences among the allies , and made a part of all the evening entertainments at play , and in conversation in the apartments of the several ambassadrices . and this course he observed , during his stay at nimeguen , which was seven or eight months ; for the rest , a person very much esteemed for his generous qualities , and gentlemanly humour and conversation , and yielding to none upon the place in the greatness and splendor of his equipage , wherein the marquess de balbaces , and count antoine seemed to distinguish themselves from all the rest . about the end of july , the prince of orange made an attempt upon charleroy , rather than a siege . this had been before concerted with the duke of lorain , who made a meen of entring into champagne , on purpose to draw off the french forces from attending the prince's motions and design upon charleroy ; the prince had hopes to take it by surprize ; but found them of the garison upon their guard , and very strong , as well as the place , which had been fortified with all the force of art and expence , which could be employed upon a place of that compass . he sat down before it , and would have besieged it in form , if the duke of lorain could have diverted the french army from relieving it ; but monsieur louvoys , with great diligence , leaving the mareshal crequi with force enough to face that duke , assembled a very great army for the relief of charleroy , upon approach whereof , the prince called a council of war , to resolve whether to march , and fight the french army , or raise the siege . the last was resolved upon debate at the councel , and accordingly executed , and therewith ended this compania in flanders . but this march and retreat of the prince , passed not without many reflections , not only among the allies , but in holland too , as if he had given over the design upon some intelligences and expresses between him and the king about this time . monsieur bentink had gone over and returned , without any bodies knowing his business . my lord ossory happened to arrive in the camp , the day before the council of war , upon which the siege was raised , which made many think , something his lordship brought from england , was the occasion of it : but i could never find there was any thing more in his journey than the hopes of seeing a battel ( which was ever a particular inclination of my lord ossory ) and a cast of my lord arlington to preserve himself in the prince's favour and confidence as much as he could , by my lord ossory's keeping close to him , at a time when he saw the business of christendom roll so much upon the person of this prince . about this time , the assembly at nimeguen seem'd in danger of being broken by a passionate motion the swedes made in it . there had been a long contest since it first began , between the swedes and danes , about freedom of passage for the swedish couriers through tbe danish territories , for managing the correspondences necessary with their court. the danes pretended the example of france , who refus'd the same liberty to the spaniards . this dispute had been managed by many messages , wherewith the mediators had been charged between the parties , wherein the allies of both sides took equal part : sometimes the matter had been treated with very pressing instances , and sometimes with fainter ; sometimes almost let fall , and then again resumed ; and thus for above a year past ; but about this time the swedes came to the mediators , desire their offices once more to the danes upon this subject , and declare , that without this liberty insisted upon so long for their couriers , they find themselves incapable of giving advices necessary to their court , or receiving orders necessary from it ; and that without it , they must be forced to leave the assembly . this resolution of the swedes continued for some time so peremptory , that it was expected to come to that issue ; but after some foogue spent for about a fortnight or three weeks upon this occasion , and some temperament found out by the dutch for the secure and speedy passage of all the swedish dispatches from amsterdam , those ambassadors began to grow soft and calm again , and to go on their usual pace . soon after , the french ambassadors , who had treated the swedish affairs and ministers with great indifferency and neglect in this treaty , ( declaring to monsieur beverning , their master would not part with one town in flanders , to restore the swedes to all they had lost ) began wholly to change their language , and say upon all occasions , that france could not make peace without the full satisfaction and restitution of the swedes ; and it was discoursed , that the french and swedes had entered into a new alliance at paris to this purpose ; and some believed , it was by concert between them , that this attenite was given by the swedes to the congress . that the french had at that time a mind to break it , and to enter into a treaty with spain under the pope's direction , and at rome , not knowing to what measures his majesty might be induced upon the progress of the french conquests , and the distempers raised in his parliament upon that occasion . but this gust blown over , all was becalmed at nimeguen ; so that monsieur olivecrantz left that place about the end of august , upon a journey to sweden . till this time the motions of business had been respited in the assembly , upon a general expectation that the king was sending me over suddenly with the plan of peace , that he resolved should be made , and to which it was not doubted but all parties would yield , whatever it was ; so great a regard was held on all sides , of his majesty's will and power . but a greater stop was yet given to all further paces there , by the prince of orange's journey into england , about the end of september 1677. which wholly changed the scene of this treaty , and for the present carried it over to london , and left all other places at a gaze only , and in expectation of what should be there agitated and concluded . chap. iii. the prince , like a hasty lover , came post from harwich to newmarket , where the court then was , as a season and place of county sports . my lord arlington attended his highness at his alighting , making his pretence of the chief confidence with him ; and the court expected it upon his alliance and journeys into holland . my lord treasurer and i went together to wait on him , but met him upon the middle of the stairs , in a great crowd , coming down to the king. he whispered to us both together , and said to me , that he must desire me to answer for him and my lord treasurer one to another , so as they might from that time enter both into business and conversation , as if they had been of a longer acquaintance ; which was a wise strain , considering his lordship's credit in court at that time , and was of great use to the prince in the course of his affairs then in england ; and tho' it much shockt my lord arlington and his friends , yet it could not be wondred at by such as knew what had passed of late , between the prince and him , with whom he only lived in common forms , during his stay there . he was very kindly received by the king and the duke , who both invited him often into discourses of business , which they wondred to see him avoid or divert industriously , so as the king bid me find out the reason of it . the prince told me he was resolved to see the young princess before he entred into that affair ; and yet to proceed in that , before the other of the peace . the king laughed at this piece of nicety when i told it him. but however , to humour him in it , said , he would go some days sooner than he had intended from newmarket , which was accordingly done . the prince upon his arrival in town , and sight of the princess , was so pleased with her person , and all those signs of such a humour as had been described to him upon former enquiries , that he immediately made his suit to the king and the duke , which was very well received and assented to , but with this condition , that the terms of a peace abroad might be first agreed on between them . the prince excused himself , and said , he must end his first business before he began the other . the king and duke were both positive in their opinion ; and the prince resolute in his ; and said at last , that his allies , who were like to have hard terms of the peace as things then stood , would be apt to believe , that he had made this match at their cost ; and for his part , he would never sell his honour for a wife . this prevailed not , but the king continued so positive for three or four days , that my lord treasurer and i began to doubt the whole business would break upon this punctilio . about that time i chanced to go to the prince after supper , and found him in the worst humour that i ever saw him ; he told me he repented he had ever come into england , and resolved he would stay but two days longer , and then be gone , if the king continued in his mind of treating upon the peace before he was married ; but that before he went , the king must chuse how they should live hereafter ; for he was sure it must be either like the greatest friends , or the greatest enemies , and desired me to let his majesty know so next morning , and give him an account of what he should say upon it . i did so early in the morning , told the king all the prince had said to me the night before , and the ill consequences of a breach between them , considering the ill humour of so many of his subjects upon our late measures with france , and the invitations made the princes by several of them , durig the late war. the king heard me with great attention ; and when i had done , said , well , i never yet was deceived in judging of a man's honesty by his looks , ( of which he gave me some examples ) and if i am not deceived in the prince's face , he is the honestest man in the world , and i will trust him , and he shall have his wife , and you shall go immediatly and tell my brother so , and that 't is a thing i am resolved on . i did so , and the duke at first seemed a little surprized ; but when i had done , he said , the king shall be obeyed , and i would be glad all his subjects would learn of me to obey him. i do tell him my opinion very freely upon any thing ; but when that is done , and i know his pleasure upon it . i obey him. from the duke i went to the prince , and told him my story , which he could at first hardly believe , but embraced me , and said , i had made him a very happy man , and very unexpectedly , and so i left him to give the king an account of what had passed , and in the prince's anti-chamber met my lord treasurer , and told him the story , who undertook to adjust all the rest between the king and the prince ; which he did so well , that the match was declared that evening at the committee , before any other in court knew any thing of it ; and next day it was declared in council , and received there and every where else in the kingdom with the most universal joy that i ever saw any thing in the king's reign . the french ambassador and my lord arlington appeared the only two persons unsatisfied upon it at court ; the first not knowing how he should answer it to his master that an affare of that importance should pass without his communication , much less advice , in a court where nothing before had been done so for many years ; and my lord arlington , that it should pass without his knowledge , who still endeavoured to keep up the court opinion of his confidence with the prince ; who told me the complaint his lordship had made him upon it , that some things good in themselves were spoiled by the manner of doing them as some things bad were mended by it : but he would confess this was a thing so good in it self , that the manner of doing it , could not spoil it . within two or three days the marrriage was consummated , and immediately after they fell into the debates upon the terms of the peace ; to which , as to that of the match , none but my lord treasurer and i were admitted . the prince insisted hard upon the strength and enlargement of a frontier on both sides of flanders , without which france , he said , would end his war with the view of beginning another , and carrying flanders in one compania . the king was content to leave that business a little looser , upon the confidence that france was so weary of this war , that if they could get out of it with honour , they would never begin another in this reign : that the king grew past his youth , and lazy , and would turn to the pleasures of the court , and building , and leave his neighbours in quiet . the prince thought france would not make a peace now , but to break the present confederacy , and to begin another war with more advantage and surprize ; that their ambition would never end till they had all flanders and germany to the rhine , and thereby holland in an absolute dependance upon them , which would leave them in an ill condition , and us in no good one ; and that christendom could not be left safe by the peace , without such a frontier as he proposed for flanders , and the restitution of lorain , as well as what the emperour had lost in alsatia . upon this i told the king , that in the course of my life , i had never observed mens natures to alter by age or fortunes ; but that a good boy made a good man ; and a young coxcomb , an old fool ; and a young fripon , an old knave ; and that quiet spirits were so , young as well as old , and unquiet ones would be so old as well as young : that i believed the king of france would always have some bent or other , sometimes war , sometimes love , sometimes building ; but that i was of the prince's opinion , that he would ever make peace with a design of a new war , after he had fixed his conquest by the last ; and the king approved what i said . the points of lorain and alsatia were easily agreed to by the king and duke , but they would not hear of the county of burgundy , as what france could never be brought to , tho' the prince insisted much upon it ; so as the king imagined . he was touched by the interest of his own lands in that county ( which are greater and more seigneurial than those of the crown of spain there ) and thereupon told him , that for his lands he would charge himself with either his enjoying them as safely under france as spain ; or if he should rather chuse to part with them than have that dependance , he would undertake to get him what price he should himself value them at . but the prince answered briskly and generously , that he should not trouble himself nor the peace about that matter , and that he would be content to lose all his lands there , to get one good town more for the spaniards upon the frontier of flanders ; so all difficulties began to terminate upon what was esteemed necessary there . this admitted great debates between the king and prince ; one pretending france would never be brought to one scheme ; and t'other , that spain would never consent to the other . but at the last it was agreed , that the peace should be made upon these terms , all to be restored by france to the empire and emperor that had been taken in the war ; the dutchy of lorain to that duke , and all on both sides between france and holland ; and to spain the towns of aeth , charleroy , oudenard , courtray , tournay , conde , valenciennes , st. gillain , and binch . that the prince should endeavour to procure the consent of spain , and his majesty that of france ; for which purpose he should send some person immediately over with the proposition , who should be instructed to enter into no reasonings upon it , but demand a positive answer in two days , and after that term immediately return . the question was , who should go ? and my lord treasurer said , it must be he or i ; for none else had been acquainted with the debate of this business . the prince said , it must be i , for my lord treasurer could not be spared , and it must be some person upon whose judgment and truth he could rely ▪ as to the intentions of that court. the king order'd me to be ready in two days , which i was ; and the evening before i was to go , meeting his majesty in the park , he called me to him , and , a little out of countenance told me , he had been thinking of my journey and my errand , and how unwelcome i should be in france , as well as my message ; and having a mind to gain the peace , he was unwilling to anger them more than needs . besides , the thing being not to be reasoned or debated , any body else would serve the turn as well as i , whom he had other use of ; and therefore he had been thinking to send some other person . i saw he doubted i would take it ill ; but told him , and very truly , he would do me the greatest pleasure in the world ; for i never had less mind to any journey in my life , and should not have accepted it , but in perfect obedience . the king , that was the gentlest prince in the world of his own nature , fell into good humour upon seeing i took it not ill , pretended to think whom he should send , and at last asked me , what i thought of my lord duras ? i said , very well ; upon which he seem'd to resolve it . but the thing had been agreed in the morning , as i was told , upon the duke's desire , who thought france would accept the terms , and that the peace would be made , and had a mind to have the honour of it by sending a servant of his own . whether there were any other motive , i know not ; but my lord duras went immediately with the orders before mentioned ; and some few days after , the prince and princess embarqued for holland , where affairs pressed his return beyond the hopes of my lord duras from france ; the king assuring him , he would never part from the least point of the scheme sent over , and would enter into the war against france , if they refus'd it . however , he went not away without a great mortification , to see the parliament prorogued the next spring ; which the french ambassador had gain'd of the king , to make up some good meen with france after the prince's marriage , and before the dispatch of the terms of a peace to that court. upon my lord duras's arrival at paris , the court there were surpriz'd , both at the thing , and more at the manner ; but made good meen upon it , took it gently ; said , the king knew very well he might always be master of the peace ; but some of the towns in flanders seemed very hard , especially tournay , upon whose fortifications such vast treasures had been expended ; and that they would take some short time to consider of the answer . my lord duras told them , he was ty'd to two days stay ; but when that was out , he was prevail'd with to stay some few days longer , and to come away without a positive answer : what he brought , was what they had said to him before , that the most christian king hoped his brother would not break with him upon one or two towns : but even upon them too he would send orders to his ambassador at london to treat with his majesty himself . by this gain of time , and artifical drawing it into treaty without any positive refusal , this blow came to be eluded , which could not easily have been so any other way . the king was softned by the softness of france . the ambassador said at last , he had leave to yield all but tournay , and to treat even for some equivalent for that too , if the king insisted absolutely upon it . the prince was gone , who had spirited the vigour of the whole resolution , and the treaty of it began to draw out into messages and returns from france . however , the ill humour of people growing higher upon the noise of a peace , and negotiated in france , and the late prorogation of the parliament , this was by proclamation anticipated soon after my lord duras's return , tho' a thing something unusual , and a countenance made as if the king resolv'd to enter into the war ; for which the parliament seem'd impatient , whenever the king seem'd averse to it ; but grew jealous of some tricks , whenever the court seem'd inclin'd to it . about the end of december 1677. the king sent for me to the foreign committee , and told me , he could get no positive answer from france , and therefore resolv'd to send me into holland , to make a league there with the states , for forcing both france and spain , if either refused , to make the peace upon the terms he had proposed . i told the king , what he had agreed , was to enter into the war with all the confederates , in case of no direct and immediate answer from france . that this , perhaps , would satisfie both the prince and confederates abroad , and the people at home : but to make such a league with holland only , would satisfie none of them , and disoblige both france and spain . besides , it would not have an effect or force as the tripple-allliance had , being a great original , of which this seem'd but an ill copy ; and therefore excus'd my self from going . the king was set upon it , tho' i pretended domestick affairs of great importance upon the death of my father , and pleaded so hard , that the duke at last desir'd the king not to press me upon a thing i was so averse from , and would be so inconvenient to me ; and desir'd i might propose who should be sent with the treaty . i made my acknowledgments to the duke for his favour , and propos'd , that mr. thyn should be sent from the office with a draught of the treaty to mr. hyde , who was then come from nimeguen to the hague upon a visit to the princess . this was done , and the treaty sign'd there on the sixteenth of january , though not without great difficulties and dissatisfaction of the prince , who was yet covered in it by the private consent of the spanish minister there , in behalf of his master ; so as the war could not break but upon france , in case of their refusal . in the mean time , france , draws out the treaty upon the terms at london into length , never raising more than one difficulty at a time , and expostulating the unkindness of breaking for the single town of tournay , though that was indeed more important than any three of the others , being the only strong one to guard that side of the frontier , and giving way for any sudden invasion upon gant and antwerp , and the very heart of the country . but while this game was playing in england , they had another on foot in holland , especially at amsterdam , by raising jealousies of the measures taken between the king and prince upon the marriage , as dangerous to the liberties of holland , and making it there believed , that by the match , the king and duke had drawn over the prince wholly into their interests or sentiments : whereas the prince went away possessed to have by it drawn them indeed into his . they propos'd to the dutch other terms of the peace , far short of the king 's , and less safe for flanders ; restoring only six towns to the spaniards , and mentioning lorain but ambiguously ; which would not have gone down in holland , but for the suspicions rais'd by the prince's marriage , among the people there , who had an incurable jealousie of our court , and thereupon not that confidence of the prince that he deserved . there were two ruling burgomasters at amsterdam at this time , who had the whole sway of that town ( as this has a great one in holland ) hoeft and valkeneer ; the first a generous , honest man , of great patrimonial riches , learning , wit , humour , without ambition , having always refused all imployments the state had offered him , and serving only in that of burgomaster of his town in his turn , and as little busie in it as he could ; a true genius , and that said two things to me in conversation , i had not heard before ; one , that a man that were to dye to morrow in torment , would yet enjoy to day , if he were sain ; and that it was some disease or decay of spirits that hindred it . the other , that a man was a coyon , that desired to live after threescore ; and that for his part , after that age , which he was then approaching , he should be glad of the first good occasion to dye ; and this he made good , dying with neglect upon a fit of the gout , talking with his friends till he was just spent , then sending them away , that he might not dye in their sight ; and when he found himself come a little again , sending for them up , and telling them , qu●il y avoit encore pour une demy heure de conversation . this was the character of monsieur hoeft , who was a great inclination of mine , tho he passed for a humorous man ; and told me , i was the only ambassador he had ever visited in his life : he had all the credit that could be in his town , without seeking , or minding , or using it ; whereas valkeneer sought and courted it all that could be , without having half the other's ; being a morose and formal man , but of great industry , much thought , and as was believed , avarice , and making the turns easily , that were necessary in the government , to carry his ends . these two had long been enemies , and thought irreconcileable , till the french instruments at this time with great art and industry made up the quarrel , and joyned them both in the design of making the peace upon the terms offered by france . the parliament meets in january by anticipation of that session , which seemed to import something of great consequence : the king acquaints them with the league he had made in holland , and asks them money upon it for puting himself in a posture to carry on the war if the peace failed : which the parliament gave him , upon the hopes of the war , and not of the peace . the constitution of this parliament , that had sat seventeen years , was grown into two known factions , which were called , that of court and country ; the court party were grown numerous by a practice introduced by my lord clifford , of downright buying off one man after another , as they could make the bargain . the country party was something greater yet in number , and kept in more credit upon the corruption of others , and their own pretence of steadiness to the true interest of the nation , especially in the points of france and popery ; where these came in question , many of the court party voted with those of the countty , who then carried all before them ; but whenever the court seemed to fall in with the true interests of the nation , especially in those two points , then many of the country party meaning fairly , fell in with the court , and carried the votes , as they now did upon the kings pretence to grow bold with france , and to resolve upon the war , if the peace were refused . in october , friburgh had been taken by a feinte of the duke of crequi's , before the duke of lorain could come to relieve it ; and in the same month stettin had been taken by the elector of brandenburgh , after a vigorous resistance , which left the scales as even as they were before , between the two leagues . in january , upon the delays of france to agree the king's conditions of a peace , his majesty entred into a negotiation with the ministers of the confederates at london , in case france went on to refuse them ; but the hopes of a peace was on a sudden dasht by the french attempts upon ypre , and threats of ostend , where the king immediately sends forces over , at the desire of the spanish ambassador , for security of that important place ; nor did the french ambassador seem to resent at all this pace of his majesty , but continued his court and treaty with all the fairness that could be . towards the end of february , the king of france marching in the head of his army , and carrying the queen and ladies to mentz , seemed to threaten lutzenburgh , or namur , or mons ; but having drawn the spanish forces that way , on a sudden crosses the countrey , sits down before gant , and by the end of the month takes both that town and ypre , and thereby gives a mighty alarm to holland , and strengthens the credit and endeavours of those he had already disposed to his terms of a peace , as grown now absolutely necessary ; while england seemed resolved to go into the war , or at least furnish'd the confederates with many such hopes . about the first of april , france made a publick declaration of the terms upon which they were resolved to make the peace ; which though very different from those agreed between his majesty and holland , and more from the pretensions of the allies ; yet having , as to what concern'd spain and holland , been first privately agreed with some leaders of the principal towns , proved indeed the plan of the peace both for holland and all the other confederates engaged in the war. and here the french began that imperious way of treating , which they afterwards pursued in the whole negotiation of the ensuing peace , declaring such and such was the conditions they would admit , and no other ; and upon which their enemies might chuse either peace or war as they pleased ; and to which france pretended not to be tied longer than to the tenth of may , after which , they would be at liberty to change , or restrain them as they should think fit . about this time , i happened to be with lord treasurer one evening in his closet , when a packet came to him from mr. montague ambassador at paris , giving him an account of a large conference monsieur louvoy had lately had with him , by the king his master's order ; wherein he represented the measures they had already taken for a peace in holland upon the french terms ; that since they were agreed there , they hoped his majesty would not be against it ; that however , france had ordered him to make his majesty the offer of a great sum of money for his consent , tho' to a thing already accepted by holland , and wherein his majesty was consequently not concerned . that monsieur louvoy desired the ambassador to write this immediately to lord treasurer , and to offer him a very considerable sum for himself , that should be sent over in money , jewels , or by bills , as he should chuse ; and mr. montague added , that it was desired this affair should be treated only between them two , and not communicated to either of the secretaries of state. my lord treasurer read the letter to me , and i said , well , my lord , what do you say to the offer ? he answered , that he thought 't was the same thing as if it should be made to the king to have windsor put into the french hands , and so he should treat it ; and that we had nothing to do but to go on with our treaty with the confederates . this his lordship and i were incharged with , and had brought near a conclusion , when letters came from mr. hyde , with representations made him from the pensioner at the hague , of the dispositions in holland running violently into a peace , and the absolute necessity he thought there was of concluding it , upon the taking of gant , and danger of antwerp , which was then threatned , and the loss whereof would be so fatal to the trade of holland , especially amsterdam . hereupon mr. godolphin was dispatched immediately into holland , to bring the last and surest account he could get of the resolutions there upon this affair , and return with the greatest speed he could ; he did so , and brought the same account of all dispositions which mr. hyde had given , and in the process of our treaty with the confederates , monsieur van beuningham , when he came to the point , was forced to confess , that he had no powers to conclude , without first communicating to the states , which must draw into length and uncertainty . about this time the french ambassador began to change his language , who had ever before pretended , that his majesty should be always arbiter of the peace ; but now assuring , that his master had agreed with holland , he seemed to wonder and expostulate why the king should pretend to obtain better terms for the spaniards , than their allies the dutch were content with . i was then pressed by the king and lord treasurer to go into holland to know their final resolutions , whether they would yet go on with the war , in case his majesty should go into it ; but i excused my self , knowing the dutch were too much prest by so near approaches of france , to declare themselves upon a reserve of the king 's ; and said , if his majesty resolved to go that way , he must first take his measures with the parliament for the war , and then send them word in holland , he was ready to declare it in case they would pursue it ; and upon this message , i knew the dutch so well as to believe they would do it , and keep close to their late alliance with his majesty . this the king was unwilling to do ; but posted mr. godolphin again into holland about the middle of april , to know their final resolutions ; and prorogued the parliament for fourteen days . during these negotiations , and since the money given by the parliament , and in six weeks time the king had raised an army of about twenty thousand men , the compleatest , and in all appearance the bravest troops that could be any where seen , and might have raised many more upon so great a concurrence of the peoples humour with his majesty's seeming design of entring into a war against france ; and it was confest by all the foreign ministers , that no king in christendom could have made and compleated such a levy as this appeared , in such a time . my lord treasurer upon the twentieth came to me , and assured me of the king's resolution being at length fixed to go into the war , and desired me to prepare what the king was to say to the parliament upon this occasion , which i did ; when i carried it to my lord treasurer , i met there letters from mr. hyde and godolphin , that holland absolutely desir'd the peace , even upon the terms proposed by france , and had resolv'd to send monsieur van lewen over hither , to dispose the king to be contented with them . he arriv'd , and the king sent me immediately to him , to know his errand . he was the chief of the town of leyden , and had join'd with amsterdam , harlem . delf , and some others , in promoting the peace , even upon the french conditions : but being a man of great honour and worth , and having done it upon the suspicion that england was still at bottom in with france , and that all the rest was but grimace ; the prince had procur'd him to be sent over on purpose to satisfie himself ( and thereby his complices for the peace ) that the king's intentions were determined to enter into the war , which his highness thought the only means to prevent the peace . when i came to monsieur van lewen , he told me freely , that it was the most against their hearts in holland that could be , to make a peace upon terms so low and unsafe for flanders ; and that if the king had gone into the war , as was promised , upon france delaying or refusing to accept his scheme , they would certainly have continu'd it : but his majesty's proceedings look'd ever since so uncertain or unresolv'd , that it had raised jealousies in holland of our measures being at bottom fix'd and close with france ; which made most of the towns in holland think they had nothing else left to do , but to go in with them too as fast as they could : and the approach of the french army to antwerp left them now no time to deliberate : yet he professed to me in private , that if the king would immediately declare the war , he believed the states would still go on with it , in pursuit of their alliance , and the terms therein contained . i made this report to the king , who seem'd positive to declare the war , in case the parliament advis'd him , and promis'd to support it ; when an unlucky peevish vote , mov'd by sir t — c — in spight to my lord treasurer , passed the house of commons , that no msney should be given , till satisfaction was received in matters of religion . this left all so loose and so lame , that the king was in a rage , reproach'd me with my popular notions , as he term'd them , and ask'd me when , or how i thought he could trust the house of commons to carry him through the war , if he should engage in it ? and i had not much indeed to say , considering the temper and factions of the house ; nor could i well clear it to my self , by my observation , whether the king was firmly resolved to enter into the war , or if he did , whether the house of commons would have supported him in it , or turned it only to ruin the ministers by the king's necessities . 't is certain , no vote could ever have passed more unhappily , nor in such a counter-season , nor more cross to the humour of the house , which seem'd generally bent upon engaging his majesty in the war ; and the person that moved it was , i believe , himself as much of that mind as any of the rest ; but having since the loss of his employment at court , ever acted a part of great animosity in opposition to the present ministry , in whose hands soever it was : this private ill humour carried him contrary to his publick intentions , as it did many more in the house , who pretended to be very willing to supply the king upon occasion of the war , or even of his debts , but that they would not do it during my lord treasures ministry . in short , there was such fatal and mutual distrust both in the court and parliament , as it was very hard to fall into any sound measures between them . the king at least now saw he had lost his time of entring into the war , if he had a mind to it ; and that he ought to have done it ( upon my lord duras's return , and ) with the whole confederacy . and my lord essex told me , i had been a prophet , in refusing to go into holland to make that alliance , which had , as i said , pleased none at home or abroad , and had now lost all our measures in holland , and turn'd theirs upon france . but the turn that the king gave all this , was , that since the dutch would have a peace upon the french terms , and france offered money for his consent , to what he could not help , he did not know why he should not get the money ; and thereupon ordered me to treat upon it with the french ambassador , who had orders to that purpose . i would have excused my self ; but he said , i could not help seeing him , for he would be with me at my house by seven next morning ; he accordingly came , and i told him very truly , i had been ill in the night , and could not enter into business . the ambassador was much disappointed , and pressed me all he could ; but i defended my self upon my illness , till at length he left me without entring upon any thing . when i got up , i went immediately to sheen , writ to my lord treasurer by my wife , may the tenth , 1678. how much i was unsatisfied with being put upon such a treaty with the french ambassador , that belonged not at all to my post , and which they knew i thought dishonorable to the king ; and thereupon i offered to resign to his majesty , both my ambassy at nimeguen , and my promise of secretary of state 's place , to be disposed by his majesty as he pleased . my lord treasurer sent me word , the king forced no man upon what he had no mind to ; but if i resolved this should be said to him , i must do it my self , or by some other , for he would not make my court so ill , as to say it for me ; and so it rested , and i continued at sheen , without stirring till the king sent for me . in the mean time from the beginning of may , the ill humor of the house of commons , began to break out by several discourses and votes against the ministers and their conduct , which increased the ill opinion his majesty had conceived of their intentions in pressing him to enter upon a war ; yet notwithstanding all this , he had ( as i was told by a good hand ) conceived such an indignation at one article of the private treaty proposed by monsieur barillon , that he said , he would never forget it while he lived ; and tho he said nothing to me of his resentment , yet he seemed at this time more resolved to enter into the war , than i had ever before seen or thought him . monsieur ruvigny the son , was dispatched into france , to know the last intentions of that court , upon the terms of the peace proposed by his majesty , but brought no answer clear or positive ; so as his majesty went on to compleat his levies , and to prepare for the war ; but may the eleventh , the house of commons passed another negative upon the debate of money ; which so offended the king , that he prorogued them for ten days , believing in that time his intentions to enter into the war , would appear so clear , as to satisfie the house , and put them in better humour . monsieur van lewen distasted with these delays , and the counterpaces between king and parliament , begins to discourse boldly of the necessity his masters found , to make the peace as they could , since there was no relying upon any measures with england for carrying on the war , and the season was too far advanced to admit any longer delays . upon these discourses from him , his majesty began to cool his talk of a war , and to say , the peace must be left to the course which holland had given it ; and tho' upon may the twenty third , the parliament met , and seemed in much better temper than they parted , yet news coming about the same time that monsieur beverning was sent by the states to the french court at gant , to propose a cessation of arms for six weeks , in order to negotiate and agree the terms of the peace in that time , the affairs began now to be looked upon both in court and parliament , as a thing concluded , or at least as like to receive no other motion than what should be given it by holland and france . and indeed , the dispositions were so inclined to it on both sides , that the terms were soon adjusted between them . these articles having been so publick , i shall not trouble my self to insert them , but only say , they seemed so hard both to spain , and to the northern princes , who had made great conquests upon the swedes , that they all declared , they would never accept them ; and when the french ambassadors at nimeguen desired sir lionel jenkins to carry them to the confederates , he refused to do it , or to have part in a treaty , or conditions of peace , so different from what the king his master had proposed , and what both his majesty and holland had obliged themselves to pursue by their late treaty at the hague . about this time , france by a conduct very surprizing , having sent monsieur la feuillade to messina , with a common expectation of reinforcing the war in sicily , shewed the intention was very different , and of a sudden , ordered all their forces to abandon that island , with whom many messineses returned , fearing the vengeance of the spaniards , to whom they were now exposed ; and this was the only important service done that crown , by all his majesty's intentions or preparations to assist them ; for no man doubted that the abandoning of sicily was wholly owing to the apprehensions in france of a war with england , which they thought would give them but too much occasion for imploying of their forces ; and indeed the eyes and hopes of all the confederates were now turned so wholly upon england for any resource in their affairs , after holland had deserted them ( as they thought ) by such precipitate terms of a peace , that many of the chief ministers at nimeguen left that place , as of no more use to the treaty it was designed for , and went into england , where they thought the whole scene of that affair then lay , among whom was count antoine the danish ambassador , and soon after , monsieur olivecrantz , the swedish , with the elector of brandenburgh's envoy , and several others . however , the negotiation continued there between the french ambassadors , and monsieur beverning , till he was sent to the french camp , where he concluded the terms of the peace towards the end of june , and a cessation from all hostilities in flanders , for six weeks , which was given to the dutch , to endeavour the spaniards entring into the peace upon the terms they had proposed for them . and in the whole course of this negotiation , france seemed to have no regards , but for holland , and for them so much , that the most christian king assured the states , that tho' spain should not agree , yet he had such care of their satisfaction , that he would always provide such a barriere in flanders should be left , as they thought necessary for their safety ; and that after the peace should be made , and the ancient amity restored , he would be ready to enter into such engagements and measures with them , as should for ever secure their repose and their liberty . this was by all interpreted an invidious word , put in on purpose to cajole the enemies of the prince , who ever pretended the suspicions of his affecting more authority than they desired , and thereby kept up a popular party in the state , the chief of whom had been the chief promoters of the present peace ; and indeed the prince was not at all reserved in the endeavours of opposing it , but used all that was possible and agreeable to the forms of the state ; yet all in vain , the humour having spread so far at first in holland , and from thence into the other provinces , that it was no longer to be opposed or diverted by the prince . in the mean time , england was grown pretty indifferent in the matter of the peace , and spain seemed well inclined to accept their part of it : but the emperor , the king of denmark , and elector of brandenburgh , fell into the highest declarations and reproaches against the states , that could be well invented , ripping up all they had ventured and suffered in a war they had begun only for the preservation of holland ; how they were now abandoned by them in pretending to conclude imperious and arbitrary terms of a peace upon them without their consent : that they were willing to treat with france , and make a peace upon any safe and reasonable conditions , but would never endure to have them imposed as from a conqueror ; and would venture all , rather than accept them ; especially those for the duke of lorain , whose case was the worst treated , tho' the most favoured in appearance by all the confederates , and the least contested by france . notwithstanding all these storms from their allies , the dutch were little mov'd , and held on their course , having small regard to any of their satisfaction , besides that of spain , in what concern'd the safety of flanders ; and the necessities of that crown made them easie , tho' as little contented as the rest : so as the peace was upon the point of signing by the french and dutch ambassadors , when an unexpected incident fell in , which had like to have overturn'd this whole fabrick , and to have renew'd the war with greater heats , and more equal forces , by engaging england to a share of it in favour of the confederates , which they had been long practising without success , and now without hopes . in the conditions which holland had made for the french restoring the six towns in flanders to spain , there was no particular mention made of the time of that restitution ; the dutch understanding as well as the spaniards , that it was to be upon the ratifications of the peace with spain and holland , whether any of the other allies on each side were included , or no. but when the dutch treaty was near signing , the marquess de balbaces either found or made some occasion of enquiring more particularly of the french intentions upon this point . the french ambassadors made no difficulty of declaring , that the king , their master , being obliged to see an entire restitution made to the swedes of all they had lost in the war , could not evacuate the towns in flanders , till those to the swedes were likewise restored ▪ and that this detention of places , was the only means to induce the princes of the north to accept of the peace . monsieur beverning gave account to his masters of this new pretence ; and the states order'd him to let the french ambassadors know , he could not sign the peace without the restitution of the places in flanders upon the ratification of the treaty . the french ambassadors were firm on t'other side , and said , their orders were positive to insist upon the restitution of sweden . the states hereupon sent to monsieur van lewen to acquaint his majesty with this unexpected incident , and to know his opinion and resolution upon a point of so great moment to the peace of christendom on the one side , and to the safety of flanders on the other . the king was difficult at first to believe it ; but sending to the french ambassador at london to know the truth of it , and finding him own his master's intention not to evacuate the towns till the general peace was concluded , and sweden satisfied ; he was both surpriz'd and angry at this proceeding of france , and next morning sent for me to the foreign committee , and there declar'd his resolution of sending me immediately into holland with commission to sign a treaty with the states , by which they should be obliged to carry on the war , and his majesty to enter into it , in case france should not consent within a certain time limited , to evacuate the towns. the duke fell into this counsel with great warmth , and said at the committee , that it was plain by this pace , that france was not sincere in the business of the peace ; that they aim'd at the universal monarchy ; and that none but his majesty could hinder them from it , in the posture that christendom stood . all the lords of the committee agreed with so general a concurrence , that it was hard to imagin this should not prove a steddy resolution , how little soever we had been given to any such . his majesty took the pains to press van lewen to go over with me , to perswade the states of the sincereness and constancy of his resolution to pursue this measure with the utmost of his power ; and took upon himself to excuse to the states his masters , the making this journey without their consent . upon this dispatch mr. godolphin , who had been so lately in holland , told me , that if i brought the states to the treaty his majesty propos'd upon this occasion , he would move the parliament to have my statue set up ; the success whereof may deserve a further remark in its due place . monsieur van lewen and i went over in july , 1678. in two several yatchs , but met soon at the hague ; where , upon my first conference with the commissioners of secret affairs , one of them made me the handsomest dutch compliment i had met with . that they esteemed my coming into holland , like that of the swallow's , which brought fair weather always with it . the prince received me with the greatest joy in the world , hoping by my errand , and the success of it , either to continue the war , or recover such conditions of the peace for his allies , as had been wrested out of his hands by force of a faction begun at amsterdam , and spread since into the rest of the provinces . to make way for this negotiation , i concerted with monsieur van lewen to dine at his country-house , with monsieur hoeft of amsterdam , van tielt of harlem , patz of rotterdam , and two or three more of the chief burgomasters who had promoted the peace , or rather precipitated it , upon the french conditions . after dinner we entred into long conferences , in which monsieur van lewen assur'd them with great confidence of the king's sincereness in the resolutions he had taken , and seconded very effectually all i had to say upon that subject ; which had the more credit from one who had gone as far as any of them in pursuit and acceptance of the peace . the prince was impatient to know what had passed in this meeting , which made me go to him that evening ; and i told him what i was very confident to have found , that monsieur patz was incurable , and not otherwise to be dealt with ; but that all the rest were good and well meaning persons to their countrey , abused first by jealousies of his highness's match in england , by apprehensions of our court being wholly in the measures of france , and by the plausible offers of france towards such a peace as they could desire for themselves . that they were something enlightned by the late refusal of delivering up the spanish towns till the satisfaction of sweden ; and would , i doubted not , awaken their several towns , so as to make them receive favourably his majesty's proposition upon this conjuncture . it happen'd accordingly ; for monsieur hoeft proposing at amsterdam to make a tryal and judgment of the sincerity of france upon the whole proceeding of the peace , by their evacuating the spanish towns , and without it to continue the war ; he carried his point there , in spight of valkeneer , and the same followed in all the rest of the towns : so that when i fell into this negotiation , i concluded the treaty in six days ; by which france was obliged to declare within fourteen after the date thereof , that they would evacuate the spanish towns ; or , in case of their refusal , holland was engag'd to go on with the war , and england immediately to declare it against france , in conjunction with holland and the rest of the confederates . it is hardly to be imagined what a new life this gave to the authority and fortunes of the prince of orange , who was now owned by the states to have made a truer judgment than they had done , of the measures they were to expect both from france and england ; the last having proceeded so resolutely to the offers of entring into the war ; ( which was never believed in holland ) and france , after raising so important a difficulty in the peace , having proceeded in the war so far as to block up mons , one of the best frontiers remaining to flanders , which was expected to fall into their hands , before the term fixed for the conclusion or rupture of the peace should expire . preparations were made with the greatest vigour imaginable for his highness's expedition to relieve mons , and about ten thousand english already arrived in flanders , were ordered to march that way and joyn the prince . he went into the field , with a firm belief that the war would certainly go on , since france seemed too far engaged in honour to yield the evacuation of the towns , and tho' they should , yet spain could not be ready to agree and sign the peace within the term limited : and he thought that he left the states resolved not to conclude otherwise than in conjunction with that crown . and besides , he hoped to engage the french army before the term for signing the peace should expire , and resolved to relieve mons , or dye in the attempt , whether the peace succeeded or no ; so as the continuance of the war seemed inevitable . but no man since solomon ever enough considered how subject all things are to time and chance , nor how poor diviners the wisest men are of future events , how plainly soever all things may seem laid towards the producing them ; nor upon how small accidents the greatest counsels and revolutions turn , which was never more proved than by the course and event of this affair . after the treaty concluded and signified to france , all the arts that could be , were on that side imployed to elude it , by drawing this matter into treaty , or into greater length , which had succeeded so well in england . they offered to treat upon it at st. quintin , then at gant , where the king himself would meet such ambassadors as the dutch should send to either of those towns. but the states were firm , not to recede from their late treaty concluded with his majesty , and so continued till about five days before the term was to expire . then arrived from england one de cros , formerly a french monk , who some time since had left his frock for a petticoat , and insinuated himself so far in the swedish court as to procure a commission ( or credence at least ) for a certain petty agency in england . at london he had devoted himself wholly to monsieur barillon the french ambassador , tho' pretending to pursue the interests of sweden . about a week after i had sent a secretary into england with the treaty signed , this man brought me a packet from court , commanding me to go immediately away to nimeguen , and there to endeavour all i could ( and from his majesty ) to perswade the swedish ambassadors to let the french there know , that they would , for the good of christendom , consent , and even desire the king of france no longer to defer the evacuation of the towns , and consequently the peace upon the sole regard and interest of the crown of swden . i was likewise commanded to assure the said ambassadors that after this peace his majesty would use all the most effectual endeavours he could for restitution of the towns and countries the swedes had lost in the war. it was not easie for any man to be more surprized than i was by this dispatch ; but the pensioner fagel was stunned , who came and told me the whole contents of it , before i had mentioned it to any man ; and that de cros had gone about most industriously to the deputies of the several towns , and acquainted them with it ; and that the terms of the peace were absolutely consented , and agreed , between the two kings ; that he had brought me orders to go strait to nimeguen , and that i should at my arrival there , meet with letters from my lord sunderland , the king's ambassador at paris , with all the particulars concluded between them . how this dispatch by de cros was gained , or by whom , i will not pretend to determin ; but upon my next return for england , the duke told me , that he knew nothing of it , till it was gone , having been a hunting that morning ; my lord treasurer said all that could be to excuse himself of it ; and i never talked of it to secretary williamson ; but the king indeed told me pleasantly , that the rogue de cros had out-witted them all . the account i met with at court was , that these orders were agreed and dispatched one morning in an hours time , and in the dutchess of portsmouth's chamber , by the intervention and pursuit of monsieur borillon . however it was , and what endeavours soever were made immediately after , at our court , to retrieve this game , it never could be done ; and this one incident changed the whole fate of christendom ; and with so little seeming ground for any such council , that before de cros's arrival at the hague , the swedish ambassadors at nimeguen had made the very same declaration and instances to the french ambassadors there , that i was posted away from the hague upon the pretence of persuading them to resolve on . when i arrived at nimeguen , there remained but three days of the term fixed by the late treaty between his majesty , and the states , at the hague , either for the french assent to the evacuation of the towns , or for the carrying on of the war in conjunction of england with holland , and consequently the rest of the confederates . i found all men there perswaded , that the peace would not succeed ; and indeed all appearances were against it . the french ambassadors had given many reasons , in a formal sort of manifesto , to the dutch , why the king , their master , could not consent to it , without the previous satisfaction of sweden , whose interests he esteemed the same with his own ; but yet declaring , he was willing to receive any expedients the states should offer in this matter , either by their ambassadors at nimeguen , or such as they should send to his most christian majesty at saint quentin , or gant. the dutch gave them an answer in writing , declaring , it was a matter no longer entire , since upon the difficulty raised about the evacuation of the towns , the states , their masters , had been induced to sign a treaty with england , from which they could not recede ; nor from the day therein fixed for determining the fate of either peace or war ; and as there was no time , so there could be no use of any deputation to st. quentin , or gant ; nor any other expedient , besides the assent of france , to evacuate the towns. after this , the french ambassador had declared to the dutch , that they had found the king , their master , was resolved , at the desire of the swedes , to retard the peace no longer upon their consideration ; and would consent to evacuate the towns , upon condition the states would send their deputies to treat upon the ways of securing the future satisfaction to sweden , which was by both intended . but the dutch ambassadors continued peremptory , that there could be no deputation made by their masters ; and that if the term fixed by the late treaty with england should elapse , there was no remedy , but the war must go on . to this the french ambassadors replying , that their hands were bound up from proceeding further without such a deputation , the peace was thereupon esteemed desperate ; and the more so , because , at the same time , the duke of lutzenburg pressed mons , and the mareschal scomberg seemed to threaten colen , demanding of them immediate satisfaction of the money that had been seized , during the assembly there ; and brussels it self grew unquiet upon their finding themselves almost surrounded by french troops ; so as the confederate ministers thought themselves secure of what they had so much , and so long desired , and aimed at , which was a long war in conjunction with england ; for they neither believed france would yield a point they had so long , and so publickly contested ; nor ( if they did ) that the dutch would suffer their ambassadors to sign the peace without spain ; and the time was now too near expiring for agreeing the terms and draught of a treaty between the two crowns , which had not yet been in any kind digested . in the midst of these appearances and dispositions at nimeguen , came the fatal day , agreed by the late treaty at the hague , for determining whether a sudden peace , or a long war , were to be reckoned upon in christendom ; when , in the morning early , monsieur boreel , who had been sent from amsterdam to the dutch ambassadors at nimeguen , went to the french ambassadors ; and after some conference with them , these three ambassadors went immediately to those of holland , and declared to them , they had received orders to consent to the evacuation of the towns , and thereupon to sign the peace ; but that it must be done that very morning . whether the dutch were surprized , or no , they seemed to be so ; and entring into debate upon several of the articles as well as upon the interests of spain , this conference lasted near five hours , but ended in agreement upon all the points , both of peace and commerce , between france and holland , and orders for writing all fair with the greatest haste that was possible , so as the treaty might be signed that night . about four in the afternoon , the french ambassadors , having demanded an hour of me , and sir lionel , came to us at my house , gave us an account of their agreement with the dutch ambassadors upon all points in difference between them ; and of the treaty's being so ordered , as that it should be signed that evening , and made us the offer that they would all come and sign it at my house , that so we might have the part in it that was due to the mediators . we answered them , that having been sent by his majesty with instructions only to mediate a general peace , we could not by our orders assist at the signing of a particular one ; and therefore desired them to excuse us from having any part in this conclusion between them and the dutch ; either by the signing it at our houses , or by using our names as mediators in the treaty . the dutch ambassadors came to us likewise with the same communication and offer , and received the same answer ; and i observed their conversation upon this mighty and sudden turn to be a good deal embarassed , and something irresolute , and not very well agreed between the two ambassadors themselves . monsieur beverning complained of the uncertainty of our conduct in england , and the incurable jealousies that de cros's journey had raised in holland . that since the king still desired the peace , his masters had nothing to do but to conclude it ; and that they the ambassadors , took themselves to be so instructed , as that they must sign the peace upon the offers made by the french to evacuate the towns. monsieur ha●en did not seem to me so clear in point of their orders ; and i never could learn whether upon de cros's arrival and discourses at the hague , the states deputies there had sent orders to their ambassadors at nimeguen to sign the peace ( even without the spaniards ) in case of the french assenting to the evacuation of the towns before the day appointed for that purpose should expire ; or whether only the town of amsterdam had by boreel sent that advice to monsieur beverning , with assurances to bear him out in what he did , where his orders might receive a doubtful sense or interpretation ; however it were , monsieur beverning was bent upon giving this sudden end to the war , and such a quick dispatch to the draught of the treaty , that it was agreed in all articles , and written out fair , so as to be signed between eleven and twelve at night . and thus were eluded all the effects of the late treaty concluded at the hague , and the hopes conceived by the confederates of the war 's going on , which so provoked several of their ministers , as to engage them in sharp and violent protestations against the dutch ambassadors , by which they hoped to deter them from signing the peace without new orders from their masters . but all was to no purpose , beverning was unmoved , and the thing was done . the day after the peace was signed , came an express to me from court , with the ratifications of the late treaty between his majesty and the states , and orders to me immediately to proceed to the exchange of them ; which was such a counterpace to the dispatch i had received by de cros , and to the consequences of it , which had ended in the conclusion of the peace ; and thereby rendred the late treaty of no farther use ; that the ratification seemed now as unnecessary as it had been at first unresolved at our court , and unexpected from us by the dutch : however , i went away immediately upon this express , and next day after my arrival at the hague , made an exchange of the ratifications , according to the orders i had received . i found the pensioner , and several other of the deputies very much unsatisfied with the peace , and more with the precipitation of monsieur beverning to sign it upon the sudden offer of the french ambassadors to evacuate the towns , before he had acquainted the states with it , and received new orders upon it . they said , his instructions could not warrant him ; they talked of calling him in question for it , and of disavowing what he had done , and thereupon of having recourse to the treaty with his majesty ( which they now saw ratified ) and of continuing the war in conjuction with england , and the rather because they saw france had no mind to venture it , but had chosen to stoop from those high flights they had so long made in all transactions with their neighbours , either of war or peace . but others of the deputies , especially those of amsterdam , declared their satisfaction in this conclusion at nimeguen ; argued , that the weakness of their confederates , especially spain , and the unsteaddiness or irresolution of england , had made the peace of absolute necessity to holland , and excused any precipitation of their ambassadors in signing that day , or without clear and positive orders , upon the emergency being so sudden and surprizing , and the time so critical , that the delay of sending to the hague must of necessity have engaged the states in their obligations of the late treaty with england , and thereby in a necessity of continuing the war. the truth is , i never observed , either in what i had seen or read , any negotiation managed with greater address and skill , than this had been by the french in the whole course of this affair , especially since the prince of orange's match , which was thought to have given them so great a blow , and by force of conduct was turned so much to their advantage . 't is certain and plain , they never intended to continue the war , if england should fall with such weight into the scale of the confederates , as the force of that kingdom , and humour of the people would have given to such a conjunction ; and consequently , that his majesty might have prescribed what terms he pleased of the peace , during the whole course of his mediation . for besides the respect which the french have for our troops both horse and foot , more than any others , especially since the services and advantages they received from them in all their actions against the germans ; besides the terrour of a conjuction between our naval forces and the dutch , and of descents upon their coasts , with the dangerous influences that might make upon the discontents of their people . they wisely foresaw another consequence of our falling into this confederacy , which must unavoidable have proved more mortal to them than all the rest , in two years time ; for whereas the wealth of france , which makes their greatness , arises from the infinite consumption made by so many neighbouring countries , of so many and rich commodities , as the native soil and climate , or ingenuity of the people produces in france ; in case this war had gone on , with england engaged in it , all these veins of such infinite treasure had been seized at once , or at least left open only to some parts of italy , which neither takes off their wines , their salts , nor their modes in habit or equipage , that draw so vast expences upon all the provinces almost of europe , which lie northward of france , and drains such vast sums of money from all their neighbours , into that fruitful and noble kingdom , more favoured by nature , in my opinion , than any other in the world. but the loss of this advantage , upon the necessity , folly , or luxury of others , must in two or three years time , reduce them to such weakness in those sinews of war , by so general a poverty and misery among their people , that there would need no other effect of such a general confederacy , to consume the strength and force of that nation . this they very prudently foresaw , and never intended to venture ; but having reason to apprehend it from the prince of orange's match in england , they took it without resentment ; nay , improved it rather into new kindness than quarrel , making use of the king 's good nature to engage him in a prorogation of the parliament immediately after ; which made it appear both at home and abroad , that they had still the ascendant upon our court. they eluded the effect of the message sent them by lord duras , with his majesty's scheme of the peace , by drawing it out into expostulations of kindness , and so into treaty . during this amusement of our court , they plyed their business in holland ; yet with greater art and industry , poysoned the people there with jealousies of the prince's match in england , and of designs from both upon their liberties , by a long and unnecessary continuance of the war. they united the factions in amsterdam upon the sente of a peace , and upon their own conditions , to avoid those that had been proposed by his majesty . when they had gained their point with the several deputies in holland , they acquainted the king with their being sure of the peace on that side , and by his ambassador at paris , made offers of mighty sums both to himself and his chief minister , only for their consent to such a peace as holland it self was content with . when the states had absolutely resolved on the peace by the particular faction of amsterdam , and general terror upon the french taking of gant , and threatning antwerp , they esteemed the humour in holland so violent towards the peace , and so unsatisfied with the fluctuation of our councils in england , that they thought they might be bold with them upon the interests of spain , and so raised the pretence of not evacuating the towns before the satisfaction of sweden ; and tho' i know this was by the politicians esteemed a wrong pace of france , yet i did not think it so , but that all appearances were for their succeeding in it . nor had they reason to believe , either our court or holland would have resented it to that degree they did , or that they could have fallen into such close and sudden measures , and with such confidence as they happened to do upon this occasion , by the treaty of july at the hague . when this was concluded , they made all the offers that could be , at breaking the force of it , by drawing it into negotiation , and by condescentions to the states , unusual with that crown , even to the greatest kings . they poysoned it by the dispatch of de cros , and by his instructions , as well as artifices and industry to make the contents of it publick at the hague , which were pretended at court to be sent over to me with the greatest secret that could be . at the same time they made all the declarations of not receding from the difficulties they had raised otherwise than by treaty , and thereby laid asleep all jealousies of the confederates , as well as endeavours to prevent a blow they did not believe could arrive where the honour of france seemed so far ingaged . and thus they continued , till the very day limitted for their final declaration . the secret was so well kept , that none had the least umbrage of it that very morning . when they declared it , they left not the dutch ambassadors time enough to send to their masters , fearing if they had , the states would have refused to sign without spain , which could not be ready before the time must have elapsed for incurring the effects of the late treaty . thus the peace was gained with holland . his majesty was excluded from any fair pretence of entring into the war , after the vast expence of raising a great army , and transporting them into flanders , and after a great expectation of his people raised , and , as they thought , deluded . spain was necessitated to accept the terms that the dutch had negotiated for them ; and this left the peace of the empire wholly at the mercy and discretion of france , and the restitution of lorain ( which all had consented in ) wholly abandoned , and unprovided . so that i must again conclude the conduct of france to have been admirable in the whole course of this affair , and the italian proverb to continue true , che gle francesi pazzi sono morti . on the contrary , our councils and conduct were like those of a floating island , driven one way or t'other , according to the winds or tides . the kings dispositions inclin'd him to preserve his measures with france , and consequently to promote a peace which might break the present confederacy . the humour of his people and parliament was violent towards engaging him in a war ; the ministers were wavering between the fears of making their court ill , or of drawing upon them the heats of a house of commons , whom the king's expences made him always in need of . from these humours arose those uncertainties in our councils , that no man , who was not behind the curtain , could tell what to make of , and which appeared to others much more mysterious than indeed they were ; till a new and formidable engin beginning to appear upon the stage , made the court fall into an absolute resolution of entring into the war just when it was too late ; and to post away the ratifications of the treaty of july , so as to arrive the day after the french and dutch had sign'd the peace , and after the king had given the states occasion to believe he did not intend to ratifie it , but that he had taken his measures with france ; for so all men in holland concluded from de cros's journey , and the commands he brought me for mine to nimeguen , at a time when my presence at the hague was thought the most necessary , both to ratifie the treaty , if it had been intended , and to keep the states firm to their resolutions upon it . thus ended in smoak this whole negotiation , which was near raising so great a fire . france having made the peace with holland , treated all the rest of it with ease and leasure , as playing a sure game . england , to avoid a cruel convulsion that threatned them at home , would fain have gone into the war , if holland would have been prevail'd with ; but they could not trust us enough , to lose the present interest of trade , for the uncertain events of a war , wherein they thought their neighbours more concern'd than themselves . about two or three days after my return to the hague , and exchanging the ratifications , came the news of the battel of mons , between the prince of orange , and the french under the command of the duke of lutzenburgh , who had posted himself with the strength and flower of the french forces , so as to prevent the prince's design of relieving mons. and i remember , the day the dutch peace was signed at nimeguen , i was saying to the mareschal d' estrades , that for ought i knew , we might have a peace sign'd and a battel fought both in one day . he reply'd , there was no fear of it ; for the duke of lutzenburgh had writ him word , he was so posted , that if he had but ten thousand men , and the prince forty , ye he was sure he would not be forced ; whereas he took his army to be stronger than that of the prince . i need not relate an action so well known in the world , and so shall only say , that in spight of many disadvantages from an army drawn so suddenly together , so hasty a march as that of the dutch , and posts taken with so much skill , and fortified with so much industry by the french , as was believed , the prince , upon the fourteenth of august , attacqued them with a resolution and vigour that at first surprized them , and , after an obstinate and bloody fight , so disorder'd them , that tho' the night prevented the end of this action , yet it was generally concluded , that if he had been at liberty next day to pursue it with seven or eight thousand english that were ready to joyn his army , he must in all appearance not only have relieved mons , but made such an impression into france as had been often designed , but never attempted since the war began , and upon which a french officer present in it , said , that he esteem'd this the only heroick action that had been done in the whole course or progress of it . but the morning after the battel , the prince receiv'd from the states an advice of the peace having been sign'd at nimeguen , and thereupon immediately sent a deputy with the news of it to monsieur de lutzenburgh . after compliments passed on both sides , that duke desir'd to see the prince , which was agreed to , and they met in the field at the head of their chief officers , where all passed with the civilities that became the occasion , and with great curiosity of the french to see and crowd about a young prince , who had made so much noise in the world , and had the day before given life and vigour to such a desperate action , as all men esteem'd this battel of st. denis . yet many reflections were made upon it by the prince's friends as well as his enemies : some said , that he knew the peace was signed before the fight began ; and that it was too great a venture both to himself and the states , and too great a sacrifice to his own honour , since it could be to no other advantage : others laid it to the marquess of grana , who they said had intercepted and concealed the states pacquet to the prince , which came into the camp the day before the battel , ( but after it was resolved on ) and that he had hopes by such a breach of the peace , even after it was signed , that the progress of it would have been defeated . whethere this were true or no , i could never certainly be informed ; but so much is , that the prince could not have ended the war with greater glory , nor with greater spight , to see such a mighty occasion wrested out of his hand by the sudden and unexpected signing of the peace , which he had assur'd himself the states would not have consented to without the spaniards . yet upon the certain news of it , he drew back his army , returned to the hague , and left the states to pursue their own paces in order to finishing the treaty between france and spain , wherein the dutch embassadors at nimeguen employed themselves with great zeal and diligence , and no longer as parties or confederates , but as mediators , whil'st sir lionel , who continued still there in that figure , declin'd the function , as in a matter wherein he found our court would not take any part , nor allow themselves to have had any in the peace between france and holland . soon after the prince's return , he went to dieren to hunt in the velawe , like a person that had little else left to do . and i having occasion to go at the same time to amsterdam , he desir'd me to remember him kindly to monsieur hoeft the chief burgomaster there , and tell him , that he desired him to be no longer in his interests , than he should find his highness in the true interests of the state. i did so ; and monsieur hoeft very frankly and generously bid me tell the prince , he would be just what his highness desir'd , and be ever firm to his interests , while he was in those of his country ; but if ever his highness departed from them , he would be the first man to oppose him ; till then he would neither censure nor distrust his conduct ; for he knew very well , without matual trust between the prince and the states , his country must be ruined . from this time to that of his death , monsieur hoeft continued in the same mind , and by his example that great and jealous town began to fall into much more confidence , not only of the prince , but of his whose conduct in the administration of the affairs of their state. for the time i stay'd at amsterdam , i was every day in conversation with monsieur hoeft , who , besides much learning , worth , sincereness , and credit in his town , was a man of a pleasant natural humour , which makes , in my opinion , the most agreeable conversation of all other ingredients , and much more than any of those squeez'd or forc'd strains of wit that are in some places so much in request , tho' i think commonly men that affect them are themselves much fonder of them than any of the company . dining one day at monsieur hoeft's , and having a great cold , i observed every time i spit , a tight handsome wench ( that stood in the room with a clean cloth in her hand ) was presently down to wipe it up , and rub the board clean : somebody at table speaking of my cold , i said , the most trouble it gave me was to see the poor wench take so much pains about it : monsieur hoeft told me , 't was well i escap'd so ; and that if his wife had been at home , tho' i were an ambassador , she would have turn'd me out of door for fouling her house : and laughing at that humour , said , there were two rooms of his house that he never durst come into , and believed they were never open but twice a year to make them clean . i said , i found he was a good patriat ; and not only in the interests of his countrey , but in the customs of his town , where that of the wives governing , was , i heard , a thing established . he replied , 't was true , and that all a man could hope for there , was to have une douce patrone , and that his wife was so . another of the magistrates at table , who was a graver man , said , monsieur hoeft was pleasant ; but the thing was no more so in their town , than in any other places that he knew of . hoeft replied very briskly , it was so , and could not be otherwise , for it had long been the custom ; and whoever offered to break it , would have banded against him , not only all the women of the town , but all those men too that were governed by their wives , which would make too great a party to be opposed . in the afternoon , upon a visit , and occasion of what had been said at monsieur hoeft's , many stories were told of the strange and curious cleanliness so general in that city ; and some so extravagant , that my sister took them for jest , when the secretary of amsterdam , that was of the company , desiring her to look out of the window , said , why , madam , there is the house where one of our magistrates going to visit the mistress of it , and knocking at the door , a strapping north holland lass came and opened it ; he asked , whether her mistress was at home ; she said , yes ; and with that he offered to go in : but the wench marking his shoes were not very clean , took him by both arms , threw him upon her back , carryed him cross two rooms , set him down at the bottom of the stairs , pull'd off his shoes , put him on a pair of slippers that stood there , and all this without saying a word ; but when she had done , told him , he might go up to her mistress , who was in her chamber . i am very glad to have a little divertion with such pleasantries as these , the thoughts of the busie scene i was so deep engaged in , that i will confess the very remembrance of it , and all the strange surprizing turns of it , began to renew those cruel motions they had raised both in my head and heart , whilst i had so great , and so sensible a part in them . but to return where i left the thread of these affairs . after the peace of holland and france , the ministers of the confederates , especially those of denmark and brandenbargh , employed their last efforts to prevent the spaniards agreeing to their part of the peace , as accepted for them by the dutch. they exclaimed at their breach of honour and interest . that what was left the spaniards in flanders by those terms , was indefensible , and could serve but to exhaust their men and treasures to no purpose . that the design of france was only to break this present confederacy by these separate treaties , and so leave the spaniards abandoned by their allies upon the next invasion ; which they would have reason to expect , if spain should use them with as little regard of their honour and treaties , as the dutch ambassadors seemed to design . these themselves also met with some difficulties in their mediation , by a pretension raised in france upon the county of beaumont , and town of bovigues , which they did not find to have been mentioned in what had passed between the french and dutch upon the score of spain , before the peace was signed . all these circumstances began to make it look uncertain what would at length be determined by the states , as to their ratifications , which were like to be delayed till spain had concluded their treaty , though those of france had been dispatched , so as to arrive at nimeguen the twenty second of this month ; and monsieur d' avaux commanded from thence to the hague , in quality of ambassador extraordinary to the states ; and the french army had retired into france at the same time the dutch return'd from before mons. so that all seemed on the french side resolved to pursue the peace : on the side of the empire , and princes of the north , to carry on the war : on the spaniards , very irresolute , whether or no to accept the peace the dutch had mediated for them : and in holland , 't was doubtful ; whether to ratifie that their ambassadors had signed , and whether at least before the treaty of spain should be agreed . whilst the minds of men were busied with different reasonings and presages , as well as wishes , upon this conjuncture ; about the end of august mr. hyde arrived at the hague from england , without the least intimation given me of his journey , or his errand ; so that i was surprized both to see him , and to hear the design of such a sudden dispatch . the substance of it was , to acquaint the states how much the king had been surprized at the news of their ambassadors having signed a particular treaty with france , even without the inclusion of spain , and without any guaranty given for the evacution of the towns within the time requisit : to complain of this precipitation of the states ; and at the same time of the new pretensions that franee had advanced upon the county of beaumont and the town of bovigues , which had retarded the peace of spain , and hindred it from being concluded at the same time with that of holland , which his majesty understood always to have been the intention of the states , as well as his own . that for these reasons he understood , and believed , that the late treaty of july , between his majesty and the states , ought to take effect , the case being fallen out against which that was provided , and both parties being thereby obliged to enter jointly into the war against france . that if the states would hereupon refuse to ratify the treaty their ministers had signed at nimeguen , his majesty offered to declare war immediately against france , and carry it on in all points according to the articles and obligations of the said treaty with the states . tho' mr. hyde did not know , or did not tell me the true spring of this resolute pace that was made by our court , so different from all the rest in the whole course of this affair ; yet he assured me , they were both in earnest , and very warm upon the scent , and desired nothing so much as to enter immediately and vigorously into the war , in case holland would be perswaded to continue it ; and that no time nor endeavours were to be neglected in pursuing the commission he brought over , which was given jointly to us both , and recommended to me particularly from court , with all the instances and earnestness that could be . when i carried him that very evening to the prince at hounslerdike , and he acquainted his highness with the whole extent of his errand and instructions ; the prince received it very coldly , and only advised him to give in a memorial to the states , and ask commissioners to treat , by whom he would find what the mind of the states was like to be upon this affair , and at which he would at present make no conjecture . after a short audience , mr. hyde went to the princess , and left me alone with the prince , who as soon as he was gone , lift up his hands two or three times , and said , was ever any thing so hot and so cold as this court of yours ; will the king , that is so often at sea , never learn a word that i shall never forget since my last passage ? when in a great storm the captain was all night crying out to the man at the helm , steddy , steddy , steddy ; if this dispatch had come twenty days ago , it had changed the face of affairs in christendom , and the war might have been carried on till france had yielded to the treaty of the pyrenees , and left the world in quiet for the rest of our lives . as it comes now , it will have no effect at all , at least , that is my opinion , tho i would not say so to mr. hyde . after this he ask'd me what i could imagin was at the bottom of this new heat in our court ; and what could make it break out so mal a propos , after the dissatisfaction they had expressed upon the late treaty , when it was first sent over , and the dispatch of de cros , so contrary to the design of it . i told him very truly , that i was perfectly ignorant of the whole matter , and could give no guess at the motions of it : and so i continued till some months after , when i was advised , that the business of the plot , which has since made so much noise in the world , was just then breaking out ; and that the court , to avoid the consequences that might have upon the ill humour of the parliament , which seemed to rise chiefly from the peace , his majesty resolved to give them the satisfaction they had so long desired , of entring into the war , which is all the account i can give of this council or resolution . the event proved answerable to the judgment the prince at first made of it ; for tho' the states deputies drew the matter into several debates and conferences with us , which filled all parties concerned in the war with different apprehensions , and served to facilitate the treaty between france and spain ; yet the pensioner told me from the first , this was all the use that could be made of it , and that the states were so unsatisfied with our whole conduct in the business of the peace , that tho' they would be glad to see us in the war , yet they were resolved to have no further part in it , unless france should refuse what they had already promised to spain . however , while this affair continued in agitation , during mr. hyde's stay at the hague , all appearances looked very different from the opinion of the prince and pensioner , who alone had so full a grasp of the business in holland , as to make a true judgment what the general sentiments there would determin in . many of the deputies were so ill satisfied with their ambassadors having signed the peace , that they inclined to his majesty's proposals , and framed several articles against monsieur beverning's proceedings , whereof some lay'd mistakes to his charge ; others , the commission of matters absolutely necessary in the treaty ; and others more directly , his having gone beyond his orders and instructions ; particularly , in having stipulated , that the states should give their guaranty for the neutrality of spain . and in this point , i doubt he had nothing to show from his masters to cover him . the rest seemed rather to be raised invidiously at his conduct , in having suddenly concluded an affair , which they now say might have had another issue if he had given it more breath ; tho' at that time many of his accusers expected as little from england as he did , and with reason alike , since none of them could imagin any thing of that new spring there , from which this violent motion had begun . whatever monsieur beverning's orders or his proceedings had been , the heats were so high against him at the hague , that many talked , not only of disavowing what he had done , but of forming process against him upon it , and tho' in a short stay he made there upon this occasion , he had the fortune or the justice to see his enemies grow calm towards him ; yet he was not a little mortified with so ill payment of what he thought had been so good service to his country ; and after his return to nimeguen , was observed to proceed in the negotiations there , with more flegm and caution than was natural to his temper , and less show of partiality to the peace , than he had made in the whole course of the treaty . all the while these matters were in motion at the hague , the king's forces were every day transporting into flanders , as if the war were to be carried on with the greatest certainty and vigour , which gave opinion and heart to those in holland that disliked the peace ; it raised also so great confidence in the spaniardt , that they fell into all the measures they could with the confederate ministers at nimeguen , to form difficulties and delays in the treaty there , between that crown and france , upon the security that holland would not ratify theirs , till that of spain were concluded ; and that in the mean time they might be drawn into the war by the violent dispositions which now appeared in england , as well as in the confederates to continue it . the spanish ambassadors laid hold of all occasions to except against the matter or style of those articles which holland had mediated between them and france ; they found difficulties upon the condition wherein the several towns to be evacuated should be restored to them , as to the fortifications that had been made in them by the french , and as to the artillery and munitions that were in them at the time when the dutch had agreed upon those conditions . they found matter of dispute upon the territories that belonged to the several towns , and especially upon the chattellenie of aeth , which france had dismembred since it was in their possession , and had joined above threescore villages to the chattellenie of tournay , which had belonged to aeth , and were with that town transferred by the spaniards to the french upon the peace of aix la chapelle : but the french pretending now to restore it only in the condition they had left it , and not what they had found it , the spaniards made a mighty clamour both at london and the hague upon this subject , and complained of this , among other smaller matters , as innovations endeavoured to be introduced by france , even beyond what they had themselves proposed to the dutch , and agreed in april last , which had been laid and pursued as the very foundation of the peace . in this uncertain state all matters continued at the hague for about three weeks , the opinions of most men running generally against the peace , as well as the wagers at amsterdam , by which people often imagin the pulse of the state is to be felt and judged ; tho' it indeed be a sort of trade driven by men that have little dealing or success in any other , and is managed with more tricks than the rest seems to be in that scene ; not only coyning false news upon the place , but practising intelligence from remote parts to their purpose , concerting the same advices from different countries , and making great secret and mystery of reports that are raised on purpose to be publick , and yet by such devices as these , not only the wagers at amsterdam are commonly turning , but the rising and falling of the very actions of the east-india company are often , and in a great measure influenced . but france thought the conjuncture too important to let it hover long in such uncertainties , and therefore first dispatched a courier to their ambassadors at nimeguen , with leave to satisfie the states in those clauses of their treaty wherein they seemed to except justly against monsieur beverning's conduct , and thereby cover the credit of that minister who had been so affectionate an instrument in the progress of the treaty . next they gave them liberty to soften a little of the rigour they had hitherto exercised in the smallest points contested with the spaniards ; and last of all , they dispatched an express to their ambassadors with power to remit all the differenees which obstructed or retarded the conclusion of the treaty between that crown and spain , to the determination and arbitrage of the states themselves . this was a pace of so much confidence towards the states , and appeared such a testimony of the most christian king's sincerity in the late advances he had made towards a peace , that it had all the effect designed by it . the several towns and provinces proceeded with a general concurrence to the ratifications of the peace , that they might lie ready in their ambassadors hands , to be exchanged when that of spain should be signed . monsieur beverning , now favoured with a fair gale from home , the humour of his countrey blowing the same way with his own dispositions , and seconded with the great facilities that were given by france , made such a quick dispatch of what remained in contest upon the treaty between france and spain , that all was perfected and signed by the twentieth of september , and thereupon the dutch ratifications were exchanged with the usual forms . in all this , sir lionel jenkins had no part , as in an affair disapproved by the king his master . the dutch ambassadors played the part of formal mediators , had the treaty between the two crowns signed at their house , and took great care by the choice and disposition of the room where it was performed , to avoid all punctilio's about place , that might arise between the several ambassadors . mr. hyde had the mortification to return into england , with the entire disappointment of the design upon which he came , and believed the court so passionately bent ; i was left at the hague without any thing more to do , than to perform the part of a common ambassador ; france was left in possession of the peace with holland and spain , and by consequence , master of that of the empire , and the north , upon their own terms ; and england was left to busie it self about a fire that was breaking out at home , with so much smoak , and so much noise , that as it was hard to discover the beginning , so it was much harder to foresee the end of it . after the peace of spain signed , and of holland ratified , tho' the ambassadors of the emperour at nimeguen were sullen , and those of denmark and brandenburgh enraged , yet by the application of the dutch ambassadors , the conferences were set on foot between them and the french ; and sir lionel received orders from court to return to his function , tho' the remaining part he had in the affair , was rather that of a messenger , than a mediator . the northern princes continued their preparations and marches , as if they resolved to pursue the war , but at the same time gave jealousies to the emperour , of some private intelligences or negotiations of separate treaties set on foot between france and denmark , and others between that crown and brandenburgh , by monsieur despense , an old servant of the elector , but subject of france . on the other side , france made great preparations to attack the empire , upon the pretence of forcing them into the terms they had prescribed for the peace , and thereby gave so great terror to the princes of the rhine , that lay first exposed to the fury of their arms , that the electors of ments and triers and duke of nieuburgh , sent away in great haste to the states , demanding and desiring to be included by them in the peace they had made , by virtue of an article therein , which gave them liberty within six weeks to declare and include such as they should name for their allies . but this was opposed by france , and refused to any patticular prince of the empire , and allowed only to the emperor and empire , if they should jointly desire to be declared and included in the peace , as an ally of holland . the duke of lorain about the same time , seeing the whole confederacy breaking into so many several pieces , and every one minding only how to shift the best they could for themselves , accepted his part of the peace , as france had carved it out for him , and chose the alternative offered from that crown , by which nancy was to remain to france . but the emperor , tho' he professed all the inclination that could be , to see the general peace restored , yet he pretended not to suffer the terms of it should like laws be imposed upon him ; he consented to the re-establishment of the treaties of westphalia , which seemed to be all that france insisted on , but could not agree to the passage demanded for their troops , whenever they found it necessary for the execution of the said treaties ; and this was insisted on positively by the french. nor could the imperialists yield to to the dependance pretended by france , of the ten towns of alsatia upon that crown , which the french demanded as so left , or at least intended by the treaty of munster , while the emperor's ambassadors denied either the fact or the intention of that treaty . while these dispositions , and these difficulties delayed the treaty of the emperor , the ratifications of spain were likewise deferred by concert , as was supposed , between the two houses of austria , so as the term agreed for exchange of them , was quite elapsed , and twice renewed or prolonged by france at the desire of the states . but during this time , the french troops made incursions into the richest parts of flanders , and which had been best covered in the time of the war , and there exacted so great contributions , ●nd made such ravages where they were disputed , that the spanish netherlands were more ruined between the signing of the peace , and the exchange of the ratifications , than they had been in so much time , during the whole course of the war. the out-cries and calamities of their subjects in flanders , at length moved the spaniards out of their slow pace , but more , the embroilments of england upon the subject of the plot , which took up the minds both of court and parliament , and left them little or no regard for the course of foreign affairs . this prospect made holland the more eager upon urging the peace to a general issue ; and france making a wise use of so favourable a conjuncture , pressed the empire not only by the threats and preparations of a sudden invasion , but also by confining their offers of the peace to certain days , and raising much higher demands , if those should expire before the emperor's acceptance . all these circumstances improved by the diligence and abilities of the dutch ambassadors at nimeguen , at length determined the house of austria to run the ship ashore , whatever came on 't rather than keep out at sea in so cruel a storm as they saw falling upon them , and for which they found themselves so unprovided . the spanish ratifications at length arrived , and after the winter far spent in fruitless contests by the imperial ambassadors , and more fruitless hopes from england , by the spaniards , and other confederates ; sir lionel jenkins gave notice both to the court and to me , that he looked upon the treaty between the emperor and france , to be as good as concluded ; and soon after i received his majesty's commands to go immediately away from the hague to nimeguen ; and there assist as a mediator at the signing of the peace which then appeared to be general . i never obeyed the king so unwillingly in my life , both upon account of an errand so unnecessary , and at best , so merely formal ( which i had never been used to in so long a course of imployments ) and likewise upon the unclemency of the season , which was never known so great in any man's memory , as when i set out from the hague . the snow was in many places where i passed , near ten foot deep , and ways for my coach forced to be digged through it ; several post-boys dyed upon the road , and it was ridiculous to see people walk about with long icicles from their noses . i passed both the rhine and the waal with both coaches and waggons upon the ice , and never in my life suffered so much from weather , as in this journey , in spite of all provisions i could make against it . the best of it was , that i knew all the way ; it was neither at all material that the mediators should sign this branch of the general peace , having signed none of the other ; nor that two should sign it , when one alone had assisted in the course of this negotiation , since it was renewed between the empire and france ; besides , i was very confident it would not at last be signed by either of us ; for i could not believe , when it came to the point , the emperor's ambassadors should yield that of precedence to the mediators at the conclusion of the treaty , which they never consented to do in the whole course of it . so that i looked upon the favour of this journey as afforded me from the particular good-will of some of my good friends in the foreign committee , taking a rise from some instances of sir lionel jenkins , who was in one of his usual agonies , for fear of being left in the way of signing alone a treaty which he neither was pleased with himself , nor believed many people in england like to be so . i arrived at nimeguen the end of january 167 8 / 9 , and found all concluded ; and ready to sign , as sir lionel believed ; yet the imperialists made a vigorous effort in two conferences , after my arrival , to gain some ease in the points of lorain , and the dependence of the ten towns in alsatia , wherein they thought themselves the most hardly used of any others , and in the first , their master's honour and justice most concerned ; so as count kinski made a mien of absolutely breaking , without some relief upon them . but the french ambassadors knew too well the force of the conjuncture , and the necessity laid upon the emperor by the dutch and spanish peace , to pass the same way , or leap out of the window . and they were too skilful not to make use of it , or to give any ground to all the instances or threats of the imperialists . these on t'other side durst not venture the expiration of the last day given them by france , nor the reserve made in that case , of exacting new and harder terms . so as the peace was signed about three days after my arrival . the poor duke of lorain thought himself pressed with such hardships upon both the alternatives , that he could not resolve to accept of either ; for in that he had chosen , not only his dutchy was dismembred of several great parts wholly cut off , but the rest left at the french discretion , who insisted upon great spaces of ground left them in propriety , quite cross this countrey , for the march of their armies , whenever they should pretend occasion ; so this noble , but unfortunate prince , was left wholly out of the treaty , and of his countrey , contrary to the direct and repeated engagements of the confederates , and the intentions of his majesty , as he often declared in the whole course of the treaty . when it was ready to sign , the french ambassadors offered to yield the precedence in signing it to us as mediators , which they had done very frankly in the whole course of this assembly ; but the imperialists , when it came to the point , downright refused it ; and we , according to our primitive orders , refused to sign without it ; and by our offers , gained only the point of having that determined against us , which till this time , had always remained in suspence . whilst i staid at nimeguen , i had a sheet of paper sent me from an unknown hand , written in latin , but in a style and character that discovered it to be by some german ; the subject of it was a long comment upon a quartrain recited out of nostredamus . nè sous les ombres d'une journée nocturne sera en los & bonté souverain , fera renaistre le sang de l'antique vrne et changera en or le siecle d' airain . under the shades of the nocturnal day being born , in glory and goodness sovereign , shall shine , shall cause to spring again the blood of th' ancient urn , and into gold the brazen age refine . the scope of the whole discourse was to prove the prince of orange's being by it designed for the crown of england , and how much glory and felicity should attend that age and reign . i could not but mention it , because i thought the interpretation ingeniously found out , and applied , having otherwise very little regard for any such kind of predictions , that are so apt to amuse the world. and though the present state of the royal family leave not this without appearance of arriving at one time or other , yet it is at too great a distance for my eyes , which by the course of nature must be closed long before such an event is likely to succeed . the author of this paper made , the shades of the nocturnal day , to signifie the deep mourning of the princess royal's chamber , with the lamps hung about it , which by the windows being kept shut , left no other light in it that morning the prince was born , ( which was soon after his father's death . ) restoring the blood of the ancient vrn , was that of bourbon , or of charlemain , from whom the prince was said to descend . the rest was only panegyrick upon his vertues , and the general praise should attend them , and the golden age he should restore . the day after the treaty was signed , i left nimeguen , and return'd to the hague , after a cruel fatigue and expence , which was rendred the more agreeable , when upon my going into england soon after , i found my self above seven thousand pounds in arrear at the treasury ; and though with much trouble and delay , and some worse circumstances ( to engage men that were more dextrous than i in such pursuits ) i recovered the rest of my debt , yet two and twenty hundred pounds , due to me for this last ambassy , continues to this day a desperate debt , and mark upon me , how unfit i am for a court ; and mr. godolphin , after having both said , and writ to me , that he would move to have my statue set up , if i compassed that treaty , has sat several years since in the treasury , and seen me to want the very money i laid out of my own purse in that service ; and which i am like to leave a debt upon my estate and family . i shall not trouble my self with observing the remaining paces of the general peace , by that of the north , which was left to be made at the mercy of france . and though denmark and brandenburgh looked big , and spoke high for a time , after the peace between the empire and france , pretending they would defend what they had conquered from the swedes in germany ; yet upon the march of the french troops into the brandenburgh countrey , both those princes made what haste they could to finish their separate treaties with france ; and upon certain sums of money agreed on , delivered up all they had gained in this war , to the crown of sweden . thus christendom was left for the present in a general peace , and france to pursue what they could gain upon their neighbours by their pretensions of dependences , and by the droit de bienseance , which they pursu'd with such imperious methods , both against the empire and the spaniardt , as render'd their acquisitions after the peace , greater , at least in consequence , than what they had gained by the war ; since not only great tracts of country upon the score of dependences , but strashurgh and lutzenburgh fell as sacrifices to their ambition , without any neighbouring prince or states concerning themselves in their relief . but these enterprises i leave to some others observations . very soon after my arrival at the hague , the king sent me orders to provide for my return as soon as i could possibly be ready , and bid me acquaint the prince and the states , that he had sent for me over to come into the place of first secretary of state in mr. coventry's room . my lord treasurer writ to me to the same purpose , and with more esteem than i could pretend to deserve ; telling me , among other things , they were fallen into a cruel disease , and had need of so able a physician . this put me in mind of a story of dr. prujean ( the greatest of that profession in our time ) , and which i told my friends that were with me when these letters came . a certain lady came to the doctor in great trouble about her daughter . why , what ails she ? alas , doctor ! i cannot tell ; but she has lost her humour , her looks , her stomach ; her strength consumes every day , so as we fear she cannot live . why do not you marry her ? alas , doctor ! that we would fain do , and have offer'd her as good a match as she could ever expect , but she will not hear of marrying . is there no other , do you think , that she would be content to marry ? ah , doctor ! that is it that troubles us ; for there is a young gentleman we doubt she loves , that her father and i can never consent to . why , look you , madam , replies the doctor gravely ( being among all his books in his closet ) then the case is this : your daughter would marry one man , and you would have her marry another : in all my books i find no remedy for such a disease as this . i confess , i esteemed the case as desperate in a politick as in a natural body , and as little to be attempted by a man who neither ever had his own fortune at heart ( which such conjunctures are only proper for ) nor ever could resolve upon any pusuits of it to go against either the true interest , or the laws of his countrey ; one of which is commonly endanger'd upon the fatal misfortune of such divisions in a kingdom : i chose therefore to make my excuses both to the king and to my lord treasurer , and desir'd leave to go to florence , and discharge my self of a promise i had made some years past of a visit to the great duke the first time i had leisure from my publick imployments . instead of granting this suit , the king sent a yatch for me towards the end of february , 167 8. with orders to come immediately away to enter upon the secretary's office about the same time with my lord sunderland , who was brought into sir joseph williamson's place . i obey'd his majesty , and acquainted the prince and states with my journey , and the design of it , according to his command , who made me compliments upon both , and would have had me believe , that the secretary of state was to make amends for the loss of the ambassador . but i told the prince , that tho i must go , yet if i found the scene what it appear'd to us at that distance , i would not charge my self with that imployment upon any terms that could be offer'd me . we knew very well in holland , that both houses of parliament believed the plot ; that the clergy , the city , the countrey in general did so too , or at least pursu'd it as if they all believ'd it . we knew the king and some of the court believ'd nothing of it , and yet thought not fit to own that opinion : and the prince told me , he had reason to be confident , that the king was in his heart a roman catholick , tho he durst not profess it . for my own part , i knew not what to believe of one side or t'other , but thought it easie to presage , from such contrary winds and tides , such a storm must rise , as would tear the ship in pieces , whatever hand were at the helm . at my arrival in england , about the latter end of february , i found the king had dissolv'd a parliament that had sat eighteen years , and given great testimonies of loyalty , and compliance with his majesty , till they broke first into heats upon the french alliances , and at last into flames upon the business of the plot : i found a new parliament was called ; and that to make way for a calmer session , the resolution had been taken at court for the duke's going over into holland , who enbarqu'd the day after my arrival at london . the elections of the ensuing parliament were so eagerly pursu'd , that all were in a manner engag'd before i came over ; and by the dispositions that appear'd in both electors and elected , it was easie to presage in what temper the houses were like to meet : my lord shaftsbury , my lord essex , and my lord hallifax , had struck up with the duke of monmouth , resolving to make use of his credit with the king , and to support it by theirs in the parliament ; and tho the first had been as deep as any in the councels of the cabal while he was chancellor , yet all three had now fallen in with the common humour against the court and the ministry , endeavouring to inflame the discontents against both ; and agreed among themselves , that none of them would come into court , unless they did it all together ; which was observed like other common strains of court-friendships . sir william coventry had the most credit of any man in the house of commons , and i think the most deservedly : not only for his great abilities , but for having been turn'd out of the council and the treasury , to make way for my lord cliffora's greatness , and the designs of the cabal . he had been ever since opposite to the french alliances , and bent upon engaging england in a war with that crown , and assistance of the confederates ; and was now extremely dissatisfied with the conclusion of the peace , and with the ministry , that he thought either assisted , or at least might have prevented it ; and in these dispositions he was like to be follow'd by the best and soberest part of the house of commons . for my lord treasurer and lord chamberlain , i found them two most admirable emblems of the true , and so much admir'd felicity of ministers of state : the last , notwithstanding the greatest skill of court , and the best turns of wit in particular conversation that i have known there , and the great figure he made in the first part of these memoirs , was now grown out of all credit and confidence with the king , the duke , and prince of orange , and thereby forc'd to support himself by intrigues with the persons most discontented against my lord treasurer's ministry , whose greatness he so much envy'd , and who was yet at this time in much worse condition than himself , tho not so sensible of it ; for he had been very ill with the late parliament upon account of transactions with france , which tho he had not approved , yet he durst not defend himself from the imputation , for fear of exposing his master . he was hated by the french ambassador , for endeavouring ( as he thought ) to engage the king in a war with france . he was in danger of being pursued by his enemies next parliament for having ( as they pretended ) made the peace , and endeavoured to stifle the plot ; and yet i found within a fortnight after i arrived , that he sat very loose with the king his master , who told me several reasons of that change , whereof one was , his having brought the business of the plot into the parliament against his absolute command ; and to compleat the happy and envied state of this chief minister , the dutchess of portsmouth and earl of sunderland were joined with the duke of monmouth and earl of shaftsbury in the design of his ruin . what a game so embroyled and play'd on all sides with so much heat and passion , was like to end in , no man could tell ; but i , that never had any thing so much at heart as the union of my countrey , which i thought the only way to its greatness and felicity , was very unwilling to have any part in the divisions of it , the deplorable effects whereof i had been too much acquainted with in the stories of athens and rome , as well as of england and france ; and for this reason , tho i was very much pressed to enter upon the secretary's office immediately after my arrival , yet i delay'd it , by representing to his majesty how necessary it was for him to have one of the secretaries in the house of commons , ( where it had been usual to have them both ) and that consequently it was very unfit for me to enter upon that office before i got into the house , which was attempted , and failed : but how long this excuse lasted , and how it was succeeded by many new and various accidents , and how i was prevailed with by the king to have the part i had afterwards in a new constitution of councel ; and how after almost two years unsuccessful endeavours at some union , or at least some allay of the heats and distempers between the king and his parliaments , i took the resolution of having no more to do with affairs of state , will be the subject of a third part of these memoirs . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a64312-e280 in troth , i think you love us as you do yours . that a king of england who will be the man of people , is the greatest king in the world ; but if he will be something more — he is nothing at all . and i will be the man of my people . birdlime never catches great birds . * whence come you ? it answer'd , from marinn●n . the prince , to whom do you belong ? the parrot , to a portugez . prince , what do you there ? i look after the chickens . the prince laugh'd , and said , you look after the chickens ? the parrot answered , yes , i , and i know well enough how to do it . with blows . that there are some wounds among you , that will bleed still , if there be not care taken of them . what do you intend then , sirs , to make us be torn in pieces by the rabble ? notes for div a64312-e14460 * the lilly shall invade the land of the lion , bearing wild beasts in its arms ; the eagle shall move its wings , and the son of man shall come to his assistance from the south ; then there shall be great war throughout the world ; but after four years , peace shall shine forth , and the son of man be deliver'd by those from whom his ruin was expected . 1. that for avoiding the inconvenient that may happen by the great number of coaches in the streets , that are so narrow , and the corners so incommodious , the ambassadors mediators propose , not to make any visits , tho' they be visits of ceremony , with more than two pages , and four lackeys to each ambassador ; and to have but one coach , with two horses ; and not to go to the place of conference , or other publick places , with more than one page and two lackeys to every ambassador . 2. that when coaches meet in these narrow places , where there is not room to pass by one another , every one , instead of contending for place or precedency , shall mind rather to make the passage easie to one another , and stop the first , if he have the first notice that the pass is too strait , and also give place to the other , if it be more easily done on his side , than on the other side . 3. that no lackey shall carry either sword , staff , or stick in the streets ; nor pages any more than a little stick . 4. that the ambassador upon any crime committed against the publick peace , by any of their domesticks , shall renounce all protection of the said domesticks , and deliver them up into the hands of the justice of the city ; desiring , and authorizing them to proceed against them according to their ordinary rules . 5. that in case any insult or quarrel should be made by the domesticks of one ambassador , with those of another ambassador , or any other publick minister , the ambassadors will deliver up such of their domesticks into the hands of the master of the party offended , to be punisht at his discretion . that the mediation was always on foot for to go on with its business . full powers . like able men. their strength and their weakness . and in this distress of their state by so long a war. all means were first to be tried . an incurable wound . as a storm that has ceased ▪ after it had threatned much , and made but little alterations in the world. to push the business on as far as it is possible . the will of the king. whipt cream . and when one is at high mass ▪ one is at it . had been wanting in respect to the king their master . rascal , i 'll set a mark on thee at least , that i may hang thee afterwards . notes for div a64312-e27840 of a sound mind . a sorry wight . that he had still life for one half hour of conversation . the french fools are dead . an easie governess . unseasonably . right of decency . 